Content Analysis in journalism extracts larger meanings reflected by the

coverage of issues and events, policies and programs. Even at the level
of just quantitative terms, the number or placement of the stories of a
given subject, one can conclude not only the inherent significance of the
subject (people should be interested in this); but its importance in
journalistic terms (are people interested in this?), or the significance of
the subject to the source or the persons involved in the news,
We do not have that problem given our subject today. Clearly, the
interest in the “war on drugs” is widespread; journalists have devoted
time and space to the subject; and the inherent significance to the state of
the nation or to public interest needs little argument.

1
With such a convergence, content analysis operates on another level:
What in the way this was covered could be done better, so that the policy
itself is scrutinized more closely, engendering discussion that may lead
to solutions.
CMFR findings confirm the following:
1) The coverage was dominated by President Rodrigo Duterte and
his officials, mostly the police and others in the office of the
president.
2) It established a narrative to rationalize the drug war, that the drug
situation was so dire and that this was the root of much of the
crime and violence in the country. International studies disputed
this narrative showing that the drug situation in the Philippines was
not as bad as in other countries. Public opinion polls in the country
also showed that crime was not a priority concern, ranking only as
seventh in one of reports in mid-2016. But local media reports did
not report on this in a manner that would have raised more
questions about the policy of war on drugs and its implementation.
3) Government sources dominated the reports with the top ten sources
noted as coming from government, and four of whom were from
the PNP.
4) While political critics, including church, CSOs and human rights
advocates were cited/quoted in stories, these were far lower in
numbers and were not enough to challenge the news narrative set
by the government.
Thus for the first six months, President Duterte set the agenda, without
any effective challenge, except for controversies that broke out of the
mishandling of different cases, the killing of Mayor Rolando Espinosa in
Albuera, Leyte; and the hearings over the Davao Death Squads (DDS) in
the Senate.

2
Terms and Categories
CMFR’s review examined PNP social cards, to clarify the use of terms
as applied to cases of police operations and other killings, which the
media reports first called “vigilante” killings, also citing the PNP. This
suggested that drug factions were purging their ranks. PNP classified
these as “deaths under investigation” or DUIs, then later as “homicide”
and then later as “homicide cases under investigation” or HCUI.”
Unfortunately, media reports did not carry the nuances of these changes,
nor did they question them. Because the media were being blamed by
the president and the police for hype-ing the number of victims, the
groups that kept track of the cases did not continue these counts. Only
ABS-CBN has kept its count updated, but has chosen not to publicize
this.
CMFR found that media counts which were based on police reports were
less than the PNP cases, belying the claim that media was exaggerating
the numbers of those killed.
To keep tab of the counts, media reports would cite other sources as
well, human rights groups, advocates and other political critics. The
count was 20,000++ in October 2017. In June, these reports gave a total
of 23,000.
Adding up the deaths under the PNP’s different classifications, CMFR
calculates the same total.
Conclusion
The community remains deeply divided along political lines. There is no
consensus on how to evaluate Duterte’s “war on drugs.” But this reflects
an ambivalence in terms of core values, how Filipinos regard human life
and the dignity of all humanity, including drug addicts and criminals;

3
how Filipinos value human rights and need for due process in the
treatment of suspects or those accused of crime.
Moving forward, it is not too late to update coverage of the continuing
war on drugs and to raise questions about what it has gained and what
has been lost.
Journalists should review and evaluate the PNP’s classifications, the
detention of Senator Leila de Lima, the role of the PDEA and the
orientation of the PNP under its new leadership.

An Introduction: Content Analysis

Content analysis in journalism is a research method that involves purposive
sampling, measuring and analysis of text.
CMFR has used content analysis of media reports to examine what the
public draws from the news, what people may be thinking about an event,

