Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
EDITED BY
BRIAN LEVINE AND FERGUS I.M. CRAIK
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Mind and the frontal lobes : cognition, behavior, and brain imaging / edited
by Brian Levine and Fergus I.M. Craik.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-979156-9 (hardback)
1. Frontal lobes. 2. Frontal lobes—Pathophysiology. I. Levine, Brian,
1963- II. Craik, Fergus I. M.
QP382.F7M56 2011
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For my mother
- BL
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In June 2009, 350 attendees gathered for two days at an international conference
to celebrate the career and achievements of Donald T. Stuss, a neuropsychologist
and pioneering researcher on human frontal lobe function. The conference fea-
tured some of the world’s leading researchers on cognitive aging, dementia, brain
injury, functional neuroimaging, memory, rehabilitation, and consciousness. This
volume, a result of the conference, is dedicated to Don with our gratitude, respect,
and affection.
Contributors xi
2. Confabulation 16
m i c h a e l p. a l e x a n d e r
3. Reflections on ROBBIA 33
tim shallice
ix
x Co ntents
Index 279
Contributors
xi
xii Co ntri b uto rs
The frontal lobes mediate the most advanced forms of human behavior. They
include the main preparatory and effector mechanisms for intentional motor
behavior, including limb movements, eye movements, and speech movements.
Frontal lobe regions are crucial to numerous mnemonic operations, including
the online maintenance and manipulation of information, allowing humans to
“transcend the default mode” of instinctual stimulus–response relationships
(Goldman-Rakic, 1987; Mesulam, 2002), and the organization of information for
encoding and retrieval in long-term memory (Fletcher & Henson, 2001; Wheeler,
Stuss, & Tulving, 1997). They are involved in the determination of abstract rela-
tionships and mental flexibility (Dias, Robbins, & Roberts, 1996; Milner, 1963).
They enable selection, maintenance, and consistency of attention (Stuss &
Alexander, 2007). The ventral and medial frontal sectors are heavily intercon-
nected with the limbic system (Barbas, 1995) and therefore important to emo-
tional processing (Eslinger & Damasio, 1985; Rolls, 2000). Recent research has
pointed to the involvement of the frontal lobes in social cognition (Iacoboni &
Dapretto, 2006) and future-oriented thought (Schacter, Addis, & Buckner, 2007).
Given the key role of the frontal lobes in so many human information-
processing operations, it is not surprising that they are also implicated in practi-
cally every major neurological and psychiatric disorder, the most prevalent being
traumatic brain injury (Stuss & Gow, 1992), dementia (Neary et al., 1998), schizo-
phrenia (Cohen & Servan-Schreiber, 1993), and depression (Mayberg et al., 1999).
They are also central to theories of development in both children (Bunge & Wright,
2007) and older adults (Craik & Grady, 2002).
With over 10,000 citations and an h-index of 54, Don Stuss is arguably the
world’s leading authority on the frontal lobes. In June 2009, 350 scientists and
3
4 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Historical Overview
For our purposes, research on frontal lobe function can be divided into three
broad eras. The first, from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century, was character-
ized by clinical case studies and qualitative observations of animals with experi-
mental frontal lesions. The second era consisted of more organized experimental
group studies of animals and humans with frontal lobe lesions. The third and cur-
rent era, the onset of which coincides with the publication of Stuss and Benson’s
The Frontal Lobes (1986) (see also Stuss & Benson, 1984), is characterized by a
proliferation of detailed anatomical research using multimodal imaging and
sophisticated cognitive science paradigms.
(Benton, 1991), was most explicitly advanced by Hebb (1945). Even now, it is not
unusual to encounter unenlightened clinicians who regard significant frontal lobe
lesions as inconsequential. Historically, the primary counterargument to the
“silent” point of view (in addition to the case of Phineas Gage) was the localization
of expressive speech to the left inferior frontal gyrus by Broca (complemented by
the contemporaneous extra-frontal localizations by Wernicke and Leipmann).
These findings were accompanied by the increased reliability of gross anatomical
maps, then by cytoarchitectonic maps, and finally by evidence of specific frontal
connectivity to extra-frontal cortical regions as well as to the limbic system, the
thalamus, the striatum, and the cerebellum.
lobe function (Stuss, Levine, Alexander, et al., 2000). This research was excep-
tional because of the disconnection between experimental psychology and neu-
rology in the 1960s and 1970s. In other words, most experimental psychological
research at that time arose from the behavioral and cognitive revolutions, neither
of which was concerned with the brain. Meanwhile, few neurologists were inter-
ested in behavior and cognition, which meant that few psychologists had access to
high-quality patient samples.
Two contributions to this volume reflect the latest efforts in this direction.
D’Esposito and Badre (Chapter 5) point out that while the patient studies are
necessary for understanding behaviors relevant to frontal lobe function, they are
not sufficient to localize these behaviors to intra-frontal sectors. Moreover, func-
tional imaging studies allow for analysis of dynamic connectivity patterns in dis-
tributed systems that cannot be studied in static images of patients. On the other
hand, imaging studies alone cannot tell you what happens when critical elements
of the system are damaged. By combining lesion and functional imaging methods,
D’Esposito and Badre extend Don’s work on task setting and the left lateral pre-
frontal cortex to a more detailed mechanistic account involving hierarchical pro-
cesses along the rostral–caudal axis.
Voytek and Knight (Chapter 6), using EEG in focal lesion patients, demonstrate
how top-down modulation from the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex affects func-
tioning in posterior visual areas. This is a powerful demonstration of the distrib-
uted nature of perceptual and cognitive functions, with evidence of the critical
role played by frontal processes in neuroplasticity. This in turn informs theories of
frontal compensation following brain damage. Voytek and Knight point out that
such compensatory processes are harder to predict in higher association cortex
than in primary motor and sensory cortex.
Another psychological construct associated with area 10 is theory of mind. In
Chapter 7, Rosenbaum and Rabin expand upon Don’s focal lesion work in theory
of mind (Stuss, Gallup, & Alexander, 2001), personal memory (Wheeler et al.,
1997), and affective processing (Shammi & Stuss, 1999; Stuss & Alexander, 2000).
In an effort to link theory of mind with other self-related and affective processes
they describe a network model with critical nodes in the temporal pole and tem-
poroparietal junction as well as, most importantly, in the medial prefrontal cortex.
As in the chapter by Burgess and colleagues, Rosenbaum and Rabin emphasize
principled combinations of lesion and functional neuroimaging data. This is par-
ticularly important for functional localization in the anterior and medial prefron-
tal sectors, which are rarely selectively damaged in humans.
In his chapter on integrating theories of attention and frontal lobe function
(Chapter 8), Ian Robertson highlights the complementary contributions of Don
and Michael Posner, who share a vision of seeing the “forest,” a massive challenge
given the incredible complexity and volume of research on the topics they tackle.
Such a problem space gives rise to multiple and sometimes incompatible theories
as researchers attempt to work through the data, and this is certainly the case for
frontal lobe function. Robertson stresses the importance of Don’s work for trans-
lating a number of very disparate ideas into a practical, multicomponent frame-
work (i.e., a tripartite model of anterior attention systems; Stuss & Alexander,
2007), for helping people with attention problems.
A direct application of Don’s work to rehabilitation can be found in a series
of papers on cognitive rehabilitation in the elderly in a large-scale project led
by Don, in collaboration with Winocur, Levine, and Craik (Craik et al., 2007;
10 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Levine et al., 2007; Stuss, Robertson, Craik, et al., 2007; Winocur et al., 2007). In
Chapter 9 Winocur reviews the background in the development of interventions
that followed from ideas of strategic deficits in patients with frontal damage.
Although the cognitive neurorehabilitation protocols employed in these studies
made no claims to necessarily rehabilitate frontal lobe function in aging (as dem-
onstrated, for example, by neuroimaging changes), they were successful at the
behavioral level, demonstrating how concepts derived from theories of frontal
lobe function can be useful even when the anatomical underpinnings are not the
target of the intervention.
Don’s research has been important to theories of cognitive aging, which often
implicate frontal lobe function. In Chapter 10 Gus Craik’s review of cognitive
aging research focusing on self-initiation, environmental support, and age-related
resource depletion shows how these linkages can be examined through careful
behavioral manipulations, which in turn can be translated into manipulations
using neuroimaging and other techniques. Craik’s chapter explores the similari-
ties and differences between the effects of normal aging and the consequences of
frontal lobe pathology. In Chapter 11 Leritz and colleagues probe the frontal-
aging hypothesis in more detail, incorporating structural and functional imaging
results. Although Leritz and colleagues hold that the frontal-aging hypothesis is
not validated, it has nonetheless been fruitful from a behavioral perspective in
probing and understanding cognitive decline in aging (e.g., Stuss, Craik, Sayer,
Franchi, & Alexander, 1996). In Chapter 12 Ramirez and Black provide a broader
perspective on brain volume loss and white matter changes in the context of
normal aging and dementia. In particular, they review the literature on white
matter hyperintensities on T2-weighted MRI images, which are ubiquitous in
aging, blurring the distinction between pathological and normal aging.
Traumatic brain injury shares with aging and dementia effects on distributed
systems, which, as Don has pointed out, can mimic frontal lobe damage (Stuss &
Gow, 1992). In Chapter 13 Levine reviews his research on strategy application
disorder in traumatic brain injury, demonstrating both convergence with and
departure from the more classic studies of strategy application disorder in focal
frontal lesions (see Burgess et al.). He reviews both behavioral and imaging stud-
ies designed to deconstruct how real-life behavior is affected in this disorder,
which is among the most common causes of frontal lobe damage.
As mentioned previously, Don was bold enough to write about mechanisms of
human consciousness long before this was popular. Endel Tulving’s later formula-
tions of episodic memory, stressing awareness of the self across time, were devel-
oped in collaboration with Don and Mark Wheeler (Wheeler et al., 1997). Research
on the neural correlates of a person’s ability to imagine the future is now a very
hot topic. In Chapter 14 Tulving and Szpunar review the literature on human con-
sciousness in relation to past and future, concluding that concepts of the future
must be embedded in a mental reality that is intra-personal and distinct from
universally shared physical reality.
U nifying Cl inical , E xper imental , an d N e u roim ag in g S t u die s 11
The final chapter, by Picton, provides a fitting ending to this volume in that it
integrates Don’s contributions from simple (bottom-up) tasks (as in the ROBBIA
studies) with his broader theorizing concerning human self-awareness, such as
with Capgras syndrome (Alexander, Stuss, & Benson, 1979). Picton explains how
the simple processes such as those delineated in the ROBBIA tasks must combine
prior to the execution of higher-level, more complex tasks. As Picton points out,
there is a spiritual aspect to Don’s work, perhaps fitting with Don’s earlier voca-
tion as a monk. The spiritual component relates to the observation of disturbances
in self-awareness in patients, then asking how these may be relevant for con-
sciousness in healthy adults.
Summary
In reviewing Don Stuss’s career and the contributions to this volume, the courage
of Don’s convictions is clear. Don saw the importance of the frontal lobes when
very few people were actively studying these problems in humans, and he was
one of the first to demonstrate this by applying principled psychological methods
to this study. Don’s impact is compounded when one considers his leadership
in administration, most notably as founding director of the Rotman Research
Institute and VP of Research at Baycrest, where he has created an environment
for intellectual discovery in cognitive neuroscience that has grown from 5 to
20 scientists. This environment is unique not only for its technical resources,
but also—and especially—for its combination of psychological, neurological, and
neuroimaging expertise. This is the same vision seen in his book and his research
program, a vision that allows us to use these resources in a principled and theory-
driven manner. Perhaps most importantly, this environment has provided train-
ing opportunities to hundreds of students and postdoctoral fellows, many of
whom have gone on to become international leaders.
Acknowledgment
Work on this chapter was supported by grants from the Canadian Institutes of
Health Research and the Heart and Stroke Foundation Centre for Stroke Recovery
to BL and a grant from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of
Canada to FIMC.
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2
Confabulation
M I C H A E L P. A L E X A N D E R
The last two of these conclusions are, of course, why confabulation has attracted
the attention of Don Stuss for 30 years.
16
C on fabu l at ion 17
forget the task, turned towards the screen, noticed objects like the reflex hammer
on the desk, and reached for them.
He was not oriented. He knew the month and the year, but not season, the
date, the day, the hospital, or the city. He was aware of some odds and ends from
recent news—the previous day’s baseball results, the new president elected at the
time of his hemorrhage, that there were wars in Iraq and Afghanistan—but not
others, such as recent plane crashes or various scandals of prominent politicians.
On a 3-word list with a 20-second interval, he recalled 2 words, but on a 9-word
list, the learning curve was 6–7-7–7, and after a 5-minute delay he recalled only
2 words and had 2 intrusions—words not previously uttered anywhere in
the examination—sometimes considered “evoked confabulation” (Schnider, von
Däniken, & Gutbrod, 1996).
Additional testing was performed at 7 to 8 months after the hemorrhage
(graciously supplied by Paul Spiers, PhD). Estimated pre-illness IQ was 121. Stroop
and Trails tasks were average (all scores 9–11) but card sorting was quite poor:
only 2 sorts with increased perseverative errors.
The elemental neurological examination was not remarkable. CT performed
6 months after the hemorrhage showed very extensive bilateral ventromedial
encephalomalacia (Fig. 2.1).
Figure 2.1. CT performed 6 months after hemorrhage shows very extensive bilateral
ventromedial encephalomalacia.
C on fabu l at ion 19
Background
So what is confabulation? It is “a falsification of memory occurring in clear con-
sciousness in association with an organically derived amnesia” (Berlyne, 1972).
Spontaneous confabulations are “statements or actions that reflect unintentional
but obvious distortions of memory” (Gilboa et al., 2006). Confabulations are
“erroneous memories, either false in themselves or resulting from true memories
misplaced in context and inappropriately retrieved or interpreted” (Kopelman,
Guinan, & Lewis, 1995). The confabulated content may be subtle and undetect-
able to those who do not know the truth. It may occur only when “provoked” in
response to a memory test or prompted questioning. It may be “spontaneous” and
the patient’s overt behavior may indicate that the patient is acting on the false
belief even when very unlikely or even bizarre (Kopelman, 1987; Schnider,
2003).
Confabulation does not include a conscious attempt to deceive, and it is sup-
posed to be distinguished, somehow, from simple errors or disagreement between
rememberers. In a circular way, confabulations are defined as incorrect memories
that arise from a pathological state of the brain, not just a “normal” memory fail-
ure. When dramatic—spontaneous and behavioral—there is agreement on the
diagnosis of confabulation, but there is no definitive experimental test to define
confabulation.
The earliest published observations about confabulation come from Bonhoeffer
in 1901 and 1904, who distinguished between momentary and spontaneous or
fantastic confabulation (translations not available but cited in Berlyne [Berlyne,
1972]). Pick described confabulation in various disorders as having two necessary
components: suggestibility leading to incorrect recall and the absence of a correc-
tive mechanism (translations also not available but cited in Berlyne [Berlyne,
1972]). Suggestibility might be due to clouded consciousness or to poor judgment,
but the notion that confabulation began with an early misjudgment or misattri-
bution that was not, as it should have been, corrected on further consideration
was clearly established. Van der Horst proposed that an inability to recall the
temporal signposts for a memory might leave memories displaced in time
(Van Der Horst, 1932). Weinstein and Kahn published the seminal clinical descrip-
tions of confabulation (and reduplication and denial of illness) in 1954 (Weinstein
& Kahn, 1954). What is striking about the case descriptions of confabulation
20 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
(and reduplication and denial) at the end of the book is the consistency of the
anatomy (large frontal lesions, mostly acute) and the often profound executive
and attentional impairments accompanying confabulation.
Berlyne (1972) brought confabulation into modern consideration with a small
series published in a psychiatry journal. He emphasized the distinction between
momentary and fantastic, based on the plausibility of the connection between
the confabulation to a patient’s personal history or on the grandiosity of the
confabulation, although the case descriptions suggest that this distinction was
not always easily applied, as it still is not. Both types were frequently autobio-
graphical: momentary confabulation was a true memory displaced in time, with
content related to personal, habitual activities, sometimes requiring prompting
to emerge and variable in conviction; fantastical confabulation, while anchored in
personal experience, was more grandiose or invented, spontaneously offered, and
stereotyped.
Stuss and collaborators and other colleagues at the Boston VA waded into this
in the late 1970s. Mercer and colleagues evaluated 11 patients with amnesia due
to mixed etiologies and with a range of severity of confabulation using a confabu-
lation battery (Mercer, Wapner, Gardner, & Benson, 1977). Note that eliciting
confabulated recall in a test setting may not yield the exact same behavior as a
spontaneous confabulated tale. They demonstrated that the severe confabulation
subjects differed from the others by (1) their propensity to confabulate on spe-
cifically recent personal memories, (2) their relative imperviousness to cues—
either to acknowledge the cue or to benefit from it if acknowledged, (3) the
prominence of perseverative answers when confabulating, and (4) a relationship
between response latency and the tendency to confabulate, as though hesitation
in response allowed time to monitor the response. They also described a single
patient with mild confabulation until he developed subacute hydrocephalus. As
hydrocephalus worsened, confabulation became more flagrant. Once a shunt was
placed, confabulation decreased.
Stuss and colleagues described five patients with very prominent and persis-
tent confabulation (Stuss, Alexander, Lieberman, & Levine, 1978). All had signifi-
cant frontal lesions; all had moderate to severe retrograde amnesias, all had been
amnesic, although at the time of evaluation two had normal memory quotients
(93 and 112); all had significant impairments in card sorting and fluency tasks. In
three, prominent misuse of cues appeared to underlie the content of confabula-
tion, which was still personally meaningful much of the time: while testing orien-
tation of a Navy veteran as he sat in a hallway watching food trays be distributed,
he said, “I’m in a Navy kitchen”; while asking an academic psychiatrist how he had
spent the day after he returned from a difficult tracheostomy revision, he said
that he had recently delivered a paper on respiratory diseases. The content of the
confabulation for these patients was quite stimulus and environmentally bound.
Bizarre content based roughly on past personal history characterized the others:
a World War II veteran of European battles would tell everyone that his head
C on fabu l at ion 21
wound (craniotomy scar) was because he had been shot in Germany (not true but
might have been), but then he always added two details: he had been shot by a
teenaged girl and killed but had been brought back to life by surgeons (needless to
say, not true). These patients could repeatedly “recall” the same stories although
they were not true—in fact, preposterous—even when they could never recall
stories in memory tasks that were equally personally untrue.
In 1981 the Boston VA group returned to the question of the effect, positive or
negative, of cuing and the possibility of delaying response as a mechanism to
allow for correction (Shapiro, Alexander, Gardner, & Mercer, 1981). Seven patients
with confabulation (four severe and three mild on a confabulation battery) were
asked to recall story content with graded cuing. With cues, the patients with mild
confabulation slowed their responses and increased “I don’t know” responses
(fewer confabulations)—that is, they showed more attention to responses. The
patients with severe confabulation continued to confabulate. Two other tasks
allowed manipulation of response. On a task requiring a logical shift, no manipu-
lation prevented perseverative responding at the shift point. On an estimation
task when the examiner delayed the patient’s response, errors were reduced. One
patient was followed as he improved from severe to mild to non-confabulating.
The response characteristics—perseverations, response inhibitions, latencies,
etc.—improved in parallel, the opposite course of the single case described in the
earlier paper.
In the mid-1980s there were reports of amnesia and confabulation focusing on
ACommA rupture and surgery. These reports emphasized both the lesion causing
amnesia (assumed to be septal or basal forebrain) and the one causing confabula-
tion. We described the general severity of executive impairments in the cases with
confabulation (Alexander & Freedman, 1984). Damasio, Graff-Radford, Eslinger,
Damasio, and Kassell (1985) proposed a mechanism: an inability to reproduce the
correct context out of all of the multidimensional properties of an experience at
the point of retrieval of the memory of the experience. They also proposed that
this was a specific consequence of the basal forebrain and orbitofrontal lesions.
The proposed mechanism might be relevant, but non-confabulating amnesics
have superficially the same orbitofrontal lesions. Other reports continued to
emphasize variations on defective executive corrective mechanisms underlying
confabulation in patients with amnesia from many causes (trauma, Korsakoff
syndrome, tumors, etc.) (Baddeley & Wilson, 1988; DeLuca & Cicerone, 1991;
Kapur & Coughlan, 1980; Kopelman, 1987).
DeLuca and Cicerone reported the same high prevalence of general executive
impairments, specifically in ACommA patients with or without confabulation
(DeLuca, 1993; DeLuca & Cicerone, 1991), but by the 1990s some reports on con-
fabulation began to suggest that there might be a specific executive or corrective
deficit, not a general one. Fischer and associates reported that only tests with a high
demand on response monitoring such as card sorting or Stroop interference tasks
were associated with confabulation (Fischer, Alexander, D’Esposito, & Otto, 1995).
22 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Among the patients in this report, there were several in whom the distinctions
dating back to Bonhoeffer were apparent. Environmental cues suggesting content
of spontaneous confabulation were very potent among patients who worked in
health care: a nursing home nursing aide who believed that she was working at the
rehabilitation center despite wearing a patient’s gown (her uniform) and that her
memory aid book was her work schedule. Cunningham and associates also empha-
sized a correlation with set shifting and sustained attention but not general prob-
lem-solving or verbal fluency (Cunningham, Pliskin, Cassisi, Tsang, & Rao, 1991).
Johnson and coworkers suggested that a specific impairment in attributing source
and temporality to recollection was the specific executive impairment, as these
aspects of recall are independent of general recall of content (Johnson, O’Connor,
& Cantor, 1997).
might best correlate with confabulation (Cunningham, Pliskin, Cassisi, Tsang, &
Rao, 1991; Fischer, Alexander, D’Esposito, & Otto, 1995) was not supported,
the patients in these prior studies were spontaneous confabulators. Turner and
colleagues proposed a very likely resolution of this executive deficit and confabu-
lation conundrum: executive deficits are an epiphenomenon, a peripheral indica-
tor of frontal lesions, only some of which may be critical for “permitting”
confabulation.
Much of the work of Stuss and colleagues in the past 10 years has focused on
the specific regional effects of frontal lesions. The traditional executive tasks are
most likely to be affected by lateral lesions, not orbitomedial ones, so a weak
correlation of executive tests with a behavior uniquely due to ventromedial
damage is to be expected (Alexander, Stuss, Shallice, Picton, & Gillingham, 2007;
Picton et al., 2007; Stuss, Floden, Alexander, Levine, & Katz, 2001; Stuss, Toth,
Franchi, et al., 1999). The specific executive pattern in any given study will
vary depending on the mix of lesion sites, etiologies and chronicities, but it is the
rapid preconscious deficit that primes patients to confabulate—perhaps not per-
sonal TCC alone but a less specific FOR response to the content of memory
retrieval. So the conclusion seems to be that faulty automatic associative memory
due to some limbic lesion plus impaired early preconscious FOR due to ventrome-
dial damage produces confabulation, but there are still holes in a full account.
Many operations are implemented in the first second of recollection. An experi-
ment designed to account for encoding pathways—physical enactment versus
cognitive analysis—in a recognition task in normal subjects demonstrated that
early (200+ milliseconds) event-related potential responses seem to reflect only
“retrieval orientation” effects as they are insensitive to the familiarity of the stim-
uli. Later effects (800 to 1300 milliseconds) seen in prefrontal regions represent
the actual attempt to recover source information from memory, after an item has
been recognized as familiar and follows the earlier stage of retrieval orientation,
perhaps reflecting the generation of internal cues to guide source retrieval
(Senkfor, Van Patten, & Kutas, 2008).
confabulation, slowly attenuates. For the patients with the same orbital or ven-
tromedial frontal lesions who never confabulate, the answer may be that they
were not amnesic. A brief summary of the remarkable range of cognitive and
behavioral effects associated with activity in this region and of impairments asso-
ciated with lesions in this region may indirectly inform about confabulation:
Conclusions
For more than 30 years, Don Stuss has been producing hypotheses, experimental
protocols, and data that inform our understanding of frontal lobe injuries and the
nature of executive system disorders. His first publication on confabulation was
in 1978, a clinical report of five patients with epic confabulation. They were inves-
tigated with standard neuropsychological tests and early (very early) CT localiza-
tions to infer the course of cognitive activity over minutes to days. This first study
yielded novel notions about the nature of the additional deficit, beyond amnesia,
that was required for confabulation to emerge. The most recent publication on
confabulation from Toronto (Gilboa et al., 2009) was an analysis of eight patients,
some recovered from confabulation and all with the OFC lesion. This report used
focused experimental tasks, modern MRI lesion localization, and very precise
event-related potentials to chart the course of cognitive activity in the range of
hundreds of milliseconds. The account of confabulation has become more and
more finely grained from generically executive to specifically cognitive, although
it is still not perfectly understood.
Confabulation is an intriguing clinical phenomenon and has generated much
more interest than is warranted by its prevalence. Persistent confabulation is rare;
thus, investigators assemble groups of four or five or eight subjects or evoke con-
fabulation with a task contrived to do just that in the susceptible. Its very defining
30 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
features are so slippery, and its presence so often transient, that standardizing
experimental approaches is difficult. It usually disappears without any direct clin-
ical intervention as the underlying disorder improves. There is no evidence that
confabulation has any specific effect on or relationship to prognosis or treatment
of the underlying disorders. Why should we care?
Consider a pleasant, not apparently confused, middle-aged college graduate, a
one-time aerospace engineer, as he tells you the reason he is in the hospital: he is
to be debriefed after his space flight (which he has never done). His capsule came
down in Havana harbor (where he has never been) and there was an international
incident because the U.S. Navy had to go into the harbor to rescue him. He had
jumped into the water to evade the Cuban Coast Guard (nothing similar is likely
to have ever occurred)—oh, and he broke his glasses (no doubt he had done that
once upon a time) when he jumped from the capsule. Each day you interview him
he “remembers” the same story, although he cannot remember anything he was
told about why he was actually in the hospital (severe frontal contusion after a fall
while intoxicated). Trying to recreate his hospital experience, you discover that he
required a tracheostomy and a prolonged weaning in the ICU, emerging from
coma to delirium, day after day lying on his back wearing a humidifying mask with
a monitor beeping above him and many Spanish-speaking staff around him. That
experience could launch a career.
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3
Reflections on ROBBIA
TIM SHALLICE
33
34 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Why did we use simple tasks? If one carries out an intuitive task analysis of
classical clinical tests of prefrontal function such as Wisconsin Card-Sorting, the
Trail Making test, Proverbs, and to a lesser extent Verbal Fluency, they clearly
involve many different processing components. Don’s work in particular had
shown the variety of subsystems involved, making the standard inference from
the qualitatively different effects on behavior of different lesion sites in the pre-
frontal cortex (Stuss et al., 1998, 2000). Even simple tasks, if they are designed to
investigate the prefrontal cortex, will inevitably involve other processes outside
the prefrontal cortex as well, and will probably load on many more processes than
is the case for, say, a perceptual study or a motor control one. Moreover, we believed
it likely that the functions computed in these processes would be fairly abstract
and not closely related to any single behavioral measure (Shallice & Burgess, 1996;
Stuss et al., 1995). In addition, the effective dependent variables that these tasks
provide tend to be crude by comparison with the accuracy provided by physical or
physiological variables, being frequently little more than an ordinal relation across
conditions. Thus, we believed that there was relatively little likelihood of making
major progress in fractionating prefrontal functions and characterizing their com-
ponents using the types of task that had been relatively effective in clinically diag-
nosing prefrontal deficits in the past, in other words by using complex clinical
tasks. There will be too many degrees of freedom in moving between task perfor-
mance—both normal and impaired—and conceptions of the organization of the
underlying system. Of course, one danger in using simple tasks is that we might
not have found selective deficits following prefrontal lesions. But we did.
The second reason is that when we began the project in 1995 we had no clear
agreed-upon conception of how the prefrontal cortex was organized, only specu-
lations. With the possible exceptions of Patricia Goldman-Rakic, Michael Petrides,
Jordan Grafman, and John Duncan—who between themselves did not see eye to
eye—no one else did, either. The type of fMRI experiment referred to in the previ-
ous paragraph depends upon a well-worked-out theory of the relevant processes
and then attempts to test the theory. Our belief based on the history of neuropsy-
chology was that neuropsychology provided more potential for serendipity than
did functional imaging, and serendipity is what we thought the field needed at the
time. Why should neuropsychological data have a greater potential for serendipity
than functional imaging? The principal reason, apart from the sheer magnitude of
the behavioral effects, is that the method provides more than just the probability
of the patient being correct or making an error across conditions. When they are
wrong, patients make errors that provide positive diagnostic information on the
function of the relevant subsystem. Given the paucity of the behavioral data pro-
vided by accuracy alone and the relative lack of informativeness of reaction times
in many tests of executive functions, additional behavioral evidence in the form
of the nature of the errors is extremely valuable.
This was demonstrated, for instance, in the ROBBIA study by Shallice, Stuss,
Alexander, Picton, and Derkzen (2008a). In this study subjects must say how
many beeps occurred in stimulus trains of between 8 and 22 beeps presented at a
3-per-second rate. Two prefrontal groups, the superior medial and the right lat-
eral, were impaired in the task. But the two groups differed on the nature of their
errors: the superior medial group underestimated the number in the train; the
right lateral group was just inaccurate without consistently underestimating.
Somewhat related contrasts between these two groups were also found in gener-
ating a sequence of taps at a particular preset rate (Picton et al., 2006). The error
analysis allows one to use a cognitive neuropsychology style of theorizing on
group data, presupposing that the impairments within any one subgroup are
functionally unitary. It points to qualitatively different underlying processes being
impaired in the two groups.
Thirdly, we have a fairly clear conception of how to relate neuropsychological
evidence to a theory of how the cognitive system operates. We see brain damage
as resulting in loss of cognitive resource in one or more functional subsystems.
Of course, we cannot specify in any particular case for a specific subsystem how
much resource is lost and how it is damaged. However, the presupposition that a
subsystem is not functioning adequately is sufficient to allow theoretical prog-
ress, if only by falsifying certain positions (Caramazza, 1986; Shallice, 1988). As
far as functional imaging is concerned, what we know about the BOLD signal is
that its physiological underpinnings are very complex (Logothetis, 2008). We do
not have any model on the functional level of what is implied that the region is
more activated in one condition than another, or even whether this is the same
for all significant differences in activation across tasks and across brain regions.
36 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
and the ROBBIA one of using regions analogous to Brodmann areas—in our case,
the areas of frontal cortex specified by Petrides and Pandya (1994). The choice of
fine-grained regions is made because it is generally held to be more appropriate to
reduce the anatomical grain of the approach, much as it is held to be preferable to
use 3T fMRI rather than 1.5T. Intermediate between the two approaches is the
use of five regions of interest within each frontal cortex (superior frontal gyrus,
medial frontal gyrus, inferior frontal gyrus, medial, and orbital)—the approach
employed by Aron and coworkers (2004). In addition, it is held, for instance by
Rorden and Karnath (2004), that it is preferable not to determine the possible
anatomically critical areas a priori, which is a necessary consequence of determin-
ing the anatomical groupings prior to analysis.
There are two major methodological problems with a finer-grained approach
alone. First, anatomical location can correlate with another critical variable, such as
lesion size, etiology, education, or age. Thus, in the ROBBIA studies the superior
medial group had the largest average lesion size; their lesions were on average over
three times larger than those of, say, the left lateral group. Interestingly, in the Aron
and associates (2004) study of task-switching, the right frontal group had more than
double the average lesion size of the left frontal group, showing a rather analogous
left–right difference to the ROBBIA studies. It is possible that left lateral prefrontal
patients may have smaller lesions because they present with clinical symptoms more
evidently than do right-hemisphere patients with similar-size lesions and so are
more likely to reach the attention of the research team. If this is the case, then a
sample biased with respect to lesion site might well result. This would be less likely
with samples where the presenting symptom is, for instance, an epileptic seizure, as
with many tumor patients. Moreover, in practice differences in etiology will inevita-
bly influence a contrast between different frontal lobe subregions, even if the con-
found concerns, say, the relative proportions of different types of tumors.
If one has a fairly coarse-grained approach, then one can partially cope with at
least the first, third, and fourth of these potential confounding factors by
approaches like partialling out the effects of the confounding factor. More criti-
cally, given a whole set of related studies as in the ROBBIA studies, the use of a
double dissociation type of logic across studies at least allows one to limit the
effect of potential confounding factors to one region per confounding factor.
Thus, specific impairments in a ROBBIA type of study that are specific to only one
of the three frontal groups and not the superior medial group cannot be attrib-
uted to lesion size. The same logic cannot be as easily used where fine-grained
analysis is carried out, and especially when the groupings are analysis based and
therefore differ from one study to another. Correlations between the amount of a
particular area damaged with a behavioral variable (e.g., Aron et al., 2004) are just
as susceptible to this problem as the more standard procedure of comparing
patients with damage to an area with patients without damage to that area.
As far as functional inferences about the processing undertaken in different
frontal lobe subregions are concerned, the greater reliability of the coarse-grained
38 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
rather than the fine-grained averaging of performance does not necessarily extend
to the anatomical localization of the different processing components that are
isolated. For instance, if a right lateral group and a left lateral prefrontal group
were to contain very different proportions of ventrolateral and dorsolateral
lesions, then a functional distinction that was actually between systems localized
in the ventrolateral and dorsolateral regions could masquerade as one between
the left and right lateral regions.
There is, however, a second and probably more serious problem for the finer-
grained approach that is much less apparent. There is a great difference in the
potential for detecting an impairment across different main areas, as the sensitiv-
ity is strongly dependent on the number of cases with a lesion in a particular area.
Thus, in the ROBBIA series of studies, the finer-grained analysis subdivided the
two frontal cortices, together with subcortical structures, particularly in the basal
ganglia, into 69 different areas. Thus, left Brodmann area 45 was divided in two.
Patients of course tended to have lesions that covered a number of these areas, in
some cases a lot of them. However, glossing over the problem of lesion size,
patients with lesions in each of these areas were compared with patients who did
not have a lesion in the area.
Using 69 subgroups raises a Bonferroni correction problem, which was not
confronted; however, a worse problem is area representation. There was only one
patient whose lesion involved more than 25% of the area in each of seven areas,
including, for instance, the left global pallidus and the two parts of left area 8. By
contrast, 14 areas were represented in 10 cases or more, culminating in 3 areas
with 14 cases each (right area 14 orbital, right area 14 ventral, right area 32i). The
criterion of at least 3 cases was used as the minimum for an effect to be detected.
Thus, for about 20% of the areas no effect could be detected, however strong, and
even in areas that did satisfy the criterion, there was a five-fold difference in the
number of patients in the more critical positive group. For a given effect size there
is an enormous difference in the probability of it being detected if the lesion is in
one area than in another. For the coarse-grained analyses the numbers of patients
in each group varied from 15 in the inferior medial group to 6 in the right lateral
group, a considerable difference between group sizes (150%), but this is a mere
nothing by comparison with the 1300% for the finer-grained analysis! Moreover,
replacing, say, our sub-Brodmann area procedure by, say, lesion behavior mapping
(LBM) would not in any way reduce the problem of the natural history of lesion
representation in particular areas.
selective deficits across tasks to be used optimally. It also has the problem, how-
ever, that the results are potentially biased by idiosyncratic characteristics of this
patient group. In my view the best way to deal with this problem and problems of
lesion size, of other correlated variable artifacts, of the need for major Bonferroni
corrections (if the finer-grained procedure is used), and of differential representa-
tions of lesion locations discussed earlier is by means of converging operations.
This approach is possible within neuropsychology itself. Thus, instead of using
chronic lesions, as in the ROBBIA studies, one can work with acute tumor patients
postoperatively.
Since in the ROBBIA studies only about 20% of the patients were tumor
patients, with the remaining 80% having suffered strokes (including infarcts) and
trauma, and since those patients were in the chronic stage, the tumor group
essentially consists of a different type of patient population with a different natu-
ral history of lesion locations. However, drawing inferences to normal cognition
from the performance of acute tumor patients has a very bad reputation within
neuropsychology. Some gliomas, such as oligodendrogliomas and some astrocy-
tomas, can grow diffusely throughout one or both hemispheres. With MR imag-
ing, unenhanced T1 images can underestimate tumor extent, while T2 images
cannot distinguish tumor from edema. Even when the border of the tumor appears
sharp on a scan, it is likely to have invaded apparently healthy tissue. However, it
should be noted that even for gliomas, Mikkelsen and Rosenblum (1999) argue,
“Regional and remote recurrences are less frequent because of rapid fall-off in
tumor cells” (p. 77), with 75% of recurrences starting within 2 cm of the apparent
position of the original tumor. Complementarily, prior to surgery, it may be
unclear whether the nervous tissue within a glioma is operative or not. Low-grade
gliomas, too, being slow-growing, may lead to reorganization of function (Duffau,
2006). Following the operation, there may be more or less edema, and again how
this affects nervous tissue can be unclear. Thus, even if tumor patients are included
in a study, it is routinely assumed that it is better to leave a period of a few weeks
to allow the edema to subside before testing the patient.
