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GEORG SIMMEL REAPPEARS
"THEAESTHETICSIGNIFICANCE
OF THE FACE"
JAMEST. SIEGEL
Michael Landmann,the editor of Georg Simmel's collected works, tells this anecdote
abouthim. Simmel had submitteda piece called "PsychologicalandEthnologicalStud-
ies on Music" as his doctoraldissertation.His examiningcommitteerefused to accept
it. As the Americantranslatorof the piece retells Landmann'sanecdote,they
It seems it is Simmel's fate to be dismissed yet still to be recognized,if not for the work
at hand,for somethingelse. Donald Levine, for instance,notes thatin TalcottParsons's
attemptto recuperateGermanand French sociology for the English-speakingworld,
there is no mention of Simmel. He says furtherthat his studies of art "are not well
known by art historiansand critics"just as his work in the philosophy of history is
ignoredby historians.Simmel died in 1919, but thereare still recurrent"discoveries"of
Simmel, as witnessed by the sporadicburstsof translationsinto English. The Philoso-
phy of Money, for instance, published in 1900, was not translatedinto English until
1978, the famous essay "The Stranger"in 1950, and so on. Just as Simmel left no stu-
dents who workedin the way he did andno school of sociology, the revivalsof Simmel,
which usually aremarkedby a sense of anticipation("nowwe will not only learnsome-
thing;we will carryit forward"),tend to die away withoutleaving important(or at least
recognizable)effects.
102
where. I found the first in Japaneseart.The second I found while watchingtelevision,
most notablybaseball,but also on varietyshows. Broadcastsof baseballgames in Japan
have a rhetoricalform differentfrom those in America.In Japan,aftereach significant
action, the cameraturnsto the manager.He is calm, assured,waitingwith confidence to
see what will happen next. It is perhapsthe face of a benevolent father,judging but
forgiving. But it is quintessentiallythe face of the Americanbaseballmanager;at least
in part.The JapanesemanagersI saw on television did not change their expressions;
this is not the usual case in America.Japanesemanagershad takenone expressionfrom
the repertoireof Americanbaseball facial expressionswithout the others and, holding
onto it, impressedon me a sense of deja vu.
The manager'sexpressionis imported,as indeed are many gesturesof the players.
This, I thought,was possible because,unless thereare seriousdisruptionsof the game-
as when, for instance,a pitcherhits a batterwith a wild ball-no one in baseballbows.
The defining gestureof Japanesehierarchyis absent.The constantreturnto the face of
the managerassures viewers that hierarchicalauthorityis nonethelesspresent.An ex-
pression of benevolentshrewdnessis called for, and the Americanrepertoireoffers one
in the absence of a Japaneseversion.
However,even if one can say thatthe usual gesturesthatgovern social interaction
do not apply, leaving open the possibility of using expressions that otherwise would
have no place, it is still difficultto know how facial expressionscan be translatedfrom
one cultureto another.Ordinarilythese are takenas the display of interiorstatesand a
means of supplementingthe communicationthatoccursthroughlanguage.To transfera
facial expressionimplies thatone adds somethingto the repertoryavailable,a little like
borrowinga wordfrom a foreign language.But it also raises the questionof whether,as
in the case of the word, the expressionis given sense. Is it inhabitedby its wearer,as it
were? Does it, in other words, express the sentimentsthat I for one seemed to think it
did; or,for thatmatter,any sentimentsat all? And if so, how can one explainthe circum-
stances in which facial expressions might be more than part of a culturalstorehouse?
How can they become expressionsof the individual,as Simmel might well have put it?
We learn our facial expressions throughimitation,mainly without the awareness
thatwe aredoing so. They are confirmedfor us by the responsethatthey elicit. Simmel,
in his essay on the face, says, "[a]esthetically,there is no otherpartof the body whose
wholeness can as easily be destroyedby the disfigurementof only one of its elements"
[276]. To take on a new facial expressionalways risks disruptingthe "absoluteunity of
the meaning"the humanface displays.To take on a foreign expression,takenout of the
context of the back and forthof immediateexchange of looks, meansone might appear
to lack such unity.In effect, one risks appearingderanged.Yet theAmericanexpression
is worn by a Japaneseand given the place of authority.