4
development or an issue – drawing out from the news the narratives, ideas,
images, impressions that feed the public mind, sometimes unconsciously.
The knowledge of media content for specific time periods can help political
actors engage more strategically to promote their ideas and narratives,
influence the public and hopefully improve and revise policy. It can also
help journalists and editors to appreciate the impact or effect of the
coverage on public affairs.
Counting space, time and stories
Quantitative analysis involves measuring space and time given to a story
during a specific time period, sometimes counting column inches or
minutes and seconds of news segments.
More simply, this is done by just counting the number of stories in print or
broadcast programs given to a subject -- as CMFR has done in this study.
The placement of the story in either print or broadcast indicates the
significance or importance of the subject.
If a story is presented in the front page and then later corrected or revised
or contextualized in an inside page, the front page story is concluded to be
the one that holds in the reader’s mind. Whether the headline is accurate
or misleads, or carries a different message from the content of the story. it
is the headline that is imprinted in the reader’s mind. Photographs or
visuals can tell a different story from what the text or scripted annotation is
saying. Such content elements have strong impact and often, greater force
of recall or memorability.
This study however does not discuss the use of photographs and visuals in
the coverage.
The method can also help to determine or figure out more qualitative
aspects; the choice of sources, the dominant or most frequently sought-out
sources, slant, angle or framing of the story, which reflect influences that
shape the narrative.

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The sum effect is a fusion of images and impressions, even ideas that take
hold of public mind. It can assist in the discovery of the effect or lack of
effect of the media on the way people are thinking at any given time.
In the end, the desired multiplicity of media can reflect as well deep
divisions in society. If the different media organizations present a coherent
narrative, with news treatment consistent across media channels and
platforms, the news will definitely shape public perception. Where you have
a plurality of views or even opposing views, the public will tend to hold to a
diverse, and perhaps, a divided perspective.
Diversity and plurality are promoted for a stronger democracy. But division
can be problematic for a democratic society when the lines reflect the lack
of solidarity based on core values, such as the freedom, truth, equality, the
inherent value of human life and human rights.
Validation by external readers
These findings can be validated by sharing the findings with a larger group
not involved with the study. This public forum and discussion serve the
process of confirming the findings of CMFR analysis.
Methodology
1) Scope
Our premise remains: Daily broadsheets still set the news agenda and
establish a framework for news treatment; and that television retains
the greatest impact where most Filipinos go to for their news.
Mainstream media on whatever platform remains the stronghold of
journalistic reporting – which rely on an editorial process, the
essence of which, according to Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel, is
“verification, verification, verification.”

The study examined coverage of the most widely circulated Philippine

newspapers in the country and the leading primetime news programs
on free TV. Based in Metro Manila, these news providers can initiate

6
policy discussions and serve widely as a reference for the policy
making sector in both government and private sector.
Print
 Philippine Daily Inquirer
 The Philippine Star
 Manila Bulletin
Free TV
 GMA 7’s 24 Oras
 TV5’s Aksyon
 CNN Philippines’ Network News
 ABS-CBN 2’s TV Patrol
Online
CMFR also monitored the online news of the three print organizations.
(56 of the 684 newscasts were not reviewed due to errors in recording. The
same files were also not available online.)
Time Frame: Period of Coverage
July 1 until December 31, 2016
The quantitative content analysis reviewed news coverage during the first
six months of the Duterte administration. The first six months are usually
observed as a “honeymoon” period when the press traditionally restrains its
critical impulse and modifies its adversarial reporting. But given certain
dramatic developments, the six months is a sufficient period for the news to
fix some ideas for those reading/listening to the news.
The study will identify patterns, establishing dominant sources, bias, and
most covered themes or subjects during this time period.
2) Number and Prominence of Stories
The three newspapers published a total of 3,282 reports, which is 13
percent of the average news hole of the three newspapers.

7
 Distribution of Reports
Print, Number of Reports
STAR published the most number of reports at 1,328.
379 were on the front page.
71 of the front page reports were banner stories.

Bulletin published 1,013 reports.

196 were on the front page.
35 of these front page reports were banner stories.

Inquirer published 941 reports.

175 were on the front page.
73 of those on the front page were banner stories.

NOTE: These numbers are noted without any kind of evaluation, and
should be understood only as indicating the high coverage that the drug
campaign received during six months. There are few developments or
issues that hold this kind of sustained media attention.

8
Broadcast Coverage
Number of TV Reports
All three news programs, like print, covered the administration’s campaign
against drugs extensively.
CMFR counted a total of 2,127 reports aired in the four primetime news
programs; or 17 percent of the average news hole of the four primetime
news combined.
(CMFR notes the 56 newscasts with no recording and are not available
online. Most of them are from Network News.)
Distribution of stories
TV Patrol had the most number of reports with 814.
24 Oras had 508;
Network News with 506.
Aksyon with no primetime newscast during weekends, 299.