However, it is now standard practice in tumor neurosurgery to use functional
imaging of functions held to be located near to the tumor before surgery to estab-
lish precisely where they are localized in the patient as rapidly possible. One can
frequently activate regions very close to the seen location of the tumor, suggest-
ing that the area is functional. Thus, the area close to the seen location is in these
cases functional. Moreover, in three recent studies we have found that using
VLSM produces a localization of function very close to that obtained by other
methods. Thus, in Shallice and coworkers (2010) we have found that optic ataxia,
an impairment in reaching accurately to a position in contralesional space,
can be localized in an acute tumor population in the medial superior posterior
parietal cortex, just where one would expect given fMRI studies of the parietal
reach region, where there is a hotspot in this region (Connolly, Anderson, &
Goodale, 2003). The location also fits with that for optic ataxia using patient
40 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
no stimulus had yet occurred and so increase their degree of preparation. If the
right lateral group had a problem of active checking, then they would fail to appre-
ciate that no stimulus had yet occurred and so fail to increase their degree of prep-
aration. One alternative account that temporal preparation is linked to an
automatic conditioning process (Los, Knol, & Boers, 2001) can be rejected because
this conflates the foreperiod effect with sequential effects on the previous trial.
However, this account can be ruled out as the two effects have quite different
developmental trajectories (Vallesi & Shallice, 2007). In a second neuropsycho-
logical study of the paradigm we assessed it in acute tumor patients (Vallesi,
Mussoni, Mondani, et al., 2007). Patients were tested both just before (1 to
3 days) and just after (3 to 6 days) the operation. The 58 patients had tumors
involving the left or right hemispheres and either the prefrontal, premotor, or
parietal cortices. The results strongly supported the frontal origin of an impair-
ment. There was a significant interaction in the effect of surgery on the size of the
foreperiod effect across group. In one group it was significantly reduced as an
effect of surgery from 57 milliseconds to 12 milliseconds. This was in the right
prefrontal group. However, the result is not that clear: if one considers just the
postoperative results alone, then both the right frontal and the left frontal groups
show reduced foreperiod effects (left frontals, 18 milliseconds; right frontals,
12 milliseconds; controls, 50 milliseconds).
It remains to be determined which of those two types of measure is the more
important. Thus, for optic ataxia, for instance, there is a selectively increased
impairment due to the operation in the critical region, but this is not found for
the fragmented letters test (Shallice et al., 2010). Using other methodologies,
Vallesi, Shallice, and Walsh (2007) found a selective effect of repetitive transcra-
nial magnetic stimulation on foreperiod in the right lateral prefrontal cortex but
not in the left. On the other hand, Vallesi, McIntosh, Shallice, and Stuss (2009)
obtained both left and right frontal effects when comparing variable-foreperiod
with fixed-foreperiod paradigms using fMRI. However, only the degree of right
dorsolateral activation correlated across subjects with the size of the variable fore-
period effect (but see Vallesi, Stuss, McIntosh, & Picton, 2009). Overall, the addi-
tional analyses give some support to the localization of the variable-foreperiod
effect made by Stuss and colleagues (2005).
Reverberi and coworkers (2005) used a problem-solving task designed to pro-
vide a different way of investigating the potential separability of active monitor-
ing and task-setting. Ten years before, Burgess and I (1996) had developed a
visuospatial task to assess the ability of patients to abstract rules: the Brixton
task. Subjects were presented, one at a time, with a pack of cards on each of which
was a 2 × 5 set of circles, one of which was colored blue. The blue circle moved from
one card to the next according to a simple rule that changed once every five to
nine cards; an example of a simple rule would be an alternation between two posi-
tions. Subjects had to guess where on the next card the circle would be colored
blue, which required them to abstract the currently active rule.
42 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
In the Reverberi and coworkers study, two cards before the end of any particu-
lar rule, a set of four cards, each with one red circle, were presented one at a time.
The subjects were told these cards were irrelevant and all they had to do with each
was to touch the red circle. The red circles, however, obeyed a different rule, and
when the color of the circle on the card changed back to blue, the subject had to
revert to obeying the blue rule active just before the current red circle cards
occurred. What was found was that the left lateral group was impaired at abstract-
ing the “blue rules” even when they had intact working memory for this type of
material. They did not show adequate task-setting, although at a more abstract
level than in the ROBBIA studies. It was, however, the right lateral patients who
were captured by the red rules: They failed to actively monitor which rule should
have been active when the red rule switched back to a blue one.
Turner and associates (2007) used another paradigm that should involve active
monitoring and checking. This was a free recall paradigm in which subjects were
presented with a series of 16-word lists, each composed of four words in each of
four categories. For each list, two of the categories were new and two were in the
preceding list. This was done because we considered it would impose extra pres-
sure on an active checking system, since prior-list intrusion errors will be likely to
occur from proactive interference. When subjects had recalled all that they could
in free recall, they were prompted with the category labels. There was a second
important aspect to the study: when subjects could recall no further items at
retrieval, they were presented with the labels of the categories occurring in the
list. Prior to prompting, the right lateral group, like the medial group, recalled
significantly fewer words than controls. However, no group produced a signifi-
cantly higher rate of intrusion errors compared to the controls. The situation was
quite different after prompting. One group differed from controls only in the
number of words recalled after the prompts; this was the right lateral group. In
addition, there was a significant difference in the number of prior-list intrusion
errors across the patient groups. The right lateral group, again, was the only group
to produce a significantly higher number of such errors than controls. Thus, the
right lateral group of patients appeared to fail to recall unprompted as many words
as they could, given that the potential number can be estimated from the addi-
tional words recalled following the prompt. In addition, it failed to detect errors
that arose from words presented in a different list from the one that was actively
being recalled. This is a very similar problem to that that seen in the Reverberi and
colleagues study, where a primed alternative had to be rejected. We argued that
the impairment of the right lateral group was somewhat wider than the active
monitoring deficit proposed by the ROBBIA studies (e.g., Stuss et al, 2005). We
suggested, instead, that the deficits in performance of the right lateral group
arose from a failure to initiate supervisory operations, when no external cue was
available that a problem had arisen. Such a process could explain a failure to search
for extra items at the end of retrieval in a free recall paradigm, as well as a failure
of active monitoring per se.
R e fl e ct ion s on R OBBI A 43
These studies were carried out in parallel to ROBBIA. In general they provide
converging evidence for the theoretical inferences drawn from the ROBBIA group
of studies, and therefore indirectly support the methodology that Don Stuss and
colleagues developed. Thus, the Reverberi and associates study (2005) supports
the left lateral prefrontal localization of the task-setting supervisory function, if
at a much more abstract level than ROBBIA studies such as Alexander and col-
leagues (2007). Three different studies by Vallesi and collaborators—one with
tumor patients (Vallesi, Mussoni, Mondani, et al., 2007), one with transcranial
magnetic stimulation (Vallesi, Shallice, & Walsh, 2007), and one with functional
imaging (Vallesi, McIntosh, Shallice, & Stuss, 2009)—support the right lateral
prefrontal localization of a critical component of the variable foreperiod effect as
originally found by Stuss and colleagues (2005) in ROBBIA. This in turn provided
key evidence for the right lateral localization proposed in ROBBIA (Shallice et al.,
2008b; Stuss & Alexander, 2007) of the conscious checking and active monitoring
supervisory function. Such an active checking function also receives support from
the free recall study by Turner and coworkers (2007). This study, however, also
suggests a possible broadening of the ascribed functions of the right lateral system
isolated in ROBBIA, namely from active monitoring to the initiating of all non-
externally triggered supervisory operations. Overall, though, the outcome of
ROBBIA was the proposal of a set of component processes of an overall supervi-
sory system that differ qualitatively, not just in terms of their levels in a process-
ing hierarchy. The neuropsychological studies just described fit well with this basic
framework.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Fergus Craik for most helpful comments on an initial version
of the paper.
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4
Rostral Prefrontal Cortex
What Neuroimaging Can Learn from
Human Neuropsychology
PA U L W. B U R G E S S , G I L G O N E N - YA A C O V I , A N D E M M A N U E L L E V O L L E
Rostral prefrontal cortex (PFC) approximates area 10 of the human brain and is
variously referred to as “anterior PFC” or “frontopolar cortex.” It is a very large
brain region in humans, covering approximately 25 to 30 cubic centimeters, and
it is a large area in humans relative to other animals (Holloway, 2002; Semendeferi
et al., 2001). In volumetric terms it is probably the largest single architectonic
region of the frontal lobes (Christoff et al., 2001), which themselves represent
approximately one third of the total cortical mass. Rostral PFC has many other
features that suggest that it might play a highly important role in human cogni-
tion, especially higher-order capacities. For instance, the supragranular layers of
area 10 in humans have more space available for connections with other higher-
order association areas than in other animals (Semendeferi et al., 2001). It
also follows a complex and protracted course of development, with suggestions
that full maturity might not be achieved even as late as early adulthood (see
Dumontheil et al., 2008, for review). This process of change may continue through-
out life: specific volume reductions (relative to total brain volume) have been
found in frontopolar cortex between early adulthood and middle age (John et al.,
2009).
Until approximately 15 years ago, virtually nothing was known about the func-
tions of this region. There were two principal reasons for this situation. First, the
large difference in rostral PFC structure and relative volumes between animals
and humans cast doubt on the transferability of findings derived from the former
to the latter. Thus, the study of this region was less attractive to scientists con-
ducting animal lesion studies than other prefrontal regions. Second, lesions to
this region in humans typically cause impairments that are not as easily demon-
strable in the clinic as those that cause basic impairments in language, motor,
47
48 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
or perceptual systems (Burgess et al., 2009). This meant that researchers have
tended to focus on the functional characteristics of other frontal lobe regions
(e.g., dorsolateral PFC), especially those where comparison with animal studies
might be more straightforward. Consequently, the relatively small, but neverthe-
less striking, body of evidence from human neuropsychology that could have been
used as the basis for theorizing about rostral PFC lay largely unconsidered.
the Wechsler intelligence scales (and variants; Wechsler, 1939). On this concep-
tion of intelligence, the construct can encompass a wide range of abilities and
aptitudes, and an IQ score is a simple average of a sample of them, most com-
monly used as a form of baseline against which other test scores might be com-
pared. The scores on any two subtests themselves, or between the larger groupings
(e.g., Verbal IQ vs. “Performance,” mainly non-verbal IQ), can show considerable
variation in any one individual, even within the healthy population (see, e.g.,
Spreen & Strauss, 1988, p. 121). The alternative common conception of IQ in cog-
nitive neuroscience is in the sense of “g,” as typified, for example, in the works of
John Duncan (e.g., Duncan et al., 2000).
Using the construct “intelligence” perhaps more in the former way than the
latter, Jung, Haier, and colleagues claim that “central psychological constructs
[such as general intelligence (g) and working memory capacity] . . . share common
neural systems . . . a common anatomic framework for these constructs implicates
Brodmann area 10” (Colom, Jung, & Haier, 2007; see also Jung & Haier, 2007).
More specifically, the hypothesis is that the contribution to cognition made by
processes supported by rostral PFC is “to hypothesis test various solutions to a
given problem” (Jung & Haier, 2007, p. 138). Although the specifics of this claim
are not outlined in great depth in information-processing terms, it seems likely
that a decrement in such an ability might affect performance on a very wide range
of tasks. Thus, lesions to this region should cause marked decrements on a wide
range of tasks, including IQ tests.
This prediction unites this latter conception of intelligence with the “g” view.
The notion of “g” originally came from Charles Spearman’s examination of the
performance of many individuals across lots of cognitive tests, using correlation
matrices. He noticed an effect he called “positive manifold” (Spearman, 1904) in
these matrices. This is the tendency for any correlation matrix of this kind to have
more positive correlations than negative ones. In other words, there is a tendency,
across lots of people, and across lots of tests, for those who are better at one test
to also be better at another. Spearman’s interpretation was that this positive
manifold was evidence of a hypothetical ability that is required to perform many
types of test, which he called “g” (short for “general intelligence”). Since that time,
various psychometric tests have been designed to measure this construct, often
now referred to as “fluid intelligence” (following Cattell, 1963).
The key idea here is that there is a particular cognitive resource, or process,
that underpins performance on a wide range of tasks. This distinguishes the
notion of fluid intelligence from the one outlined above, where IQ is just an aver-
age of a range of different abilities. As Roca and colleagues (2010) note, functional
imaging studies of tasks that supposedly measure fluid intelligence tend to find
extensive activity on the lateral surface of the frontal cortex, especially around
the inferior frontal sulcus and anterior insula/frontal operculum. Additionally,
fluid intelligence tasks also regularly activate the dorsal anterior cingulate/pre-
supplementary motor area and the intraparietal sulcus. Accordingly, Duncan and
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 51
colleagues have proposed that these activations reflect the neural operation of a
cognitive system that supports fluid intelligence (e.g., Duncan, 2001, 2005;
Duncan et al., 2000; Duncan & Owen, 2000).
One way in which this latter conception of intelligence is similar to the previous
one considered here is in the prediction it makes for human lesion studies. If rostral
PFC supports some processing that corresponds in some way to fluid intelligence
(or Spearman’s “g”), then this hypothesis also predicts that lesions to this region
should cause decrements across a wide range of tasks. The extent of the decrement
on any one task might reflect the degree to which that task loads upon “g.” However,
unless the hypothesis applied to rostral PFC makes the prediction that lesions to
this region should cause a wide range of decrement across many tasks (and more so
than at least some other brain regions), then it is essentially unfalsifiable.
damage are not typically impaired on traditional tests of intelligence. Many single
cases reported have scored in the superior range on such tests, with little or no
discernable change from estimates of premorbid functioning, despite extensive
rostral PFC involvement (e.g., Goel & Grafman, 2000; Goldstein et al., 1993;
Shallice & Burgess, 1991; see Burgess, 2000, for review). Indeed, Uretzky and
Gilboa’s (2010) case, Z.P. (WAIS-III Verbal IQ 121, Performance IQ 104, FSIQ
113), who has circumscribed right front-polar atrophy following a traffic accident,
gained degrees in civil engineering and business administration after his injury,
which hardly suggests a marked IQ deficit.
Of course one might object that there may be something unusual about these
single cases, or that the estimates of premorbid functioning might be inaccurate.
However, group studies have also shown no difference in IQs between patients
with rostral PFC lesions and those elsewhere. For instance, in Dreher and cowork-
ers’ (2008) study, patients with rostral PFC lesions (n = 7; called frontopolar
lesions by Dreher and coworkers) had a mean number of years of education of
14.71 (SD 3.4), and the patients whose lesions affected the frontal lobes but not
the rostral aspects of it (n = 5) had a very similar number (mean 14.2, SD 2.5).
Likewise, there was no significant difference in the performance of the two groups
in terms of WAIS-III Full-Scale IQ scores (rostrals’ mean = 110.43, SD = 20.4; non-
rostrals = 103.20, SD = 8.35).
Another way to look at this issue would be to start with the intelligence test
rather than the lesion: in other words, to gather data on many patients with vari-
ous lesions and to ask which lesion location shows the strongest relationship with
IQ decrement. Warrington, James, and Maciejewski (1986) provided by far the
largest study of this kind to our knowledge, examining 656 patients with unilat-
eral cerebral lesions on a shortened version of the WAIS. They found that Verbal
IQ was impaired following left hemisphere lesions, regardless of where the lesion
was located within the hemisphere. Performance IQ was impaired only following
lesions affecting the right parietal lobe. In an analysis by individual subtest, the
only finding was a relationship between Block Design and Picture Arrangement
decrement and right parietal involvement. More than 20 years later, Gläscher and
associates (2009) carried out a similar kind of study, using the more sophisticated
lesion imaging methods now available, and examining 241 patients with focal
brain damage on the WAIS-III. They found a statistically significant lesion–deficit
relationship in left inferior frontal cortex for verbal comprehension scores, with
an association between lesions in left lateral frontal and parietal cortex for the
working memory index, and in right parietal cortex for perceptual organization.
They found no single localization for processing speed.
From these studies we can conclude that there is little evidence for a preferen-
tial link between rostral PFC lesions and WAIS IQ decrements. But is this some
artifact of the particular definition of intelligence encapsulated by the Wechsler
Intelligence scales, or the way they measure them? Apparently not. Roca and col-
leagues (2010) studied the relationship between measures of fluid intelligence
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 53
(e.g., Cattell’s Culture Fair Test) and performance on a range of measures of execu-
tive functions. In their first experiment, the sample comprised 44 patients with
chronic lesions affecting a variety of subregions within the frontal lobes (note: not
just affecting rostral PFC). For two of the most commonly used executive function
tasks (Wisconsin Card Sorting Test [Nelson version] and Verbal Fluency), they
found that although the patients were significantly poorer than a group of matched
healthy controls in terms of raw performance on all three tests, once the variance
attributable to fluid intelligence was accounted for by covariance, this difference
disappeared. In other words, for some executive tasks there seems to be an overlap
in the processing demands with fluid intelligence measures. But there was no
apparent relation between where within the frontal lobes the lesion was located
and deficits on the fluid intelligence measure (the Culture Fair Test). In other
words, Roca and associates did not find a stronger relationship between fluid
intelligence deficits and lesions that affected rostral PFC than for other parts of
the frontal lobes.
However, in a second experiment, they did make a discovery that informs us of
the nature of the mental abilities that rostral PFC might support. Here, they
administered a different, and wider, range of executive and social function tasks
to 21 patients. Most of these were performed more poorly by the patient group
than controls. This time, however, the investigators found that for some of the
executive tasks, adjusting for fluid intelligence did not remove the group differ-
ence. These tests were go/no go (Dubois et al., 2000; Luria, 1966); proverb inter-
pretation (Hodges, 1994); Hayling Sentence Completion Task (Burgess & Shallice,
1996, 1997); Hotel Task (Manly et al., 2002; a version of Shallice & Burgess’s
[1991] Six Element Task); and the Faux Pas test (Stone et al., 1998). Roca and
coworkers (2010) then devised a score that represented the mean residual from
these tests (i.e., a score that represented the degree of impairment on the tests
that could not be explained by fluid intelligence). When they examined the lesion
overlaps for the six patients who showed the greatest negative value, they found
that the location of the overlap was in rostral PFC, especially in the right hemi-
sphere. In other words, the rostral PFC lesions caused an impairment that was
well measured by a number of executive tasks, but that could not be explained by
changes in fluid intelligence. This study, together with the evidence above, there-
fore provides good evidence that rostral PFC lesions do not typically affect perfor-
mance substantially on tests of intelligence any more than lesions elsewhere
within the brain. This finding holds whether IQ is conceived of as an average across
different domains, or as some homogeneous process, or set of them, operating
across all cognitive domains.
A recent study, however, seems prima facie to run against the findings by Roca
and coworkers. Gläscher and associates (2010) reported a Schmid-Leiman factor
transformation analysis of WAIS subtests in their group of 241 patients with
brain damage of various etiologies (principally stroke). This analysis specified a
higher-order factor common to three lower-order constructs (Verbal, Spatial,
54 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Working Memory). The investigators found that the factor scores for this higher-
order construct related to the presence of lesions in the left frontal pole, and con-
cluded that this region plays some part in supporting “g.” This is an interesting
finding. However, there may be many other possible interpretations of these data
(as indeed, Thomson [1939] pointed out that there were for the positive manifold
in correlation matrices that Spearman took as primary evidence of “g”). Gläscher
and associates did not use control or comparison tasks, so this limits an interpre-
tation in information-processing terms. Linked to this, there may be influences
that do not act equally as regards the possibility of general decrement in rostral
PFC patients: damage to this region tends to be neurologically “silent,” so it is often
not detected until the lesions are large or have affected particular pathways or
other PFC or subcortical regions, causing multiple deficits. Nevertheless, although
these limitations make interpretation difficult, they do raise the intriguing possi-
bility of some form of higher-order construct supported by a rostral PFC region.
more “central processes” and perhaps most problematic of all for systems sup-
ported by frontal lobe structures, which deal with novelty (Burgess, 1997), and
may have “adaptive coding”-type characteristics (Duncan, 2001). Where a consis-
tent relationship is found between performance of task type A and activation in
region X, it may be relatively easy to base one’s theorizing about the functions of
that region around information-processing models relating to task type A.
However, if region X is also active in a wide range of tasks other than A, this may
prove unproductive.
It may be that this kind of situation has already occurred in relation to rostral
PFC theorizing. One of the earliest observations in relation to rostral PFC activa-
tions from neuroimaging was the large number of studies of episodic memory in
which activations in BA 10 were found (e.g., Buckner et al., 1996). Grady (1999)
provided an excellent review of the relevant findings available at the end of the
1990s. She reviewed 90 PET studies demonstrating regional cerebral blood flow
(rCBF) changes within the frontal lobes, and concluded that the most heavily rep-
resented function of BA 10 is episodic memory. The basis for this conclusion was
that most of the experiments reporting BA 10 activation were using episodic
memory paradigms. This was an understandable conclusion, but may have been
misleading since it did not take into account the predominance of episodic memory
investigations in the literature at that time. If one adjusts for the different pro-
portions of studies across different cognitive domains, a different picture emerges.
Thus, 37/90 (41%) of the studies that Grady considered in her review investigated
episodic memory, and 47/90 (52%) of the studies she considered reported rCBF
changes in BA 10. However, only 68% of the episodic memory studies reported
BA 10 activations, and only 25 (53%) of the paradigms that caused BA 10 activa-
tions were episodic memory ones. Furthermore, 7/90 of the studies that Grady
considered were investigations of “working memory,” and 6 of these (86%) showed
BA 10 activation. Finally, 6/90 studies investigated conditioning or motor learn-
ing, and all 6 (100%) reported BA 10 activation. Thus, on the basis of these data it
is doubtful that, whatever role BA 10 functions play in cognition, they are any
more active when people are involved in episodic memory tasks than when they
are engaged in other sorts of tasks. As MacLeod, Buckner, Miezin, Petersen, and
Raichle (1998) put it, “although . . . BA 10 is routinely activated by episodic
memory tasks, it is not uniquely activated by episodic memory tasks” (p. 41).
As with the “intelligence hypothesis” of rostral PFC function, caution might have
been indicated by the human lesion evidence. The data from both single-case stud-
ies and group studies (see, e.g., Burgess et al., 2000; Petrie, 1952) show that uncom-
plicated lesions to rostral PFC do not cause pervasive problems with episodic recall
and recognition. Indeed, many patients with even extensive rostral PFC lesions
may be completely normal on a wide range of clinical neuropsychological tests of
episodic memory (e.g., Case A.P. from Shallice & Burgess, 1991). This is not, of course,
to say that rostral PFC is not involved in some aspects of memory functioning—
it probably is, as we shall see below—the point instead is that constraining the
56 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
6A 8B 6A
5 8B 5
4 8Ad 8Ad 4
9 9/46d 7
7 1/2/3 8Av 9/46d 9 8Av 1/2/3
9/46v
40 9/46v 40
46 46
39 39
41/4 6B 44 45B 10s 10s 45B 44 6B 42
17 18 19
2 45A 41/ 19 18 17
22 45A 22
10i 10i 37
37 47/12 47/12
21 21
11 11 38
38
20
20
6A 1/2/3 1/2/3 4 6A
4
8B 5 5 8B
7
9 31 7 31 9
32s 23 23
24s 19 19 24s
32s
10s 18 18
30 10s
30
17 17
18 18 24i 32i
32i 24i 35 19 19 35 10i
10i
25 34 34 25
14 37 37 14
28 28
11 11
36 36
38 20 20 38
Figure 4.1. A visual illustration of the findings from a selection of Stuss and
colleagues’ studies involving patients with frontal lobe lesions, between 1998 and
2008. Test results are compared to patients with non-frontal lesions and/or controls.
The figure shows the frequency of a reported impairment for each Brodmann area
based on the results from 44 behavioral variables described in Table 4.1. These
frequencies are divided into six ranges, represented by different colors. Dark blue = the
region was found to be impaired, to a statistically significant degree, on 1 of the 44
behavioral variables (relative to either controls or at least one other patient group).
Light blue = 2/44 variables impaired. Green = 3/44 variables impaired. Yellow = 4 to 11
variables impaired. Orange = 12 to 19 variables impaired. Red = 20 or more variables
impaired. The results show that rostral PFC regions (area 10) are not impaired on a
larger number of these behavioral indicators than other PFC regions. These
results provide a constraint for theorizing about the functions of rostral PFC.
(See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
Of course, the selection of tasks that Stuss, Alexander, and colleagues used in
this series of studies was not random. They were chosen largely because of their
putative sensitivity to frontal lobe lesions, or were discovered to be so during the
course of the experiment. However, this adds in extremely useful ways to the
results already outlined above. We can ignore any suggestion that rostral PFC
lesions usually cause serious deficits in primary sensory functions, or in the “rou-
tinized” learned skills such as basic aspects of language processing, motor or visuo-
perceptual abilities, reading, writing, or simple aspects of memory (e.g., knowledge;
Table 4.1. Summary of the Findings from Stuss and Colleagues Testing Patients with Lesions in Frontal Lobes, 1998–2008
Study Condition Variables Right Medial Left Medial Right Lateral Left Lateral
1. The effect of focal anterior 1A. Letter-based Making errors (compared to 9/46, 46, 44,
and posterior brain lesions fluency task controls) 45, 47/12
on verbal fluency (Stuss
et al., 1998)
1B. Letter-based Produced fewer (compared 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44,
fluency task to controls) 9, 24 45, 47/12
1C. Semantic Produced fewer words 9/46, 46, 44,
fluency task (compared to controls) 45,
47/12, 5, 7,
40
2. Humor appreciation: a role 2A. Verbal Humor Impairment in distinguishing 8B, 9, 10s 8B, 9, 10s
of the right frontal lobe Statements test between humorous and neutral
(Shammi & Stuss, 1999) verbal stimuli (compared to
controls)
2B. Verbal Humor Impairment in choosing correct, 8B, 9, 10s 8B, 9, 10s
Statements test funny punchlines to incomplete
verbal joke items (compared to
controls)
(Continued)
Table 4.1. (cont’d)
Study Condition Variables Right Medial Left Medial Right Lateral Left Lateral
3. Wisconsin Card Sorting 3A. WCST 128 Number of correct categories 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
Test performance in patients (compared to controls and 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
with focal frontal and patients with non-frontal 10s
posterior brain damage: lesions)
effect of lesion location and
test structure on separable
cognitive processes
(Stuss et al., 2000)
3B. WCST 128 Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
criterion (compared to controls) 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
10s
3C. WCST 128 Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
response (compared to controls) 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
10s
3D. WCST 64A Number of correct categories 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
(compared to controls and 10s, 10i, 11, 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
patients with non-frontal lesions) 25, 32 10s, 10i,
11, 25, 32
3E. WCST 64A Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
criterion (compared to controls) 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
10s
3F. WCST 64A Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
response (compared to controls, 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
patients with frontal and 10s
non-frontal lesions)
3G. WCST 64A Set loss (compared to controls) 10i, 11, 10i, 11,
25, 32 25, 32
3H. WCST 64B Number of correct categories 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44, 9/46, 46, 44,
(compared to patients with 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12 45, 47/12
frontal and non-frontal lesions) 10s
3I. WCST 64B Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B,
criterion (compared to patients 10s 9, 24,
with frontal and non-frontal 10s
lesions)
3J. WCST 64B Perseverations of the preceding 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9/46, 46, 44,
response (compared to patients 10s 9, 24, 45, 47/12
with frontal and non-frontal 10s
lesions)
4. Stroop performance in 4A. Color naming Color errors (compared to 44, 45A,
focal lesion patients: condition patients with frontal lesions) 45B, 46,
dissociation of processes and 9/46, 8A,
frontal lobe lesion location 6A, 6B
(Stuss et al., 2001)
4B. Incongruent Incongruent errors (compared to 8B, 9, 32s 8B, 9, 32s
condition patients with frontal lesions)
(Continued)
Table 4.1. (cont’d)
Study Condition Variables Right Medial Left Medial Right Lateral Left Lateral
5. Dissociation within the 5A. Simple task Slowing down in reaction time 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B,
anterior attentional system: (compared to controls) 9, 24
effects of task complexity
and irrelevant information
on reaction time and
accuracy
(Stuss et al., 2002)
5B. Easy task Slowing down from simple to easy 44, 45A, 45,
task (compared to controls) 47/12, 11,
10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5C. Easy task Number of omissions (compared 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B, 44, 45A, 45B,
to controls) 9, 24 47/12, 11,
10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5D. Complex task Less proportional increase 6A, 8B, 9, 24, 6A, 8B, 9, 44, 45A, 45,
(compared to controls) 10, 11, 25, 32 24, 10, 11, 47/12, 11,
25, 32 10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5E. Complex task Number of omissions (compared 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B,
to controls) 9, 24
5F. Complex task Number of false-positive 44, 45A, 45,
responses (compared to controls) 47/12, 11,
10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5G. Redundant Less proportional increase 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B, 44, 45A, 45,
task (compared to controls) 9, 24 47/12, 11,
10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5H. Redundant Number of omissions (compared 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B, 44, 45A, 45,
task to controls) 9, 24 47/12, 11,
10, 46, 9/46,
9, 8B, 8A
5I. Second Number of omissions (compared 6A, 8B, 9, 24 6A, 8B,
simple task to controls) 9, 24
6. Impaired concentration 6A. Slowing in 9, 24, 32s 9 9/46
due to frontal lobe damage reaction time
from two distinct lesion sites (compared to
(Alexander et al., 2005) controls and
patients with
frontal lesions)
(Continued)
Table 4.1. (cont’d)
Study Condition Variables Right Medial Left Medial Right Lateral Left Lateral
Study Condition Variables Right Medial Left Medial Right Lateral Left Lateral
episodic recognition memory), and so forth: all the studies so far reviewed here
detail patients with rostral PFC damage but whose abilities in these kinds of
domains is unaffected. Nor does it seem likely that the screening procedure used
by Stuss, Alexander, and their colleagues led to an abnormal degree of rejection of
rostral PFC patients: the clinical wisdom of many years is that rostral PFC is rela-
tively silent in terms of neurological symptoms (indeed, this was one of the rea-
sons for the relative lack of progress made in this area until recent times).
We can also dismiss the suggestion that rostral PFC supports some kind of
processing related to “intelligence” as defined as a “g”-type processing resource.
Such a construct must surely have a strong general influence upon behaviors such
as choice reaction time and other “hard” tasks. Neither would rostral PFC be well
characterized as relating to some processing reflected in some “average” of intel-
ligence tasks. Further, what the Stuss/Alexander findings show is that there
appears to be no special relation between rostral PFC lesions and deficits on a
range of traditional “executive” tasks either.
From this, we can learn that explanations in terms of the macro-level con-
structs traditionally used in the field (but rarely with detailed formulation in
information-processing theory), such as “planning” or “problem-solving” or “cog-
nitive control,” may be inadequate starting points for theorizing about rostral
PFC function (see also Burgess, 2000; Burgess et al., 2000). While it may be that
rostral PFC supports processing that plays a role in the performance of tasks that
have been labeled as, for example, “analogical reasoning,” it is doubtful that this
construct adequately defines the characteristics of the task that particularly
require that processing (Volle et al., 2010). Indeed, in many cases it may be a
matter of identifying the common processing across tasks that prima facie look
quite different (i.e., use different stimuli, largely different instructions, different
responses, etc.) rather than the defining features of a particular task (for neuro-
imaging evidence see the studies of Burgess and colleagues. who have made exten-
sive use of “cognitive conjunction”-type designs; e.g., Burgess et al., 2001, 2003;
Gilbert et al., 2005; Simons et al., 2005).
The second finding from the Stuss/Alexander meta-analysis is that the deficits
that can most precisely be attributed to rostral PFC lesions seem to relate to quite
specific situations. None of the Stuss/Alexander studies implicated only area 10
as critical to performance of a particular variable: instead, they identified brain
regions where area 10 was one of the regions that, when impaired, caused impair-
ment. However, this makes the results even more remarkable. If one considers
just those variables where lesions that included rostral PFC (area 10) caused an
impairment that was significantly worse than in patients with lesions elsewhere,
the result is a very restricted subset of the 44 variables indeed. Patients with
lesions that included rostral PFC showed impairments in humor judgment, in
2 (only) of the 10 Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST) variables considered by
Stuss and Alexander, and in maintaining performance in time-keeping tasks, and
were worst during slow conditions of sustained attention tasks. With this latter
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 69
Table 1. Frontal
70
Parietal
Rm Ll Ll Rm Rm Ll Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
Rm Rm
Rl Rl
Rm Rm
Rl Rl
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl Rm Rm
Lm Ll Ll Lm Lm Ll Lm Lm
(Continued)
71
Table 4.2. (cont’d)
Table 1. Frontal
5B. Easy Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
task *
5C. Easy task
Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl
5D. Complex Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
task
Lm Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
5E. Complex task
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
72
Parietal
Rm Rm
Lm Lm
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl Rl
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll Ll
(Continued)
73
Table 4.2. (cont’d)
Table 1. Frontal
5I. Second
simple task
6A. Slowing Rm
in RT
6B. Number of Ll Ll Ll
Errors
7A. Choice Rl Rm
RT test
7B. Prepare RT Rm
7C. Prepare RT Rl Rm Rl
8A. Go-no Go Rm Rm
8B. Go-no Go Rl Rm Rl
8C. Go-no Go
9A. Stop
Signal Task
10A. Tone paced Rl
10B. Self-paced Rl
condition
10C. Accuracy Rm Rm
and variability of
timing Rl Lm
Ll
74
Parietal
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Rm Rm Rm Rm Rm
Lm Lm Lm Lm Lm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm
Lm
Ll
Rm Rl Rm Rm
Rm Rm Rm
Rm Rl Rl Rm Rm Rl
Rm Rm
Rm Rm Rm Rl
Lm Lm
Ll Ll
Rm Rm Rm
Rl
Rl
Rm
Rl Lm Lm Lm
Ll Ll Ll Ll
(Continued)
75
Table 4.2. (cont’d)
Table 1. Frontal
11B. Modified Ll Ll
Stroop test
12A. Single task
Notes: Data are from the Stuss/Alexander series (see Table 4.1 for details of studies and variables).
Each patient may have involvement of multiple brain regions. Each subregion is split into hemisphere
(R or L), and lateral or medial surface (l or m). These studies identified, in group comparisons, an
aspect of area 10 as being part of some larger region specifically involved in 7/44 variables (marked in
italics, and with an asterisk). For variables 2A, 2B, 3G, 5B, and 5F, the comparison was made between
patients whose damage may well have (according to the Stuss/Alexander method of lesion localiza-
tion; see footnote to Table 4.1 for details) included area 10 and controls (with no other patient group
being impaired). For variable 3I the comparison was made between patients whose damage may have
included area 10 and other patient groups (the control group was not tested on this condition). Finally,
for variable 13A the comparison was made between patients whose damage included (but was not
restricted to) area 10 and other patient groups (with no other patient group being impaired relative to
controls).
76
Parietal
Lm
Rl Rl Rl
Ll
Ll Rl
Lm
Rm Rm
Lm Lm
Rm Rm Rl Rl Rl Rl
77
78 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
that Penfield’s sister was experiencing after the removal of a right frontal oligoden-
droglioma: “She had planned to get a simple supper for one guest (Wilder Penfield)
and four members of her own family. She looked forward to it with pleasure and
had the whole day for preparation. This was a thing she could have done with
ease . . . before. When the appointed hour arrived she was in the kitchen, the food
was all there, one or two things were on the stove, but the salad was not ready,
the meat had not been started and she was distressed and confused by her long
continued effort alone. It seemed evident that she would never be able to get
everything ready at once” (p. 131).
Penfield’s sister was not suffering from a marked and generalized cognitive
decline, and did not have serious disabilities in basic cognitive systems (e.g., clas-
sic dense amnesia, visuo-spatial/perceptual or agnosic problems, disorders of
motor control and so forth). Similar cases were soon reported (e.g., Ackerly &
Benton, 1947; Brickner, 1936). These established, at least on the grounds of clini-
cal observation alone, that behavioral disorganization can be seen in the absence
of gross cognitive decline, harking back to the most famous case of frontal lobe
damage: Harlow’s Phineas Gage.
However, it was not until the mid-1980s that an attempt was made to charac-
terize the nature of the critical cognitive deficit underpinning this type of disor-
der. Eslinger and Damasio (1985) described the case of E.V.R., who had undergone
surgical removal of a large bilateral frontal meningioma. At the time of his opera-
tion E.V.R. was a financial officer with a small company and a respected member
of his community. He was married and the father of two children; his brothers and
sisters considered him a role model and a natural leader. After the operation, how-
ever, E.V.R. lost his job, went bankrupt, was divorced by his wife, and moved in
with his parents. He subsequently married a prostitute and was divorced again
within 2 years. Extensive psychological evaluations demonstrated that he was
superior or above average on most intelligence tests (e.g., Verbal IQ of 125;
Performance IQ of 124) and, indeed, on most other kinds of cognitive test as well.