I turnedback to Simmel on the "aestheticsignificance of the face." Simmel, typi-
cally enough for him, notices something no one else had, something that is, at first,
quiteordinary."Thehumanface is of uniqueimportancein the fine arts"[276]. He then
asks a questionno one else had ever posed, at least to my knowledge:"Whatis it about
the humanface that makes this possible?" [276]. He adds anotherquestion alongside
this one: "Does the face have certain intrinsic aesthetic qualities that account for its
significance as a subjectin art?"[276].
His answer to the latter question is yes. He delineates what one might call the
reasonthatthe face is able to signify as no otherpartof the body can. In askingwhy the
face appearsas the preferredsubjectof the fine arts,Simmel in effect asks why the face
is the preeminenthumansite of signification,because in his essay it is for that reason
that it is so often depicted in art. He speaks of the "aesthetics"of the face even apart
from painting,in life. The face has a certainunity thatnot only otherpartsof the body
104
features of the face are integratedwith each other. Only a slight change of position
causes "the impressionof intense modifications."
These changes are, it seems, largelywithin the boundsof establishedform. But the
face, as Simmel presentsit, impressesone as having a fragile stability.The very sensi-
tivity of the face to slight changes invokes, for Simmel, the "ideal of conservationof
energy."Which implies that there is much more energy to be used than is normallyat
use. And, further,that one sees in the face an explosive power precisely in the refined
qualityof facial expressions.The less motion it takesto alterfacial expression,the more
power is left to breakthroughforms.The breakingof form is inherentin the logic of the
face; the very aesthetic characterof the face carries with it the implication-and the
actuality-of disruptionas the behindof the face becomes not only a locationof control
but a repositoryof energy.
To this point, Simmel explains how the face, considered as an aesthetic object,
operates.He gives us somethinglike the rhetoricalbasis or the technology of the face.
The face, as an aestheticobject, is unified andgives the impressionof somethingbehind
it responsiblefor its unity. Beyond its unity, however, or, in my estimation,before it,
thereis anotherfactorwhich makesone thinkthatthe face is the site "of the veiling and
unveilingof the soul."Veiling and unveilingare first of all an effect of the paintedeye.
The eye is differentfrom other facial features.It is, says Simmel, importantnot only
because of its relationto the totalityof facial characteristics,butbecause of "theimpor-
tanceof the gaze of the personsportrayedin interpretingand structuringthe space in the
pictureitself' [281]. Whatthe paintedgaze takes in affects the way a viewer interprets
the space of a painting. It is, again, a formal characteristicof the eye that allows this
structuring.As I understandSimmel's remark,it does not matter,for instance, whose
gaze it is in the paintinginsofar as the gaze affects spatial structure.The eye sees ap-
pearancesbefore they are subjectto interpretation.The eye, he says:
... accomplishes its finest, purelyformal end as the interpreterof mere ap-
pearance, which knows no going back to any pure intellectualitybehind the
appearance.It is precisely this achievementwith which the eye, like theface
generally,gives us the intimation,indeed the guarantee,that the artisticprob-
lems of pure perceptionand of thepure, sensory image of things-if perfectly
solved-would lead to the solution of those otherproblemswhich involvesoul
and appearance.Appearancewould then become the veiling and unveilingof
the soul. [281, emphasis in original]
It is precisely because the eye sees only appearancesand does not refer "behind"itself
that appearance,says Simmel, leads to the veiling and unveiling of the soul.
The eye in painting"sees"only appearances.By contrastour experience of vision
in life makes it difficult to separatewhat we see from a synthesis, if not of interpreta-
tion, at least of contextualizationand of elementarysense. But the eye in paintinghas a
formal role. It merely sees appearances:"the eye penetrates,it withdraws,it circles a
room, it wanders, it reaches as though behind the wanted object and pulls it toward
itself' [281]. The eye structurespaintedspace by registeringwhat thereis to registerin
the painting.It divorces this registrationfrom interpretation,making no referencebe-
yond or "behind"appearances.Appearancesare thus left in a merely formalrelationto
one another.This, as I readthese sentences at least, forms the painting'sspace.
