Psychological Reports, 1984, 54, 746.

@ Psychological Repons 1984

A N EQUITY THEORY EXPLANATION OF BYSTANDERS'

REACTIONS TO SHOPLIFTING
FRED FEDLER AND BERT PRYOR
University o f Central Florida
Equity theory can predict human behavior in a variety of social contexts, including
explo~ter-victim relationships, industrial relationships, and intimate relationships ( 1).
Savicsky and Sim ( 2 ) have demonstrated the applicability of equity theory to predicting
jurors' decisions. Among the various propositions, equity theory holds that ( a ) the
greater the perceived inequity, the harder individuals will uy to restore equity, and ( b )
the more costly a person perceives an equiry-restoring alternative to be, the less likely
that alternative will be chosen (1, pp. 118, 124). These propositions formed the basis
for two predictions regarding bystanders' responses to a staged shoplifting crime.
A field experiment was designed to test the effects of rwo offender's characteristics
on bystanders' report of a crime. Two confederates, one 5 ft., 6 in. tall and 140 Ib.,
the other 6 ft. tall and 255 Ib., took turns "stealing" a bottle of wine from a convenience
store. Each trial was enacted in full view of a nearby customer. The confederates also
alternated through well-dressed (shirt and tie) and poorly dressed (pullover shirt and
jeans) condicions, producing a 2 (physical size) X 2 (dress) design. The theft was
performed 100 times, 25 per condition. On the basis of equity theory propositions, we
predicted ( a ) the well-dressed "thief" would be reported more often than the poorly
dressed thief and ( b ) the large, very physically imposing man would be reported less
frequently than his counterpart.
The data supported both hypotheses. The well-dressed condition yielded twice as
many reported crimes ( 2 2 ) as the poorly dressed condition (11; XI' = 5.41, p < .02).
Comments obtained from witnesses in open-ended interviews supported an equity theory
explanation. Several witnesses suggested the thief should not be shoplifting when he
obviously had the means to purchase the wine. As one woman stated angrily, "Anyone
who dresses that nice shouldn't be stealing. Besides, if he can afford a suit like that,
he doesn't need to steal." Similarly, the smaller shoplifter was reported twice as
frequently ( 2 2 ) as the large man (11; p < .02). The fact that 30 of the 33 witnesses
who reported the crime waited until the shoplifter had left the store to do so suggests
that fear of retaliation was perceived as a potential cost by witnesses. Our interview
data support this interpretation as well as the theory-based assumption that perceptions
of cost (retaliation) were greater in the "large thief" than "small thief" conditions.
Our findings suggest that the two variables contributed additively to outcomes.
The large, poorly dressed man was reported only twice, while the small, well-dressed
man was reported 1 3 times (x13 = 11.52, P < .001). Frequenq of reporting was also
lower in the large/poor condition than in the two remaining conditions (large/well and
small/poor, nine reports each, XI' = 5.71, p < .02 for both comparisons).
Of the 33 people who reported the crime, 21 were more than 60 yr. old. While
expected propositions of magnitude of inequity and potential retaliation (cost) appear
to have mediated bystanders' behavior, the most prevalent reason cited for not reporring
the crime was a desire to avoid concomitant hassles. As one man said, "I just don't want
the headache. You know, the reports, the police, the court." This, too, is consistent
with the equity theory "cost" proposition.
REFERENCES
1. HATFIELD. E., WALSTER, G. W., & PILIAVIN, J. A. Equity theoq and helping rela-
tionships. In L. Wispe (Ed.), Altruism, sympathy, and belping. New York:
Academic Press, 1978. Pp. 115-139.
2. SAVITSKY, J. C., & S m , M. E Trading emotions: equity theory of reward and punish-
ment. Journal o f Communicatwn, 1974, 24, 140-146.
Accepted April 1, 1984.