Despite these normal findings, however, E.V.R. was often unable to make simple
everyday decisions, such as which toothpaste to buy, what restaurant to go to, or
what to wear. He would instead make endless comparisons and contrasts, often
being completely unable to come to a decision at all. Further, Eslinger and Damasio
report prospective memory problems: “it was as if he forgot to remember short-
and intermediate- term goals” (1985, p. 1737).
Eslinger and Damasio’s paper was important because it was the first to present
a formal neuropsychological examination of this kind of presentation, thus adding
in an important way to Penfield and Evans, and the others who had presented
only formal neurological data. However, Eslinger and Damasio’s study still did not
quantify the most critical aspect of the presentation: the nature of the cognitive
impairment.
A study by Shallice and Burgess (1991) addressed this lacuna. They pre-
sented three cases who had all suffered frontal lobe damage following traumatic
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 79
brain injury. None had any significant impairment on formal tests of perception,
language, and intelligence, and two performed well on a variety of traditional
tests of executive function. Indeed, one of these cases (A.P.) was probably the best
example of the syndrome so far reported. A.P. sustained an open head injury in a
road traffic accident when he was in his early 20s. The injury caused a virtually
complete removal of the rostral prefrontal cortex bilaterally plus damage to sur-
rounding regions. On standard neuropsychological measures of intellectual func-
tioning, memory, and perception and even traditional tests of executive function,
A.P. performed within the superior range.
But A.P. did show impairment in everyday life. The most obvious was a marked
multitasking and prospective memory problem. This manifested itself as tardi-
ness and disorganization, the severity of which ensured that despite his excellent
intellect and social skills, he never managed to return to work at the level he had
enjoyed premorbidly. Shallice and Burgess (1991) invented two new tests of mul-
titasking to assess these problems. The first, the “Multiple Errands Test,” is a real-
life multitasking test carried out in a shopping mall or similar area. Participants
have to complete a number of tasks, principally involving shopping, while follow-
ing a set of rules (e.g., no shop should be entered other than to buy something).
The tasks vary in terms of complexity (e.g., buy a small brown loaf vs. discover the
exchange rate of the Euro yesterday), and there are a number of “hidden” prob-
lems in the tasks that have to be appreciated and the possible course of action
evaluated. For instance, one item asks that participants write and send a postcard,
yet they are given no pen, and although they cannot use anything not bought on
the street to help them, they are also told that they need to spend as little money
as possible. In this way, the task is quite “open-ended” or “ill-structured” (i.e.,
there are many possible courses of action, and it is up to the individual to decide
which one to choose). (For further studies using versions of this task see, e.g.,
Alderman et al., 2003; Dawson et al., 2009 Knight et al., 2002.)
The second task that Shallice and Burgess invented was a more controlled
experimental task, the “Six Element Test.” This requires participants to swap
efficiently between three simple subtasks, each divided into two sections within
15 minutes, while following some arbitrary rules (e.g., “you cannot do part A of a
subtask followed immediately by part B of the same subtask”). There are no cues
signaling when to switch tasks, and although a clock is present, it is covered, so
that checking it has to be a deliberate action. Thus, this paradigm has a strong
component of voluntary time-based task switching (i.e., one form of prospective
memory). (A version of this task is now part of the Behavioral Assessment of the
Dysexecutive Syndrome [BADS] assessment battery [Wilson et al., 1996].)
Despite their excellent general cognitive skills, A.P. and the other patients
reported by Shallice and Burgess all performed these tasks below the 5th percen-
tile of age- and IQ-matched controls. On the Multiple Errands Task the subjects
made a range of types of error. Many of these could be interpreted as problems
with prospective memory. For instance, they would find themselves having to go
80 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
into the same shop more than once to buy items that could all have been bought
at one visit; they forgot to carry out tasks that they had previously learned that
they needed to do, or to follow task rules. They also made a range of social behav-
ior errors (e.g., leaving a shop without paying; offering sexual favors in lieu of
payment). Shallice and Burgess (1991) termed this kind of behavioral disorgani-
zation in the context of preserved intellect and other cognitive functions the
“Strategy Application Disorder.”
Shallice and Burgess’s patients gave little clue as to the anatomical localization
of the lesion critical for this pattern of deficit, since the patients had suffered large
traumatic lesions that invaded many subregions. But 2 years later, Goldstein and
colleagues (1993) described an instructive case. G.N., a 51-year-old right-handed
man, had undergone a left frontal lobectomy 2.5 years earlier following the dis-
covery of a frontal lobe tumor (mixed astrocytoma–oligodendroglioma). A 5-cm
resection of left frontal lobe from the frontal pole was undertaken. This surgery
made little difference to his general cognitive abilities (e.g., WAIS-R Verbal IQ
129, Performance IQ 111; story recall, immediate 75–90th percentile, delayed
50–70th; Rey Osterreith delayed figure recall 80–90th percentile; Trail-making
70–75th percentile). However, it was nevertheless clear from his everyday behav-
ior that something was seriously wrong. He had held a senior management posi-
tion within an international company, but 2 years after surgery he had to take
medical retirement because of increasing lethargy. He worked from home as a free-
lance management consultant but had difficulty making decisions. For instance,
he took 2 weeks to decide which slides to use for a work presentation, but never
actually came to a conclusion. He also experienced anger-control difficulties.
Goldstein and colleagues (1993) administered the Multiple Errands Test. G.N.
made significantly more errors than controls, being less efficient (e.g., having to
return to a shop), breaking rules (e.g., using a stamp that another customer gave
him), misinterpreting tasks (e.g., sticking the stamp on the wrong card), as well as
failing to complete some tasks altogether, reporting that he had known he had to
do them but somehow “forgot” them. He also showed some “social rule” breaks.
For instance, he had omitted to find out the price of tomatoes while earlier in the
greengrocers, and realizing that he should not go back into the shop unless he was
to buy something, he very conspicuously climbed onto the fruit display outside
the shop and peered in the shop window.
This case and others reported in the literature show a remarkably similar pat-
tern of neuropsychological test performance. Burgess (2000) summarized the
performance of eight well-known patients. None of them had any language or
visuo-perceptual impairment, and all scored within the superior range on tests of
current intellectual functions. Four of the seven showed no impairment on any
memory test. But, most remarkably, two showed no impairment on a range of clin-
ical executive function tests known to be sensitive to frontal lobe lesions. Moreover,
no executive test has been failed by more than 2/8 cases. This contrasts with
the observation that all of the reported cases of “strategy application disorder”
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 81
who have been given either the Multiple Errands or Six Element Test have failed
at least one of them.
Burgess and colleagues (2009) pointed out that the multitasking situations
presented to a participant by the Multiple Errands and Six Element Tests share a
number of similarities. These are:
But perhaps these results were specific to this particular multitasking test
rather than being true of a class of situation with the previously described charac-
teristics? This appears not to be the case. Burgess, Veitch, and Costello (submit-
ted; reported in Burgess et al., 2006) administered a new version of Burgess and
colleagues’ (1996) Six Element Test to 69 acute neurological patients with circum-
scribed focal lesions and 60 healthy individuals using the administration frame-
work of Burgess and colleagues (2000). The Six Element Test differs from the
Greenwich Test in that the multitasking score reflects mainly voluntary time-
based switching rather than rule-following. Compared with other patients, those
whose lesions involved the rostral prefrontal regions of the right hemisphere
made significantly fewer voluntary task switches, attempted fewer subtasks, and
spent far longer on individual subtasks. As with the study by Burgess and col-
leagues (2000), these multitasking deficits could not be attributed to deficits in
general intellectual functioning, rule knowledge, planning, or retrospective
memory. Furthermore, there was no obvious relation between Six Element Test
performance and concomitant failure on several traditional tests of executive
function.
When one considers the earlier case studies reporting relatively isolated defi-
cits of behavioral organization in the light of the results from these group studies,
it seems that that there is a remarkably consistent finding of involvement of ros-
tral PFC. For instance, in the six cases reviewed by Burgess (2000) for whom good
brain scan data were available, all of them had rostral PFC involvement of either
the left or right hemispheres (or both). In addition to these cases, we might also
add the more recent patient reported by Bird and associates (2004) who had suf-
fered a rare form of stroke affecting the medial aspects of area 10 bilaterally, and
who failed the Six Element Test despite passing some other executive tests (e.g.,
the WCST).
in both medial and lateral rostral PFC and performance of prospective memory
tasks. Moreover, recent data from our lab from human group lesion studies of
prospective memory tasks that are very similar to the ones we have used in our
neuroimaging studies are also showing a relation between rostral PFC lesions and
failures on these tasks (Volle, Costello, Gonen-Yaacovi, Gilbert, & Burgess, 2011).
Broadly, we find that lateral rostral PFC activation increases during prospective
memory conditions, with higher medial rostral PFC activation during the ongoing
task only. These activation patterns can occur regardless of the precise form (e.g.,
words, pictures, numbers, etc.) of the stimuli (with the potentially highly impor-
tant caveat that we, and others, have so far used only visual presentation of our
stimuli). Some regions of rostral PFC also appear hemodynamically insensitive to
the demands of the intended action or how difficult it is to spot the prospective
memory target. However, rostral PFC activation patterns do seem highly sensitive
to even very small changes in task instruction (Gilbert et al., 2009).
Here, then, is one example of broad congruence between findings from neu-
roimaging and neuropsychology, and where each method seems to be providing
hypotheses and tests relevant to the other method. Another potential function is
mentalizing, and related functions. “Mentalizing” is a broad term referring to a
range of cognitive processing relating to thinking about one’s own thoughts or
characteristics and those of others (e.g., Theory of Mind and introspection; for
review see Frith & Frith, 2003). There is a consistent relationship in the func-
tional neuroimaging literature between tasks that stress these functions, and
related ones such as deception and moral behavior, and activation of medial ros-
tral PFC (e.g., Eslinger et al., 2009; Gilbert et al., 2007). There is also supportive
evidence from human lesion studies (e.g., Stuss et al., 2001) and transcranial
direct current stimulation (Karim et al., 2010). On these grounds, it seems plau-
sible that the root of at least some of the deficits in social behavior found in the
cases of “strategy application disorder” described previously might also be traced
to impairments in these abilities, although to our knowledge this has not yet been
formally examined.
Another understudied area of human cognition where there may be potential
for fruitful cross-method interaction concerns higher-level memory control, by
which we mean the ability to manipulate and introspect upon episodic memory
traces. Examples include memory for Context (remembering details of an event
that were not central to it at the time of encoding), Source (remembering aspects
of events relating to its provenance, such as when something occurred, where it
occurred, etc.), and Reality Monitoring (distinguishing between imagined and
perceived events). There is a very consistent relation in the literature between
performance of these tasks and activation in rostral PFC (see Burgess et al., 2007,
for review) and elsewhere within the prefrontal cortex (e.g., dorsolateral and
ventrolateral PFC; see Turner et al., 2008). And it has been known for some time
that patients with frontal lobe lesions have difficulties on a range of source moni-
toring tasks (e.g., Duarte et al., 2010; Janowsky, Shimamura, & Squire, 1989;
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 85
Kopelman, Stanhope, & Kingsley, 1997; Milner, Petrides, & Smith, 1985;
Shimamura, Janowsky, & Squire, 1990). However, it seems on present evidence
that these kinds of higher-level memory control tasks require the operation of a
network of PFC and extra-PFC regions, and the precise role that rostral PFC may
play within this network is unclear.
within participant); and (3) that IQ would be left relatively unchanged by many
intelligence tests (since they do not typically heavily tap aspects such as prospec-
tive memory, multitasking, high-level memory control, mentalizing and intro-
spection, and so forth. Neither are they typically open-ended, ambiguous,
monotonous, or have any of the other task characteristics mentioned here in rela-
tion to good tests of rostral PFC function. Indeed, when one makes a list, like this,
of the characteristics that IQ tasks do not have, one can begin to see how particu-
lar, perhaps even peculiar, are typical intelligence tests in relation to the demands
made by everyday life.
Conclusion
Cognitive neuroscience must be an inherently multi- or inter-disciplinary enter-
prise because there is no single level at which the instantiation of mental phe-
nomena can be understood. To understand fully how the brain facilitates thought,
we must understand simultaneously how chemical, electrical, hemodynamic, and
other properties and changes occurring within the brain can be related to infor-
mation-processing and phenomenological levels of explanation. It seems likely
therefore that where one particular method does not constrain the inferences it
makes from one level to another by reference to converging evidence from other
methods, the possibility of inferential error increases. This chapter has high-
lighted one such way in which this may be currently occurring. The evidence from
human lesion studies of rostral PFC is hard to reconcile with a sizeable proportion
of the theorizing that is emerging from neuroimaging. Here we have tried to pro-
vide some insights and references that may provide a start towards such recon-
ciliation by constraining neuroimaging evidence with human lesion evidence.
There is little doubt about the enormous increase in our knowledge of the func-
tions and organization of rostral PFC that functional neuroimaging has afforded.
Indeed, as mentioned at the start of this chapter, determined theorizing on this
topic was kick-started by numerous findings of rostral PFC activations in neu-
roimaging experiments, and most of what we currently believe about rostral PFC
comes from this method. However, there is a danger, when a new scientific method
becomes overwhelmingly predominant, that highly relevant material from more
established methods might not maintain the influence that it deserves.
As an investigative method in cognitive neuroscience, functional neuroimag-
ing has many advantages over lesion studies. However, human lesion evidence has
two principal advantages over neuroimaging data. The first is the causal advan-
tage for theorizing that lesion evidence provides: inference is much more straight-
forward. Second, human lesion data often also have an advantage in terms of
understanding the totality of influence that perturbation of a particular cognitive
system evinces. A neurological patient can often be observed in a wide variety of
situations, and performing a wide variety of tasks, so if a particular construct is
R os t ral P re fron t al C ort ex 87
impaired, one can see the extent of its influence across them. This is not typically
possible with neuroimaging designs, but may be particularly critical for theoriz-
ing about “central” systems that may operate across many situations and with
many types of stimuli. And indeed, it would appear that some systems supported
by prefrontal cortex have just these characteristics. In this way, the data in par-
ticular from Donald T. Stuss and his colleagues are of critical importance, and they
have provided a database that will serve as a guide to theorists for very many
years to come. For that accomplishment, those of us who study rostral PFC are
extremely grateful.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Donald T. Stuss and Michael Alexander for their detailed
and extremely helpful comments on technical matters relating to the meta-
analyses of their results presented in this chapter. We are also very grateful to
Brian Levine and Fergus Craik for their comments on an earlier draft.
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5
Combining the Insights Derived from
Lesion and fMRI Studies to Understand
the Function of Prefrontal Cortex
MARK D’ESPOSITO AND DAVID BADRE
Executive function and cognitive control are both terms used to describe our abil-
ity to direct thought and action based on our goals and intentions, rather than
being driven automatically by the environment that surrounds us. Current theo-
ries of executive function and cognitive control propose that the prefrontal cortex
(PFC) is a critical brain region for this ability by providing top-down signals that
modulate incoming sensory information as this information undergoes progres-
sively more elaborative processing within association cortex for incorporation
into our stream of consciousness (Mesulam, 2002, 2008). The PFC is one of two
zones of multimodal association cortex that exist in the brain with extensive pro-
jections to both cortical and subcortical regions (Fig. 5.1A; Petrides & Pandya,
2002). Thus, the PFC is clearly in a privileged position to be one source of top-
down signals that could sculpt behavior. One of the questions we will address in
this chapter is: “What are the mechanisms by which the PFC can provide top-
down signals?” A theory that we support is that the PFC stores the highest levels
of representations such as rules and goals, and it is the active maintenance of
these PFC representations that bias information processing elsewhere in the brain
that influences how we ultimately make decisions and act (Miller & D’Esposito,
2005; Miller & Cohen, 2001).
Based on its cellular makeup and connectivity, the frontal cortex (from pri-
mary motor to premotor to prefrontal cortex) can be considered a very heteroge-
neous region, as illustrated in Figure 5.1B. These regional differences within the
frontal cortex likely reflect functional subdivisions, and these functional subdivi-
sions may be organized by different types of operations performed, different
types of representations stored, or both. A second question we will address in this
chapter is: “What is the functional organization of the PFC?” We believe that any
93
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39
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45 44
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Figure 5.1. (A) General organization of the cerebral cortex. White regions represent
areas of higher-order multimodal cortex, which includes the prefrontal cortex (Fuster,
2004). (B) Cytoarchitectonic division of the human frontal lobe. Each region is labeled
with numbers that represent the update by Petrides and Pandya of the original
Brodmann maps (Petrides & Pandya, 2002). (See Color Plate Section for a color version
of this figure.)
94
Co mbining the Insig hts Der iv ed fr o m L e s ion an d fM R I S t u die s 95
insight gained regarding the functional organization of the PFC will also provide
insight regarding the mechanisms underlying cognitive control.
Frontal lobe function has been extensively researched both through the careful
study of neurologic patients with focal lesions (usually due to stroke) and using
functional MRI (fMRI) with healthy volunteers. However, there has been surpris-
ingly little direct interaction between these two literatures (Fellows et al., 2005).
Thus, rather than producing two lines of evidence that converge on a better under-
standing of frontal lobe function, the two literatures have, in a sense, pursued
divergent evolution, developing distinct sets of terms, hypotheses, and explana-
tions of empirical phenomena that often have little relation to one another and
that are difficult to reconcile or relate in specific ways. However, this divergence
need not be the case. Indeed, lesion and fMRI methodologies can complement
each other in significant ways, and so when combined can be a powerful approach.
In this chapter, we will also discuss the ways that these approaches complement
each other, and as a case in point, we will describe in some detail a recent line of
fMRI and patient work that has provided fundamental insights into frontal lobe
function; these insights would have been unlikely or impossible for either meth-
odology to have uncovered on its own.
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1
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0 0
LL RL IM SM CTL LL RL IM SM CTL
Set loss
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4 1
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8
alarms
alarms
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LL RL Medial CTL LL RL IM SM CTL
Figure 5.2. Behavioral performance on various tasks by patients with focal frontal
lesions (Stuss & Alexander, 2007). For each task, the brain diagrams illustrate the
location of damage (gray color) in which at least three patients had significantly
impaired performance on the particular task compared to all other patients who did
not have damage in those regions.
error rates) across conditions. Moreover, the exquisite spatial resolution afforded
by fMRI means that these activation differences can be detected even in highly
proximate regions of the brain that might be contained within a single lesion or
region of lesion overlap between patients. Consequently, fMRI is often quite
useful in elucidating the elementary component processes of a broad cognitive
function that may be otherwise obscured by exclusive reliance on the coarser
lesion approach. However, once these elementary processes are identified, they
can motivate more precise hypotheses to be tested using the lesion method.
98 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Hence, this interactive process can yield new testable hypotheses. In what follows,
we will provide an example of the power of this approach.
Hundreds of fMRI studies attempting to understand the organization of the
PFC have been performed over the past 15 years (for a review see Curtis &
D’Esposito, 2006). As expected, specific executive or cognitive control processes
such as task-setting have consistently been shown to activate the lateral PFC
(e.g. Banich, Milham, Atchley, & Cohen, 2000; Brass & von Cramon, 2004; Sakai
& Passingham, 2003). Scanning healthy subjects on tasks that have been tested in
patients is a common, but generally unhelpful, attempt to relate fMRI and lesion
approaches. Without a careful task analysis and redesign of the experiment to
distinguish elementary, component operations, it is difficult to see what is learned
beyond what was established in the original lesion study. Put more concretely, if
patients with frontal lobe lesions perform poorly on the Wisconsin Card Sorting
Task (a common clinical measure attributed to frontal lobe function), why do we
need fMRI to inform us that healthy individuals activate the frontal cortex when
performing this task?
Other fMRI studies have attributed numerous other similar control processes
such as selection, switching, maintenance, retrieval, source monitoring, manipu-
lation, inhibition, etc., to various regions of the PFC (e.g., Duncan & Owen, 2000).
Though within each research domain there is a high degree of consistency in the
association of particular functions with particular subregions of the frontal
cortex, trying to reconcile all of these functions with one another across domains
is a daunting task. To do so likely requires recasting many in terms of more basic-
level mechanisms, and consideration of broader organization of processing that
situates a given frontal subregion in the system-level network on which its func-
tion undoubtedly depends. A careful scrutiny of the myriad of fMRI studies exam-
ining frontal cortex function has led to the observation that there are consistent
patterns of activation, suggesting a principled organization of the PFC. Thus, we
firmly believe that data from these fMRI studies have uncovered a potential orga-
nizing scheme of the frontal cortex that did not emerge directly from scrutiny of
published lesion studies of frontal lobe function.
For example, in 2003 Koechlin and colleagues put forth a hypothesis that the
frontal cortex may be organized from anterior to posterior (or rostral to caudal) in
a hierarchical fashion en route to action (Koechlin, Ody, & Kouneiher, 2003; also
see Fuster, 1997 and Fuster, 2001 for earlier formulation of a similar idea).
Specifically, they proposed a “cascade model” (Koechlin & Summerfield, 2007)
that predicts that cognitive control resolves competition among alternative action
representations based on mutual information with various contextual informa-
tion, termed control signals. Crucially, the control signals relate to one another
hierarchically, in that information is inherited from superordinate to subordinate
levels, and separate signals are processed by spatially distinct regions along the
anterior–posterior axis of the frontal cortex. At the lowest level, sensory control
is supported by the premotor cortex and selects a motor response based on a
Co mbining the Insig hts Der iv ed fr o m L e s ion an d fM R I S t u die s 99
sensory input. Next, contextual control, supported by the posterior PFC, selects
an action based on an environmental contextual cue. Episodic control, supported
by the anterior PFC, selects an action based on an ongoing temporal context.
Finally, a highest level, branching control, supported by the frontopolar cortex,
selects action representations based on a pending temporal context. Thus, from
posterior to anterior, frontal regions are distinguished based on their reliance on
control signals that differ temporally, from immediate environment (sensory and
context), to current temporal frame (episodic), to a pending frame (branching).
To test these predictions, Koechlin and colleagues have demonstrated in
healthy subjects that as contextual information required to select a response was
more abstract and relevant over a longer temporal interval, fMRI activation pro-
gressed from posterior to more anterior regions of the frontal cortex. This hypoth-
esis derived from imaging data was consistent with a large body of literature from
other imaging studies and neuropsychological studies that suggested that pro-
gressively anterior subregions of the frontal cortex are associated with higher-
order processing requirements of planning and selection of action (Burgess,
Dumontheil, & Gilbert, 2007; Christoff, Ream, Geddes, & Gabrieli, 2003; Ramnani
& Owen, 2004). More recently, we have proposed that an anterior–posterior hier-
archy can be alternatively understood in terms of differences in control demands,
defined based on the form of the representations that compete during action
selection (Badre, 2008; Badre & D’Esposito, 2009). Action representations might
be organized hierarchically, such that more abstract action representations desig-
nate a set of more specific representations. For example, a task-set can be said to
be abstract because it generalizes across a set of specific stimulus–response map-
pings. As representations at progressively more abstract levels compete, distinct
control processors along the anterior–posterior axis of the PFC might resolve the
competition.
We aimed to test the idea that the frontal cortex comprises a representational
hierarchy using fMRI in healthy subjects during the performance of a response
selection task that required more abstract action decisions to be made across
behavioral conditions (Badre & D’Esposito, 2007). In our study, the lowest level of
the task performed during fMRI (Fig. 5.3A) was called the response task, where
subjects learned that a colored square corresponded to a particular finger response.
At the next level, called the feature task, each colored square corresponded to a
particular shape, and then subjects chose their motor response if the colored
square matched the shape. Thus, at this level, there is not enough information in
color alone to determine the correct response. The object shape had to be consid-
ered in conjunction with the color to make a response. The only difference from
the response task was that the colors now mapped to relevant shapes that cued a
correct response, rather than mapping directly to the correct response. In other
words, an action decision must be based on a more abstract action representation.
At the next level, called the dimension task, subjects learned that a particular color
corresponded to a particular dimension of an object (shape or orientation),
A Response experiment
+ + + + + + + + +
+ + +
Figure 5.3. The top of this figure illustrates the behavioral task schematics depicting
trial events in the four tasks used to test representational hierarchy from a fMRI study
in healthy young subjects (Badre & D’Esposito, 2007). In the response experiment,
subjects responded with key presses (number in quotes) to colored squares. In the
feature experiment, subjects made positive or negative responses to specific features of
objects, such as a texture of the central object, with a positive response dependent on
the colored square. In both the dimension and context experiments, subjects decided if
two objects matched along a perceptual dimension determined by the colored square.
However, conflict in the context experiment was manipulated by varying the frequency
of sets of color to dimension mappings. The bottom of the figure presents the whole-
brain analysis that shows a clear posterior-to-anterior progression in activation as
conflict was manipulated in the response (blue; PMd), feature (purple; prePMd),
dimension (green; inferior frontal sulcus [IFS]/DLPFC), and context (red; FPC)
experiments.
100
Co mbining the Insig hts Der iv ed fr o m L e s ion an d fM R I S t u die s 101
and they were required to compare the two objects along a particular dimension
and indicate with a motor response whether the objects matched or mismatched
along only the relevant dimension. The subject knew which dimension was rele-
vant based on the color of the square bounding the objects. Hence, the design for
the mappings was identical to the feature and response task, except that now color
mapped to dimension rather than feature or response. Again, the action decision
must be based on more abstract representation. The final and highest level was
called the context task. The subject performed the dimension task, but conflict was
manipulated by varying the frequency of the sets of color to dimension mappings.
In this case, the temporal context (akin to the episodic level of control posited by
Koechlin and colleagues) was required to select the appropriate context (the color
cue) for determining the dimension. Thus, selection of the relevant context was
more abstract. Prior to fMRI scanning, subjects had sufficient practice on these
tasks, and during scanning the tasks were performed separately in blocks to avoid
confusion regarding the task instructions.
During the lowest-level response task, activation was found in the posterior fron-
tal cortex within the premotor cortex (PMd, area 6; Fig. 5.3B). At the next-higher-
level feature task, activation was found anterior to the premotor cortex within the
pre-premotor cortex (pre-PMd; area 8). On the next-higher-level dimension task,
activation was noted anterior to this location within the inferior frontal sulcus (IFS)
on the border of areas 45 and 9/46. Finally, activation on the highest-level context
task was found in the most anterior or rostral portion of the frontopolar cortex, or
area 10. Thus, as action representations became more abstract, activation within
the frontal cortex moved anteriorly. Importantly, this progression of activation
from posterior to anterior portions of the frontal cortex was not simply due to the
task becoming more complex or difficult, because we also varied the difficulty within
each individual task (e.g., response, feature, dimension, or context), and we found that
activation within that particular region engaged by each task increased in magni-
tude with difficulty but did not change its location within the frontal cortex. In
contrast to the emphasis of Koechlin and colleagues (2003) on temporal and con-
textual factors in differentiating regions of the frontal cortex, these results suggest
that regions of the PFC may be differentiated by the level of abstraction at which
the action representations must be selected over competition.
These fMRI results, along with the prior results from Koechlin and coworkers
(2003), provide strong empirical support for the hypothesis that neurons in more
anterior portions of the PFC support increasingly abstract cognitive control pro-
cessing. However, there is still some debate as to what form of abstraction best
determines regional distinctions along the anterior–posterior axis of the frontal
cortex (see Badre, 2008). Nevertheless, the overall findings are quite consistent
with Stuss’ notion of a task-setting function for the left lateral PFC. However,
these data also provide this notion with some additional structure and mecha-
nistic depth. In other words, the findings suggest that task-setting can occur at
multiple levels of abstraction and over multiple time scales based on a variety of
102 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Dimension deficit
Lesion overlap
1 4 7
1 2 3
Lesion overlap
Feature deficit
Figure 5.4. Results from a lesions overlap analysis reveal a distinction in the peak of
overlap (red) among patients with a deficit on the dimension task around the inferior
frontal sulcus/dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and the peak of overlap (red) among
patients with a deficit on the feature task in the anterior dorsal premotor cortex
(Badre et al., 2009). Color bar indicates the number of patients contributing to each
colored region. Insets show correspondence between sites of lesion overlap and the
activation associated with the dimension and feature tasks in a fMRI study of young
healthy individuals (Badre & D’Esposito, 2007). Arrows on brain slices are in the same
position for precise comparison.
performance on the dimension task as well as the context task, which is at the
fourth level. However, damage to this region should not impair performance on
the response and feature tasks, which require processors at lower levels (first and
second levels). This pattern of behavioral results in patients with focal frontal
lesions would be direct evidence for a hierarchy in the frontal lobe.
We found that as a group patients exhibited a greater behavioral deficit com-
pared to age-matched control subjects as the task rules became more abstract
(Fig. 5.4B). There are two possible explanations for this finding. First, higher-
order control demands could increasingly challenge all patients, regardless of the
site of their lesion, and so their performance becomes differentially impaired as
task complexity increases. Alternatively, because of the asymmetric dependencies
predicted by a hierarchy, deficits in higher-level tasks will be more likely across
patients, regardless of the site of their lesion, than deficits at lower-level tasks.
Therefore, the larger behavioral deficits reflect this aggregate likelihood. If the
aggregation account is the case, then the presence of an impairment at any level
should increase the likelihood of an impairment at all higher levels, but should
not increase the odds of an impairment at a lower level.
We observed that the probability of a deficit on any task, p(D), was 62% across
the patients. Critically, however, the probability of a deficit at any level given a
deficit at a lower level, p(D|L), was 91% across patients, a significant change over
p(D), the probability of a deficit on any task. By contrast, the probability of a defi-
cit at any level given a deficit at a higher level, p(D|H), was only 76%, a weak
change over the prior probability of a deficit on any task. This asymmetry provides
initial support for the hierarchical dependencies among behavioral deficits at the
different levels of the task and the aggregation account of the group data.
Next, we used an observer-independent method to assign patients to lesion
groups based on their behavioral performance across the four tasks. Vectors were
created that corresponded to the idealized behavior of a patient with a selective
deficit at a particular hierarchical level. These vectors served as regressors in a
multiple regression on each patient’s performance differences from age-matched
controls across all conditions of all experiments. Depending on which vector cor-
related with a given patient’s data, that patient was assigned to a particular lesion
group. Based on this analysis, two distinct groups of patients were identified. At
the bottom of Figure 5.4C is the lesion overlap of patients who had a behavioral
pattern consistent with a deficit at the feature level (i.e., the second level). We
observed that these patients were impaired on the second-, third-, and fourth-
level tasks (i.e., dimension and context tasks) but not on the first-level task
(i.e., response task). The site of maximal lesion in this group of patients (shown in
dark red) is within area 8, pre-PMD, in an almost identical location to that identi-
fied in our prior fMRI study (shown directly above the lesion overlap). At the top
of Figure 5.4C is the lesion overlap of patients who had a behavioral pattern con-
sistent with a deficit at the dimension level (i.e., third level). We observed that
these patients were impaired on the third- and fourth-level tasks but not at the
106 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
lower first- and second-levels (ie, response and feature tasks). The site of maximal
lesion in this group of lesions was within the IFS, area 9/46. Again, this lesion
location is in an almost identical location to that identified in our prior fMRI
study.
In summary, patients with focal frontal lesions are impaired at making action
decisions at a level of abstraction that is dependent on whether their damage is
more anterior (more concrete) or more posterior (more abstract). Importantly,
the sites of damage among patient groups corresponded precisely to the foci iden-
tified for these levels of abstraction in healthy controls undergoing fMRI while
performing this task. This high degree of correspondence between the fMRI and
patient lesion overlap results provides strong convergent support for the partici-
pation of these regions in cognitive control at different levels of abstraction.
Conclusions
The combination of all the results presented in this chapter provides strong
empirical support for the hypothesis that cognitive control, or perhaps task-
setting specifically, is organized in a representational hierarchy along the anterior
(rostral)-to-posterior (caudal) axis of the lateral frontal cortex. Furthermore,
these results suggest that levels of the representational hierarchy, and so sub-
regions of the PFC, may be differentiated by the level of abstraction at which the
representations that guide action must be selected over competition. How we
address novel problems in reasoning, decision-making, economic choice, and con-
ditions of action under uncertainty may very well reflect both the adaptability and
the constraints conferred by this basic structure–function relationship.
One of the simplest, but most powerful, benefits of considering lesion litera-
ture when conducting fMRI research is that it keeps us honest with respect to
conceptual clarity and falsifiability of our theoretical constructs. In other words,
when drawing functional conclusions about activation in a region or network
of regions, one should generally be able to answer the question, “What would
happen to a patient with a lesion to that area?” If the answer is not a clearly test-
able hypothesis, then the proposed account could use some more specification.
However, beyond this simple litmus test, a disrupted system confers much more
information than just what area is necessary for what function—it can also convey
information about the system-level functional architecture.
As demonstrated by data presented in this chapter, lesion and fMRI studies
can be highly mutually informative when each informs the hypotheses tested by
the other. In this case, lesion studies assigned the general cognitive function of
task-setting to the left lateral PFC. It was proposed that task-setting could be
implemented within a hierarchical architecture that was tested using fMRI.
Based on this hypothesis, behavioral deficits could be used to sort patients into
different groups and the precise locus of their lesion overlap could be studied.
Co mbining the Insig hts Der iv ed fr o m L e s ion an d fM R I S t u die s 107
Thus, this iterative process gave rise to a more precise theoretical formation of
frontal function that gets us closer to a mechanistic account. These studies have
also demonstrated that physiological methods such as fMRI, and lesion methods
such as studying patients with frontal lesions, have a symbiotic relationship that
should only grow stronger with time as the users of both approaches become com-
fortable with each other. The landmark work with patients by Don Stuss has
clearly motivated many fMRI experiments, and the fMRI data derived from such
studies will undoubtedly motivate new lesion studies.
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Christoff, K., Ream, J. M., Geddes, L. P., & Gabrieli, J. D. (2003). Evaluating self-generated
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1161–1168.
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& A. Kingstone (Eds.), Handbook of Functional Neuroimaging of Cognition (2nd ed., pp. 269–306).
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Duncan, J., & Owen, A. M. (2000). Common regions of the human frontal lobe recruited by diverse
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Fellows, L. K., Heberlein, A. S., Morales, D. A., Shivde, G., Waller, S., & Wu, D. H. (2005). Method
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Fuster, J. M. (2001). The prefrontal cortex—an update: time is of the essence. Neuron, 30, 319–333.
Fuster, J. M. (2004). Upper processing stages of the perception-action cycle. Trends Cogn Sci, 8(4),
143–145.
Koechlin, E., Ody, C., & Kouneiher, F. (2003). The architecture of cognitive control in the human
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How do we maintain a stable percept of the world in the face of the powerful drive
of neuroplasticity in both health and disease? This dichotomy forms one of the
most fundamental unanswered questions in neuroscience concerning the balance
between the dynamic, plastic underpinnings of our neurobiology and the relative
stability of our cognition. The brain undergoes massive changes in size, morphol-
ogy, and connectivity during normal development (Fig. 6.1; Gogtay et al., 2004)
and aging (Sowell et al., 2003) as well as in response to brain injury (Alsott et al.,
2009; Carmichael, 2003), yet we can maintain a relatively stable sense of cogni-
tion and self during the lifespan. Human brains, each with over 100 billion neu-
rons, develop similarly despite the wide variations in environment and experience.
However, within the bounds of this stability there exists a wide range of variabil-
ity and capacity for change. Here we will discuss the role of neuroplasticity in
frontal lobe-dependent cognition by examining the localization of attention and
memory functions in the brain and how these seemingly fixed locations may
reflect flexible neural networks that change communication properties as required
by behavior.
109
110 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
1.0
0.9
Age
0.8
0.7
Gray matter
0.6
20 0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0.0
Figure 6.1. Changes in gray matter volume with normal development (adapted
from Gogtay et al., 2004). This figure illustrates the structural plasticity of the
neocortex in the developing human brain, especially in association cortex, during
childhood. Note the relative stability of primary sensorimotor and visual areas by
puberty, in contrast to the plasticity of the childhood frontal and temporal association
cortices. (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
Although the functional localization story appears bleak at the level of a single
individual, cerebral regions of functional localization are clearly observed when aver-
aged across a group of subjects with neuroimaging techniques such as functional
magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and positron emission tomography (PET).
Most studies rely upon the principle of cognitive subtraction, originally estab-
lished in reaction time studies by Franciscus Donders (Donders, 1868). The under-
lying assumption in these studies is that activity in brain networks alters in a
task-dependent manner that becomes evident after averaging many event-related
responses and comparing those against a baseline condition. Deviations from this
baseline reflect a change in the neuronal processing demands required to perform
the task of interest.
Although both the cognitive subtraction method (Friston et al., 1996) and
assumptions regarding baseline activity (Gusnard & Raichle, 2001) have their
own problems, these methods provide details of functional localization that can
then be tested and corroborated using other methodologies, including lesion
studies. The interpretation of these localization results is confounded, however,
by a lack of clarity in what is meant for a “function” to be localized. For example,
Young and colleagues (2000) noted that for a given function to be localizable that
function “must be capable of being considered both structurally and functionally
discrete,(p.155)” a property that the brain is incapable of assuming due to the
intricate, large-scale neuronal interconnectivity.