In life we cannotsee as the paintedeye "sees."We imbuewhat we see with signifi-
cance. But we see the possibilityof such seeing throughlooking at the paintedeye. This
eye is not the eye of the otherwhich, for instance,sees us, reflects us back to ourselves,
and causes us to see in the other somethingbehindhis gaze. No matterwhose eye it is
Such a thoughtleads us to thinkwhat the face might be. The hand is the site of signifi-
cation in certainJapaneseart-in sculpturesof Buddha, for instance, who surpassed
desire. His face, suggestingthis lack of impulse in its perfect symmetry,signifies noth-
ing. His face is complete because he lacks the desire to signify. "I have told you every-
thing,"Buddhasaid. "Thereis no secret."When significationis necessarynonetheless,
the handssignal while the symmetryof the face rests undisturbed.The Buddha'swrists
are often held at an angle to his armthatis difficult for even the most supplejoint. The
Buddha'shandsnonetheless articulate.But the controllingcenterof this articulationis
in question. His hands are not controlled by the personality of the Buddha, located
conventionallyin the body-the head,the heart,the liver,and so forth.They refer"else-
where,"as the disjunctionbetween head and hands indicates.
In some figures, the Buddha'seyes are mobile. They seem, however,disconnected
from any expressive possibility. Because of the immobility of the rest of his face, his
eyes are not connected to a center of intelligence marked,imaginativelyof course, by
the intersectionof two lines receding behind the eyes. The Buddha'seyes thus seem
separatefrom his face, as thoughthey were organsaddedfrom anothercreaturewhich
continues to control them, in the same manneras his hands. His eyes are incapableof
both the structuringfunctionthey have in some paintingsand the disruptionnecessary
for it to be the site of veiling and unveiling. And when his eyes appear,they do not
organizethe space of representation.
The face becomes the face, the perimeterof being, once it is the site of veiling and
unveiling.Any otherpartof the body would serve the same functionwere the eye situ-
ated, for instance,on the hand ratherthan the head. The hand would then be the face.
Perhapsthe handsof the Buddhaare alreadyon the way to becoming his face.
The Buddha'shead is a ritual object which has also become an aesthetic object.
However,even as aestheticobject, it does not define the humanface in moderntimes, as
Simmel suggests happensin painting.Lackingdisruptionof form, it cannotreferto the
106
life processes located beyondrepresentationexcept by inversion.It retainsthe power of
some ritualmasks to referbeyonditself. Thereare,for instance,Eskimo masksno more
than two inches in length, sometimes attachedas apotropaicdevices to ropes on boats.
They make one ask who wears such a mask. It is clearly not a human.They raise the
question that the impassive face of the Buddha does for those who view it from the
standpointof metaphysics:why is there something ratherthan nothing?They answer
the question, of course, from a nonhumanisticstandpoint.
Other masks have a power of reference that is more complicated.Take, for ex-
ample, the mask of Usofuki from the MuromachiPeriod in Nikko. The surfaceis plas-
tic. It is twisted both left and right and it has swellings, for instance in the area of the
cheeks, which cannot,however,be the mere filling of the hollow of the mouthwith air.
It is an autonomousmotion of the skin. Such distortionsof the face, because they are
energized, somehow expressive, and associatedwith a religious or mythologicalchar-
acter, are not taken as illness. They are expressive, but of what? Instead of "spiritual
paralysis,the momentaryabsence of spiritualcontrol,"such masks by their excessive-
ness indicate a differentrealm of the spiritual.Of course, their excessiveness can only
be measuredagainsta standardwhich one takes to be the face at rest, minus its distor-
tions, its symmetriesrestored.But, though we reach for it, no such representationis
given to us. Perhapsas a result, it seems not as though something speaks throughthe
mask but ratherthat the mask itself speaks out of its surfaces, its plasticity, divorced
from any controllingpoint behindit.
One can comparethis mask with certainprintsof KobayashiKiyochika,one of the
artists of the Ukiyo-e. One set is called "32 Physionomic Types: 100 Facial Expres-
sions."The supplementto these comical printsincludes one of a fat woman puttingon
face powder.The powdermarksa tee, the base being her nose and the barher forehead.
Thereareothermarkson her cheeks. The powderis not at all integratedinto her expres-
sion. The printis amusing not because she is inept but because the putting on of this
mask is made to seem inherentlyimpossible. Even when she finishes, there will be a
gap between her face and her cosmetically inflected expression.The same gap appears
in a portraitof a grimacingman in the same series. His featuresare twisted in a gro-
tesque and againcomical way. But his teeth are shown nearlyin theirentirety.They are
partof an unyielding structureon which the face is merely motion. This motion indi-
cates nothing.The expressionsof these people remaindivorcedfrom any point of refer-
ence. It is not that there is no interiorresonance,but that it is a negative one. What is
revealedis merely the physical supportof a face thatlacks mental unity.