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QUALITATIVE DISCOURSE
Content analysis examines the quality of discourse, not necessarily how
good the ideas were, but simply, what ideas were reflected in the coverage.
The analysis of discourse identifies the most frequently touched on
themes/subjects/issues; sources, and bias/or slant, positive and negative
treatment in the news.
The study provides a bias reading only on two themes: the war on drugs as
a policy and human rights.
Themes
Three themes dominated pages and airtime:
1) Number of deaths and count of police operations
During the period, media consistently reported police operations to
implement the campaign against drugs, including updates on the
number of police operations conducted, of drug suspects killed, of
“surrenderees” -- drug users/dealers described in accounts as “drug

10
 personalities,” of drug seizures. Reports also recorded value of drugs
and other drug paraphernalia seized.

Primetime news programs had 974 reports,

Print had 1,032 reports.

2) Political issues/ Controversies

This category ranks second during the monitored period. Primetime news
programs had 455 reports, print had 350 reports.
The war on drugs was not free of politics and of controversies. CMFR
combined the two themes to avoid double counts, including in this count
controversies in the news involving politicians,national or local; conflicts
among government officials, police and politicians.
These included accounts dealing with the allegations on de Lima’s
involvement in the drug trade in Bilibid, the kidnap-killing of Korean
businessman Jee Ick-Joo including killing Albuera Mayor Rolando
Espinosa in November 2016.
3) “Narcopolitics” and Duterte’s “Narco-list”
During the earlier part of the war on drugs Duterte and the PNP had
revealed a list of prominent personalities involved in the drug trade. Called
the narco-list, it named local government officials, local prosecutors and
judges and some celebrities. Reports about it also placed high in coverage
during the first six months. (TV, 342 reports; print, 303 reports)

4) Critical Opinion and Protest

Protest against the killings ranked the fourth highest theme in television
with 178 reports but only the eighth in print with 200 reports. These
included critical voices against the drug war: human rights questions and
protest of the Church.

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Note: CMFR counted Human rights a separate category from expressions
of criticism of and protest against the killings. This category sets apart the
stories which referred to human rights and due process or the lack thereof.
While hearings and police investigations were reported, hearings in either
the Senate and House were also aired live.

Among the themes drawn from speeches of President Duterte, PNP Chief
dela Rosa referring to the reasons for the “war on drugs,” its
implementation and progress; and justification for the policy.

 Themes in Print

12
Themes in Television

13
Sources in Print and Broadcast
Most of the drug war reports were highly dependent on police sources.
CMFR’s review of the coverage found that most of the sources quoted in
reports in both print and TV were from the government.
The top 10 sources from television include: four from the PNP; three from
the Palace; two from the Senate and one from PDEA.

In Print, the top 10 sources include: four from the PNP; four from the
Palace; two from the Senate. While Dela Rosa was the most used source
in TV, he was only third in print, next to President Duterte and Senator de
Lima respectively.

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ANALYTICAL NOTES:
Post-election coverage
Reports of drug-related killings appeared with some frequency even before
the official inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte (May 9), noted as
early as mid-May, immediately after his election. CMFR did not include this
period in the study. These reported cases of persons killed, identified as
involved in drugs. But there is no mention of these happening as part of
police operations against drugs and drug-related crimes.
OPLAN Double Barrel,
Only after July 1 when the Philippine National Police (PNP) announced
OPLAN Double Barrel: (OPLAN High Value Targets (HVT) and OPLAN
Tokhang, were such cases reported as part of the official campaign,
involving police and the conduct of operations as part of the OPLAN.
Media reported the guidelines for the conduct of the government campaign
against illegal drugs.
Unfortunately, the use of Tokhang was used for both OPLANs. Tokhang,
short for Tok-tok, Hangyo, which in Visayan means Knock knock and
persuade/plead, served as a shortcut label for both OPLANs. This was
done by both police sources and the media, which did not note the critical
difference in the two operational plans.
The Oplan was clear: it should have been only in the conduct of OPLAN
HVT which should have been involved in raids and drug-busts. In the end,
there were more dead from the low value targets of Tokhang.

Senator Leila de Lima

News covered Senator Leila de Lima when she singularly raised the issue
of extra-judicial killings (EJKs), not only in the administration’s national
campaign; but also during the term of then Mayor Duterte in Davao City.
This is limited to a very brief period. She is among the top five sources in
the first six months of coverage.