Thus, discussing behavioral functions outside the context of the larger cortical
and subcortical networks involved with that function is a poorly posed problem.
Therefore, the scientific study of cognition requires detailed neuroanatomical and
connectivity information to complement functional activity findings. The current
effort to map a human connectome (Sporns, Tononi, & Kötter, 2005) will provide
researchers with the neuroanatomical roadmap necessary to examine changes in
large-scale cortical network activity during cognition.
6
Prefrontal
5
4
3
2
1
Figure 6.2. Patient lesion reconstructions. These structural MRI slices illustrate the
lesion overlap across six patients with unilateral PFC lesions. All lesions are normalized
to the left hemisphere for comparison, although two patients had right hemisphere
lesions (adapted from Voytek et al., 2010). Examining groups of patients with
stereotyped lesions allows researchers to test the role of specific regions in behavior.
Software reconstructions were performed using MRIcro (Rorden & Brett, 2000).
(See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
PFC can be said to play an important, if not necessary, role in working memory
networks.
By combining lesion studies with neuroimaging techniques, researchers can
identify other brain regions associated with a certain behavior. For example,
research using scalp electroencephalography (EEG) has shown that unilateral PFC
lesions cause lateralized deficits in top-down modulation of activity in visual
extrastriate cortex during attention (Fig. 6.3; Barceló, Suwazano, & Knight,
2000; Yago et al., 2004) and working memory (Voytek & Knight, 2010), which
makes EEG a powerful tool for investigating the network dynamics subserving
cognition.
While the underlying notion of brain damage disrupting function is fairly obvi-
ous—damaging parts of a machine prevents the machine from working optimal-
ly—the specific effects of brain damage are neither obvious nor always predictable.
There are several factors that prohibit accurate prediction of which deficits will
manifest after a given brain lesion. This is largely due to the fact that we are still
uncertain about the accuracy of regional localization of function and the poorly
posed nature of the functional localization question in general. Because the prob-
ability distribution of functional localization across subjects is broad, especially
across cortical association areas (Sanai, Mirzadeh, & Berger, 2008), the impor-
tance of distributed cortical networks in behavior and subsequent recovery cannot
be ignored.
Nevertheless, working with patients with circumscribed frontal brain lesions
provides us with insight into how frontal cortex interacts with the rest of the
brain to give rise to cognitive functions. When combined with computational
and behavioral methodology and/or neuroimaging, the lesion method allows
researchers to examine exactly which areas are critical for which cognitive func-
tions. For example, recent work by Badre and colleagues took advantage of the
inherent differences in lesion size and extent in their patient populations to
examine the rostral–caudal organization of cognitive and action control in the
A B
NI
+ –
** 2 μV
PI TOi TOc +
0 300
– ms
+ +
+ Δ + Δ
+ 2 μV
Frontals
Controls
0 μV
Controls Frontals
Figure 6.3. Examining the effects of unilateral PFC lesions on attention networks. (A) Lateralization of early visual activity modulated by
attention. For healthy control subjects (top), lateralized, attended stimuli lead to early (~150 ms) activity increases in visual extrastriate cortex
(orange region). For patients with unilateral PFC lesions (shaded region, bottom), normal attention-related activity increases are seen for stimuli
presented ipsilesionally (orange); however, when stimuli are presented contralesionally, patients show activity deficits compared to controls (blue).
(B) This effect is seen in scalp EEG (adapted from Barceló, Suwazano, & Knight, 2000). (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
114 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
A B C
8.5
1.7
C,F
B,E
A,D
D E F
7.6
1.8
frontal cortex (Badre et al., 2009). While this “messiness” of lesion size, extent,
and location has traditionally been viewed as a major drawback of the lesion
method, it is the cornerstone of voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping (VLSM)
(Fig. 6.4; Bates et al., 2003). This method requires a detailed neuroanatomical
scan of every patient; t-tests are then performed at every voxel on a variable of
interest (e.g., a cognitive task) where the statistical “groups” are defined by
whether the patient has a lesion in that specific voxel or not. This clever technique
allows researchers to map voxel by voxel which regions are most important for a
cognitive function.
Recent work has expanded the lesion method into computational modeling.
Using a cortically plausible network architecture, researchers have shown the
effects of lesions on functional connectivity (Alstott et al., 2009; Young, Hilgetag,
& Scannell, 2000) and on oscillatory dynamics (Honey & Sporns, 2008) demon-
strating activity changes in remote brain areas (Reggia, 2004) not directly con-
nected to the lesioned brain region (Young, Hilgetag, & Scannell, 2000). These
findings suggest that lesions to highly connected critical hubs—including frontal
and parietal regions—result in widespread changes in functional connectivity
and oscillatory communication.
D y namic Communication and Conne ct iv it y in F ron t al N e t w orks 115
This latter point was proved in a recent paper in which Blasi and coworkers
demonstrated that patients who have recovered from Broca’s aphasia due to left
frontal stroke show fMRI activation in the right frontal Broca’s area homologue
(Fig. 6.5A; Blasi et al., 2002).
The fact that the brain is not a static machine, but rather a fluctuating (plastic),
self-repairing organ (Cramer, 2008), provides an important confound to lesion-
based research. For example, most lesion studies that demonstrate behavioral
deficits in humans are performed on patients who have had sudden (acute)
brain damage (e.g., stroke or trauma) precisely because these patients show
the strongest behavioral deficits. In contrast, patients who have undergone surgi-
cal resections to remove cancerous cerebral tissue tend to show fewer deficits
before and after their surgeries (Desmurget, Bonnetblanc, & Duffau, 2007)
compared to a patient with a comparably sized lesion from a stroke. This phenom-
enon is interpreted as recovery processes resulting from compensation by other
brain regions in cases of slow-growing lesions. Because the lesions are slow-
growing rather than rapidly occurring (such as from stroke), the hypothesis
is that the deficits resulting from the lesion are minimized because the incremen-
tally slow rate of growth permits compensatory processes to mask those deficits.
By definition, acute lesions, on the other hand, result in rapid tissue damage
that cannot be (immediately) compensated for. Thus, although patient work is
A R dorsal IFG
L dorsal IFG
2 4 6
B
ipsi-
+ + Contra-
1 μv
*
–0.5 –0.5
1 2 3 1 2 3
Memory load Memory load
–1 μv
PFC patients Controls
Figure 6.5. Examples of compensatory activity after frontal damage. (A) Compared to healthy control subjects, patients with damage to left
inferior frontal gyrus who have recovered from speech deficits show increased activation in the homologous area in the intact hemisphere (blue
arrow) and decreased activation in the damaged region (red arrows). (Adapted from Blasi et al., 2002.) (B) Using lateralized visual stimulus designs,
Voytek and coworkers (2010) showed that patients with unilateral PFC lesions (shaded regions) show increased activity over the intact PFC only
when the damaged hemisphere was directly challenged with visual stimuli. This activity was not seen in control subjects, and it scaled with
cognitive demands. (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
D y namic Communication and Conne ct iv it y in F ron t al N e t w orks 117
invaluable, the temporality of the lesion (both onset time and time since damage)
should not be discounted.
Given the number of brain regions needed to support cognitive functions, it is
not unreasonable, given the variety of recovery theories, to hypothesize that cogni-
tive recovery could be supported by any part of the cognitive network. The PFC,
however, plays an important role in cognitive networks by biasing information
flow in other regions to favor positive behavioral outcomes (Miller & Cohen, 2001).
Therefore, the PFC may play a privileged role in cognitive compensation. For exam-
ple, although patients with lateral PFC lesions have lasting attention and working
memory deficits (e.g., Voytek & Knight, 2010; Barceló, Suwazano, & Knight, 2000),
cognitive functions can recover somewhat over time (Voytek et al., 2010).
Numerous studies suggest that the PFC plays a diverse role in a wide range of
cognitive functions involved in the allocation and control of visual attention and
working memory. One hypothesis is that the PFC maintains an association
between endogenous elements in working memory while an unknown neuronal
mechanism compares these endogenous representations to exogenous visual
information as it is processed in extrastriate visual areas (Barceló, Suwazano, &
Knight, 2000; Kimberg & Farah, 1993).
It is important to note that neuropsychological testing alone can be misleading
concerning the extent of recovery after PFC damage. For example, if, during an
attention task, visual stimuli are presented full-field (that is, presented in the
center of the visual field and with unrestrained eye movements), patients with
unilateral PFC lesions do not show obvious visual attention deficits. However, if
visual stimuli are lateralized to the left or right visual hemifield by a matter of a
few degrees and central fixation is maintained, then deficits in visual working
memory (Voytek & Knight, 2010) and attention (Barceló, Suwazano, & Knight,
2000) are evident.
Visual stimulus lateralization takes advantage of the neuroanatomy of the
mammalian visual system such that stimuli presented to the right visual hemi-
field preferentially activate the left visual cortex (and vice versa) before that infor-
mation is then transferred to the opposite visual cortex via the corpus callosum.
Such lateralized designs increase statistical power in that patients can serve par-
tially as their own controls (i.e., “good” hemifield vs. “bad” hemifield; see Fig.
6.3A), thus allowing for a within-subjects comparison of the effects of the brain
lesion on a cognitive function for contralesionally versus ipsilesionally presented
stimuli.
Nevertheless, even in lateralized visual attention and working memory
paradigms, patients with unilateral PFC damage—though worse than control
subjects when stimuli are presented contralesionally—still perform well above
chance levels. This finding is somewhat in contrast to what is observed in lesion
and neuroimaging studies of primary cortical functions. Neuroimaging studies
of movement or visual processing localize these processes to motor and visual
cortex, respectively. Lesions to primary motor or primary visual cortex lead to
118 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
As previously stated, research indicates that the perilesion cortex and the
homologous intact contralateral cortex may both be involved in recovery and that
there is long-range, intracortical reorganization of behaviorally and recovery-
relevant pathways (Dancause, 2006; Nudo, 2007). Thus, Voytek and coworkers
proposed that the visual information delivered to the contralesional hemisphere
is transferred trans-callosally to the intact hemisphere, where the intact PFC then
assumes task control as needed on a trial-by-trial basis. Support for this conten-
tion is provided by studies in non-human primates revealing that top-down PFC
control over visual cortex during memory retrieval relies on callosal information
transfer (Hasegawa et al., 1998; Tomita et al., 1999). Thus, if trans-callosal infor-
mation transfer could be blocked, then behavioral deficits should be enhanced.
As discussed previously, in contrast with cognitive deficits, primary motor and
sensory functions rarely recover in adults who suffer cortical damage, although
other modalities may take over intact sensory cortex deprived of input due to
peripheral damage (Sadato et al., 1996). Unlike adults with primary cortical
damage, children who have had a surgical hemispherectomy, for example, can
regain motor control of the affected limbs (Benecke et al., 1991); such recovery
can be seen even in children with massive and severe cortical damage (e.g.,
Distelmaier et al., 2007). In contrast, others have observed a surprising normality
among patients missing massive amounts of their cortical tissue (Lewin, 1980).
While deficits caused by lesions to PFC are more likely to recover if they occur
later in life—and this recovery may be dependent upon having some amount of
intact PFC (Kolb & Gibb, 1990)—children with PFC damage may have lasting cog-
nitive impairment (Kolb & Gibb, 1990). The interaction between age and location
of lesion with behavioral recovery may reflect a deeper relationship with the evo-
lution of cognitive and sensory functions in primates (Anderson, 2007) wherein
cognitive functions, having evolved more recently, are more distributed across
cortex and thus more resistant to focal brain damage once those functions have
developed in adulthood.
Integrating all of the prior points, it may be that the farther away from primary
cortical areas a region is, the less predictable the function becomes. This phenom-
enon may help explain why we have fairly robust sensory and motor homunculi in
the primary (“lower”) cortical areas, but no reliable mapping in the “higher” sen-
sory and motor association cortices. This is illustrated by example from clinical
observations: a patient with damage to the premotor cortex is more likely to
recover motor functions than a patient with a lesion of primary motor cortex,
who in turn is more likely to naturally recover than a person with a lower motor
neuron lesion in the spinal cord. A network theory view of this phenomenon
would suggest that differences between the focal networks of primary regions and
distributed networks of the functions subserved by association cortex may
account for these differences in recovery. Given the above caveats, to study human
cortical recovery of function one must carefully balance recovery likelihood with
120 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
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122 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
It has long been recognized that frontal lobe damage can result in complex social
and emotional consequences (e.g., Damasio et al., 1994; Goldstein, 1944; Kleist,
1934; Macmillan, 2000; Meyer & Beck, 1945; Rylander, 1939; Stuss & Benson,
1986; Welt, 1888). These consequences are difficult to detect with many existing
neuropsychological measures, though they can be devastating to everyday func-
tion. Among the most prominent of these consequences are difficulties inferring
other people’s current thoughts and feelings during theory of mind (ToM) and
making appropriate self-reflective inferences, such as when recollecting past per-
sonal episodes during autobiographical memory. Though these deficits may reflect
a common root or substrate, they are poorly understood in terms of their own
underlying neural mechanisms and relationship with other functional capacities.
Despite the tremendous difficulty in pinpointing such elusive constructs within
what continues to be regarded as the most mysterious part of the brain, Don Stuss
helped bring together a multidisciplinary team of collaborators to carry on and
refine the tradition of examining the functional consequences of focal frontal
lesions in single cases and patient groups. Don’s work with focal lesion patients,
some of which will be reviewed here, was instrumental in uncovering both the
complexity and fragility of the frontal lobes. It continues to influence theoretical,
methodological, and clinical approaches to understanding the basis of functions
that may be at the core of what makes us human.
Much of the early work examining the functional and neural substrates of ToM
was born from the autism literature and led researchers to suggest that a dedi-
cated neural system or module might underlie ToM abilities (Baron-Cohen, 1995;
Leslie, 1992). This idea was based on the observation that children with autism
performed poorly on tests of ToM while other abilities remained intact (Baron-
Cohen, Leslie, & Frith, 1985). Others, however, have argued against the modular-
ity view, making the case that ToM draws on a variety of domain-general resources
123
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that serve abilities other than ToM (e.g., Stone & Gerrans, 2006). Neuroimaging
and lesion studies have helped fuel this debate, with a focus on whether frontal
versus non-frontal regions are necessary, sufficient, and/or specific to ToM
function.
Although there is general acceptance of frontal lobe involvement in mental
state reasoning and attribution, there is debate about its specialization relative to
other, more posterior regions, especially regions within the temporoparietal junc-
tion (TPJ), which include the angular gyrus, supramarginal gyrus, and posterior
portion of the superior temporal gyrus (Saxe, Carey, & Kanwisher, 2004).
Disorders of ToM following damage to frontal and parietal regions, including
changes to their connectivity, may reflect a more general deficit in cognitive con-
trol or reasoning ability (e.g., Charlton, Barrick, Markus, & Morris, 2009; Decety
& Lamm, 2007), in inhibiting one’s own perspective in favor of others’ perspec-
tives (Bull, Phillips, & Conway, 2008; Samson et al., 2005; Sampson, Apperly, &
Humphreys, 2007), and/or in visual attention (cf. Corbetta, Patel, & Shulman,
2008; Mitchell, 2008; Young, Dodell-Feder, & Saxe, 2010). They may also reflect a
breakdown of frontal lobe involvement in applying intact knowledge to guide self-
relevant behavior, representing a “thought–action” or “thought–feeling” dissocia-
tion (Luria, 1973; Milner, 1964; Stuss & Benson, 1984). Recent research has
emphasized dissociations of cognitive from affective and empathic forms of ToM
in human lesion studies (e.g., Shamay-Tsoory & Aharon-Peretz., 2007), and self-
referential processing from processing other people’s mental states in neuroimag-
ing studies (e.g., Mitchell et al., 2005, 2006; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008). A separate
line of research has examined common processing requirements of autobiograph-
ical memory, ToM, and future imagining in efforts to understand similar activa-
tion patterns underlying these seemingly disparate abilities (e.g., Buckner &
Carroll, 2007; Hassabis et al., 2007; Rosenbaum et al., 2007; Schacter et al., 2008;
Spreng, Mar, & Kim, 2009; Wheeler, Stuss, & Tulving, 1997). This chapter honors
Don’s accomplishments by characterizing frontal lobe specialization in represent-
ing one’s own and other people’s mental states. It also considers other progress
that has been made in the context of interactions with posterior brain regions and
their processing capacities.
(Damasio et al., 1994; Macmillan, 2000). His case clearly illustrates that lesions to
this region of the brain can result in a pattern of disturbed socially relevant behav-
iors, indicated by his impaired social insight and inability to effectively use emo-
tions to guide high-level personal decision-making. Even before Gage’s profile was
formally revisited by Damasio and colleagues (Bechara et al., 1994, 1997; Damasio,
1994), there were efforts to verify it in other patients with lesions to orbitofrontal
cortex or medial PFC (mPFC) who showed difficulties processing certain types of
emotion, respecting social norms, and assigning reward value or personal mean-
ing to decision-making (e.g., Eslinger & Damasio, 1985; see also Blair & Cipolotti,
2000; Rolls, 1996). Some of this work had hinted at an influence of ToM deficits
in a failure to appreciate other people’s mental states as separate from one’s own.
Some of the most striking clinical examples were captured by Stuss and Benson in
their 1983 chapter on the “Emotional Concomitants of Psychosurgery” (prefron-
tal leucotomy) and in their seminal 1986 book on the frontal lobes, themselves
noting Kleist (1934), Rylander (1939), Goldstein (1944), and Meyer and Beck
(1945), among others, as drawing functional distinctions between medial-orbital
and dorsolateral frontal regions. Another clear example was provided by Alexander
and Stuss in their interactions with the patient Bob, whose knowledge and ongo-
ing experiences may be described as no longer “affectively burnt in” and lacking
personal connectedness following ventromedial PFC damage due to stroke (Stuss
& Alexander, 1999).
It is not surprising, therefore, that emotional-behavioral consequences of
frontal lobe damage have been described as specific disorders of self-awareness
and in mentally representing subjective experiences across time (i.e., “autonoetic
consciousness”; Stuss, Rosenbaum, Malcolm, Christiana, & Keenan, 2005; Wheeler
et al. 1997). The original ideas were grounded in observations from patient and
early PET studies of frontal lobe involvement in “remember” (re-experiencing)
judgments associated with studied words and in source memory for the context in
which the word was studied. More recent neuroimaging evidence suggests only
partial overlap in the frontal regions mediating lab-based episodic memory and
real-world autobiographical memory retrieval (Gilboa, 2004; McDermott,
Szpunar, & Christ, 2009). Nonetheless, the original theory continues to have pre-
dictive value. For example, the patient M.L., described soon after the publication
of Wheeler and colleagues, seemed to lack a sense of re-experiencing his personal
past secondary to a lesion deep to ventrolateral prefrontal regions that disrupted
frontotemporal connectivity (Levine et al., 1998, 2009). His inability to recollect
the contextual, perceptual, and emotional qualities necessary to relive auto
biographical events in memory contrasts with a feeling of familiarity that the
event had occurred in the past, similar to the familiarity that a word may have
appeared on a studied list when making a “know” judgment. More medial damage
in some patients results in confabulation when retrieving self-related memories,
suggesting a lack of an “intuitive feeling of rightness” that otherwise would have
led the patients to reject implausible personal happenings (Gilboa et al., 2006;
126 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Moscovitch & Winocur, 2002; Stuss et al., 1978). When forced to take an objective
stance in reviewing their own confabulations, these patients often recognize the
absurdity of the retrieved content but continue to maintain confidence in the
accuracy of their memories (Moscovitch, 1995; see also Alexander, Stuss, &
Benson, 1979, and Stuss & Benson, 1983, for similar findings in Capgras syn-
drome). This discrepancy between intact knowledge on the one hand, and an
inability to act on that knowledge on the other, had been noted in independent
observations of clinical cases in the context of a range of behaviors and lesion
locations within the frontal lobes. In their 1984 paper, Stuss and Benson com-
mented, “Prefrontal damage can separate action (response) from knowledge . . .
prefrontal patients were often unable to use language (knowledge) to correctly
guide even simple motor actions (p. 22)” (for other examples, see Alexander et al.,
1979; Milner, 1964; Owen et al., 1991). This connection between knowledge and
the subjective experience of that knowledge may be reflected in recent attempts
to characterize “cognitive” and “affective” ToM as separate entities, residing in
dissociable regions of PFC, which we review in the next section.
Two major factors resulted in renewed efforts in studying social disturbance
affecting awareness of the self and others after frontal lobe damage: (1) improved
techniques for functional localization within the frontal lobes, and (2) the devel-
opment of assessment tools to detect and isolate more subtle deficits. Indeed,
research in the past decade has focused on examining ToM in larger groups of
neurological patients with more discrete lesions to the frontal and temporal lobes
as defined by detailed anatomical localization methods, using tasks that require
varying degrees of emotional and cognitive analysis. A summary of patient stud-
ies on ToM, with a focus on frontal lobe patients, is presented in Table 7.1.
Stone et al. 10 frontal: 5 L DL, 5 B DL: middle cerebral artery 5 controls First-order false belief, Orbitofrontal patients
(1998) orbitofrontal; 1 infarcts second-order false belief, performed poorly on the
nonfrontal: 1B TP Orbitofrontal: head trauma faux pas faux pas test.
Shammi & 13 frontal: 1 B orbital, Frontal: 5 tumor, 2 trauma, 10 controls Appreciation of humorous Right and bilateral
Stuss (1999) 4 medial (1 L, 2R, 1B), 3 stroke, 1 lobectomy, verbal statements, joke frontal patients: impaired
2 R DL, 5 medial+DL 1 leucotomy, 1 infarct and story completion, on all three humor tasks;
(3 L, 2 B), 1 L unspecified Nonfrontal: 4 lobectomy, non-verbal cartoon most patients who were
8 nonfrontal: 6 temporal 3 stroke, 1 hemorrhage appreciation test impaired on these tests
(3 L, 3 R), 1 R parietal, 1 had lesions to the right
R temporal+parietal frontal lobe.
Blair & Case J.S.: R frontal, Acquired sociopathy due to Patient C.L.A. with Emotion attribution task, Emotion attribution task:
Cipolotti including B possible head injury dysexecutive advanced impaired ability to
(2000) orbitofrontal syndrome (supra- and ToM task attribute fear, anger, and
infratentorial atrophy, embarrassment to story
R frontal white matter characters; advanced ToM
changes), 10 healthy task: intact performance
male controls,
5 psychopathic male
inmates, 5 non-
psychopathic male
inmates
(Continued)
Table 7.1. (cont’d)
Channon & 19 frontal: 1 R medial, Frontal and nonfrontal: 60 controls Story comprehension test L frontal group:
Crawford 10 lateral (3 L, 7 R), 8 16 vascular damage, impairment, with failure
(2000) orbital+medial+lateral 7 head injury, to make non-literal
(3 L, 5 R) 5 tumors, 2 abscess, interpretations; R frontal
12 nonfrontal: 4 1 sclerosis and posterior: unimpaired
temporal
(1 L, 3 R), 4 parietal
(1 L, 3 R), 2
temporal+parietal
(1 L, 1 R),
2 temporal+occipital
(1 L, 1 R)
Rowe et al. 31 frontal: 4 orbital 15 resection/lobectomy, 31 controls First-order false belief, R and L frontal: impaired
(2001) (2 L, 2 R), 1 L medial, 7 meningioma, second-order false belief on first- and second-
10 orbital+medial 3 oligodendroglioma, order false belief (28/31
(6 L, 4 R), 3 R DL, 4 hemorrhage, 2 focal head of the patients had
3 R medial+DL, injury damage that included
1 R orbital+DL, medial and/or orbital
9 orbital+medial+DL regions; only 3 of the
(7 L, v R) patients had lesions
restricted to DLC)
Happé et al. Case P.B.: two B lesions Neurosurgery - steretotactic 19 controls; Case D.R. Story task (advanced ToM PB: impaired on all tests
(2001) to anterior limb of subcaudate tractomy to treat with history of bipolar task), single cartoon task,
internal capsule bipolar disorder. Surgery disorder cartoon pairs task
involved.
Stuss et al. 19 frontal: 8 L, Frontal and nonfrontal: 14 controls Visual perspective-taking Right and bilateral
(2001) 4 R, 7 B stroke, hemorrhage, task, deception task frontal patients: impaired
13 non-frontal: lobectomy, tumor, trauma on the second level of the
8 L, 5 R visual perspective-taking
task and
on the deception
task
Shamay- 25 frontal: 6 L, 6 R, Frontal: 19 head injury, 4 19 controls Self-report empathy scale, VM frontal
Tsoory et al. 13 B (12 VM, 6 DL, meningioma, 1 faux pas (particularly R):
(2003) 7 VM+DL) encephalomacia, 1 lower empathy
17 nonfrontal: aneurysm scores, impaired
9 L, 8 R Nonfrontal: not on faux pas test
specified
Apperly et al. 4 frontal: 1 L inferior, Frontal: 3 stroke, 1 anoxia Used chance as Nonverbal belief- Frontal: impaired, but
(2004) middle, and superior Nonfrontal: 6 stroke, criterion and 3 reasoning task with few explained by working
frontal gyri (D.S.); 1 B 2 herpes simplex controls executive demands, memory deficits; TPJ:
superior and medial encephalitis narrative-based first- impaired
frontal (F.K.), 2 R order false belief task
inferior and middle
frontal gyri and
(Continued)
Table 7.1. (cont’d)
superior temporal
gyrus (W.B.A., P.W.)
8 nonfrontal: 3 MTL,
1 L thalamus, 4 L TPJ
Bird et al. Case G.T.: extensive B Anterior cerebral artery Controls varied Picture sequences, Intact performance on
(2004) medial PFC/ infarction depending on task advanced ToM test, picture sequences,
orbitofrontal violation of social norms, advanced ToM, and
faux pas test, animations Animations. Some
impairment on violation
of social norms and
performed at the lower
end of controls on the
faux pas test.
Samson et al. Case W.B.A.: R inferior Stroke Used chance as Low self-perspective Intact on low-inhibition
(2005) and middle frontal criterion; 3 controls inhibition false-belief task false belief task, but
gyri extending into R (non-verbal), high scored below chance level
superior temporal self-perspective inhibition on high-inhibition task;
gyrus false-belief task, visual additional egocentric
perspective-taking test, errors on visual and
social perspective-taking social perspective-taking
test tasks relative to controls.
Shamay- 25 frontal: 6 L, 6 R, 13 Frontal: 6 hematoma, 11 17 healthy controls Sarcasm, faux pas Frontal patients
Tsoory, B (11 VM, 7 DL, contusion, 4 meningioma, (particularly R VM):
Tomer, & 7 VM+DL) 2 encephalomalacia, impaired on sarcasm and
Aharon- 17 nonfrontal: 1 aneurysm, 1 craniectomy faux pas
Peretz 9 L, 8 R Nonfrontal: 3 hematoma,
(2005) 2 contusion, 4 meningioma,
6 CVA, 1 not specified
Shamay- 26 frontal: 12 VM Frontal: 19 head injury, 13 healthy controls Second-order false belief, VM frontal (particularly
Tsoory, (1 L, 4 R, 7 B), 7 DL 5 meningioma, 1 aneurysm, detection of Irony, faux R) patients: impaired on
Tomer, (3 L,3 R, 1 B), 1 encephalomalacia pas, empathic ability irony and faux pas
Berger, et al. 7 VM+DL (2 L, 5 B) Nonfrontal: not specified (affective ToM); intact on
(2005) 13 nonfrontal second-order false belief
(9 L, 4 R) test (cognitive ToM)
Apperly et al. 4 frontal: 1 L inferior, Frontal: 3 stroke, 1 anoxia Used chance as Video-based false 3/4 frontal patients
(2007) middle and superior Nonfrontal: 4 stroke, 2 criterion photograph task failed the false belief and
frontal gyri (D.S.), 1 herpes simplex encephalitis, false photograph trials;
bilateral superior and 1 anoxia all but 1 medial frontal
medial frontal, left patient (F.K.) performed
medial frontal (F.K.), well on the inhibition
and 2 right inferior control trials. F.K. and
and middle frontal P.W. made errors on the
gyrus memory control trials.
(W.B.A. and P.W.) The other frontal patient
(W.B.A.) was above
(Continued)
Table 7.1. (cont’d)
(Continued)
Table 7.1. (cont’d)
Shamay- 33 frontal (10 L, 17 R, Frontal: 26 head injury, 5 44 controls Cognitive and affective VM frontal patients:
Tsoory & 6 B): 10 VM, 9 DL, 14 tumor, 2 CVA tests of first- and impaired on affective
Aharon- VM+DL Nonfrontal: 8 head injury, 5 second-order mental state ToM tests; extensive
Peretz 17 nonfrontal: 11 L, 6 tumor, 4 CVA attributions (based on prefrontal damage:
(2007) R verbal and eye gaze cues), impaired on cognitive
false belief test, detection ToM tests
of cognitive and affective
irony
Note: Only studies that included patients with selective frontal lesions and that assessed ToM specifically (e.g., not empathy) were included.
Abbreviations: ToM, theory of mind; L, left; B, bilateral; DL, dorsolateral; R, right, VM, ventromedial; MTL, medial temporal lobe; TPJ, temporal-parietal junction;
PFC, prefrontal cortex; CVA, cerebrovascular accident; ACC, anterior cingulate cortex; STS, superior temporal sulcus; TP, temporal pole.
The Fr ontal Lobes an d M e n t al S t at e At t ribu t ion 135
some ToM tasks are of greater affective quality than others in requiring analysis
of emotion cues inherent in the stimuli themselves and/or in generating an emo-
tional reaction in the participant, and this might determine PFC involvement,
especially ventromedial sectors.
This was noted in early work by Stuss and Benson (1983) investigating the
functional sequelae of prefrontal leucotomy compared to similar psychiatric
patients who had not received the surgery. Patients with PFC excisions demon-
strated dissociations between identifying emotions depicted in pictures of every-
day situations and the reason for selecting the emotion. Some patients focused on
unemotional aspects of the situations when providing explanations, even when
the correct emotion was chosen. Others offered inappropriate self-reflective infer-
ences, such as describing a funeral scene as happy because the patient was not the
one in the coffin. A detailed case study examining the nature of “acquired sociopa-
thy” observed in the patient J.S. included a similar measure of the ability to infer
emotionality (Blair & Cipolotti, 2000). J.S. showed significant difficulty in assign-
ing fear, anger, and embarrassment to story characters, whereas he performed
normally on a false belief test of ToM. While these earlier cases were crucial, inter-
pretation of them was limited because the leucotomized patients in Stuss and
Benson’s leucotomy series had a pre-existing psychiatric condition, different fron-
tal regions were not represented, and the anatomical localization techniques
lacked precision.
Examination of anatomical specificity in the frontal lobes based on large
patient groups with clear evidence of focal lesions has helped verify that regions
within PFC may be differentially involved in ToM depending on task demands.
Indeed, other work by Stuss and colleagues supports the view that medial lesions,
particularly on the right and possibly specific to the frontal pole, may be recruited
when cognitive–affective integration is necessary. Such patients fail to appreciate
humor (Shammi & Stuss, 1999) or realize that they are being engaged in a task of
deception in which they must point to the location opposite to one that an exper-
imenter chooses (Stuss et al., 2001). The impairment exhibited by these patients
might suggest difficulties adopting someone else’s psychological perspective when
it is emotionally significant and when personal gain is at stake.
More direct evidence comes from studies involving a modified version of the
classic false belief test of ToM that controls for comprehension difficulties and
reduces memory load while retaining first-order (“Louis thinks that . . .”) and
second-order (“Rachel thinks that Louis thinks that . . .”) levels of questioning.
Researchers have contrasted performance on this version of the false belief test,
which has been considered a “cold” test of cognitive ToM, with the faux pas test,
which has been viewed as a complementary “hot” measure of ToM that includes
an affective component (see Brothers & Ring, 1992, for further discussion of
“cold” vs. “hot” aspects of ToM). In contrast to the false belief test, participants
are asked to identify whether a character unintentionally says something hurtful
to a second character as a result of not knowing certain information that the
136 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
temporal lobe region that responds to both social attribution in the Animations
task and lexical decisions of abstract social versus non-social words, as well as to
narratives, but only those with ToM content. In a separate study, Simmons and
colleagues (2010) found an area of the anterior temporal lobe that was sensitive
to encoding facts about unfamiliar people but not non-social entities and, based
on resting-state functional connectivity analysis, formed a network with other
brain regions previously implicated in social reasoning. These ideas could be tested
further in patients with anterior temporal lobe damage, such as those diagnosed
with semantic dementia, the temporal variant of frontotemporal dementia. The
amygdala has also enjoyed a special status in social cognition due to its widely
accepted role in processing emotion from faces, which can reliably signal another
person’s mental state (Adolphs, 2009). Involvement in social behavior toward
others and reward learning that parallels involvement of orbitofrontal cortex to
which it is strongly interconnected, as well as in disorders such as schizophrenia
and autism, which are known for compromised ToM, suggest further links
between amygdala function and ToM. A few studies have documented deficits in
social attribution in patients with early-onset amygdala lesions (Fine, Lumbsden,
& Blair, 2001) and bilateral amygdala lesions incurred later in life (Heberlein &
Adolphs, 2004; Stone et al., 2003) on ToM tasks, including narrative-based and
animated shapes tests that do not require the processing of facial expression.
Other researchers have suggested that the TPJ is selectively involved in repre-
senting other people’s beliefs (e.g., Gobbini et al., 2007; Samson et al., 2004; Saxe
et al., 2004), a role that had been previously assigned to medial PFC (Rowe et al.,
2001; Siegal & Varley, 2002) and reassigned to more lateral regions (e.g., Stone
et al., 1998). Saxe and colleagues identified a region of right TPJ that responds
preferentially to representing others’ mental states in false belief stories but not
to physical representations in stories associated with a map or photograph. This
region’s activity appears to be dissociable from an adjacent region of right pSTS,
which is activated maximally in response to inferring intentions of animated tri-
angles based on their movement (Gobbini et al., 2007) and has also been impli-
cated in processing gaze direction (e.g., Hoffman & Haxby, 2000), providing
additional information about others’ emotion and intent. Patient studies have
identified the left TPJ as the critical site for false belief attribution and have
accounted for the additional possibility that impaired performance on false belief
tasks is also due to a failure to inhibit one’s own privileged knowledge of the cor-
rect location by controlling for both types of executive demands (see Apperly,
Samson, Chiavarino, & Humphreys, 2004; Samson et al., 2004, 2005), but per-
haps not for spatial attention (cf. Mitchell, 2008; Young et al., 2010). These stud-
ies concur with other patient studies in showing that impaired false belief
reasoning in patients with frontal lesions may be explained by deficits in execu-
tive functions (Apperly et al., 2004) and that performance on Animations tests of
ToM might not depend on frontal lobe function at all (Bird et al., 2004). However,
these findings may speak more to the validity of the false belief and Animations
The Fr ontal Lobes an d M e n t al S t at e At t ribu t ion 139
tests as measures of ToM, as visual spatial attention and biological motion pro-
cessing, respectively, may be more important to performance on these particular
tests of mental state reasoning (Zackheim et al., 2009).
Finally, patient studies show that lesions to the TP and TPJ are associated with
intact performance on ToM tests with an affective component (Channon et al.,
2007; Hynes & Mar, 2008; Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2006). There is also evidence
that deficits on a non-affective, non-verbal false belief task observed in patients
with TPJ lesions are not actually specific to ToM and apply to physical meta-
representations on a false photograph test, which does not require belief reason-
ing (Apperly et al., 2007). Likewise, impairment in patients with acquired amygdala
lesions does not appear to be unique to ToM and may be due to a more basic
impairment in processing facial emotion (Shaw et al., 2007). In sum, these regions
may provide the mPFC with the necessary input for deciphering other people’s
minds based on processing demands and perceptual cues that are idiosyncratic to
the task at hand. However, none of these regions plays a specific role in ToM, nor
is any region sufficient to support mental state inferences on its own, calling into
question a modular view of ToM. Here, we support the view that ToM emerges
through an interplay of multiple regions that form a network. Recruitment of at
least some of these regions is due to idiosyncratic task demands that may be inci-
dental to ToM, whereas other regions play an essential, though nonspecific, role
in mental state attributions in relation to the self and to other people.
event details), though differences in the strength and extent of activations within
areas of convergence did emerge. Specifically, during the elaboration phase, medial
frontal, medial and lateral temporal, and medialparietal lobe regions were engaged
during both AM and ToM. However, midline structures, including the medial PFC,
were activated to a greater extent during AM, whereas lateral frontal and tempo-
ral-parietal regions showed greater activity during ToM (see Spreng & Grady,
2010, for similar findings). Notably, an interesting dissociation emerged within
the medial PFC, with a more ventral pattern of activity associated with AM and a
more dorsal pattern associated with ToM (Fig. 7.1). These findings are consistent
with work by Mitchell and colleagues (Mitchell et al., 2005, 2006), who have found
that more ventral regions predominate during tasks that involve self-referential
processing, whereas more dorsal regions are involved when inferring the contents
of other people’s minds, particularly when the other person is perceived as
dissimilar from the self (see also Olsson & Ochsner, 2008). These researchers
suggest that when inferring the minds of similar others, we are more likely to
employ self-referential strategies and as a result engage more ventral regions of
the medial PFC.