If one follows the gaze of the actorsof Kabukiin the woodblocks from the Ukiyo-
e, one sees thattheireyes arenot organsof sight, looking as they do out of the cornersof
the eyes to some place incomprehensibleor being crossed in an apparentexpressionof
ferocity.Eyes in this case are merely signs; they are expressionsof characteristicemo-
tions but not sensory organs.They disruptthe space of the engravingratherthan orga-
nize it. In doing so they refer behind the mask, not to the actor but to the character
portrayed.But at the same time, divorcingexpressionfrom context,they,like the comic
etchings I have mentioned, show that the possibility of delineatingthe face makes it
transferableand that in the delineation of the expression there is already a power of
reference,thoughthe question,always, is "to whom"or "to what."
It is a question of techniqueand even of technology,if one can thinkof cosmetics
andmasks as technological.This is the case for the face on the posterI saw in the Tokyo
subway,the Japanesewith the Americanexpression. Can we locate the control of the
man's expression, and if so, where? Is it in America, perhaps,in the studio where the
photographwas takenor perhapsin the computerprogramthatgeneratedhis image? Or
is it in Japan?In the lattercase, one needs to know its context to know if the image fits
108
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ticularlythe repressionof smell andthe dominanceof sight all favora tendencyto mark
the front, as "facingthe world,"in a strongermannerthan with other animals.And all
the more so since only with the dominanceof sight is therea horizon,a boundaryto that
worldon the otherside of which is somethingunknown.Manyanimalshave boundaries
to theirterritoriesmarkedby scent; the territoryof an animalis not its complete world.
The dog, like the cat, has a world,butit is not clear whetherthatworldhas a horizon.Its
orientationto us, its master,is clear.The dog's worldcentersaroundus, butuntil we can
say thatwe form the horizonof thatworld we cannotbe sure thatthe dog has a face in
the Simmeliansense.
Whenone is in communicationwith an animal,it is often not becauseof the signals
it makeswith its body,but simply throughlooking at its eyes. At thatmoment,one feels
thatthe animaldoes have a frontand a back and a face as well. It is the animal'seyes as
one looks at them,combinedwith the manufactureof signals, thatlets one thinkit might
have an orientation.One sees oneself in the animal'sresponsesand thereforeallots the
animala face. If there is a face, hence a front, it is because one senses something"be-
hind"the face that one perceives.And one momentarilyat least grantsthe animal the
same thoughtabout oneself. But if one looks as the thirdpartyat animalcommunica-
tion, one loses such a sense as one sees the lack of primacyof the head or its partsas the
animal signals.
One can ask whetherthe face could be the centerof expressionif it were deprived
of any reflectionof itself eitherin life or in art.Are therecultureswhere the face is not
the centerof expression?Perhaps.In the early 1960s I lived in a remotepartof Sumatra
wheretherewere not yet photosexcept in the city, andtherewere practicallyno pictures
of any kind; the few cameraswere owned by professionalphotographers.When I saw
the photos I took therewith my own cameraof people I knew well, I was uneasy.Light
conditionsmade it difficultto see whatthe cameracould record.At nighttherewas only
the dim light of kerosenelanternsor candles. Duringthe day, the intense glare and heat
of the tropical sun meant that one saw details only in shadow. When one looked at
someone the lines of his face were usually bleachedout in the daytimeand only dimly
visible at night. In the sunlightone tendedto look down, even in the shade,to avoid the
pervasiveglare. Consequentlymy impressionsof people dependedlittle on theirfaces.
The camera,however, showed their faces, with their expressions and lines, and intro-
duced them to me as beings I had never adequatelyseen. The charactersetched on their
faces were not the ones I had known.
On the other hand, these photos were adequateto my experience in anotherway.
The pictureswere black and white. Withoutcolor, people blendedwith their surround-
ings. The full-length photos in the setting of the village matched my impressions of
them. It was a questionof theirvoices in particular.Theirvoices were not, in my expe-
rience, associatedwith theirmouthsor theirfacial expressions.Wordsandpeople were,
for me, not conjoined.The people I knew spoke "Acehnese";for me they were vehicles
of thatlanguage,points wherethe languageemergedinto the world.Thoughof course I
knew and appreciatedthem individually,nonetheless,languageand face were not fully
conjoined.In theirphotographs,I seemed to be able to hearthe names of the people and
the Acehnese words for the objects with which they were pictured.The surroundings
spoke as much as the people themselves.