15
When she was subjected to the hearings to investigate allegations about
her being involved in the drug trade in the Old Bilibid prison sometime in
August; she becomes the subject of the story, as well as a source in some;
as she is quoted defending herself against the allegations.
Highly ranked as both subject and source, the media coverage is however
more negative than positive in the slant or bias of the stories. (See graph.)

Human rights reference

Human rights advocates are included among the sources as early as 2016.
But the number of advocates, analysts, academics and other experts were
far below the number of police sources used in the reports.

16
Bias

Study drew out bias only for two themes:

Drug war campaign

Since the police was the primary source of information, most of the reports
were positive for the drug campaign (379 positive, 154 negative in TV;
113 positive, 81 negative in print). The positive reports cited cases of
operations, raids etc. showed that the campaign was succeeding. Most of
the negative reports were stories carrying critical opinions of different CSOs
and religious bodies (their representatives) about the campaign.

Human Rights

The media had less stories with human rights angle but most of them are
positive (72 positive, 52 negative in TV; 51 positive, 20 negative in
print) Note however that the number of HR stories are far lower in number
than those on the drug campaign.

Bias in TV

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Bias in Print

QUALITATIVE DISCOURSE
(July 1, 2016 to June 30, 2018)
The study did qualitative analysis of media discourse only on the
issue of death counts and this extends beyond the six months to
include the two years of the campaign. With government criticizing
media for hyping the number and increasing count of killings
involving the police, this analysis attempts to explain the different
counts.
CMFR findings unravel the strings of death counts that caused government
to claim that media had mis-represented the actual numbers of those killed,
inflating these as then PNP Chief Ronald dela Rosa claimed when said in
March 2017: “...gustong palabasin – hindi kayong lahat ha, ng ibang sector
ng media – na state-sponsored ang killing na iyan, when in fact, we deny to
the highest possible term iyong mga sinasabing sponsored.” This point
was made more than just this instance by other officials and was carried by
government supporters on social media.
Drug War Numbers

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As cases of drug-related killings were reported, some media teams started
independent tracking of drug war casualties. Some television reports and
print articles reported independent counts being made by different groups,
or by the police. But after media is accused of exaggerating the numbers,
most news organizations stopped referring to the death count.
Only three media organizations tracked the number of deaths in a
systematic and consistent manner. As early as July 2016, Rappler, Inquirer
and ABS-CBN News Online, had special pages to update the number of
victims in the course and outside of police operations.
The Inquirer stopped updating its page on February 14, 2017, CMFR found
that its Night Crawler team no longer reported on drug-related police
operations.
Rappler stopped its count in March 2017.
Both Inquirer and Rappler were targeted and threatened by President
Duterte; the former with having enjoyed illegal tax privileges on its real
estate business, and the latter for having foreign owners.
The president publicly criticized ABS-CBN for the failure to air all of the
contracted and paid for political advertisements during the campaign,
threatening the organization with the cancellation of their franchise.
But ABS-CBN News Online has sustained its count up to the present, but
does not publicize the count which is lower than the PNP count. Their total
is based on media reports and collected police blotter reports. But these
also show some cases that only they have.
As of June 30, 2018, the different figures are as follows:
Government/PNP;
PNP/PDEA Real Numbers. Killed During Drug Operations (4,354 as
of June 30, 2018). These numbers are based on the PNP/PDEA
Real Numbers Social Cards released every month. The gap in the
graph reflects the absence of social cards in January 2018. Social
cards are released at any day within a month (sometimes twice a

19
month). It does not follow a specific method; and it is difficult to track
monthly casualties using only the data provided in the social cards.

Based on the data in the social cards, the bloodiest 30-days

happened between July and August 2017. The PNP in January 2018
said that the new Double Barrel Operations would be bloodless.
Later that month, PNP Chief Bato dela Rosa recanted his “bloodless”
claim changing the term to “less bloody.” In the less bloody period,
between January 1 to June 30, 2018, 333 deaths were recorded.

20
PNP Real Numbers. All Drug-related Killings (6,821 as of June 30, 2018)

1) PNP broke down the numbers into two categories: killings that
happened during police operations and those outside PNP
operations.

The number of those killed during police operations is 4,354 as of

June 30, 2018, and the number of those killed outside police
operations proven drug-related is 2,467 as of March 2018. These
numbers are based on the Real Numbers Social Cards. Also note
that social cards do not use the category “drug-related killings
outside police operations” consistently.