Preliminary data from our lab extend these findings to mentalizing about
known others with whom we are familiar (Rabin & Rosenbaum, 2010). These find-
ings are based on an adapted version of the paradigm used by Rabin and colleagues
(2010) that includes a personal ToM condition involving familiar others (i.e., rela-
tives and close friends). In this study, we directly compared AM with personal
ToM and AM with ToM that involved unfamiliar people (impersonal others), and
found that activity within the medial PFC and posterior midline regions was
greatly diminished during the former comparison relative to the latter compari-
son. This finding indicates that there is greater functional overlap between AM
and inferring the mental states of familiar others relative to unfamiliar others.
These results are consistent with simulation accounts of social cognition and
A AM B ToM
Baseline Baseline
AM vs. Baseline ToM vs. Baseline
Figure 7.1. Sagittal slices of the left hemisphere illustrating the brain regions engaged
during (A) AM detail elaboration versus baseline and (B) ToM detail elaboration versus
baseline. Images are at a threshold of p < 0.005. The functional maps are overlaid on
the average anatomical image from all participants. Activations shown include areas
>120 mm3. (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
142 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
L L R Impersonal
ToM
AM vs. personal ToM
B
AM
L L R Personal
ToM
Personal ToM vs. impersonal ToM
C Personal
ToM
L L R
Impersonal
ToM
Figure 7.2. Axial and sagittal slices illustrating common brain regions engaged during
(A) AM versus impersonal ToM, (B) AM versus personal ToM, and (C) personal ToM
versus impersonal ToM. All images are at a threshold of p < 0.005. The functional maps
are overlaid on the average anatomical image from all participants. Activations shown
include areas >120 mm3. Images follow neurological convention (left side of the brain is
presented on the left). (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
suggest that ToM tasks that involve people with whom we can relate may draw on
the same neural and functional resources as AM. Interestingly, when we compared
the two ToM conditions, we observed significant differences, which was remark-
able considering that the conditions differed only with respect to one’s familiarity
with the target person in the photo. The medial PFC was engaged to a greater
extent when inferring another person’s mental state in the personal ToM condi-
tion relative to the impersonal ToM condition, whereas lateral regions including
the left ventrolateral PFCextending into premotor regions and left TPJ showed
the opposite pattern, with greater activity during impersonal ToM (Fig. 7.2).
The results from Rabin and colleagues (2010) and Rabin and Rosenbaum
(2010) may be explained in terms of broader core processes, namely those that are
internally versus externally focused (Lieberman, 2007; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008).
Internally focused processes, typically supported by midline regions, involve
focusing one’s attention on interior psychological worlds, including one’s own or
another’s mental state. Therefore, the greater midline activity observed during
The Fr ontal Lobes an d M e n t al S t at e At t ribu t ion 143
AM and personal ToM relative to impersonal ToM is likely due to greater personal
significance or episodic richness in relation to mentalizing about ourselves and
familiar others relative to unfamiliar people. In contrast, lateral regions are asso-
ciated with more externally focused processes that focus on one’s own or anoth-
er’s visible features and actions. The greater lateral activity observed across the
brain during impersonal ToM relative to personal ToM and AM suggests that
when inferring unfamiliar minds, we focus more on interpreting actions and gen-
erating semantic narratives compared to when we think about ourselves and
people with whom we can easily relate. It also leaves open the possibility that a
mirror neuron system, which is involved in imitation and is believed to include
ventrolateral and premotor frontal regions and inferior parietal cortex adjacent to
TPJ (Gallese et al., 2004; Iacoboni, 2009), may be involved in generic forms of
ToM. However, this system is unlikely to serve as the basis of simulation pro-
cesses that underlie personal ToM and empathy (Saxe, 2005). There is additional
debate about whether the “mirror neuron” regions identified in humans meet the
criteria of a mirror neuron system as defined by Gallese and colleagues (Lingnau
et al., 2009) or whether it is even capable of representing internal mental states.
Spatial/visual attention
TPJ
b) Extemally
generated Action/eye gaze
pSTS
Dorsomedial PFC processes
Online semantic processing
VLPFC
c)
d)
Frontal poles
Associative social knowledge
TPs
Medial
Executive ToM
PFC Working memory
demands
DLPFC
Ventromedial
PFC
Affective processes
Emotion processing
Orbitofrontal Amygdala
b) Internally
cortex
generated
processes Simulation/experiential
Hippocampus
a) Stimulus-driven
Figure 7.3. A diagram illustrating the brain regions and processes involved in ToM
abilities. The brain regions depicted in blue boxes are viewed as domain-general and
necessary for ToM. Regions depicted in green boxes are believed to be recruited based
on task-specific processing demands and social-perceptual cues and are neither
necessary nor sufficient for ToM. (a) Dorsal regions (dorsomedial PFC) support
reflective and cognitive processes and are preferentially engaged when mentalizing
about dissimilar others. In contrast, ventral regions (e.g., orbitofrontal cortex and
ventromedial PFC) predominately support stimulus-driven and affective processes and
are engaged when mentalizing about the self and similar others (Amodio & Frith, 2006;
Mitchell et al., 2006; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008). (b) Lateral regions (TPJ, pSTS) support
externally generated processes associated with non-affective mental state reasoning
about false beliefs. In contrast, posterior midline regions (amygdala, hippocampus)
underlie more internally generated processes and are associated with affective and
experiential-based ToM reasoning (Lieberman, 2007; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008).
(c) The frontal poles are recruited for integration along the various axes and are viewed
as necessary, but not specialized, for ToM (e.g., Burgess et al., 2007). (d) The TPs are
part of a neural network that support ToM by recruiting social semantic knowledge
and scripts necessary for understanding the minds of others. Abbreviations: DLPFC,
Dorsolateral prefrontal cortex; L., left; pSTS, posterior superior temporal sulcus;
PFC, prefrontal cortex; TPJ, temporal-parietal junction; TPs, temporal poles;
VLPFC, ventrolateral prefrontal cortex.
144
The Fr ontal Lobes an d M e n t al S t at e At t ribu t ion 145
determine whether the medial PFC and TPs are indeed necessary for ToM. Second,
it is unknown whether the TPs are necessary for both the development of ToM
and “online” ToM performance. It is possible that lesions to the TPs acquired later
in life do not affect associative social knowledge or ToM; perhaps it is only when
damage occurs congenitally or early in life that these abilities are impaired (see
Shaw et al., 2004, 2007, for similar ideas on the amygdala). Third, laterality effects
need to be examined more closely, particularly within the TPJ and TP regions.
This issue is beyond the scope of the current chapter and thus not included in the
model. Finally, future research might address how the entire network would
respond when a single region is lesioned. Combining patient work with fMRI
using ecologically valid paradigms will allow us to examine how the network might
be disrupted and/or reorganized following damage.
Conclusions
Prominent debate in the field of cognitive neuroscience surrounds content-
versus process-oriented organization of brain function. For example, findings of
hippocampal involvement in functions ranging from autobiographical episodic
memory and future imagining, as reviewed above, to perception and working
memory have indicated that the traditional “hippocampus as a memory module”
view is far too restrictive. Conversely, the functional role of other parts of the
brain, such as posterior parietal cortex, perhaps best known for its contributions
to visual attention and egocentric spatial cognition, is now being redefined based
on complementary fMRI and patient findings of parietal involvement in episodic
recollection (Cabeza et al., 2008; Simons et al., 2010). So, too, brain regions impli-
cated in ToM must be considered more broadly in terms of their processing capac-
ities and not as isolated, domain-specific, structures nor as all-encompassing,
capable of all things relating to mental state inferences (see also Stone & Gerrans,
2006). Identifying a region’s functional properties is a necessary first step, far
from trivial. Of equal importance, however, is determining how that region fits
into the bigger picture as part of a functional network, and how it relates to other
regions within that network. Don’s work in mapping function to discrete regions
of the frontal lobes has helped clear the path to investigating pathways, which
Don himself continues to pursue in this new, exciting chapter in his career as a
frontal lobe scientist and clinician.
Acknowledgments
This work was funded by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) New
Investigator Award and Operating Grant (MOP 93535) to R.S.R. and a CIHR
Banting and Best Doctoral Award to J.S.R.
146 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
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8
Monitoring and Alerting
Two Forests Among the Trees
IAN H. ROBERTSON
In their 2007 review of their research “Is there a dysexecutive syndrome?” Don
Stuss and Mick Alexander (Stuss & Alexander, 2007) set out their view of the
frontal attentional systems of the human brain as follows: “Evidence for three
separate frontal attentional processes is presented . . . and evidence for impair-
ments of each process after lesions in specific frontal regions. These processes
and their coarse frontal localizations are energization—superior medial, task
setting—left lateral and monitoring—right lateral” (p. 901).
This bold characterization of the outcome of approximately 1.58 million scien-
tific papers (the number generated by the search term “executive function” in
Google Scholar) could be made with credibility and confidence by very few
people—of whom Don Stuss is one.
Very few scientists are capable of seeing the big forest, particularly one that
has one and a half million trees in it. But there are so many researchers lost in that
forest that the bold “seeing the forest” statements by people with the stature and
the background to make them are essential for fields to progress. Don Stuss has
been one of the world’s most influential scientists in characterizing executive and
frontal lobe function. He has been able to do so through a combination of wide
reading, influential research, and quite remarkable clinical expertise and experi-
ence with real people with different types of damage to the prefrontal cortex.
Michael Posner did a similar service to an even more confused cohort of
researchers wandering through the giant forest of attention (4.22 million papers
on Google Scholar) during the 1980s. In collaboration with Steve Petersen
(Posner & Petersen, 1990), his similarly bold characterization of the attentional
forest proposed the existence of three supramodal attentional control systems—
alertness, control, and orientation/selection—which he daringly mapped onto
the norepinephrinergic, dopaminergic, and cholinergic neurotransmitter systems
respectively.
152
M on it orin g an d Al e rt in g 153
All theories are wrong, but the question is whether they are useful. Don Stuss
and Michael Posner have both, with their bold characterizations of otherwise dis-
mayingly fragmented fields, allowed researchers, particularly those trying to
translate cognitive science to suffering clinical groups and their families, to benefit
from the sophisticated but sometimes obscure and mutually contradictory find-
ings and paradigm-limited terminology of much basic cognitive neuroscience.
An obvious question arises here: what is the relationship between the “forests”
discerned by these two paragons of modern cognitive and clinical neuroscience?
How does Stuss’s typology link up with Posner’s? Both are tackling the attentional
systems of the brain. Is there some superordinate forest to emerge gestalt-like
from their two forests? Likely there is, but we do not have it yet. Each of these two
researchers is still, to a certain extent, prisoner of his own collection of paradigms
and observational arenas—and how could it be anything else for the most com-
plex region of the most complex entity in the known universe?
What is clear is this: the left lateral prefrontal cortex is strongly linked with the
establishment (and possibly switching) of attentional sets, the right lateral pre-
frontal cortex with the monitoring of adherence to these sets. That hugely impor-
tant forest we owe in considerable measure to the forester Don Stuss and his
clinical and experimental research over the past 30 years. It is equally clear that,
as Michael Posner has found, the anterior cingulate is a key node in a network for
conflict resolution and associated attentional control, and that the parietal cortex
is associated with attentional selection. These are complementary rather than
contradictory concepts, and it should be possible to see them integrated without
losing the viability of the underlying constituent concepts.
Don Stuss’s intriguing notion of “energization” (Stuss & Alexander, 2007), a
putative function of the superior medial regions of the prefrontal cortex, is less
familiar and less easily linked to other typologies and concepts. But so it was for
“monitoring” three decades ago, and I have a suspicion that this concept may, a
couple of decades from now, be found to have validity and importance, if Don
Stuss’s track record is anything to go by.
Stuss’s “monitoring” concept and Posner’s “alerting” construct, both attrib-
uted to a network including the right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, have the
clearest potential overlap, but their different origins and conceptualization offer
the sort of friction and challenge that useful theories throw up. In this chapter,
I will try to explore the relationship between these two elements of two hugely
important and influential typologies of attention.
traversing a complex traffic junction or playing a fast and difficult computer game,
yet when all that is required of us is to drive down a long unchanging road, we
struggle to maintain attention to the task and to keep alert. Why do civil engi-
neers build curves into highways across flat land where there is no geographical or
geological need to do so? They do so because our brains cannot reliably focus
attention for even quite modest periods without requiring the small attentional
and psychomotor challenge that the bends induce.
Evolutionary advantage must have accrued to our ancestors who could over-
ride the brain’s overwhelming predictive tendency. This propensity to allocate
attention to the novel stimulus but to revert to a tick-box, low-awareness register-
ing of subsequent exemplars of that stimulus is an essential design feature with-
out which we would be unable to function because of sensory and decision
overload. Without this fast and probably low-level capacity to screen out back-
ground stimuli—the noise of traffic outside our windows for instance, or the word
processing icons cluttering the top of this page as I type—we would not be able to
function.
But all design features have their downsides. The novelty-primed, fast-
habituating brain of earlier evolution may well have helped propagate the genes of
individuals in certain environments: the swiftest to detect the flicker of move-
ment of the camouflaged prey against the forest canopy, for instance. But it may
have disadvantaged others: the deer with a random mutation making it more
capable of overriding the predictive, habituating, novelty-hungry mode may have
survived to pass on these genes because this wary vigilance spared it in certain
environments.
Of the 4.22 million articles on attention, the vast majority are focused on the
first of these classes of attention: selection of stimuli and responses. Only rela-
tively few have focused on the second class of attention. This gap was a major
reason why attention research became so fragmented and allowed distinguished
scientists such as Alan Allport (Allport, 1993) and Giacomo Rizzolatti (Rizzolatti
& Camarda, 1987) to dismiss the need for attention as an explanatory concept: in
their eyes, attention was essentially just an early stage of motor preparation, and
to invoke causal properties to attention was equivalent to the introduction of a
homunculus.
But the fact is that early motor preparation is an unlikely candidate for the
non-musician being able to follow the viola’s line of music from the combined
sounds of the string quartet. Attention will not go away as a concept, but nor will
it survive as a unitary variable: Don Stuss, Michael Posner, and others have taught
us that.
If there are these broad classes of modality-nonspecific attention systems, a
clear implication of this is that there should exist not one reservoir of attentional
capacity in the brain, but two or more. Is there evidence for this?
One aspect of monitoring is the monitoring of errors in one’s performance
during a task. Such error awareness fluctuates, presumably in line with the
M on it orin g an d Al e rt in g 155
whether the selection and monitoring components may represent separate capac-
ities in the brain.
The test in question, devised by Rob Hester, was the Error Awareness Test
(EAT). The EAT is a motor Go/No-Go response inhibition task in which partici-
pants are presented with a serial stream of single color words. Participants
were trained to respond to each of the words with a single button press timed
to the offset of the word, and to withhold this response if the same word is
presented on consecutive trials or if the word and font color did not match. This
kind of “response-locking” has been shown to reduce inter-individual variability
and eliminate speed–accuracy tradeoffs (Stuss, Murphy, Binns, & Alexander,
2003). Participants were additionally instructed to press a button signaling they
were aware of having made an error following a false press on No-Go trials.
Delaying response until stimulus offset allowed ruling out the possibility that
certain undetected errors could be attributed to an overemphasis on speed over
accuracy.
Twenty participants performed the task under two conditions. In one condi-
tion (Immediate), participants were asked to respond as quickly and as accurately
as possible to each Go stimulus, and in the other condition (Delayed) they were
asked to time their responses to the offset of the stimulus, thereby decreasing
task difficulty and imposing a more automated response set. As expected, speed-
ing increased the error rate. However, contrary to the expectation (and to partici-
pants’ subjective reports) that speeding would impair awareness of performance,
we found the opposite to be true: errors were less likely to be monitored when the
task was easier (Shalgi et al., 2007).
This gives some support to the existence of separate classes of error—of selec-
tion on the one hand, and of monitoring on the other—which lends support to
the possible existence of two separate attentional capacities. The unmonitored
errors may reflect lapses in a monitoring/alertness/sustained attention system
with a strong node in the right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, while the errors in
the speeded condition may reflect the capacity limits of a system of response
selection and inhibition.
This argument for the existence of two types of error arising out of two differ-
ent types of attention emerged in another EEG/ERP study from our lab (O’Connell,
Dockree, Bellgrove, et al., 2009). We compared the action errors that occurred in
two tasks that were identical except in one respect. In both tasks, the digits 1 to 9
appeared approximately every 1.4 seconds and the respondent had to press to
every number except the digit 3 (the Sustained Attention Response Task [SART]).
The only difference between the two tasks was that the digits appeared randomly
in one condition (random SART) and in a fixed sequence, 1 to 9. in the other (fixed
SART).
The errors of interest in this task were the errors of commission—pressing
to the 3, which happened in both tasks. These action errors, however, according
to the EEG and ERP evidence, happened for quite different underlying reasons
M on it orin g an d Al e rt in g 157
in the brain. Participants performed the fixed SART (designed to encourage atten-
tional drift) and the random SART (designed to place more emphasis on response
selection and inhibition) in separate blocks. Electrocortical markers associated
with goal maintenance (late positivity, alpha synchronization) distinguished
correct and incorrect performance in the fixed condition, whereas errors in the
random condition were linked to a diminished N2–P3 inhibitory complex. In
addition, there was no error-related negativity in the fixed condition, consistent
with the view that errors in this condition do not arise from a failure to resolve
response competition. Our data provided an electrophysiological dissociation of
sustained attention and response inhibition.
A separate sustained attention system may have evolved to function so rela-
tively imperfectly because there are survival advantages associated with periodic
disengagement from the current focus of attention—in other words, “lapses.”
While under certain circumstances continually directing attention to the burrow
where the prey might emerge is adaptive, such prolonged attention, if overly
focused, may lead to lack of detection of danger and consequently becoming the
prey oneself. Sustained attention and drifting attention may therefore both have
separate costs and benefits. Today, however, we live in a constantly changing
world where the fast pace of technological advances has presented us with chal-
lenges and dangers that the human race has never faced before. It is only in very
recent history that a simple lapse of attention by a single individual could result
in the death or injury of hundreds of people, as in the cases of air and rail travel.
Similarly, our system of education has evolved in such a way that a heavy pre-
mium is now placed on one’s ability to maintain focus over long periods of time.
It is for these reasons that the relative under-exploration of the sustained atten-
tion/monitoring/alertness network is of such practical importance.
The present question is whether we can better define the “metacognitive resource”
that may underpin such inaccurate self-assessments. A study from our lab goes
some way to helping address this question.
We gave 79 healthy people between the ages of 18 and 53 a battery of neurop-
sychological tests as well as two self rating scales (the Frontal Systems Behavior
Scale and the Cognitive Failures Questionnaire). Their self-ratings were compared
with the ratings of a close relative or friend, and discrepancy scores were calcu-
lated. We hypothesized, for the reasons outlined above, namely that online moni-
toring of performance requires intact sustained attention to performance, that
people who underestimated their level of error and disorganized behavior in
everyday life would show impairment on tests of sustained attention. This is
indeed what we found: people who underestimated the level of disorganization in
their lives had significantly higher errors on a test of sustained attention com-
pared to accurate estimators or over-estimators (Hoerold et al., 2008).
Sustained attention ability is therefore correlated, as predicted, with accuracy
of self-evaluation (i.e., with monitoring ability). Performance on the SART test
used by Hoerold is also known to be associated with activation of the right dorso-
lateral prefrontal cortex (Manly et al., 2003), leading to the question of whether
this monitoring/alertness/sustained attention system is associated with insight
in clinical conditions where lack of insight is a major clinical problem.
Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is an example of one condition that can result in
a disabling deficit in self-evaluation, which can be a major obstacle to rehabilita-
tion. We have shown that self-rated versus other-rated discrepancies are apparent
in only a proportion of TBI individuals, however (O’Keeffe, Dockree, Moloney,
Carton, & Robertson, 2007), and sustained attention impairment measures cor-
relate only with other-reported ratings of everyday attention problems and not
with self-reported ratings, confirming the inaccuracy of self-evaluation in at least
a proportion of TBI individuals (Robertson, Manly, Andrade, Baddeley, & Yiend,
1997).
The hypothesis arises, therefore, that adequate sustained attention may be a
necessary, if not necessarily sufficient, prerequisite for accurate self-monitoring
and that this is strongly linked to right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex activation.
Is there any evidence that such activation is in turn associated with accurate
self-assessment? An fMRI study of TBI individuals showed that indeed there is.
Accuracy of self-evaluation was significantly correlated with functional activation
of the right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (Schmitz, Rowley, Kawahara, &
Johnson, 2006). In a quite different disorder, schizophrenia, the level of insight
has been shown to be significantly correlated with right dorsolateral prefrontal
cortex volume (Shad, Muddasani, & Keshavan, 2006).
The right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex is strongly linked to impaired self-
evaluation across a range of disorders, and this can also be observed in the
neurodegenerative conditions the tauopathies, namely frontotemporal dementia,
corticobasal degeneration, and progressive supranuclear palsy. My doctoral student,
M on it orin g an d Al e rt in g 159
Fiadhnait O’Keeffe, found that the condition most strongly affecting the prefron-
tal cortex—frontotemporal dementia (FTD)—was associated with the greatest
level of unawareness, consistent with the view that the unawareness does have a
specific relationship to prefrontal frontal cortex functioning. O’Keeffe found that,
at only around 20% of errors being detected, error awareness among FTD patients
was less than half that of corticobasal degeneration and progressive supranuclear
palsy individuals (O’Keeffe, Murray, et al., 2007).
this was because detection of targets in the vigilance task became more automatic
and hence less dependent on a monitoring/sustained attention system, whose
capacity waned over the course of the task.
Had Paus’s task been less stimulating, on the other hand, the mid-brain net-
work arousal changes may have been smaller. Such a conclusion would be sup-
ported by Coull and associates (Coull, Frackowiak, & Frith, 1998), who also found
decreases in thalamic and right fronto-parietal perfusion over an 18-minute task
period in which participants had to respond to any stimulus appearing intermit-
tently (within a range of 10 to 30 seconds) on the screen. In contrast, when the
task was made relatively more difficult by requiring participants to respond selec-
tively to red B’s interspersed among red and blue B’s and G’s, no significant decline
in the right frontal and parietal cortices was observed. This is in line with the ear-
lier arguments concerning the effects of exogenous demand on sustained atten-
tion, and suggests that this right fronto-parietal system for sustained attention
is, at least in part, a system that is needed to maintain alert and reasonably accu-
rate responding in the absence of strong external demands or stimuli that other-
wise promote alert responding.
Assuming this to be the case, then a major role of the right fronto-parietal
system is to modulate arousal, particularly where that arousal is not externally gen-
erated by task demand or stimulus. Modulating arousal in this way presupposes a
degree of monitoring of internal state, hence demonstrating one further impor-
tant function of Stuss’s monitoring system: monitoring the state of alertness.
In summary, the two forests proposed by Don Stuss and Mike Posner emerge
as Siamese twins of one key aspect of attention—the sustaining of attention, in
particular when exogenous demands on attention are low. During such periods of
low external demand, these twins of alertness/arousal on the one hand, and mon-
itoring of performance and alertness on the other, are essential partners in the
enterprise of effective performance and, in the distant past, of survival.
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9
Cognitive Rehabilitation in Old Age
The Rotman Initiative
GORDON WINOCUR
Don Stuss was on the path to priesthood when, in 1970, he answered his true
calling and, happily for the rest of us, redirected his professional life towards
clinical neuroscience. Early on, he staked his claim to the frontal lobes, a brain
region so little understood at the time that investigators referred to it as
“the silent cortex,” as if to imply that it didn’t really have much of a purpose.
Thanks to Don (and others; e.g., Damasio, 1979; Fuster, 1980; Shallice, 1988),
that misconception changed rapidly. One of Don’s major contributions to this
movement was to show that, far from not having a particular function, the frontal
lobes are involved in many functions. His scrupulous examination of the literature
and his observations of countless patients led him to conclude that the frontal
lobes play a critical role in a range of higher-order processes that cannot be sepa-
rated from any aspect of human activity and, indeed, are crucial to an individual’s
identity.
How do the frontal lobes perform this role? Many of the basic processes that
Don linked to the frontal lobes (e.g., sensorimotor, attentional, perceptual,
memory) were known to be localized elsewhere in the brain and, moreover,
damage to the frontal lobes did not usually affect their expression. As is apparent
in his seminal 1986 book, The Frontal Lobes (with Frank Benson), he saw the
frontal lobes as imposing a mental order by integrating all forms of information
and organizing behavior in a goal-directed manner. He used the term “super-
ordinate control”, to characterize the function of the frontal lobes, and much
of his research was dedicated to discovering how they work with other brain
regions in exercising this control. An important part of this exercise was to show
that the homogeneous-looking frontal lobes are anything but homogeneous.
Through sophisticated architectonic analyses of frontal-lobe pathology, he was
able to demonstrate precise links between numerous psychological processes
164
Cog nitiv e R e h abil it at ion in Ol d Ag e 165
and anatomical correlates (e.g., Levine, Stuss, et al., 1998; Stuss, et al., 1994;
Stuss et al., 2000). As evidence mounted for these diverse relationships,
Don became increasingly uncomfortable with the popular notion of the frontal
lobes as a central executive, as well as the idea that damage to the structure
would yield a singular deficit (dysexecutive syndrome). As an alternative, he
saw value in fractionating the executive system and drawing up broad categories
of function with numerous components and exemplars in each category (Stuss
et al., 2002).
In Don’s scheme, one such category is dedicated to the regulation of atten-
tional and affective processes. Another relates to the process of initiating and
sustaining cognitive and behavioral responses. A third category relates to insight-
ful metacognitive processes and involves the integration of a range of attributes
that are fundamental to social perception, personality features, and theory of
mind. Finally, there is executive cognitive function, which embodies the higher
cognitive processes that control and direct lower, more automatic functions. The
last category is further divided into two components: the first is involved in the
planning and initiation of a task, and the second in performing a monitoring
function that entails online checking and behavioral adjustments (see Levine,
Turner, & Stuss, 2008; and Stuss & Alexander, 2007, for more complete accounts
of this conceptualization).
The clinician in Don directed him quite naturally to treatment and rehabilita-
tion, particularly of cognitive functions that are impaired following damage to
the frontal lobes. Historically, the common approach in cognitive rehabilitation
was to target specifically affected functions with focused training techniques,
an approach that, at best, yielded mixed results (see Anderson, Winocur, &
Palmer, 2003). The problem that arises in many cases involving, for example, trau-
matic brain injury, stroke, normal and pathological aging, is that frontal-lobe
impairment can be extensive, resulting in widespread deficits. In that scenario,
adopting a more comprehensive approach that builds on his conceptualization
of functional categories seemed to make more sense. A common theme in
Don’s writings is that generalized cognitive impairment must be related to mul-
tiple biological and non-biological factors and a breakdown in the application of
appropriate cognitive strategies. A central assumption is that, in cognitively
impaired individuals, the capacity for strategic organization and planning is
compromised and under-utilized, but not absent. With the right direction and
support, such individuals are capable of regaining a strategic approach to cogni-
tive challenges, especially those regularly encountered in the real world. That
proved to be the guiding principle for a group of Rotman clinicians and scientists
who, under Don’s guidance, took up the task of launching a new rehabilitation
initiative aimed at cognitive recovery, initially in aged individuals whose perfor-
mance was compromised by normal loss of strategic functions under frontal-lobe
control.
166 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
B A C K G R O U N D A N D R AT I O N A L E
The seeds for the project were planted in 1995, during a Rotman-sponsored con-
ference that had cognitive rehabilitation as its central theme. It was a successful
conference but at the same time exasperating, as speaker after speaker lamented
the difficulties in developing effective programs and the lack of progress in that
regard. Commonly cited difficulties included the following:
THE PROGRAM
The protocol that emerged took the form of a 12-week program comprising three
distinct modules, each 4 weeks long. Given the longer duration of most rehabilita-
tion programs, the 12-week period was a genuine concern. However, it was over-
ridden by the consideration that a short program would be well received by
brain-damaged and older individuals, who are known to lose motivation during
long programs. The protocol was designed for groups of five or six people who
would meet once a week with a group leader. The group format was also thought
to be somewhat of a risk, given the individualized nature of people’s cognitive
problems, but in the end this turned out to be a positive feature. The dynamic
interactions among participants and with the group leader promoted group chem-
istry and increased motivation, which undoubtedly were major factors in ensur-
ing full participation, completing homework assignments, and so forth. As a
complement to the group-oriented approach and to introduce a personal element,
several one-on-one meetings were scheduled with the leader to establish goals
and monitor progress.
The modules consist of three distinct but integrated training programs: (1)
memory skills training, where participants are aided in the use of various mne-
monic strategies for purposes of learning, retaining, and recalling information; (2)
practical task training, where the emphasis is on managing goal-directed behavior
in real-life situations; and (3) psychosocial training, which was designed to enhance
participants’ self-esteem and build confidence in their cognitive abilities.
170 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Psychosocial Training
This module was inspired by a growing literature showing that effective manage-
ment of quality-of-life issues can contribute to overall functional status, including
cognition in elderly (e.g., Arbuckle, Gold, & Andres, 1986; Dawson & Winocur,
2008) and brain-damaged (Dawson, Schwartz, Winocur, & Stuss, 2007; Moore &
Cog nitiv e R e h abil it at ion in Ol d Ag e 171
THE TRIAL
As a preliminary step, an early version of the protocol was administered to several
groups of individuals with cognitive dysfunction resulting from different causes
(e.g., head injury, stroke, old age). During these pilot trials, the protocol under-
went further modification and fine-tuning. When the protocol was deemed ready,
it was decided to conduct a formal trial on a sample of older adults who were
experiencing normal age-related cognitive decline; the decision to work initially
with this population was made on the basis of the availability of older adults, and
other practical reasons. The design of the trial is summarized here, but interested
readers are referred to Stuss and colleagues (Stuss et al., 2007) for a detailed
description.
Forty-nine community-dwelling, English-speaking older adults (27 women,
22 men; 71 to 87 years old) participated in the trial. All lived independently
and functioned successfully but complained of loss of memory and related cogni-
tive functions. The screening process also included a battery of neuropsychologi-
cal tests to screen for cognitive impairments (e.g., Mini-Mental State Exam,
National Adult Reading Test-Revised, Wisconsin Card Sorting Test) and psychoso-
cial problems (e.g., Beck Anxiety Index, Geriatric Depression Scale [GDS]).
The design of the trial is presented in Table 9.1. Following admission to the
trial, participants were assigned quasi-randomly to an early training group (ETG)
or a late training group (LTG) and were administered the first round of neuropsy-
chological testing to establish baseline performance (Assessment A). The battery
172 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Assessments B and C were conducted in both groups immediately after rehabilitation training or
the control procedure (depending on the condition). Assessment D was conducted 6 months following
the completion of rehabilitation training in each group.
R E S U LT S
The results of the memory, SRLT, and psychosocial testing are presented in con-
siderable detail in the papers by Craik and coworkers (2007), Levine and cowork-
ers (2007), and Winocur and coworkers (2007a). Here, a sample of the results in
each domain is provided to illustrate the type of effects that were obtained.
For consistency and ease of presentation, rather than presenting group results
at each assessment, the results for selected tests were converted to percentage
scores that reflect percentage change in performance, relative to baseline, at
immediate (Assessment B for the ETG and Assessment C for the LTG) and long-
term follow-up (Assessment D) assessments.
Psychosocial
The psychosocial test results are presented first because they highlight an unex-
pected, but potentially very important, consequence of our experimental design.
To obtain an overall measure of psychological well-being, a composite index was
devised, made up of several psychosocial attributes (e.g., personal control, opti-
mism, happiness) that, while quite different, nevertheless correlated significantly
with each other (Fig. 9.1; in this case only, actual scores were provided). As can be
seen in Figure 9.1, there were differences favoring the ETG. This effect, which will
be discussed below, was seen in other psychosocial tests (e.g., Ways of Coping),
but not universally, and when it was observed, it did not necessarily negate train-
ing-induced benefits to the LTG. For example, as can be seen in Figure 9.2, follow-
ing rehabilitation training both groups improved on the GDS and the DEX. On the
GDS, the LTG exhibited more improvement than the ETG, whereas there was no
Psychological well-being
composite index
2.5
ETG
2
LTG
1.5
1
Index
0.5
–0.5
–1
Figure 9.1. Composite index scores for early and late training groups at baseline,
immediately following training, and at the 6-months follow-up. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
174 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
40 ETG 40
LTG
Percent improvement
Percent improvement
30 30
20 20
10 10
0 0
Post-training Long-term Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.2. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training groups on the Geriatric Depression Scale and
Dysexecutive Questionnaire. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
Memory
Not surprisingly, rehabilitation training had little effect on short-term memory
(as measured by the Brown-Peterson test) and recognition memory (as measured
by the HVLT-R test); these types of memory are scarcely affected by normal aging.
At the same time, working memory, which is identified with frontal lobe function,
and is considered vulnerable to the effects of aging, also did not respond to our
training program. Although traditionally thought to have a strategic component,
it is possible that the mental operations required to perform successfully on our
alpha-span test of working memory were so familiar to our relatively high-func-
tioning older adults that performance was more “automatic” than “strategic.”
On the other hand, significant benefits of training were observed in long-term
recall (HVLT-R; Logical Memory Test), which is thought to be mediated by medial
Cog nitiv e R e h abil it at ion in Ol d Ag e 175
10
0
Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.3. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training groups on the secondary memory measure on
the Hopkins Verbal Learning Test-Revised. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
temporal lobe structures, and which declines precipitously with age. As can
be seen in Figures 9.3 and 9.4, substantial improvements in this measure were
apparent on the HVLT-R and Logical Memory tests immediately after training.
Moreover, they held up over the long term, especially in the ETG.
The HVLT-R results also showed that enhanced long-term memory perfor-
mance could be related to increased application of appropriate strategies.
Logical memory
(delayed recall)
50 ETG
LTG
40
Percent improvement
30
20
10
–10
Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.4. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training groups on the delayed recall measure on the
Logical Memory test. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
176 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
60
40
20
0
Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.5. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training groups on measures of strategic processing in the
secondary memory test of free recall on the Hopkins Verbal Learning Test-Revised.
(Error bars ± S.E.M.)
There are a number of strategies that could be used to learn and remember
the lists of words that make up this test, but the most efficient ones are those
that entail subjective or categorical organization of the words. As can be seen in
Figure 9.5, after training, there was a dramatic increase in the use of these types
of strategies and, again, particularly in the ETG. A similar effect was noted in the
Logical Memory Test test, where scoring is in terms of general aspects of the
stories or specific details. Both groups, and especially the ETG, exhibited a
dramatic increase in the recall of highly specific information, a process that is
presumed to require strategic retrieval.
30
Percent improvement
20
10
0
Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.6. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training Groups on total performance measures of the
Simulated Real-Life Tasks. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
Percent improvement
60 60
40 40
20 20
0 0
Post-training Long-term Post-training Long-term
Figure 9.7. Percent change in the post-training and 6-month follow-up scores, relative
to baseline, for early and late training groups on measures of strategic processing in the
Simulated Real-Life Tasks. (Error bars ± S.E.M.)
C O N C L U S I O N S A N D C O N S I D E R AT I O N S
The most important result of the trial is that there were significant benefits of treat-
ment in all functional domains, immediately following rehabilitation training and
on long-term follow-up. There was also important support for the underlying
hypothesis that improvements in each domain would be related to improvements in
178 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
strategic processing under executive control. Moreover, as seen, for example, in the
HVLT-R results, as participants became more strategic in dealing with cognitive
tasks, their reliance on less strategic approaches declined. The observed improve-
ment in all domains was in itself considered important in that it showed that the
benefits were not limited to specific areas. Notably, the improvements in the SRLTs
and in various aspects of psychosocial function speak to the broad range of benefits.
A particularly encouraging result was that, for the most part, treatment-related
benefits were maintained over the 6-month follow-up period. In some cases (e.g.,
HVLT-R, Logical Memory Test, there was even continued improvement in the
ETG during that time. While the possible influence of practice effects cannot be
ruled out entirely, the results suggest that the benefits were holding and that, to
some extent, participants were continuing to improve as a result of training.
An unexpected finding was that, while both groups benefited from rehabilita-
tion training, improvements were generally greater and more long-lasting in
the ETG. The differences could not be attributed to demographic, health, or func-
tional differences between the groups. While the reason for this outcome is not
clear, a possible explanation may lie in the design of the trial, which may have
contributed to differences in the groups’ preparedness for the training program.
Although all participants were fully briefed as to the schedule of events, the LTG
may not have been sufficiently well prepared for the 3-month delay in beginning
rehabilitation training. Inadvertently, this may have induced a “wait-list” effect
and contributed to a negative reaction that adversely affected their attitude and
performance. This explanation was reinforced by informal comments and frustra-
tion expressed by some of the participants in the LTG.