It is a little like Musil's YoungTarless, where, in this philosophicalnovel, descrip-
tionsof negativenumbersandthe openingsof sexualityandimaginationthisidea aroused
could not be precisely situatedwithin the heads of particularcharactersor narrators.
Photography,however,locates speech within the head. In VolkerSchlindorff's film of
the novel, heads speak,andthe philosophicaldiscoursesof the novel, which perhapsby
definitionlack spontaneity,arenecessarilytruncatedas the film presentspeople at cer-
110
tain momentsin time. The exteriorizedqualityof thought,its arrivalto us from outside
of ourselves, ratherthan as the productsof particularsubjectivities,impressesitself on
us in the novel but not in the film. It is exactly this disjunctionof exteriorand interior
that Simmel points to as a leading characteristicof modernityandthatis, today,techno-
logically modified.
When photos-and cameras-became easily available in Indonesia,Indonesians
were eager to have them andto use them.Todayone sees Indonesiantouristsmarching
up the Borobodur,scarcely looking left or right,takingeach other'spicturesat the top,
anddirectlyafterwardsdescending.They arenot memorializingtheirvisit, if thatmeans
savingup an experience,becausethereis at thatpointnot yet an experience.Thatcomes
later,when they look at the picturesand see themselves next to the greataesthetic(and
formerly ritual) objects of their nation. They recognize themselves then and see that
they arepartof theirnation,associatedas they are with one of its majoremblems.They
link themselves with the Boroboduras I associatedAcehnese with their surroundings.
They use the cameranot to see the possibilities of theirfaces, not to reveal unexpected
turns of their characters,but to discover themselves with the objects that symbolize
theirnation for them. They become nationalistsof today,not by their subjectivebeliefs
but by the possibility of being themselves objectified.
Before the camera,one might arguethat they did not yet have faces, or that their
face was not the front partof their skulls. The eagerness to have the camerafrom the
momentit became available,however,shows thatthe possibility of the face was already
present within them. They knew, somehow,that the contemporaryform of representa-
tion of themselves was inherentin themselves. They needed only to make this state
objective. But if they "knew"this, it is because they had seen photographsand wanted
themselves to be partof the picture.Which is to say thatthe possibility of the face as the
centerof expressiveness,even when it may not (yet) be realized,seems in retrospectto
be alreadypresentafterthe photographappearson the scene. Whatis needed is a means
to show one one's own face in an authoritativeway so that,seeing it, one is surethatone
recognizes "oneself."What one expects to be necessarily primaryto what is repre-
sented, the face as site of expressiveness, is really secondaryto its representation,as
Simmel suggested.
Face to the camera,Indonesianstransmitthemselves to themselves. "I recognize
myself' is the responseI assume these photographsin effect provoke.It is a recognition
whose authoritycomes not from previous knowledge of how one looks but from the
constitutionof the face as it passes throughthe cameraonto the film, to appearalong-
side objects of undoubtedaestheticvalue. Face simply to the mirror,one's recognition
would lack certainty.It is the (aesthetic)representationof the face thatmattersin giving
themselves a face. But this is far from assuredby its technological transmission.The
photographreveals what no one can see. Or, rather,what one has seen, perhapsin the
mirror,but not registered.To recognize that one has not registered(Simmel would say
"synthesized")what one saw and thatit is "oneself' one has missed is to find a face for
oneself. There is more to oneself than one thought,and one cannotquite graspit.
The aestheticin my storyof the presentis no longerto be foundin the fine arts.It is
discoveredon television andon postersin the subway.If the Japanesebaseballmanager
appears with an American expression, it may not be because baseball originatedin
Americaor because the managersimply adoptedhis expressionthroughhabituationto
his job. Habit is one form of accommodation,to be sure. It may have begun that way.
But the manager'sability to inhabithis expression could also have come when he saw
himself on the replays.It would thenbe the resultof wantingto be the point of reference
of the televised version of his face as he becomes its addressee.He is already,as I have
said, the formalpoint of referenceof the televised game. His eye, shown on tape, pen-
112
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