Notwithstanding the promising results, it is important to acknowledge some
caveats and limitations. There are several issues to be addressed:
versions of the same tests wherever possible. In general, we were able to deter-
mine that rehabilitation effects were over and above those that could be attrib-
uted to repeated assessments.
4. There were differences in the participants’ response to training, and it was not
always possible to identify the specific strategies adopted by individuals in the
various tasks. This was due in part to individual differences in the type and
number of strategies used. A better understanding of the process of strategy
selection and those that are not particularly helpful in various situations
would be helpful in guiding participants in fruitful directions.
5. Finally, while the decision was made early on to experiment with a broadly
based, comprehensive protocol, it was impossible to determine if observed
benefits were the result of the training program as a whole, or of one or more of
the modules. A study is under way to determine whether the same (or greater)
benefit can be achieved from some combination of the individual modules.
Summary
The results of an experimental evaluation of a new approach to cognitive rehabili-
tation are presented. In designing the protocol, scientists at the Rotman Research
Institute were guided by a general model of strategic processing. The program is
based on the premise that older adults and younger adults with brain damage
need assistance in selecting and implementing strategies that are appropriate to
specific tasks. As participants become increasingly familiar with the application of
various strategies in responding to cognitive demands, it was predicted that this
essential operation would be accomplished with reduced effort and incorporated
into their daily lives.
The program consists of a 12-week training protocol divided into three compo-
nents: (1) memory skills training, where the emphasis is on using internal and
external strategies to acquire, retain, and recover information; (2) practical task
training, in which mnemonic and problem-solving strategies are applied to “real-
life” situations; and (3) psychosocial training, in which the aim is to enhance psy-
chological well-being and establish the link between overall functional status and
cognitive function.
The protocol was tested on a sample of normal old people who complained of
memory loss and related cognitive problems. The study is unique in several ways:
it is one of a small number of trials to use a multiple baseline design; it is compre-
hensive in assessing the relative importance of various factors that affect reha-
bilitation of cognitive performance; it spans a 12-month period and includes a
follow-up assessment of long-term benefits; and it provides a wide range of behav-
ioral, neuropsychological, and psychosocial outcome measures.
The results indicated significant benefits of rehabilitation on a broad range
of cognitive and psychosocial measures. The experimental design supported the
180 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Acknowledgments
The research reported in this chapter was supported by a grant from the
J. S. McDonnell Foundation. Preparation of the chapter was supported by a grant
from the Canadian Institutes for Health Research. The technical support of Nick
Hoang is gratefully acknowledged.
Notes
1. Module-specific tests were administered after each module during the 3-month training period.
The results generally paralleled those of the complete battery and are not considered here.
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10
Effects of Aging on
Memory and Attention
A Frontal Lobe Problem?
FERGUS I. M. CRAIK
Many of us, like Woody Allen, have our favorite body parts, but it is clear that
Don Stuss is a frontal lobe man! It thus seemed appropriate, when contemplating
what to present in this volume celebrating Don’s huge contributions to science
and society, to examine the extent to which my own work might overlap with this
interest of his. Many of the experiments conducted in my lab over the years have
dealt with changes in memory and attention as a function of the normal aging
process, so the focus would presumably be on the extent to which age-related
cognitive changes reflect deterioration of processes located in (or governed by)
the frontal lobes.
The observation that there are similarities between the cognitive consequences
of aging and of frontal lobe damage is not new. The notion was suggested explic-
itly by Albert and Kaplan (1980) and by Veroff (1980), both of whom found that
older community-living adults tended to give responses on a variety of “frontal”
tests that resembled responses given by patients with frontal lobe pathology.
The suggestion, therefore, is that at least some elderly adults show signs of mild
frontal dysfunction, and that these signs may be associated with mild structural
and functional impairment of the frontal lobes themselves. Further confirmatory
evidence on this point was presented by Heaton (1981), who found that a group
of older adults (over 60 years) made many more perseverative errors than a
younger group (under 40 years) on the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test—a pattern
associated with frontal lobe dysfunction. Similarly, Whelihan and Lesher (1985)
reported that responses to a battery of neuropsychological tests given to adults
aged between 60 and 92 years indicated that frontal lobe functions decline
with age. Importantly, they also suggest that frontal functions may show greater
impairment with age than do numerous non-frontal higher cortical functions
183
184 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
(Whelihan & Lesher, 1985, p. 375); that is, frontally mediated functions are
particularly sensitive to the effects of aging on the brain.
Why might this be? Whelihan and Lesher suggest as one possibility that since
the frontal lobes are the last to develop ontogenetically, they may also be the first
to show functional decline. This possibility is supported by more recent studies
of differential age-associated losses in cortical volume (e.g., Raz, 2000). Another
possibility mentioned by Whelihan and Lesher is that in the course of declin-
ing vascular efficiency, blood supply may be preferentially allocated to such “fun-
damental” mechanisms as sensory and motor function at the expense of areas
concerned principally with higher cognitive abilities. These and other arguments
were summarized and discussed in a “frontal theory” of cognitive aging by West
(1996).
With regard to the relations among memory, aging, and frontal lobe function-
ing, Schacter, Harbluk, and McLachlan (1984) had reported that frontal lobe
patients exhibited a marked deficit in remembering where and when they
had encountered specific facts—a deficit they termed “source amnesia.” We
thought it would be interesting to test this ability in older adults, and indeed
found that they too showed a milder form of source amnesia, again suggesting a
commonality with frontal patients (McIntyre & Craik, 1987). This commonality
was explored further in a study by Craik, Morris, Morris, and Loewen (1990)
in which we asked whether there is a relation between the degree of source amne-
sia exhibited by normal older adults and scores on neuropsychological tests of
frontal function.
We used the paradigm developed by Schacter and colleagues (1984) in which
participants aged 60 to 84 years were given statements about public personalities
to study. The statements were mostly made-up but plausible “facts” such as “Jane
Fonda always eats oatmeal for breakfast,” and the personalities were well known,
somewhat known, or fictional; in addition, 24 true facts about well-known people
were presented. One week later participants were given a test list of questions
pertaining to the facts they had learned, plus further questions related to new
facts about famous and non-famous people. If they knew the fact, they were also
asked to state where they had first learned it: on TV, radio, book, newspaper, from
a friend—or in the experiment. Source amnesia was measured as the number of
correctly recalled made-up “facts” from the week before that were incorrectly
attributed to some other source. In this case 30% of recalled facts were source
errors, a much higher value than the 7% of such errors made by the young par-
ticipants in the McIntyre and Craik study. In the 1990 study, we also gave the
older participants the Wisconsin Card Sorting Task, the Verbal Fluency Test (FAS),
and the WAIS-R to give a measure of general intellectual functioning. In essence,
the results showed that source amnesia correlated reliably (negatively) with verbal
fluency and the number of categories achieved on the WCST; also, source amnesia
correlated positively with the number of perseverative errors. This last correlation
remained significant after partialing out performance IQ from the WAIS, so the
E ffects of Ag ing on M e m ory an d At t e n t ion 185
idea that different frontal regions subserve different functions (Stuss & Alexander,
2000; Wheeler & Stuss, 2003; Wheeler, Stuss & Tulving, 1997). My own previous
publications also suggest at least two possible frontal candidates responsible for
such age-related losses. The first is the suggestion (Craik, 1983, 1986) that older
adults are deficient in their ability to “self-initiate” cognitive activities. The idea
stems from observations that age-related deficits tend to be less in situations
where the external environment supports or induces appropriate mental opera-
tions, as opposed to situations in which the person has to “bootstrap” these oper-
ations from within. One example is recognition memory compared to recall; in
the former case, items to be recollected are re-presented and the participant
chooses ones experienced previously, whereas in cases where the person is
attempting to recollect in a different context and without many cues, he or she
must self-initiate the necessary mental processes. It is also known that frontal
patients have greater deficits in free recall than in recognition (Wheeler, Stuss, &
Tulving, 1995). According to Stuss (e.g., Wheeler & Stuss, 2003; Wheeler et al.,
1995) the ability to initiate cognitive operations is associated with superior medial
areas of the prefrontal cortex.
A second candidate is the left ventral prefrontal cortex, which appears to be
associated with deep semantic encoding operations, and therefore with good
values of subsequent memory (Kapur, Craik, Tulving, et al., 1994). It is known
that both aging (Grady et al., 1995) and division of attention (Shallice et al., 1994)
are associated with reduced levels of activity in this region. My suggestion has
therefore been that (to some extent at least) aging resembles division of attention
effects in young adults; both are examples of reduced processing resources, and
both result in less rich, elaborate conceptual encoding, and thus in reduced levels
of subsequent memory performance (Craik, 1982). This notion that many effects
of aging can be attributed to a reduction in processing resources and thus can
resemble the effects of divided attention has been questioned, however. Naveh-
Benjamin (2000, 2001) has argued that older adults show a deficit in the ability to
form new associative connections, and that this deficit is not shared by younger
adults working under divided attention conditions. At first my lab contested this
conclusion; for example, Castel and Craik (2003) found that young participants
working under divided attention conditions did show an associative deficit,
although admittedly not as large a deficit as that shown by older adults working
under full attention conditions. But later work by Craik, Luo, and Sakuta (2010)
addressed the point directly and found that the function relating item and asso-
ciative recognition was different for older adults, although essentially the same
for young adults working under either full or divided attention. This experiment
and its implications are described in greater detail later in the chapter. For the
moment, I will maintain the point that activation of the left ventral prefrontal
cortex is associated with degrees of semantic analysis (“levels of processing”), that
aging (like divided attention) appears to reduce such levels of activation, and that
this in turn is associated with lower levels of subsequent memory.
E ffects of Ag ing on M e m ory an d At t e n t ion 187
Physical
0.80
Phonemic
Proportion correct
Semantic
0.60
Learn
0.40
0.20
0.00
Young Old Young Old
Figure 10.1. Proportions recalled and recognized as a function of age and type of
processing (Troyer, Häfliger, Cadieux & Craik, 2006).
item either with its original scene, with another scene (switched context), with no
scene at all (item alone), or with a new scene that the participant had not encoun-
tered before. In terms of theory, the idea here was that pictures of objects would
evoke a richer encoding of the item, and so might benefit the older adults differ-
entially (a benefit of schematic support, in a sense). Second, at retrieval, greater
environmental support was provided as the background context was made closer
to the encoding context; that is, context reinstatement increased from new to no,
to switched, to original context. Our prediction was that the age-related differ-
ence in performance would thus be greatest with words and no or new contexts,
and least with pictured items under original context conditions.
The results are shown in Figure 10.2. The left-hand panel shows recognition
memory scores (hits minus false alarms) when target items were words. Younger
adults performed better overall, and this main effect of aging interacted with
condition such that the advantage to younger participants was greatest when
words were presented with new scenes, and least when words were re-presented
with their original context. Another notable feature of the word data is that the
younger adults performed best with the original context, but performed at a
slightly lower but equivalent level in the other three conditions. On the other
hand, the older adults’ performance fell off progressively from original to new
contexts. The older adults thus appear to be particularly dependent on contextual
reinstatement to perform at a decent level.
The data for the picture stimuli are shown on the right-hand panel. The most
obvious point is that recognition levels are considerably higher with pictured
objects (mean = 0.72) than with their verbal equivalents (mean = 0.48)—the stan-
dard picture superiority effect (Nelson, Reed, & Walling, 1976). Two further
Words Pictures
0.70
0.60 0.60
0.50 0.50
0.40 0.40
0.30 0.30
0.20 0.20
0.10 0.10
0.00 0.00
Original Switched None New Original Switched None New
Context Context
points are first that context has a much smaller modulating effect with pictures
than with words, and second—most dramatically—the older adults now outper-
form their younger counterparts under all conditions. The first point (seen to
some degree with younger adults even with words) suggests that strongly encoded
or distinctive stimuli can be well recognized despite changes in context; you rec-
ognize a friend even if you encounter her unexpectedly in an unusual location.
The second point again illustrates the finding that the memory performance of
older adults can approach or even exceed that of much younger adults if the mate-
rials are congenial and distinctive (pictures) and the test provides good environ-
mental support.
Free Recall
Full attention .82 .53 408 570
Divided attention .51 .28 530 815
Cued Recall
Full attention .85 .50 404 510
Divided attention .49 .25 502 745
divided attention conditions; the corresponding values are shown in bold face
type in Table 10.1.
Note that the similarity applies both to memory scores and to reaction time
scores. These results (and other similar results reported by Craik, 1982, and Craik
& Byrd, 1982) thus give good support to the conclusion that young adults work-
ing under divided attention conditions perform quite similarly to adults who are
50 years older than they are, and who are working under full attention conditions.
In turn, the data also support the claim that at least some aspects of cognitive
aging may be characterized in terms of withdrawal of attentional resources.
This conclusion has been challenged by my colleague Moshe Naveh-Benjamin,
however. In a series of papers (e.g., Naveh-Benjamin 2000, 2001) he has taken the
position that the effects of aging are not equivalent to those associated with divi-
sion of attention in young adults—in particular, that older adults have a specific
deficit in the ability to form associative links between items, between events, and
between events and their contexts of occurrence. In response, I have agreed that
older adults find associative learning difficult, and even demonstrated that point
in some of my own studies. For example, McIntyre and Craik (1987) showed that
memory for the source of new information was relatively impaired in older adults
when compared with memory for the new items themselves. Similarly, Castel and
Craik (2003) compared the effects of aging with those of divided attention in
younger adults in a recognition memory study, and found some similarities but
also some differences. Compared to young adults working under full attention
conditions, both older adults and a young group working under divided attention
showed deficits in the recognition of item information. The older adults and the
young divided attention group also showed deficits in recognition of associative
information (ability to recognize word pairs), but performance of the older group
E ffects of Ag ing on M e m ory an d At t e n t ion 193
was differentially poorer than that of the young divided attention group in the
associative test, largely owing to the older participants’ propensity to make many
false alarms. Since the distractor stimuli were recombined word pairs (that is,
words that had been studied, but in different pairs), the finding of a high false
alarm rate in older adults suggests a greater reliance on familiarity processes in
recognition memory.
Despite the similarity between the effects of aging and divided attention,
Castel and Craik (2003) considered it possible that older adults might be differen-
tially impaired when dealing with associative information. Lynn Luo, Yuiko
Sakuta and I thus designed a study to examine this possibility directly (Craik,
Luo, & Sakuta, 2010). Three groups of subjects were tested: a group of young
adults who studied the materials to be remembered under full attention (Young-FA
group), a second group of young adults who studied under conditions of divided
attention (Young-DA group), and a group of older adults (Old group; mean age =
73 years) who studied under full attention conditions. Participants studied a long
series of word–scene pairs; in all, 120 different scenes were presented on the com-
puter screen, with an unrelated word superimposed on each picture. Each partici-
pant’s task was to prepare for a later memory test by remembering the items
themselves (words and scenes) as well as the individual word–scene pairings. To
obtain a range of values for both item recognition and associative (word–scene)
recognition, the word–picture pairs were presented at one of four presentation
rates (2, 4, 6, 8 seconds for the Young-FA group; 4, 6, 8, 10 seconds for the
Young-DA and Old groups).
After the study phase, participants were given three recognition tests—one for
the words, one for the scenes, and one for the word–scene associations. In this
last test, all test items had been seen before, but were either in their original pairs
or were recombined words and scenes. The divided attention task was a long series
of auditory digits, and the participant’s task was to detect targets, defined as runs
of two successive odd digits (e.g., 7–9, 5–1, 3–3).
Figure 10.3A shows one informative way to present the results. Associative
recognition is plotted directly against item recognition—defined here as the aver-
age of word and scene recognition. Our assumption was that faster presentation
rates would be associated with lower levels of both item and associative informa-
tion, and the distribution of data points on Figure 10.3 confirms that this occurred.
In fact, for all three groups performance levels decreased linearly as study time
decreased. If the effects of divided attention and aging were qualitatively similar
to the effects of shorter study time, then the data points for the Young-DA and
Old groups should simply fall on the same function as the one derived from the
Young-FA participants, but at lower levels. Figure 10.3A shows that the data points
for the Young-DA participants fit that description, but the points for the older
adults clearly do not. For a given value of item recognition the function fitting
the older adults indicates a lower value of associative recognition—that is, older
adults appear to show an associative deficit over and above the reductions in
194 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Associative recognition
0.8 0.8
0.7 0.7 y = 0.96x – 0.10
2
0.6 y = 1.11x – 0.006 0.6 R = 0.85
R2 = 0.92
0.5 0.5
0.4 FA 0.4 FA
0.3 y = 1.10x – 0.09 DA 0.3 DA
2
0.2 R = 1.00 O 0.2 O
0.1 0.1
0.0 0.0
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
Item recognition Word recognition
0.8
y = 1.23x – 0.11
0.7 R2 = 0.97
0.6
0.5
0.4
FA
0.3
DA
0.2 y = 1.08x – 0.21
2
R = 0.91 O
0.1
0.0
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0
Scene recognition
Conclusions
At the beginning of this chapter I asked the questions: How similar are the effects
of normal aging to the effects of frontal lobe damage? To what extent is cognitive
aging a frontal lobe problem? My present answer is that there are substantial
similarities between the two conditions, although of course the degree of similar-
ity must presumably depend on the precise location of frontal degeneration or
damage in the two cases. What seems clear is that both older adults (Craik, 1983,
1986) and frontal patients (Lhermitte, 1986; Stuss & Alexander, 2000) have prob-
lems of self-initiation, and therefore profit differentially from environmental and
schematic support. According to Don Stuss, this difficulty is related to inefficient
functioning of superior medial regions of the frontal lobes (Wheeler & Stuss,
2003).
What about the similarity (or partial similarity, as it turns out!) between the
effects of aging and division of attention in young adults? Both are associated
E ffects of Ag ing on M e m ory an d At t e n t ion 195
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11
The Aging Brain
An Alternative Perspective on Age-Related Changes
E L I Z A B E T H C . L E R I T Z , R E G I N A E . M C G L I N C H E Y,
D AV I D H . S A L AT, A N D W I L L I A M P. M I L B E R G
The aging brain undergoes a complex spectrum of changes that likely begins in
middle age and continues throughout adulthood. Early neuropsychological stud-
ies of cognitive aging suggest that the process of growing older affects some
regions of the brain and associated functions in a selective manner (Moscovitch &
Winocur, 1995). In particular, initial work implicated the frontal lobes and pre-
frontal cortex as being highly vulnerable to the aging process, documented
through studies demonstrating that cognitive abilities attributed to frontal lobe
function show a greater decline; this decline is evident at an earlier age than are
functions supported by other brain regions (West, 1996). Support for this idea,
which has become know as the “frontal aging theory” or the “frontal lobe hypoth-
esis of cognitive aging,” has come from both neuroimaging and behavioral stud-
ies. This work has revealed substantial compromise to both gray and white matter
within the frontal lobe (Kalpouzos et al., 2009; Salat et al., 2004, 2005), reduced
patterns of activation as seen through functional MRI (Grady, Springer,
Hongwanishkul, McIntosh, & Winocur, 2006; Prakash, et al., 2009), and concom-
itant deficits on neuropsychological tests of executive function (Balota, 2000;
Head, Kennedy, Rodrigue, & Raz, 2009; Isella et al., 2008). Additional support for
these hypotheses comes from neuropathological and postmortem studies of brain
tissue that similarly show compromise to histopathological processes in frontal
lobe regions (Kemper, 1984), as reviewed by Raz and Rodrigue (2006), as well as
from imaging data suggesting greater frontal changes than other areas (Raz et al.,
1997). However, despite the abundant support, it has also become clear that other
brain regions and cognitive functions are also affected, suggesting that the impact
of age on neural tissue is a more heterogeneous process. Thus, focusing on one
target region, or even on just age itself, may in fact be too simplistic.
198
T h e Ag in g Brain 199
information about integrity. Several studies of normal healthy aging have reported
increased diffusivity and reduced FA, both of which indicate reduced integrity of
myelinated pathways in frontal white matter relative to more posterior brain
regions (Kennedy & Raz, 2009; Salat, Tuch, Greve, et al., 2005; Yoon, Shim, Lee,
Shon, & Yang, 2008), as well as in the genu of the corpus callosum (Leritz et al.,
2010). These findings suggest that as the brain ages, there may be alterations to
tissue affecting the ability of nerve fibers to transmit information from one brain
region to another, and this process may be more prominent in frontal and pre-
frontal cortex. There is even indication that the actual volume of prefrontal white
matter decreases with age, attesting to this idea (Salat et al., 1999, 2009).
Postmortem neuropathological and histopathological studies have also supported
the frontal aging hypothesis (Morrison & Hof, 1997). There are numerous reports
of processes such as cell body shrinkage (Uemura & Hartmann, 1978), reduction
in synaptic density (Dickstein et al., 2007), and deafferentiation (Kalaria et al.,
1989), all of which result in observed volume loss and damage to white matter
connectivity, and it appears that the frontal and prefrontal cortex are more
vulnerable to these processes than other brain regions (Kemper, 1984). These
studies are consistent with neuroimaging findings of reduced integrity of
frontal lobe brain regions, and have provided support for the frontal aging
theory.
of irrelevant stimuli (Vallesi, Stuss, McIntosh, & Picton, 2009). The idea that aging
is associated with impairments in successful inhibition has also been useful
in explaining memory deficits that are thought to stem in part from attentional
difficulty and thus an inability to effectively process to-be-remembered infor-
mation (Anderson & Craik, 2000; Balota, 2000). In fact, knowledge of what is
encompassed under the “executive” rubric has become quite vast over the years,
and as such, it has become clear that some tasks professed to measure other cog-
nitive domains also contain executive components. For example, memory pro-
cesses that require organizational or monitoring abilities are more sensitive to
age-related decline (Simensky & Abeles, 2002). Several aging studies have docu-
mented more prominent deficits and decline in aspects of memory that involve
monitoring, organization, and retrieval, aspects that carry more executive com-
ponents (Glisky, Poslter, & Routhieaux, 1995; Wegesin, Jacobs, Zubin, Ventura, &
Stern, 2000). Examples include source memory, prospective memory, and free
recall (Glisky, Rubin, & Davidson, 2001; Logie & Maylor, 2009).
Following the advent of magnetic resonance technology, the ability to more
definitively relate cognitive performance to brain regions became possible, result-
ing in a burgeoning area of research examining structure–function relationships
in healthy aging. Many studies reporting executive function deficits have reported
concomitant frontal lobe changes, such as volume loss or reductions in white
matter integrity (Salat et al., 2004, 2009; Zimmerman et al., 2006), and have pro-
vided evidence that age itself may be a moderating factor in these relationships.
For example, Brickman and colleagues (2006) reported that age differences in
neuropsychological performance on tasks of executive function and memory were
mediated by the volume of frontal lobe white matter (Brickman et al., 2006). A
recent study found significantly lower FA in the genu of the corpus callosum in
older adults compared with younger adults; correlations were also found between
FA and lower performance on cognitive tasks of perceptual-motor processing,
supporting a structure–function connection in anterior brain regions (Davis et al.,
2009).
Functional magnetic resonance imaging studies, which allow for examination
of region-specific neural activity in response to cognitive tasks, have also been a
large corpus of support for the frontal aging hypothesis. Common findings across
the normal aging literature have been reduced activation in frontal lobe brain
regions while engaging in tasks of executive function (Rajah, Languay, &
Valiquette, 2010), as well as certain memory tasks that are believed to contain
more of an executive component (Rosen et al., 2002). Such results lend support by
implying that lower activity is indicative of poor function, which is also likely
related to evidence of structural pathology (Cook, Bookheimer, Mickes, Leuchter,
& Kumar, 2007). Interestingly, aging has also been associated with greater recruit-
ment of frontal brain regions, or less laterality than is typically found in younger
adults (Cabeza, Anderson, Locantore, & McIntosh, 2002; Reuter-Lorenz & Cappell,
2008). For example, several studies have reported bilateral frontal lobe activation
202 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
to provide evidence that differences across studies and among theories may be
explained by the biological context of the particular sample studies, and to high-
light some of the factors that may have more of a role in “normal aging” than was
once believed.
for age, providing further support for the selective impact of blood pressure on
the anterior brain. Importantly, the genu and other anterior white matter have
been implicated in normal aging (Madden et al., 2009; Salat et al., 2009; Yoon
et al., 2008), suggesting that variables such as blood pressure may have been play-
ing a role in past studies even when excluding for diagnosed hypertension or overt
cerebrovascular disease and related cognitive decline. Decrements in neuropsy-
chological functioning have also been found in patients with subclinical risk. In a
large sample of middle-older aged adults, we found that individuals with higher
levels of subclinical vascular risk performed more poorly on traditional tasks of
executive function (Barber et al., 2006). In this same sample, we found that
memory processes underlying performance on the California Verbal Learning
Test (CVLT-II) that are more tied to executive functioning were more impaired in
association with elevated risk (Barber et al., 2006). More specifically, we found
that the ability to generate a strategy that supported successful remembering,
such as semantic clustering, was used more in the low-risk group. This study
importantly demonstrates that executive functioning and memory, the very
domains that are implicated in association with normal aging, are also implicated
when examining the impact of cardiovascular risk factor levels, even when those
levels fall below what would be considered for clinical diagnosis. Ultimately, this
heightens the importance of taking into account these variables in studies of
normal aging.
To this point, we have discussed some of the most epidemiologically common
physiological and metabolic risk factors in older adults, although it is important
to mention that there are likely many other variables that influence the inter-
action between aging and the brain and cognition. These include other metabolic
indicators of vascular health such as homocysteine levels (Jakubowski, 2008;
Raz & Rodrigue, 2006; Selhub, 2008), obesity (Raji, Ho, et al., 2010) environmen-
tal factors such as low socioeconomic status (Clark, DesMeules, Luo, Duncan, &
Wielgosz, 2009; Kroger et al., 2009) and genetic variants such as the apolipopro-
tein 4 allele (apoE4), which is associated with an approximately 40% risk for the
development of Alzheimer’s disease (Corder et al., 1993; Raber, Huang, & Wesson
Ashford, 2004; Saunders et al., 1993). Homocysteine, an amino acid associated
with risk for cardiovascular disease, is often included in studies of vascular-related
cognitive decline, many of which have demonstrated that elevated levels are
related to poor neuropsychological function (Chee et al., 2009) and brain struc-
tural integrity (Seshadri et al., 2008). High body mass index has been associated
with poor executive function (Gunstad et al., 2007). Studies of the relationship
between apoE4, brain structure, and cognition are plentiful and have revealed
subtle cognitive changes in memory, as well as alterations to brain structures such
as the hippocampus in individuals who have the allele but who are otherwise
healthy (Caselli, 2009; Caselli et al., 2009; Honea, Vidoni, Harsha, & Burns, 2009).
Longitudinal studies have revealed that not all of these individuals progress to
Alzheimer’s disease, suggesting that the mere possession of the gene may interact
206 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
with the aging process to influence brain structure and cognition (Bu, 2009;
Kim, Basak, & Holtzman, 2009; Riley et al., 2000). Recent advances in genetic
technology have also described other genes that may be associated with the devel-
opment of late-life diseases such as Alzheimer’s disease or vascular dementia
(Dresner-Pollak et al., 2009; Emanuele et al., 2009; Minoretti et al., 2006), and
these variants may harbor subtle phenotypic expression even before a diagnos-
able pathological process is present (Cacabelos, 1996, 2004). Genetic makeup is
also believed to play a role not only in neuropathology, but also in the phenotypic
expression of structural alterations. The concept of cognitive reserve suggests
that more hereditary factors such as IQ, as well as “environmental” factors such as
education and occupation, can minimize or delay cognitive decline in the face of
underlying brain changes, suggesting that these are additional factors to consider
when interpreting results (Stern, 2003). While we are not able to describe to
exhaustion all risk factors that exist to varying degrees in the “normal” aging pop-
ulation, there certainly are other variables that may influence brain structure and
behavior and that may have roles in neural and cognitive change. It would be
impossible to examine every contributing biological factor in any given study, and
simply including them as exclusion criteria from one’s experimental cohort does
not solve the problem of understanding normal cognitive aging, as the resulting
sample would be biased away from characteristics that may in fact define the
“norm.” Studies that examine neuropsychological and neuroanatomical aspects of
aging while accounting for variation in even just one of these factors will help us
to continue clarifying these issues and understanding how normal aging affects
the brain. This is not to assert that the process of aging does not have an impact
on brain structure; in fact, age may often be the most significant correlate of
change and is the overarching biological context driving normal aging research.
The question is this: To what extent is cognitive aging a reflection of a programmed
biological process versus a reflection of alterations in brain function that occur in
the context of the development of age-related disease states, or the risk factors
for those disease states?
Acknowledgments
This work was supported by grants from the National Institute of Neurologic
Disorders and Stroke (F32NS051942 and K23NS062148), by a grant from the
National Institute of Nursing Research (R01NR010827), and by Medical Research
Service VA Merit Review Awards to William Milberg and Regina McGlinchey. The
authors would also like to thank Roxana Moayer and Colleen Barber for their
assistance in the final preparations of this chapter.
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12
Structural Brain Imaging and
Cognitive Aging
JOEL RAMIREZ AND SANDRA E. BLACK
Across our lifespan, the human brain undergoes profound structural changes that
affect how we think and behave. From childhood to adolescence and into adult-
hood, age-related changes can be studied in vivo using advanced neuroimaging
techniques. Innovative computational manipulations performed using magnetic
resonance imaging (MRI) allow us to evaluate various properties of the brain at
different points in the aging process. Researchers and clinicians are now armed
with MRI-derived measures ranging from tissue volumetrics to microstructural
integrity, to better understand so-called normal aging in contrast to pathological
aging of the human brain.
Such noninvasive brain neuroimaging techniques, along with advances in com-
putational analysis of brain images and neuroinformatics, are transforming our
ability to measure structural brain changes through the human lifespan, as well as
the disabling pathologies that can alter the “bookends of human development”:
its first and last few decades.
Since the start of the 20th century, life expectancy has almost doubled in devel-
oped countries and is quickly increasing in the developing world. Hence, new
norms for cognitive aging have to be derived, informed by concurrent structural
brain imaging, to understand correlations with brain aging changes, which include
not only hippocampal atrophy and gray matter (GM) and white matter (WM)
alterations, but also aging of the intracranial vessels, particularly small vessel
occlusive disease, which can affect both arterioles and venules. Small vessel dis-
ease may represent a widespread vascular senescence affecting other body organs,
especially if hypertension or other vascular risk factors have been at play
(Thompson & Hakim, 2009). Unlike the case with large vessel occlusion, which is
often signaled by sudden onset of symptoms, such as limb weakness or speech
loss, reflecting infarction and necrosis of the area deprived of blood, the damage
caused by small vessel disease is often covert and insidious, located in WM or in
deep gray nuclei. The injury from small vessel disease can accumulate gradually,
214
S tr uctur al Br ain Im ag in g an d C og n it iv e Ag in g 215
Figure 12.1. An axial slice from T1-weighted MRIs obtained from a 28-year-old man
(left) and a 76-year-old man (right). Note the enlarged ventricles, increased subdural
CSF, and decreased brain parenchyma of the old versus young brain. (Images provided
courtesy of LC Campbell Cognitive Neurology Research Unit.)
Figure 12.2. Axial slice from T1-weighted MRIs obtained from (left to right) a
28-year-old man (red), a 26-year-old man (yellow), a 28-year-old woman (blue), and
a 22-year-old woman (green). Images were aligned along the axis showing the
anterior and posterior commissure for comparison. Note the variability of head sizes,
emphasizing the importance of correction using some form of total intracranial
capacity-volume measure that includes tissue below the dura mater. (Images provided
courtesy of LC Campbell Cognitive Neurology Research Unit.) (See Color Plate Section
for a color version of this figure.)
young: 39 billion; p > 0.05, NS) (Pakkenberg et al., 2003). With an age range of 20
to 90 years, the same study reported a 9.5% decrease in neocortical nerve cells,
noting a loss of approximately 85,000 neurons daily (approximately 1 neuron per
second!). In contrast to previous reports, however, no changes were observed in
GM volumes or neocortical thickness.
S tr uctur al Br ain Im ag in g an d C og n it iv e Ag in g 217
loss in synaptic functioning would reach the dementia range at about age 130
(Terry & Katzman, 2001).
Declines in frontal and temporal volume, increases in ventricle size, and sex
differences (both at baseline and rate of decline) are well documented in the lit-
erature (Coffey et al., 1992; Gunning-Dixon et al., 1998; Jernigan et al., 2001;
Murphy et al., 1996; Paul et al., 2009; Scahill et al., 2003; Sullivan et al., 1995).
A recent study of 251 adults (18 to 79 years) found age-related reduction in
prefrontal volume that was significantly related to poorer cognitive function (Paul
et al., 2009). Ventricles show an inverse relationship with age, increasing in
volume by 0.04% per year, with one longitudinal study reporting a mean volume
change of 650 mm3 per year (Scahill et al., 2003). In addition to sex differences, in
the Framingham study there were regional differences, with greater volume
decreases in the frontal (0.15% per year) and temporal (0.2% year) lobes but little
change in the parietal and occipital lobes over the course of 34 to 97 years, with
men showing smaller relative frontal lobar volumes throughout the lifespan
(DeCarli et al., 2005).
A recent 5-year longitudinal study of 72 participants revealed a similar pattern
of results, showing quadratic and linear decline in volumes of the hippocampus,
inferior temporal, and prefrontal WM (Raz et al., 2005). In contrast, the Baltimore
Longitudinal Study of Aging, a 5-year longitudinal study of 92 healthy adults,
showed similar declines in aging but implicated different brain regions and tissue
types (Resnick et al., 2003). Specifically, frontal and parietal regions exhibited greater
decline than temporal and occipital lobes, with greatest losses in inferior frontal,
cingulate, insula, and inferior parietal GM. Whole brain volume decreased 5.4 cm3
per year and ventricles enlarged 1.4 cm3 per year. Hemispheric differences were also
observed, with greater WM loss in the left than the right temporal regions.
WM, none of which was related to the presence of genetic risk factors (Apo-E
allele) (Jernigan et al., 2001). More importantly, however, this study revealed that
hippocampal shrinkage was associated with GM decreases in other brain areas.
Medial temporal lobe atrophy was also found to be a strong predictor of the Trail
Making Test part B, a highly sensitive measure of age-related changes in cognitive
function (Oosterman et al., 2010).
Not surprisingly, longitudinal decrease in medial temporal lobe volume is often
more pronounced in Alzheimer’s patients compared to controls (Jack et al., 1997)
and may be used to predict conversion of mild cognitive impairment (MCI) to
Alzheimer’s disease (Busatto et al., 2003; Mungas et al., 2005; Wang et al., 2009).
This risk may be modified by genotype; for example, in women with MCI, apolipo-
protein E e4 genotype was associated with greater hippocampal atrophy and worse
memory performance (Fleisher et al., 2005). Using T1-weighted MRIs realigned
to the long axis of the hippocampus, the Sunnybrook Dementia Study developed
a “low-tech,” simple linear measure of the thinnest medial temporal lobe width
that was able to discriminate mild Alzheimer’s from controls with a sensitivity of
86%, a specificity of 95%, and an accuracy of 92% (Gao et al., 2003, 2004).
In one study using visual rating on MRIs of 192 participants enrolled in the
Florida Alzheimer’s Disease Research Center, medial temporal lobe atrophy was
used to classify probable Alzheimer’s from no cognitive impairment, with an over-
all correct rate of 82%. Interestingly, the overall correct rate was improved to 87%
when combined with measures for WM hyperintensities (Appel et al., 2009).
Medial temporal atrophy in this Florida study was also used to compare non-am-
nestic MCI patients with amnestic MCI patients, with the amnestic MCI patients
showing greater medial temporal atrophy than the non-amnestic patients and
controls (Appel et al., 2009). In a similar study conducted on 329 participants
selected from the European Alzheimer’s Disease DESCRIPA study, isolated medial
temporal atrophy was also mainly associated with the amnestic MCI subtype,
especially in older subjects (van de Pol et al., 2009). These results suggest the
amnestic MCI subtype may have underlying Alzheimer’s pathology and medial
temporal lobe atrophy may be used to predict MCI conversion to Alzheimer’s.
Automatic methods of hippocampal segmentation are in rapid development, and
with current international efforts to harmonize different landmarks and segmen-
tation techniques, this approach may reach clinical application in the near future
(Derakhshan et al., 2010).
A recent investigation from the Honolulu-Asia Aging Study (HAAS), using a
novel 3D parametric shape analysis comparing hippocampi of 104 normal con-
trols with 24 Alzheimer’s patients and 14 vascular dementia (VaD) patients, found
hippocampal asymmetry in the non-demented group compared to patients, show-
ing the right to be significantly larger than the left in normals (Xu et al., 2008).
Interestingly, age effects of hippocampal volume were also found, but only in the
non-demented group. Future investigations using this novel 3D shape analysis
were suggested in a larger sample of the diseased groups.
220 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Figure 12.3. Axial slice from PD MRIs obtained from a 22-year-old woman (left) and
an 88-year-old cognitively normal woman (right). Note the age-related white matter
changes (ARWMC) on the scan of the elderly brain identified as white matter
hyperintensities (WMHs). (Images provided courtesy of LC Campbell Cognitive
Neurology Research Unit.)
Whether the location of WMHs is also important remains unclear. Some stud-
ies claim localization effects (Artero et al., 2004; Burton et al., 2004), including
one study in a dementia population showing that hyperintensities in the antero-
medial thalamus correlated with episodic and working memory, and that WMHs
involving cholinergic tracts compromised executive functions (Swartz, 2002;
Swartz et al., 2003). Others report frontal dysfunction irrespective of location
(Reed et al., 2004; Tullberg et al., 2004). In Alzheimer’s disease, periventricular
WM changes have been reported in 48% to 100% of cases (Brun & Englund, 1986;
Erkinjuntti & Hachinski, 1993; Erkinjuntti et al., 1987), with moderate to severe
degree reported in 33% to 50% of Alzheimer’s subjects, particularly associated
Figure 12.4. Left to right: Coregistered T1-weighted, T2-weighted, and PD MRIs with
lesion segmentation overlaid on the right. Lesions are segmented by WMH subtypes,
with periventricular WMH (red), subcortical WMH (blue), and partial lacunar infarction
within a WMH (yellow). Images were segmented using Lesion Explorer imaging pipeline
(Ramirez et al., 2011), images provided courtesy of LC Campbell Cognitive Neurology
Research Unit. (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
222 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
with older age (Erkinjuntti & Hachinski, 1993; Fazekas et al., 1987). WMHs may
contribute to cognitive decline, especially executive dysfunction in Alzheimer’s
patients, though this may be stage-dependent (DeCarli et al., 1996; Hsu et al.,
2002; Smith et al., 2000; Wen et al., 2008).
Thus, the clinical significance of WM vasculopathy remains somewhat contro-
versial (DeCarli et al., 1995, 1996; Erkinjuntti et al., 1994). Even the question of
whether WMHs contribute independently to cognitive deficits over and above
global atrophy remains unclear due to conflicting results (Esiri et al., 1997; Looi
et al., 2002; Mungas et al., 2001). Recently, this issue has begun to be addressed
by quantifying both atrophy and CVD burden simultaneously (Fein et al., 2000;
Laakso, 2002; Mungas et al., 2001; Swartz et al., 2008; Wiseman et al., 2004).
In normal individuals, the presence of WMHs and their relationship with cog-
nition appears to vary with age as well. In a recent report from the John Hopkins
ABC study on aging, WMH burden showed little to no effect on cognition in those
aged 20 to 59 years, but participants over the age of 60 exhibited steep cognitive
declines with increased WMH burden (Vannorsdall et al., 2009). The presence of
WMHs may begin as early as 30 years, with one large epidemiological study of 428
normal individuals in their forties (44 to 48 years) reporting a WMH prevalence
of 51% (Wen et al., 2008).
There are multiple pathological correlates of WMH, including ischemic tissue
damage via arteriosclerosis and lipohyalinosis (Babikian & Ropper, 1987; van
Swieten et al., 1991); multiple lacunar infarcts (Longstreth et al., 1996); état criblé
or dilated perivascular spaces in the absence of gliosis and infarction (Awad et al.,
1986); demyelination and subependymal gliosis; amyloid angiopathy (Pantoni &
Garcia, 1997); clasmatodendrosis from cytoplasmic swelling and vacuolation of
astroglia with beading of dendrites (Sahlas et al., 2002); and rarefaction, espe-
cially of myelin, and periventricular venous collagenosis (Black et al., 2009; Gao
et al., 2008; Moody et al., 1995).
In general, WMHs and lacunes are believed to indicate the presence of some
form of small vessel disease and are particularly relevant in the study of the aging
population (Hachinski et al., 2006; van der Flier et al., 2005). Traditionally, this
has been attributed to arteriolar disease. The pial arteries give rise to arterioles
that penetrate into the WM a short distance with no collaterals, such that if a
penetrating arteriole occludes, the cylinder of tissue it supplies will die. The
periventricular WM is relatively oligemic, as shown in a recent cerebral blood flow
study (Brickman et al., 2009), and not surprisingly, the periventricular region is
topographically where the most confluent and highest volumes of WMH are dis-
tributed. A common underlying vasculopathy in this location was elucidated in
the mid-1990s with a series of papers by Moody and coworkers (Moody et al.,
1995), using postmortem MRI to allow precise MRI–pathological correlations. As
discussed recently (Andersson, 2010; Black et al., 2009), arteriolar small vessel
disease may not be the only culprit, though clearly arteriolar occlusive disease of
the long penetrating arteries would be expected to cause ischemic damage to the
S tr uctur al Br ain Im ag in g an d C og n it iv e Ag in g 223
bundles pose a unidirectional barrier to the free diffusion of water (Mori & Zhang,
2006). In contrast, conditions where there is a disruption in the WM’s structural
integrity would allow for the free diffusion of water in all directions. Fractional
anisotropy (FA) is a commonly used metric in DTI, with FA values ranging from
0 to 1, where lower values indicate free diffusion (worse structural integrity) and
higher values indicate unidirectional diffusion (better structural integrity). See
Figure 12.5 for an example.
Although still in its infancy, DTI studies on normal aging have added to our
understanding of the aging brain’s WM. In a large study conducted on 315 healthy
individuals ranging from 5 to 59 years, FA values obtained from regions of inter-
est derived from tractography-based corpus callosal projections were shown to
increase from childhood to adolescence, peaking from 21 to 29 years in the orbital
frontal and temporal regions, and then declining after age 30, with the anterior
frontal areas declining more rapidly than other regions (Lebel et al., 2010).
Studies using DTI suggest that WM integrity may be related to WMHs, WM
atrophy, GM thickness, and cortical activation. Recent work by a group from the
Netherlands reported a decrease in FA values of 832 normal elderly people, which
were explained by WM atrophy and the presence of WMHs (Vernooij et al., 2008).
A similar report was published earlier, indicating that whole brain FA measures
were negatively correlated with WMH volumes. A contrasting study conducted on
a smaller sample size showed similar correlations with DTI and WMH, FA and
hypertension, but no relationship with DTI and regional WM volumes (Burgmans
et al., 2010).
When examining the relationships between DTI measures and GM, one study
demonstrated that FA was positively correlated with GM thickness, particularly
in the left hemisphere (Kochunov et al., 2007). A recent study on Alzheimer’s
patients combining measures from positron emission tomography (PET) with
Figure 12.5. Left to right: Image mask of normal-appearing white matter (NAWM)
with colors representing regional parcellations, a FA map derived from DTI, and the
NAWM overlaid onto the FA map for regions-of-interest analysis of FA. (Images
provided courtesy of LC Campbell Cognitive Neurology Research Unit.). (See Color
Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
226 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
DTI showed that GM metabolism in the left temporal and parietal regions was
associated with left prefrontal FA, and left prefrontal metabolism was correlated
with left posterior temporal FA (Kuczynski et al., 2010). These results suggest
that WM degeneration is associated with GM hypometabolism, particularly in
Alzheimer’s patients.
Age-related degradation of the anterior corpus callosum, frontal WM, WMH,
and correlations with cognitive decline and processing speed have been well docu-
mented in the DTI literature (Charlton et al., 2006; Kochunov et al., 2007, 2010;
Salat et al., 2005; Schulte et al., 2005; Sullivan et al., 2006). Regional analysis of
specific WM tracts in the elderly has shown age-related effects on the WM integ-
rity of the anterior tracts (genu, fornix, uncinate), with lower FA values in these
regions. This decrease in FA was correlated with measures of problem solving,
working memory, and motor factors (Zahr et al., 2009), with one recent study
demonstrating lower FA values in the genu of the corpus callosum associated with
abnormal gait in a sample of 173 normal elderly persons (Bhadelia et al., 2009).
Another recent study revealed age-related changes in 118 adults’ (50 to 90 years)
WM integrity, which was shown to directly affect working memory performance
(Charlton et al., 2008). Similar results were demonstrated in a follow-up study
from the same group, reporting DTI correlations with episodic long-term memory,
WMH, and whole brain volume, suggesting that poorer episodic long-term
memory performance in aging is related to reduced WM integrity (Charlton et al.,
2010).
WM integrity in the prefrontal areas (pericallosal and genu) has also been asso-
ciated with reaction time measures for episodic memory, revealing that the
decrease in FA mediated perceptual speed and episodic retrieval reaction time
(Bucur et al., 2008). In another response time study, FA in the splenium of younger
adults was the best predicator of response time in a visual task; in contrast, FA in
the internal capsule was the best predictor for the older adults. One Canadian
study using CSF-suppressed versus standard DTI reported a 10% to 19% decrease
in FA in the subcortical WM of elderly subjects compared to young ones (Bhagat
& Beaulieu, 2004).
In summary, DTI has opened the microstructural doors for our understanding
of WM integrity in the context of aging. While still in its infancy, novel reports of
microstructural compromise in anterior portions of the corpus callosum, prefron-
tal WM, and other anterior tracts may be associated with memory and speed of
processing as well as aging.
Conclusion
The study of brain aging is also the study of cerebrovascular aging, and we need to
recognize in future work that it will no longer be sufficient to do cognitive testing
on normal elderly people as controls for studies of patient populations without
S tr uctur al Br ain Im ag in g an d C og n it iv e Ag in g 227
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The Effects of Focal and Diffuse
Brain Injury on Behavior
Assessing “A Slice of Life” with Neuropsychology and
Multimodal Neuroimaging
BRIAN LEVINE
235
236 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
these patients. In the second part of this chapter, I will describe our attempts at
characterizing the diffuse lesion of TBI and its relation to behavior.
Generally speaking, diffuse injury is much more common than focal lesions as
classically studied in the literature on frontal lobe function. For example, the inci-
dence of TBI is 101/100,000 (Hirtz et al., 2007). By contrast, incidence estimates
for meningioma, a common cause of focal lesions in neuropsychological studies,
is 2.9/100,000 for men and 13/100,000 for women (Larjavaara, Haapasalo,
Sankila, Helen, & Auvinen, 2008). The most common neurological disorder,
stroke, occurs in 183/100,000 (Hirtz et al., 2007). Stroke patients with large
vessel disease are also commonly used for focal lesion studies, yet 80% of strokes
are subcortical, with ischemic damage due to occlusion in penetrating arteries
(Tullberg et al., 2004). This ischemic white matter disease may be undiagnosed
even though it causes significant cognitive changes (Hakim, 2007; see Leritz et al.,
this volume [Chapter 11]). Moreover, aging and dementia, epilepsy, and psychiat-
ric conditions are all associated with diffuse lesions affecting integrated network
functioning. Indeed, such damage is also present in the patients with focal lesions
due to distal lesion effects, edema, and so on. Thus, it is necessary to understand
diffuse damage in addition to focal damage to better characterize the brain–behav-
ior relationships in both patients and healthy adults and children. Moreover,
if one accepts a network (as opposed to modular) model of brain function (see
Voytek and Knight, this volume [Chapter 6]), a diffuse lesion model is as crucial to
understanding brain function as is a focal lesion model.
The syndrome of intact test performance with impaired real-life function was
most elegantly described in the classic paper by Shallice and Burgess (1991) in
which patients with large frontal lesions failed miserably when given unstruc-
tured, relatively novel tasks in which there were no clear right answers, and the
patients had to formulate their own strategies. By contrast, these same patients
performed normally (or were in some instances superior) on tests of intelligence
and neuropsychological functions. Shallice and Burgess labeled this syndrome
“strategy application disorder.”
In fact, such cases had been described for decades, going back to the classic case
study of Phineas Gage (Harlow, 1868). Shallice and Burgess, however, were the
first to attempt to quantify these deficits with a test. (See Burgess’s chapter in this
volume [Chapter 4] for additional details on these studies.) In addition to the
open-ended Multiple Errands Test, in which patients have to solve mildly novel
problems in an actual shopping district, Shallice and Burgess created a desktop
test (the Six Element Test) designed to mimic such open-ended, real-life scenarios
in the laboratory. In this test, patients were asked to perform various paper-and-
pencil or other tasks (i.e., “elements”) that could be done at the desk, but they
were given a limited time and were required to sample from all of the elements. To
maximize productivity, patients had to switch strategically from one element of
the test to another. As in the Multiple Errands Test, the patients with prefrontal
damage were impaired, for example spending all of their time on one element to
the exclusion of others.
It is well known that strategy application disorder is not limited to select
patients, as described classically in the literature or in more contemporary studies
such as the one by Shallice and Burgess. As stated above, these cases were remark-
able for the dissociation between intact cognitive functions on the one hand and
impaired real-life behavior on the other hand. It is self-evident, however, that
patients with impaired cognitive functions can also have strategy application dis-
order, although it may be more difficult to rule out effects of cognitive deficits in
their behavioral syndrome. Similarly, some individuals (patients or healthy adults)
may have a more subtle version of strategy application disorder that spares them
the gross errors as described in the case study literature but is nonetheless dis-
abling in that they act without cognitive control in unstructured, novel situations
where routines are not sufficient to guide behavior. Clinically, such patients are
similar to those with memory or language deficits without the pathognomonic
amnesia and aphasia syndromes that define the extremes of these conditions. For
patients with amnesia or aphasia, a clinical examination is sufficient to make the
diagnosis. For patients with more subtle deficits in these capacities, psychometric
tasks are required to quantify the deficit. This was a major contribution of Shallice
and Burgess.
One limitation of the original Six Element Test was that it was designed for
patients with super-normal cognitive functions; for example, the arithmetic ele-
ment contained calculus problems. There was a need for a test with more basic
238 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
elements for patients falling within the normal spectrum of abilities or for those
with other cognitive deficits that would interfere with their ability to perform the
basic elements of the test. (One such version of the Six Element Test is included
as part of the Behavioral Assessment of the Dysexecutive Syndrome test battery
[Wilson, Evans, Alderman, Burgess, & Emslie, 1997], but this tool assesses only
rule breaks and therefore does not fully capture strategic behavior involved in
task switching under conditions of diminishing returns, a crucial feature of the
original Six Element Test.)
Our initial attempt at formulating a more widely applicable measure (Levine
et al., 1998) was to design a Strategy Application Test with simple items that could
be completed by anyone with intact basic perceptual and motor functions: naming
simple pictures, completing simple math problems, and copying simple drawings.
Like the original Six Element Test, there were too many items than could be com-
pleted within the time allotted for the task. Critically, half of the items were
framed with a dotted line. Patients were instructed that they would receive 15
points for completing these items and 1 point for completing the unframed items.
The most strategic approach required skipping over the items to maximize points.
Thus, a simple dependent variable to characterize strategy application on this test
was the proportion of items completed that were framed. Our reasoning was that
frontal patients, particularly those with ventral frontal damage, would not be gov-
erned by the reward value of the items but would rather complete the items in a
typical manner governed by spatial contiguity.
As predicted, frontal patients were impaired on the task—they did not modu-
late their behavior according to the items’ reward value. This was especially the
case for patients with ventral frontal damage. Had we limited our sample to fron-
tal patients, that would have made a tidy story. However, we also tested patients
with posterior cortical lesions. Half of them were impaired, particularly those
with right-lateralized damage (see also Burgess, Veitch, de Lacy Costello, &
Shallice, 2000, for evidence of the role of posterior damage on a related task). We
also tested a sample of patients with TBI, about half of whom were impaired (with
no effect of TBI severity), but the presence of a focal lesion was not necessarily
associated with impairment in patients with TBI. Moreover, we also tested healthy
older adults, who showed subtle but significant deficits relative to younger adults.
Therefore, multiple types of lesions (i.e., ventral frontal damage, right-lateralized
damage, DAI due to TBI, and age-related changes) could be associated with
impaired strategy application as measured by our test.
Although the Six Element Test and our Strategy Application Test appeared to
be sensitive to strategic deficits in patients with focal and diffuse damage, what
was lacking in these studies was a correlation to actual real-life behavior (for
exception, see Burgess, Alderman, Evans, Emslie, & Wilson, 1998). Because our
Strategy Application Test tended to have a bimodal distribution (patients either
selected only framed items or did items in spatial sequence without respect to
item value), we revised the test to increase its sensitivity. In the revised version,
The E ffects of Focal and Diffuse Brain I n ju ry on Be h av ior 239
we adopted the original Six Element Test procedure of having items become pro-
gressively more complex, and therefore with progressively diminishing returns.
To avoid issues of task difficulty we maintained the simplicity of the items while
manipulating the time to completion. For example, subjects had to count items in
an array by placing numbers inside each item, with the number in each array vary-
ing from 6 to 60 (Fig. 13.1). Instead of copying drawings, subjects had to trace
either very simple geometric drawings or more intricate drawings. The third activ-
ity involved copying sentences that were linguistically simple, but increasing in
length. With all items being of equal value, the strategic approach was to do simple
items to the exclusion of complex items. Conceptually, the main dependent vari-
able on this test was the same as in the previous test: the proportion of brief items
relative to total items reflected the most strategic approach.
We administered this Revised Strategy Application Test to a separate sample of
TBI patients (Levine, Dawson, Boutet, Schwartz, & Stuss, 2000). Unlike the ear-
lier Strategy Application Tests, this test was sensitive to TBI severity as deter-
mined by depth of coma at the time of injury. As in our prior study, TBI patients
with right-lateralized lesions were particularly impaired. Most importantly, the
proportional score was significantly correlated with psychosocial outcome on a
self-report measure of adjustment problems (the Sickness Impact Profile; Bergner,
Bobbitt, Pollard, Martin, & Gilson, 1976) that is widely used in the TBI literature.
This relationship held even after accounting for variance due to inattention and
slowing as measured by the Trail Making Test (Part B) (Army Individual Test
Battery, 1944), the Digit Symbol subtest of the WAIS-R (Wechsler, 1985), and the
Figure 13.1. Sample items from the Revised Strategy Application Test (R-SAT; Levine
et al., 2000). The tasks were to trace the figures (a), copy the sentences (b), and number
the objects by writing numbers inside the objects (c). As the participant moved through
the pages in the task, items increased in duration to completion but not in difficulty of
completion. (From Levine et al., 1999, with permission from Oxford University Press.)
240 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Stroop interference condition (Comalli, Wapner, & Werner, 1962), all of which are
classically sensitive to TBI.
Some patients in both of our Strategy Application Test studies failed to apply
the correct strategy in spite of intact knowledge of the strategy as demonstrated
by post-test interviews (or even by spontaneous acknowledgment, as in the par-
ticipant who said, “This is crazy! There are no points here. What am I doing?”).
This dissociation of knowledge from action is classically described in case studies
of patients with frontal damage (Luria, 1966). However, we found that this dis-
sociation was not specific to patients with frontal lesions, and could occur in
patients with DAI and no evidence of frontal lesions. This underlined the impor-
tance of DAI in strategic behavior.
CSF
1
0.5
Correlation
–0.5
–1
Non-Inj. Mild Mod. Severe
Lower Higher
volume volume
Figure 13.2. Latent variable from partial least squares analysis indicating the
association of TBI severity in patients with “pure” diffuse injury with increased
cerebrospinal fluid (i.e., reduced parenchyma). Left: Group pattern associated with
the latent variable, expressed as correlations of group membership (coded as 1 or 0)
with the pattern of volume changes. Error bars represent 99% confidence intervals.
Group differences are indicated by non-overlapping error bars. Right: Regional plots
of bootstrap ratios indicating pattern of cerebrospinal fluid changes. The color bar
indicates the coding scheme according to the level of the bootstrap ratio, interpreted
similar to a Z-score. Images were thresholded at a bootstrap ratio of 3.0, corresponding
approximately to p < 0.001. Axial images are displayed in radiologic convention
(right hemisphere displayed on left side of image). (From Levine et al., 2008, with
permission from Lippincott Williams & Wilkins.) (See Color Plate Section for a color
version of this figure.)
This provides a structural basis (i.e., a diffuse lesion) for network dysfunction that
would correspond to behavior, as demonstrated in our follow-up studies described
below. This widespread volume loss was identified in patients with “pure” DAI—
that is, the findings held when those with significant (more than 3 mm on two or
more contiguous slices) focal lesions were excluded. Thus, parenchymal volume
loss in TBI is significant in patients both with and without focal lesions. Patients’
scans were also interpreted by a clinical neuroradiologist. In many cases of sig-
nificant volume loss, the scan was interpreted as normal, indicating that quanti-
fied image analysis is necessary to reveal DAI effects in TBI.
Our findings are not merely a reflection of the general sensitivity of our image-
processing pipeline. In a separate study (Fujiwara, Schwartz, Gao, Black, & Levine,
2008), the specificity of this pipeline was supported by an association of smell
identification with volume loss in the ventromedial frontal sector, which contains
olfactory association cortex. Interestingly, the left posterior temporal cortex also
emerged in the pattern related to smell identification. Although this region is not
directly involved with olfactory function, it is involved in naming, which is
242 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
required by the smell identification test used in this study. These findings demon-
strate the capacity of multivariate structural brain–behavior analysis to reveal the
distributed functional anatomy of various tasks.
These patients were also administered a neuropsychological test battery. We
found robust relationships between volume loss and specific measures of speeded
information processing (Levine et al., submitted). Standard tests of frontal lobe
function, such as the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test, were not strongly related to
patterns of volume loss, perhaps because such tests were designed to measure the
effects of cognitive deficits following dorsolateral damage, or because these tests
are untimed and therefore not sensitive to the processing-speed deficits charac-
teristic of TBI.
the task, including increased bilateral frontal and parietal activation (Fig. 13.3;
Turner & Levine, 2008). This finding could not be attributed to performance dif-
ferences, as the TBI and comparison subjects were well matched for performance.
Nor could the findings be attributed to slowing or to load-related factors.
This augmented functional recruitment suggested compensatory changes in
frontal lobe function, as commonly reported in the healthy aging literature
(Cabeza, 2002). From these data alone, we could not determine if this compensa-
tion reflected altered engagement of already existing functional networks or
engagement of novel networks (i.e., functional reorganization). In addition to
the theoretical importance of this distinction to understanding the recovery pat-
terns following TBI and other conditions with diffuse injury, this distinction is
pertinent to approaches to rehabilitation. If TBI patients are performing the task
using novel networks not normally associated with task performance, these net-
works could be trained to optimize performance for TBI patients with impaired
Controls
TBI
Interaction
Figure 13.3. TBI patients and control subjects’ activation on a working memory task.
Activations reflect signal change in the executive demand contrast, in which the letters
held in working memory must be reordered alphabetically as contrasted to simply
rehearsing the letters in the same order as presented. Patients with TBI show augmented
activation relative to controls in the left middle frontal gyrus and the right inferior
frontal gyrus, as depicted in the circled regions in the Group × Executive Demand
interaction (bottom row). (From Turner & Levine, 2008, with permission from Lippincott
Williams & Wilkins.) (See Color Plate Section for a color version of this figure.)
244 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
working memory. Alternatively, if the TBI patients are using the same functional
networks that healthy adults engage when challenged with increased task
demands, training novel networks might interfere with performance.
In a separate PLS analysis of these data simultaneously examining functional
connectivity and brain–behavior correlations (Turner, McIntosh, & Levine, 2011),
we found evidence in support of the altered engagement hypothesis. Among all
subjects, bilateral functional connectivity within the prefrontal cortex was evident
whenever load was increased or when executive demands were present. However,
the threshold at which this expanded right prefrontal network was correlated
with working memory performance was reduced in the TBI patients. In other
IFG i. iii.
Controls
L R
ii. iv.
i. iii.
TBI
words, the same compensatory frontal activity was observed in TBI patients and
healthy controls, but it was engaged at a lower level of task difficulty in the TBI
patients (Fig. 13.4).
This engagement of more widespread networks at an earlier stage of task dif-
ficulty in TBI likely reflects the effects of DAI on integrated brain function.
Engagement of prefrontally mediated control processes, normally required only
at the highest level of task difficulty, is also required at early stages of task diffi-
culty in patients with TBI in order to overcome these effects. This may explain why
patients with TBI complain of mental fatigue on effortful tasks, even when their
performance appears normal.
Acknowledgments
Thanks are due to the many patients and families who participated in our research.
I also thank Gary Turner, Randy McIntosh, Natasa Kovacevic, Sandra Black,
Fuqiang Gao, Charlene O’Connor, Nadine Richard, Esther Fujiwara, Lauren Dade,
Michael Schwartz, Simon Graham, Marina Mandic, Irina Nica, Adriana Restango,
246 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
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14
Does The Future Exist?
ENDEL TULVING AND KARL K. SZPUNAR
Introduction
This essay is dedicated to Don Stuss, a good friend, a fabulous colleague, and a
unique role model. Don’s lifelong seminal contributions to the exploration and
understanding of the role of the frontal lobes of the human brain in higher cogni-
tive functions have made him a giant in his field. This pursuit has brought
him face to face with many topics that for a long time were regarded as suspicious
by many scientists, and still are by some, topics such as consciousness, self-
awareness, subjective time, and mental time travel. Future belongs to this group.
“Future” is one of the most important words in the human lexicon, and the
entity to which it refers is a principal determinant of much of what human beings
do. Its influence on human behavior is overwhelming, ubiquitous, and undeni-
able. Yet, future does not exist in physical reality. No textbook in physics is likely
to mention future. The same holds for the “past,” future’s twin on the other side
of the “present.” The concept of “time,” of course, does play a major role in physics,
but that time is different from the kind that is used to define past and future.
The idea that neither past nor future exists in physical reality has been dis-
cussed by a number of philosophers. One of the best-known proponents of the
idea is McTaggart (1908), an English philosopher, who distinguished between two
kinds of time “series”: A series, in which terms like “past,” “present,” and “future”
make sense, and B series, in which they do not. We can think of the A series as self-
centered on an observer, and the B series as independent of any observer. The
status of time points in the A series can change—what was once in the future can
become the present and then the past. The status of time points in the B series
never changes—one time point precedes, is simultaneous with, or follows
another, and the relation between them will always remain the same, regardless
of whether they are in the future, present, or past. According to McTaggart,
the mental experiences that people have with the changes of an event’s status
in time (i.e., future, present, and past) leads to the belief that the passage of time
248
Doe s T h e F u t u re E x is t ? 249
is a real phenomenon that exists in physical reality, although in fact “future” and
“past” do not exist outside of the mind.
If future does not exist in physical reality, but nevertheless plays an
extremely important role in governing and regulating human affairs, we have
an apparent paradox on our hands, and if not a paradox then at least a puzzle:
How can something that does not exist exert any influence on something that
clearly does exist? There have been similar puzzles in science. For instance, the
puzzle created by Isaac Newton’s discovery that physical bodies attract each other
even at long distances (“action at a distance”) still has no solution that would be
comprehensible to an average intelligent person. But in that case we have two
bodies whose masses and distances can be measured, and whose very existence
holds the promise of a solution. But what can we do with a situation in which we
are dealing with a relation between something that does not exist and something
that does?
In this essay we discuss the “paradox of the nonexistent future,” and proffer a
solution for it. The story we tell has few original parts in it, although some combi-
nations of the parts may appear novel. The story is rather personal, as befits a
contribution to a book of this sort. We make no attempt to present a balanced
view of the matters we discuss, whatever a “balanced view” of an impossibly com-
plicated topic might mean.
The essay has four sections: (1) memory and the past, (2) memory and the
future, (3) mental time travel, and (4) two realities of our world. The first three
sections tell the story of how “future” emerged as a topic of scientific inquiry.
Briefly, like any novel topic of study, the idea to ask questions about the “future”
did not simply appear from out of the blue. Rather, it was in the context of the
field of memory research in which memorists (students of memory) began asking
questions about the relevance of the concept of “past” to their labors. These ques-
tions, somewhat unexpectedly but not unnaturally, led to related questions about
future. Out of these developments emerged the concept of “mental time travel”
that initially involved “travel” only into the past but then also came to include the
future. In the final section of the paper we discuss some broader implications of
this “memory-based” research and theorizing for the question we pose in the title
of the paper.
We hope Don Stuss finds something of interest in our story.
Aristotle knew it all long before us. He lectured on “Memory and Reminiscence”
more than two thousand years ago in what in many ways is a remarkably “modern”
conceptual treatment. In his lecture, Aristotle admonished his disciples to always
remember that one cannot remember the future. The future has to do with antici-
pation, he said, and the present has to do with perception. Memory and remem-
bering, however, have to do with the past.1 To make sure that his disciples got the
point he was careful to repeat it; in the introduction to his opus he said, “memory
relates to the past,” and then, a few lines later, “the object of memory is the past”
(Aristotle, 350 b.c.).
Aristotle’s plain statement has never been rejected. A long row of wise sages
and distinguished scholars have accepted and reasserted it unquestioningly.
Among the more recent ones was William James (1890, Chapter 16), who was
precise and adamant that a mental experience cannot be called memory unless
the experiencer has a feeling of “pastness” about the experience. James was
equally precise and adamant about the inclusion of the rememberer’s “self” among
the defining features of memory. According to James, the remembered experience
had to be felt as having its origin in the individual’s own past (see also Bertrand
Russell, 1921).
Given these firmly held convictions about remembering having to do with the
individual’s own past, it must be regarded as curious that the experimental study
of memory that was launched around the same time that William James published
his highly influential magnum opus almost completely ignored the personal past.
Probably the ground was prepared for such a curious development by Hermann
Ebbinghaus, the “father” of the experimental study of memory, who published his
seminal 1885 monograph under the general title of “Memory” but in fact studied
learning and forgetting of nonsense syllables. His original methods and general
orientation were adopted by several generations of psychologists whose research
became known as “verbal learning.” The basic orientation of “verbal learners,” as
the practitioners were called, was behavioral and functional. There was no room in
it for the mind. Verbal learners did not use the term “memory,” and they would
have found the term “future” just as unacceptable (see Cofer, 1961).
The personal past crept back into memory with the development of episodic
memory (Tulving, 1983) as a part of the cognitive revolution (see Miller, 2003).
Episodic memory is a descendant of what William James called just “memory.”
Today, the concept of “episodic memory” shares with James’s concept of “memory”
the defining features of past and self (see Piolino, Desgranges, & Eustache, 2009,
and Reinhold & Markowitsch, 2009), but it also incorporates some subtle but cru-
cial differences whose discussion here would take us too far afield.2 But, anticipat-
ing what is to come in this essay, we note that one feature that distinguishes
“episodic memory” from William James’s “memory” is the tie between episodic
memory and the concept of “future.” At the time of William James, such a tie
probably would have been regarded as science fiction (and it is easy to imagine
that Aristotle would not have approved of these developments).
Doe s T h e F u t u re E x is t ? 251
titled “Toward a theory of episodic memory: The frontal lobes and autonoetic con-
sciousness” and Don Stuss, happily, was one of the protagonists in that venture
(Wheeler, Stuss, & Tulving, 1997). But we are getting ahead of the story.
As it happened, at about the same time David Ingvar was organizing his
thoughts regarding the relation of memory and the future, one of us (E.T.) and my
colleagues at the Unit for Memory Disorders at the University of Toronto were
intensively studying a very interesting case of amnesia involving a young man
who suffered heavy brain trauma in a motorcycle accident in 1981. The most
striking feature about him was that in addition to his deep anterograde amnesia
it turned out that he did not remember a single personally experienced event
from his life, although his general knowledge of the world, acquired before the
accident that caused his amnesia, was surprisingly intact. The young man, initially
named N.N. (no name), eventually became well known in the neuropsychological
literature on memory and amnesia under his true initials (K.C.).
In the early 1980s, I (Tulving) was a newcomer to the land of neuropsychology.
I did not quite know its customs and mores. I also was totally unaware of Aristotle’s
admonitions regarding memory and future. Therefore, in addition to talking to
K.C. about what he remembered and knew about his past, as had been done with
amnesic individuals for a hundred years, I also asked K.C. about his future plans
and intentions. On the very first of these occasions I asked K.C. questions like,
“What will you do after we are finished and you leave here?” “What are you going
to do tomorrow?” and “What are your plans for the summer?” I had discussed my
intention to do so beforehand with Daniel Schacter, my younger colleague who
was the “chief” of the Unit for Memory Disorders at the time and who also knew
K.C. well. We agreed that K.C., being intelligent and rational, most likely would
respond by generating “scripts” of what a typical young man who lives in his par-
ents’ house in a Toronto suburb would do on a Saturday (the interview took place
on a Friday, and K.C., after consulting his watch, knew it), or how he would spend
at least part of his summer, given that the family owned a summer “cottage” that
K.C. knew well, and where he had spent a lot of time in earlier summers.
This clever prediction was totally off the mark. K.C. greeted the questions with
silence. He usually answered any question put to him the best he could, even if it
was simply, “I do not know.” We also already knew at that time that he does not
confabulate and does not guess at a possible and plausible answer, although when
he is asked to guess, he readily complies with the request.3 His silence, therefore,
implied that he had nothing to say. Indeed, when he was asked what his mind was
like when he was thinking about these questions about his future activities he
said that it was “blank.”
Of course, I did know that one cannot generalize from a single case, and there-
fore I was appropriately cautious in interpreting the meaning of K.C.’s ability
(or lack thereof) to answer questions about his future any more readily than he
could do so about his past. But I did suggest that K.C., apparently as a result of his
Doe s T h e F u t u re E x is t ? 253
brain damage, had lost the kind of consciousness that is necessary for thinking
about one’s self in the context of subjective time (i.e., one’s own remembered past
and imagined future). I dubbed this capacity “autonoetic consciousness” (Tulving,
1985) and also casually referred to “mental time travel” as something enabled by
autonoetic consciousness:
K.C.’s brain damage was extensive and diffuse. It did involve the medial tempo-
ral lobes, one of the main players in the neural networks that support remember-
ing and knowing. It also included the left prefrontal cortex. But in light of all the
regions that showed up as dysfunctional on brain scans, it was not possible to
relate the absence of his ability to “think future” to any single region. Nevertheless,
there was no evidence against the hypothesis that autonoetic consciousness
depended, at least partly, on the integrity of the frontal lobes.
time, they too had to rely greatly on speculation. But the future course of mental
time travel was set. Only 10 years later, the concept was firmly ensconced in the
literature (Suddendorf & Corballis, 2007).
“Mental time travel,” of course, is a metaphor. But like many others that prop
up the uncertain understanding of new territories, it is useful. Two particular
advantages may be worth mention.
First, it draws a simple but clear boundary between remembering and know-
ing, as well as between episodic and semantic memory, which are easily conflated.
In daily life one comes constantly across components of a person’s intellectual
repertory that are or are not based on mental time travel. For example, it is not
uncommon to hear someone claim to remember the names, in the correct order,
of all the kings, presidents, or prime ministers, or one’s social insurance number,
or the whole of a long poem learned in school, or the meaning of “carpe diem,” or
thousands of other bits of knowledge that they have learned at some point in
their lives. When they say that they remember all these things we know that in no
sense are they revisiting the past, their own or anyone else’s. The expression of
many things that people know needs no mental time travel.
Second, the metaphor has drawn people’s attention to the theme of “subjective
future” or “personal future” as an object of scientific interest in a way that the
earlier ways of talking about memory did not. David Ingvar’s daring invocation of
“memory of the future” turned out to be a bit of prescient vision, but it escaped
closer scrutiny. Only when the idea of mental time travel was enmeshed in ongo-
ing neuropsychological research and, later, cognitive (e.g., McDonough & Gallo,
2010) and developmental psychology (e.g., Atance & Meltzoff, 2005; Russell,
Alexis, & Clayton, 2010) did the idea of “personal future” begin to attract atten-
tion. And when mental time travel was taken under careful scrutiny in neuroim-
aging, the “personal future” moved to the center stage of a small but rapidly
growing research specialty.
And there are indeed interesting things happening on the “future scene.”
Because future plays such an important role in human affairs it is not surprising
that psychologists have taken keen interest in it in the past. In social and person-
ality psychology, topics such as planning for the future (e.g., Hayes-Roth & Hayes-
Roth, 1979), daydreaming about the future (Singer, 1966), the “future perspective”
that people take (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999), individual differences in being influ-
enced by thoughts about future (e.g., Taylor & Schneider, 1989), and kindred
other issues have spawned a rich literature (see Schacter, Addis, & Buckner, 2008,
and Taylor, Pham, Rivkin, & Armor, 1998, for reviews).
In the broad field of cognitive neuroscience, the “future” inherent to mental
time travel is approached from a somewhat different vantage point. In the previ-
ous work, the emphasis was on the manner in which people might use thoughts
about their future to guide their behavior. The role of the future was similar
to that of any one of a large number of intended goal objects of one’s existence.
There was little concern with the “future as such;” that is, the capacity to envision
Doe s T h e F u t u re E x is t ? 255
one’s future was taken for granted. In cognitive neuroscience, future as such has
become a focus of interest for increasingly larger groups of researchers. Some of
the major questions that students of mental time travel ask are: (1) what exactly
is this future that plays such a dominant role in determining people’s behavior,
(2) how is it related to other “times” in which mental time travel takes place—past
and present, (3) what are the “scenarios” that the time traveler meets in the future
and where do they come from, and (4) what can we find out about its “neural
correlates”—the anatomical, physiological, and neurochemical components of
brain activity that make mental travel possible. Our own query here, does the
future exist, fits into this broad framework.
Within this context, questions raised about the future cover a broad front. The
rich terminology alone that has been spawned to describe the nature of meta-
phorical “travel” into the future, or what one “does with” the future, gives the
impression of the panoply of approaches. For instance, writers have written about
“thinking about the future” (Okuda et al., 2003), “episodic future thinking”
(Atance & O’Neill, 2001; Szpunar, 2010), “imagining the future” (Klein, Loftus, &
Kihlstrom, 2002; Schacter, Addis, & Buckner, 2007), “episodic simulation”
(Schacter & Addis, 2007; Schacter, Addis, & Buckner, 2008), “self-projection” into
the future (Arzy, Collette, Ionta, Fornari, & Blanke, 2009; Buckner & Carroll,
2007), “envisioning” the future (Buckner, 2010; Szpunar, Watson, & McDermott,
2007), “pre-experiencing” the future (D’Argembeau & Van der Linden, 2004), the
“personal future” (Abraham, Schubotz, & von Cramon, 2008), and “prospecting”
(Gilbert & Wilson, 2007). Although each term or phrase that has been introduced
into the literature carries with it the researcher’s own idiosyncratic views of the
topic, each converges on attempting to describe what might be happening when
we mentally travel into the future.
Some questions raised about the future are similar to the kinds of questions
that previous generations had posed about remembering one’s past; others are
novel. For instance, the popular query of, “where do the scenarios come from that
people imagine as occurring in their own future,” is novel. This question was never
asked about the past—the source of the remembered “scenarios” was perfectly
clear even for the interesting cases where people remember events that never
happened (e.g., Loftus, 1979; Roediger & McDermott, 1995; Schacter, 2001).
Perhaps most relevant to our earlier discussion, students of mental time travel
have primarily focused their efforts on delineating the relation of the personal
future to the personal past. Especially telling material has come from neuropsy-
chology and functional brain imaging. Research groups led by Stanley Klein and
Eleanor Maguire have presented further cases of amnesic patients who are inca-
pable of mentally traveling back in time to their own past or forward into their
own future (Hassabis, Kumaran, Vann, & Maguire, 2007; Klein, et al., 2002).
Various other patient populations that have long been known to exhibit difficul-
ties with calling to mind their personal past (e.g., patients with schizophrenia,
Alzheimer’s disease) have likewise been shown to exhibit a parallel deficit of
256 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
mental time travel into their future (Addis, Sacchetti, Ally, Budson, & Schacter,
2009; D’Argembeau, Raffard, & Van der Linden, 2008).
Studies of functional brain imaging have revealed that various frontal and pos-
terior regions of the brain become similarly engaged as healthy human adults
mentally travel back into their personal past and forward into their personal
future (Addis, Wong, & Schacter, 2007; Botzung, Denkova, & Manning, 2008;
Okuda et al., 2003; Szpunar et al., 2007). Among the more posterior regions of the
brain that show this pattern are the medial temporal lobes, which have tradition-
ally been associated with retrieval of one’s past experiences (Cabeza & St. Jacques,
2007; Maguire, 2001; Svoboda, McKinnon, & Levine, 2006). That thinking about
one’s personal future engages this region of the brain in a similar manner has
been taken as particularly striking evidence that similar processes underlie both
facets of mental time travel. Importantly, this pattern of similarity is restricted to
thoughts about one’s self in time: thinking about the past and future in an imper-
sonal manner does not appear to engage an identical network of brain activity
(see Abraham et al., 2008; see also Buckner, 2010, Schacter, Addis, & Buckner,
2007, 2008, and Szpunar, 2010, for reviews).
If all of these studies really have identified all these neural correlates of think-
ing about non-present times, past and future, then we seem to be forced to con-
clude that future may not exist in the physical reality but it does exist in the
neurocognitive reality. For any human being who is heading for a grocery store or
planning a vacation on the beach, working for a monthly paycheck or a university
degree, planting flowers in the garden or buying shares of a company, getting a
vaccination against flu or training for a half-marathon, or engaging in any one of
a thousand activities that promise a payoff at a time that has not yet arrived, for
any such person future is real.
If things exist in the physical reality and things exist in a person’s mental real-
ity, are these two realities the same, or are they different? In the next and last
section of the paper we argue that they are different but related, and that it is not
only possible but also natural for things to exist in one reality but not in the
other.
By “reality” here we simply mean the sum total of everything that exists, or
everything that “has a being,” as philosophers sometimes say. And by existence we
simply mean “having properties or qualities, or relations.” Thus, if we assert that
something exists, we say that this something has properties or qualities that an
observer can describe, or that it stands in a certain relation to other things that
exist. Conversely, anything that has properties or qualities or relations exists, by
definition.
The way thinkers have thought about issues having to do with existences and
realities has changed with historical times and geographic places. In our current
“Western” culture the traditional views about reality hold that there is only one,
the physical reality.
We here have adopted the idea that, in addition to the physical reality, there
also exists another reality, neurocognitive (or mental) reality. Despite doubts that
some thinkers, through the ages, have suffered privately or expressed publicly,
mental reality is as “real” as physical reality. The two realities are similar in that
both consist of real (actually existing) lower-order constituents, but they also
differ in fundamental ways.
Physical reality is singular, absolute, everlasting, boundless, and completely
independent of anything else. It functions according to its own laws and princi-
ples. Its constituents include “things” to which we humans have given names,
such as galaxies, stars, planets, dark matter, atoms, energy, radiation, oceans,
waves, clouds, pebbles on the beach, sand in the desert, plants in the field, ani-
mals, roots, leaves, limbs, hearts, brains, blood, neurons, spikes, synapses, mole-
cules, atoms, quarks, neutrinos, along with innumerable things that humans do
not know about and that, therefore, have no names. Behind every name in the
very long list is something that “is out there” regardless of whether we are or are
not “here.”
Mental reality, on the other hand, unlike physical reality, is very much depen-
dent on something outside it, namely physical reality. Most directly it owes its
existence to those parts of the physical reality that constitute the nervous system.
Another fundamental difference from physical reality is that mental reality
assumes a myriad of different shapes and forms. Every single living thing is
embraced by and lives in its own neurocognitive reality, which is uniquely differ-
ent from that of everyone else’s. Like Heraclitus’s river, neurocognitive reality
changes moment by moment; it is never the same. Also, unlike physical reality,
which is boundless in space and time, neurocognitive reality is bound within the
skin of the organism and firmly centered on the “self.” Finally, like many other
things in living nature, mental reality comes to an end when the individual’s life
comes to an end.
Constituents of mental reality include things such as (1) sights and sounds—
of an infinite variety of things and their properties and relations, (2) thoughts
and images—of an infinite variety, (3) memories—of an infinite variety of objects,
258 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
facts, events, and situations, and their properties and relations, and (4) experi-
ences, dreams, feelings, hopes, fears, longings, faith, beliefs, doubts, jealousies,
regrets, love, loyalties, ambitions, and a myriad other such—an infinite variety of
different kinds. The central constituent of the human mental reality, the true linch-
pin, is the individual’s awareness of its “self” as an entity existing in subjective
space and subjective time and separate from everything else that exists in the phys-
ical reality. One’s self and personal identity is defined by his or her mental reality.
Although mental reality is utterly dependent on physical reality, in the sense
that it could not exist in the absence of physical reality, it is also independent of
physical reality in the sense that what exists in mental reality does not exist in
physical reality. Because this assertion may sound startling, it is worth repeating:
There is not a single thing that exists in mental reality that also exists in physical
reality. There are no thoughts and images, no memories, no experiences, dreams,
feelings, hopes, fears, longings, faith, beliefs, doubts, jealousies, regrets, love, loy-
alties, or ambitions in physical reality. There is no duty, sadness, injustice, exalta-
tion; no learning, no forgetting, no memory; neither light nor sound, neither pain
nor happiness, neither beauty nor ugliness, neither wisdom nor stupidity; neither
faith nor disbelief. There is neither personal past nor personal future. There is no
mental time travel. There is no “self.” There is no “will,” free or otherwise.
The converse is also true: There is not a single thing that exists in physical real-
ity that also exists in mental reality. There are no mountains or rivers, trees or
flowers, no brain, no blood, no neurons or synapses, no molecules or atoms in
mental reality.
What we have said about the two realities, and the total lack of overlap in their
constituents, may sound like old-fashioned dualistic thinking about body and
soul, or mind and matter. In fact nothing could be further from the truth. Like all
other cognitive neuroscientists we accept as axiomatic that mental reality, fully
dependent on the brain, is continuous with the brain and the rest of the physical
reality. The brain and the mind are made of the “same stuff.” We do not yet know
what that “stuff ” is, but we have reason to believe it will eventually be discovered.
We know that the brain and the mind are not identical, as some people are wont
to declare. The brain and the mind are different entities constituted of the same
basic “stuff.”
The most powerful argument for the sameness of the “stuff ” we are talking
about comes from the knowledge we have of the process of reproduction. All
higher organisms, including human beings, start their life as fertilized eggs.
A fertilized egg, another marvel of nature, consists of an extremely complex but
highly organized bundle of molecules, each of which is a highly complex but highly
organized bunch of atoms, each of which is most definitely a “physical” thing that
embodies the as-yet-unknown “stuff ” that we are postulating here. As the organ-
ism develops and matures from this highly “physical” beginning it does not acquire
any qualities or powers that are not inherent in the same stuff that was there at
Doe s T h e F u t u re E x is t ? 259
physical reality. This view of the relation between the two realities, expressed in
the conjunction of the two points just made, the dependence and transcendence
of mental reality, has interesting ramifications and implications that may not
have appeared as readily in other sorts of formulations of the relation.
We conclude by returning to what we said at the beginning of our essay about
memory. The musings that we have put down here naturally evolved out of
research on memory, aided and abetted by thoughts about the frontal lobes as the
main agents of shaping human uniqueness. In that sense the idea of two equally
important realities can be viewed as the grand payoff for the research on memory.5
But once we have arrived at the idea about the dependence and transcendence of
mental reality, and reflecting about its basic nature, it is easy to see that memory
is relevant to mental reality yet in another way: Memory is one of the main deter-
minants of what the mental reality of any given individual is like and what its
“constituents” are, perhaps even the most important single determinant. Aristotle
would have been amazed.
Notes
1. “Remembering” for Aristotle meant what we would now refer to as retention, or perhaps as
“memory trace.”
2. They can be found in an article titled “Episodic Memory” in Scholarpedia (Tulving & Szpunar,
2009).
3. K.C.’s deep “episodic amnesia” has lasted to this day, almost 30 years later. And the way he
answers questions and the absence of confabulation are also largely unchanged (Rosenbaum
et al., 2005).
4. “Neurocognitive” would provide a more apt characterization of the “other” reality (“mental”),
but because of its five syllables it sounds a bit officious. Its use would be more appropriate in
scientific journals and in situations where we study the relation between the two realities.
In more casual conversations, and in publications such as Festschrifts, “mental” is to be
preferred because it rolls more readily off the tongue.
5. When we take off our scientific hats and don the caps of amateur practical moralists we are
willing to argue that of the two realities the mental reality is very much more important than
the physical reality. Indeed, physical reality as such does not matter at all in daily life; only
mental reality does. It is an individual’s mental reality that guides and controls his or her
conduct.
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15
The Necessary Narrative
T E R E N C E W. P I C TO N
This chapter allows me to present some ideas that I have developed over the
years, largely as a result of discussions with Don Stuss and the colleagues he
assembled at the Rotman Research Institute. Though triggered by specific data,
particularly those that we gathered from patients with lesions to the frontal
lobes, the ideas have faded a little into the general. This inevitable consequence
of scientific aging can be helpful since details can get lost without general ideas.
I shall consider three basic concepts: models, stories, and levels. The epigraph
comes from someone who, like Don Stuss, left his initial studies of divinity
for more important things. It gives the main thrust of the talk: that human life
is a creative interaction between the brain and the world, between living and
understanding.
Models
The human brain perceives the world creatively. We are never an empty slate.
The infant is attuned to see and hear what its genes expect. The maturing brain
perceives everything in relation to what it has already experienced. I am a part of
all that I have known. Early views of active perception in terms of analysis-by-
synthesis were perhaps too concrete. We do not hear words by mumbling them to
ourselves. However, we do build an internal model of the external world, and
much of our life is involved in its updating (Neisser, 1976).
An interesting problem for a creative perception is the real world. Is there no
real world; are you, the reader, just a figment of my solipsistic imagination? This
issue is typically addressed by some concept of resonance. Gibson (1979) pro-
posed that perceived patterns resonate with physical invariances. A more recent
264
T h e N e ce s s ary N arrat iv e 265
version of this idea (Friston, 2005) uses empirical Bayes modeling: patterns are
generated and fit to input by statistical estimates realized in hierarchical neuronal
networks.
One aspect of this ongoing process of testing our perceptions against reality is
that there are no discrete events: “stimulation does not consist of stimuli. The
flow is continuous” (Gibson, 1979, p. 58). This continuity of perception is some-
thing that physiologists have not easily been able to evaluate, accustomed as we
are to recording discrete responses to discrete stimuli. However, recent work has
shown that we can monitor the brain in real time as it makes plans, confirms
expectancies, or notices discrepancies between the real and the predicted (Spiers
& Maguire, 2007).
One of the most impressive demonstrations of the creativity of perception is
the perception of biological motion (Ahlstrom, Blake & Ahlstrom, 1997; Saygin,
2007; Vanrie & Verfaillie, 2004). A few moving lights can bring to mind a moving
person, even one we can personally recognize. The fact that the movement of the
lights must be continuous and not stroboscopic further supports the idea of per-
ception as a continous process.
Though much of perception occurs automatically, at higher levels the brain is
conscious. We have predictions about what will happen in the world and goals
that we use to explore our environment and organize our actions. When sensory
information is processed, however, consciousness does not intrude until the final
stages. We are aware of visual objects but not the bits and pieces that our sensory
system uses to construct them.
Resonance is still a prominent idea in perceptual theory, but nowadays reso-
nant processes are often considered in terms of rhythmic interactions between
different areas of the brain (e.g., Melloni et al., 2007). What becomes widespread
in its connectivity reaches consciousness, whereas what is only locally rhythmic
goes unperceived. The physiology is not obvious. What is so helpful about oscilla-
tions? Do they indicate the operation of feedback circuits? Why is the extent of
the interaction crucial? Is it really the extent of interaction or simply that it
reaches to the prefrontal cortex (e.g., Crick & Koch, 1998)?
Resonance occurs in the motor system as well as the sensory systems. The exe-
cution of a motor act fits muscle-movements to a “forward model” of the desired
action. As in the sensory system, oscillations between areas may subserve this
fitting process (e.g. Cheyne, Bells, Ferrari, Gaetz, & Bostan, 2008). As in the sen-
sory system, most of the details are unconscious. We do not design how our hand
should move to pick up a cup; we are aware of what we want and the ways to go
about it, but unaware of which muscle fibers are being used.
The conceptual lineage of the model-making brain goes back to cybernetics and
the Test-Operate-Test-Exit idea of Miller, Galanter, and Pribram (1960). Don
Stuss and I have considered how this type of process might be manifest in the
terms of neurons or neuronal networks (Picton & Stuss, 2000; Stuss, Picton &
Alexander, 2001). Figure 15.1 presents another version of our idea: one of many
266 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
Generate
Figure 15.1. Model making. The figure shows how the brain can generate models
that it then fits to incoming sensory information, and creates motor behavior that
fits to a model of desired action. The boxology is loosely derived from Picton and
Stuss (2000). The disconnected arrows at the top indicate how the model making may
proceed at many hierarchical levels. The model works only if there is a real world—here
represented by a part of Huang Gongwang’s scroll painting of Dwelling in the Fu-ch’un
Mountains (1347–1350).
ways to connect boxes into circles and ground them in the world. As in the more
recent and more mathematical work of Friston (2005), the feedback loops can be
connected hierarchically. The most important missing information is how the
system generates the models that can be fit to input or output. What are the neu-
ronal mechanisms for generating patterns of activity and changing them to fit
reality?
A model can change gradually as we better tune our perceptions to reality, or it
can change dramatically when we notice the operation of a cause. The main char-
acteristics of causation are repeated examples of temporal and spatial contiguity.
Much of our current knowledge derives from Hume (1777/1966): “when one par-
ticular species of event has always, in all instances, been conjoined with another,
we make no longer any scruple of foretelling one upon the appearance of the
other… We then call the one object Cause; the other, Effect.”
What happens in the brain when we notice the operation of a cause? Fugelsang,
Roser, Corballis, Gazzaniga, and Dunbar (2005) recorded blood flow changes when
causes were perceived in the colliding of billiard balls. Controls involved motions
that could not be caused, since temporal or spatial contiguity was missing.
Perceiving the causal relationship between moving objects activated right parietal
and frontal areas. Inferring causality in more complex situations involved the left
hemisphere as well (Roser, Fugelsang, Corballis, Gazzaniga, & Dunbar, 2005).
Perceiving the operation of cause and effect is but a pale version of what hap-
pens when we originally figure out how something works. Then, our world model
can be completely recast and myriad disparate details subsumed under a simple
principle.
T h e N e ce s s ary N arrat iv e 267
Stories
Cause and effect is the basis of narrative. After inferring how one event has caused
another, we can tell a story. This crucial ability is evident in our myths, songs,
plays, and novels. We tell stories to explain things as well as to entertain our-
selves. The sequence of cause and effect is the mainstay of any story—or any
scientific paper. Anyone who has ever written such a paper knows that once the
hypotheses have been ventured, the data collected, and the results evaluated, the
next step is to tell a story.
A major contribution to the idea of narrative in the brain derives from the
studies of split-brain patients by Gazzaniga and his colleagues. In a classic experi-
ment (Gazzaniga & LeDoux, 1978), a patient was presented with two brief images,
one in each hemifield, and was asked to point to which of the pictures available on
a set of cards went with the images. When presented with an image of a chicken
claw on the right and an image of a snow scene on the left, the patient subse-
quently picked the pictures of a chicken and a shovel: “The chicken claw goes with
the chicken, and you need a shovel to clean out the chicken shed.” Now the shovel
actually went with the snow scene and was chosen by the right brain, the only
recipient of the image in the left hemifield. The left brain, observing the left hand’s
response (from the right brain), interpreted the response in a context consistent
with its (hemi)sphere of knowledge—one that did not include any information
about the left-side snow scene.
These and other experiments led to the idea that the human brain has an inter-
preter system—one that tells a story about why things happen. This system is
normally localized in the left hemisphere and is intimately part of the language
systems.
These findings suggested that the self can be considered as a center of narrative
gravity (Dennett, 1992): “we are all virtuoso novelists, who find ourselves engaged
in all sorts of behavior, more or less unified, but sometimes disunified, and we
always put the best ‘faces’ on it we can. We try to make all of our material cohere
into a single good story. And that story is our autobiography.”
So now I shall mention some introspective data. These have long been consid-
ered unscientific, but data are data. Often when I am talking, I am aware when
what I am saying is not going over. Everything may be grammatically correct and
meaningful, but my audience is leaving me. I must have another interpreter dif-
ferent from the language interpreter. This other system can interpret the effect of
my language rather than its content and can determine whether my presentation
is either unfolding properly or unraveling completely. My intuition is that there
are many levels of interpretation and that this particular interpretational level
involves a widespread brain system that deals with self-awareness and revolves
around prefrontal regions. Craik and his colleagues (1999) indeed showed activa-
tion of the frontal regions when subjects interpreted simple stimuli in relation to
themselves.
268 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
In recent years, neuroscientists have been studying what happens in the brain
when a narrative is being followed. Mar (2004; also Spreng, Mar, & Kim, 2009)
reviewed this work and found that widespread regions of the brain are involved.
Many of these are similar to the regions that Buckner and Carroll (2007) have
suggested as part of the “self projection system”—the networks of the brain
involved in prospection, remembering, and theory of mind. Recent findings have
suggested that the dorsomedial frontal regions may be particularly important in
following a narrative (Yarkoni, Speer, & Zacks, 2008). C. P. Snow (1959) would be
pleased to see this reconciliation between the two cultures of science and art.
Perhaps we can now record the changes in cerebral blood flow that occur when we
read one of his novels!
Any narrative has three main components: place, person, and plot. The initial
section of this chapter has dealt with some aspects of place—the world we live in
and how we construct it. We have already considered the person in terms of the
narrator of my life. However, a person not only looks back on the past but also
plans for the future. How this will turn out is the plot of our narrative. As Endel
Tulving has considered, this can involve the contemplation of what might happen
as well as the interpretation of the past (Wheeler, Stuss, & Tulving, 1997; Tulving,
Chapter 14 in this volume).
One of the basic characteristics of the self is its continuity: it must somehow be
the same from day to day. Organizing our memories around a self would not be
helpful if the self were to vanish when we fall asleep and be different when we
awake. A possible side effect of this need for personal continuity is a sense of
immortality. We have such a long experience resurrecting our wakeful self that we
might consider death like any other sleep.
Crucial to the narrative’s plot is the idea of causation. I have commented on
causation in terms of the perception of physical causes and effects. When persons
become involved, causation becomes agency. This is an area of our knowledge
fraught with dragons. A sense of agency develops as we develop a sense of self. The
self not only interprets what we perceive, but also controls what we do. As we
learn this (or set up this construct), we realize that the world contains other
agents that perceive what we cannot perceive and control what we cannot control.
Thus do we come to a theory of mind—that there are others like us. The frontal
lobes are necessary for the exercise of theory of mind (Stuss, Gallup, & Alexander,
2001). However, episodic memory seems independent: a patient may lose his
sense of self in remembering but can still postulate a self in others (Rosenbaum,
Stuss, Levine, & Tulving, 2007; Rosenbaum, Chapter 7 in this volume).
The attribution of agency can easily be overdone. Gods may derive “from
our overactive disposition to look for agents” (Dennett, 2006). Attributing agency
to actions facilitates social interaction. However, it may also lead to the idea of
agents moving suns and controlling storms—and ultimately to a universe
controlled by God. We are right about other human beings but may be wrong
about the divine.
T h e N e ce s s ary N arrat iv e 269
Agency is basically what has been considered as free will. Michael Gazzaniga
(2005) has presented a nuanced review of the implications of brain science for
ethics and the law. Free will and responsibility are crucial to moral and legal rea-
soning. Extensive recent research and discussion about free will and the brain
derive from an experiment recording event-related potentials—the readiness
potential or Bereitschaftspotential (Libet, 1985; Libet, Gleason, Wright, & Pearl,
1983). This experiment may have been over-interpreted.
The usual procedure for recording the Bereitschaftspotential is for the subject to
make occasional spontaneous movements at irregular intervals of several sec-
onds. The EEG prior to the movement is recorded and averaged opisthochronically
(bent backward in time) using either the EMG or the movement as a timing trig-
ger. The averaged EEG shows a slowly developing negative wave that begins sev-
eral hundred milliseconds before the movement and culminates in a motor
potential just before the movement. In the experiments by Libet and colleagues,
the subject made spontaneous finger flexions while simultaneously watching a
dot that circled around a clock face. The subject “was instructed to ‘let the urge to
act appear on its own at any time without any preplanning or concentration on
when to act,’ that is, to try to be ‘spontaneous’ in deciding when to perform each
act; this instruction was designed to elicit voluntary acts that were freely capri-
cious in origin” (Libet et al., 1983). The subject noted and reported “the time of
appearance of his conscious awareness of ‘wanting’ to perform a given self-initi-
ated movement.” The experience was also described as an “urge,” “intention,” or
“decision.” The major finding of the experiment was that the Bereitschaftspotential
began before the subject became aware of the intention to act. The interpretation
of the experiment has been that our feeling of will occurs after the fact: the brain
initiates the act and we then become aware of it. Our consciousness does not con-
trol our actions, though it may sometimes be able to stop an initiated action (e.g.,
Obhi & Haggard, 2004). Recently, these results have led prominent scientists to
claim that “free will” is an illusion (Blackmore, 2009; Blakemore, 2009).
Allusions rather than illusions come to mind. One is the theological paradox of
free will and predestination: how can we have free will if God always knows every-
thing that we are going to do? Proposing that there is no God provides a simple
resolution to this problem. A second allusion is the behaviorist claim that all
behavior follows willy-nilly from the presented stimuli without any cognitive
intervention. Fifty years ago, mind and meaning returned to psychology in the
cognitive revolution; perhaps neuroscience will also change. Considering some-
thing like awareness and free will as epiphenomenal may be as foolhardy for neu-
roscience as it was for psychology.
The subject’s experience during Bereitschaftspotential experiments is far more
complex than presumed by their design. For many years, Don Stuss, Tim Shallice,
Mick Alexander, and I have been evaluating the effects of focal lesions of the
frontal lobe (e.g., Stuss et al., 2005). We have found that even simple behaviors,
like pressing a button in response to a stimulus, are controlled by many different
270 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
cerebral processes, and that these processes may be differentially affected by focal
frontal lesions. Figure 15.2 (derived from Shallice, Stuss, Picton, Alexander, &
Gillingham, 2008) shows a diagram of several of these processes: setting, energi-
zation, monitoring, and attentiveness. Each process is an amalgam of many other
component processes. Crucial to any task performance is the setting up of sche-
mata or rules of behavior. These can operate automatically, but they must be ener-
gized and monitored to make sure that they are fulfilling their goals. And
everything must be evaluated in the light of more general goals (“attentiveness”)—
we must care about our acts (see Shallice, Chapter 3 in this volume).
Perhaps the simple Bereitschaftspotential experiments can be viewed in the
light of our experiments with frontal lobe patients. Doing what the experimenter
asks is not easy. To flex one’s fingers at a rate that is regular but not too regular
requires a complex program of action involving many different cerebral processes.
A timing mechanism must be initiated and monitored to determine when a given
interval of several seconds has passed. A motor executive system must be trig-
gered by the timing system to initiate the movement. The monitoring system
must determine how well the whole program is working—whether the timing is
about right, whether the movements are sufficiently abrupt. Finally, an attentive-
ness system must determine that the behavior fulfils our present goal—to act as
+ –
Stimulus Response
Task rules
processing selection
(superior medial)
(inferior medial)
Attentiveness
Energization
Internal Finger
Initiate
timing flexion
Clock Report
Register
time time
Figure 15.2. Performance of complicated tasks. This model derives from Shallice et al.
(2008), where a similar model was used to explain the processes active during task
switching. The inner white boxes and arrows represent online processes that (following
learning of the task) would be connected together by sensorimotor schemata or
response rules (medium gray). The outer dark boxes and arrows represent supervisory
control processes that are mainly active through connections in the prefrontal cortices.
Different supervisory processes can be specifically affected by lesions to different
regions of the frontal lobe—left lateral, right lateral, superior medial, and inferior
medial.
T h e N e ce s s ary N arrat iv e 271
the experimenter has asked. Watching the clock and assessing the timing of
response initiation would involve an additional program that could most easily
monitor the activity of the internal timing mechanism that triggers the motor
executive.
Where is the will in these interactions? If anywhere, it is in the original setting
up of the programs. Once set up, these programs can proceed without much con-
scious intervention. The human brain is a complex interactive system that does
not work in a discrete way. The search for a specific intention (an “impulse” to act)
is perhaps as futile as the search for a specific stimulus. There is no stimulus: there
is a complex world. There is no intention: there is an individual’s continuous cre-
ative interaction with that world.
Soon, Brass, Heinze, and Haynes (2008) recorded fMRI activation patterns in
regions of frontopolar cortex and the medial parietal lobes occurring about 10
seconds prior to a motor act. These patterns were specific to the choice between
responding with right or left index fingers. They preceded the activations in sup-
plementary motor areas and motor cortex. This fits with the interpretation I am
offering that behavior is planned and set into action long before it actually occurs.
The authors of the paper, however, found that the subjects’ timing of when their
decisions “were consciously formed” was within the 1,000 milliseconds preceding
the act. They proposed therefore that “a network of high-level control areas can
begin to shape an upcoming decision long before it enters awareness.” It does not
make sense to me that the subjects were unconscious of what they were doing
during the 10-second preparatory period; they must have been consciously decid-
ing what to do. The authors only asked when the decision was completed—not
when it was being made.
Most of the problems of interpretation in these experiments come down to
the dualism presupposed in their design (Nelson, 1985; Wood, 1985). The premise
of the experiments is that the brain makes a decision and then informs the
mind. The mind then reports back (through the brain and its connections to the
body) when it received the information. The problems disappear if we admit no
dualism—the brain just makes a decision. The brain is free.
Levels
Our minds are particularly adept at considering ideas at different levels. The interac-
tive networks that mediate our consciousness move easily from one level to another.
Even within general levels we can alternate one explanation with another. At sen-
sory levels we can undergo binocular rivalry or jump from one apex of a Necker
cube to another. At higher levels we can consider a photon as wave or particle.
A hierarchy of levels in the brain was proposed by Hughlings Jackson in the
early days of cerebral neuroscience (Jackson, 1898). His ideas were related to those
of evolution, with higher nervous functions developing to control lower processes.
272 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
One of his ideas concerned how cerebral disease, either transiently in epilepsy or
progressively in degenerative disorders, could reverse evolution, removing the
higher functions before the lower in a process of dissolution.
The idea of levels of processing in memory was introduced to psychology by
Craik and Lockhart (1972). The deeper something is processed, the better it is
remembered. What is the metric for depth of processing? Clearly the semantic
interpretation of a word is deeper than recognizing its letters or its sounds.
However, it is difficult to derive some index of processing that determines what is
later remembered (Craik, 2002).The amount of time required for the processing,
the success or failure of the processing (for example, rhyming words are better
remembered than non-rhyming words), and the amount of attention paid to the
processing all contribute to its depth. Does any neurophysiological measure relate
to the depth of processing? The extent of synaptic activation is important—but
this fails to consider the specific interactions between frontal lobes and hippocam-
pus that are necessary to render an event accessible to later recall (Moscovitch,
1995).
Studies with the event-related potentials confirm that multiple processes in
multiple regions of the brain occur during the encoding of our memories (e.g.,
Kim, Vallesi, Picton, & Tulving, 2009; Mangels, Craik, & Picton, 2001). The story
of information on its way to memory involves interactions between sensory asso-
ciation cortices, anterior temporal regions, and the prefrontal cortex.
Levels are intrinsically related to memory. In this context we may wish to con-
sider episodic and semantic memory. Episodic memory has a relation to the self:
a memory of the world and its interaction with the rememberer. The memory for
facts has no such personal flavor. What are their relative levels—is episodic
memory a means to create semantic memory, or is semantic memory a tool for
constructing a biography? Tulving’s (2005) proposal that episodic memory has
evolved only in human beings suggests that it is higher in the hierarchy of memo-
ries than semantic memory.
We could perhaps consider memory in relation to politics. The left views that
the value of a society is determined by how well it improves the general good. This
improvement in the good of all will ultimately lead to the greater freedom of each
individual in the society. The right considers individual freedom paramount, with
the general good deriving from the free endeavors of its individual members. Does
semantic knowledge ultimately become our culture, leaving individual biography
as a transient step on the way, or does our culture derive from the biographies of
its greatest individuals? Hierarchies of values run both ways.
Perhaps human memory is best considered in the metaphor of a tree
(Fig. 15.3). The tree of knowledge goes back to Genesis. Rather than putting epi-
sodic details in the roots and semantic knowledge in the branches (and thus
betraying my leftist tendencies), I have made the tree grow from past to future.
The future is imagined by the person we have developed and implicated by the
principles we have abstracted. I have given semantic memory a parallel time
T h e N e ce s s ary N arrat iv e 273
Implication Imagination
Principle Person
Data Experience
Figure 15.3. Tree of knowledge. The tree is organized to grow from past roots to
future branches. Both semantic memory (left) and episodic memory (right) conceive
the future by abstracting information from sensory data or subjective experience.
course to episodic memory. My suggestion is that semantic memory (in its human
form with all its language and science) is as far evolved as episodic memory.
The tree of knowledge is complex. Both episodic memory and semantic memory
become highly organized with many levels, each supporting each. This organiza-
tion allows meaning to be conveyed. As pointed out by Cohen (2000), social com-
munication largely depends on the telling of stories, and the effectiveness of the
communication will depend on the hierarchical organization of the stories. An
accumulation of detail without purpose is as boring as abstract ideas without
examples.
Sometimes scientists seem bound to one level of explanation. The physicist
may find as little meaning in biology as the biologist in psychology. This problem
has been termed “level chauvinism” (Nunez & Srinivasan, 2006). Perhaps the
most glaring problems come between the levels of science and art. Recently,
Dawkins (1998) has taken Keats to task for saying that science (philosophy in the
older terminology) removes the beautiful mystery of experience:
Mysteries do not lose their poetry when solved. Quite the contrary; the
solution often turns out more beautiful than the puzzle and, in any case,
when you have solved one mystery you uncover others, perhaps to inspire
greater poetry.
theories usually have troubles with the plumbing” (p. 53)—and from cooking—
“raw facts, half-baked ideas and warmed-over theories” (p. 46). We have all expe-
rienced such metaphorical disrespect; it is the table-talk of grant committees.
When we consider the levels of meaning implied by metaphor and irony, we
realize the tremendous complexity of our understanding. Recent studies have
shown that complexity has rules of its own that cannot be explained by simpler
principles. Our brains have evolved to understand a world that is increasing in
complexity through a propagating organization (Kauffman, 2008). The universe is
not so much running down as gearing up.
When we consider possible levels of meaning, it is impossible not to come upon
religion. Some brief comments might be in order, since many years ago Don Stuss
followed the path of the spirit before the way of the scientist. Religious explana-
tion occurs at a level of meaning almost completely divorced from that of science.
The touchstone for religious truth is faith rather than experiment. A scientist has
difficulty following the logic of faith and the experience of the numinous—the
“wholly other.” Sometimes manifestly absurd, the numinous beggars analysis—it
is beyond the understanding of those who have not experienced it (Otto,
1917/1958). Recently it has become common for scientists to consider religion
delusional (Dawkins, 2006; Dennett, 2006). At times the discourse has become
uncivil.
Religion involves a set of narratives that explain the why rather than the how
of things. Gods were initially invented to provide a reason for what could not be
predicted, to give rules for proper behavior, and to provide consolation for what
was lost. Human beings have a deep need for such narratives, and this is not ful-
filled elsewhere. I have no argument with whatever makes it all make sense. The
only provision is that we recognize the rights of others to their own narratives.
Not to consider the religious aspect of the human mind is to sleep before eve-
ning. Religion is such an important and pervasive part of human thinking that it
is foolish to ignore it or to discount it as delusional. The mind must make its gods
and hold them sacred—this is part and parcel of the same human creativity that
proposes scientific theories or imagines art (Kauffman, 2008). We must seek to
understand this human need for belief.
Concluding Comments
I have suggested some ways of looking at how the brain perceives and acts in the
world. I suggest the brain manufactures meaning. Central to this process is its
necessary narrative. The human brain is designed to tell stories. These stories
must be grounded in a model of the real world or they are irrelevant. These stories
must be organized at different levels or they cannot be understood. Our models of
the world, the stories we make to understand the world, and the levels at which
those stories operate are all ultimately part of our necessary narrative.
276 MI ND A ND THE FR ON TAL LOBE S
A chapter that begins with an epigraph should end with a postscript. This
comes from the Nachlass of Nietzsche, the uncompleted writings that were left
when Nietzsche became psychotic in 1889. Since his psychosis was likely the
beginning of frontotemporal dementia (Orth & Trimble, 2006), the quotation is
appropriate in a book on the frontal lobes. There are various translations: “We
have art so that we shall not die of the truth” (Coetzee, 1987/1992), “so that we
shall not be destroyed by the truth” (Ondaatje, 2007), or “so that we do not perish
before reality.”
Wir haben die Kunst, damit an der Wahrheit nicht zugrunde gehen.
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Index
279
280 I ndex
VOSP. See Visual Object and Spatial Alzheimer’s disease and, –
Perception battery distribution of,
voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping implications of,
(VLSM), , , , f increased prevalence of,
voxel-based morphometry, lacuna and,
Voytek, B., – pathological correlations with,
small vessel disease and,
Winocur, G., ,
Wagner, A. D., Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST),
WAIS. See Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale , ,
Walsh, V., frontal damage and,
WCST. See Wisconsin Card Sorting Test as frontal lobe function test, –, ,
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), , ,
–, WM. See white matter
Weinstein, E., , WMHs. See white matter hyperintensities
Wheeler, A. M., , working memory, , , –
Whelihan, W. M., – deficits of,
white matter (WM), in elderly,
aging and, , load of, –
Alzheimer’s disease and, – TBI patients and, –, f, f
integrity of, Wundt, Wilhelm,
vasculopathy,
volume loss, , , –
white matter hyperintensities (WMHs), Yerkes, R. M.,
, f Yerkes-Dodson law,
aging and, Yousry, T., –