21
2) ABS-CBN News Online count (orange track). ABS-CBN count
includes all killings of drug suspects whether these occurred in
the course of a police operation or outside of it. The count has
reached 4,627 casualties as of June 30, 2018. The number is
lower than the number of drug-related killings by the
police/PDEA officers.

22
 3) Media reports in 2018 cited 23,000 (as of June 30, 2018) given
by groups usually described using the generic term human
rights organizations, without naming any specific group.
Reports have also cited the same number given by Senator Antonio
Trillanes and Congressman Gary Alejano (Party List Magdalo).

Where do these different numbers come from?

PNP
PNP data posted in real cards classify the counted cases according
categories. PNP cites this number when asked how many have been killed
in the implementation of the anti-drug campaign. This number is based on
its police blotter reports of incidents, and this number is limited only to
cases of deaths during police operations. The PNP maintains that these
victims were killed because they fought back, using the term “nanlaban”
meaning, fought back to describe resistance on the part of the victim. In
such cases, the killed suspects would have had a weapon and at the time
of his death, was attempting to use the weapon against police officers.
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IN March 2017 PNP created #RealNumbers, a series of social cards to
show the “real” drug war statistics, updating these regularly. The social
cards are shared across government social media platforms and are
published in the websites of the PNP, the Philippine Drug Enforcement
Agency (PDEA) and the Philippine Information Agency (PIA).
Before the social cards, the PNP provided the numbers through press
releases during press briefings.
Though published regularly, some of the social cards lack data for certain
categories (deaths under investigation, homicide under investigation).
NOTE: Change of PNP Terms: EJK, DUI, HCUI
The use of the term “extrajudicial killings” (EJK) has been problematic.
Sources can use the term without clarifying the meaning. It has been used
by media as well as by the PNP to describe killings perpetrated by
“vigilantes” understood to be non-state agents and acting on their own.
Senator de Lima used the term in July 2016 when she encouraged the
Senate to investigate the killings of drug suspects outside police operations
as some may have been perpetrated still by state agents perpetrated, but
outside of the authority of the courts or a judicial process. The use of it
applies to killings done by either state agents or directed by state agencies.
Technically, because of there is no longer a death penalty in the country, all
such killings can be described as extra-judicial, unless, it can be proven
that these were indeed committed by state agents in self-defense.
But in the coverage of the drug war, media reports did not always clarify the
use of the term and used it freely to refer to all kinds of killings. The same
can be said as well of many sources in their use of the term.
In July 2016, the police referred to cases which they described as “death
under investigation” (DUI), meaning, these deaths were reported as
involving drug personalities but were not categorically in the course of an
operation. Thus, the investigation to determine the category. This included
what was then reported in the media as vigilante killings, those involved in
the drug trade or hired by drug lords in the attacks.

24
PNP also used the terms loosely; sometimes saying DUI in their releases
and vigilante-style killings in interviews.
The police term used DUI in March 2017onwards, but qualified its meaning.
Rappler noted the changes in the use of the terms, indicating when these
changes were made. (https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/165534-
timeline-philippines-pnp-deaths-under-investigation)
In March 2017, PNP Chief Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa in a press conference
said that there were no EJKs, only homicide cases and blamed the media
reports for the confusion. Also in March, PNP started using the term
homicide cases under investigation (HCUI) instead of DUI in their press
releases.
Numbers of HR groups
A source from this community said that this number (23,000++) is a total
count based on police reports.
Checking the different categories used in the PNP’s statements and real
cards, cases include police operations, outside police operations
(previously referred to as “vigilante” later bonete killings) were lumped
together into “deaths under investigation” or DUIs, a term dropped and
replaced by a new category as “homicide;” which was later replaced by
“homicide under investigation” cases or (HUIC).
CMFR added the PNP counts according to these categories and found the
total to come to around 20,000++as of October 2017.
The PNP has to scrape out the cases of just plain homicide, murders with
no drug factors for us to get to a lower number of drug related cases.
But even at the lower count of drug cases involving or implicating police,
the number is a terrifying testament to a campaign that has targeted the
people rather than the elimination of the drug itself.
PNP to PDEA to PNP
President Duterte designated the PNP to head Oplan Double Barrel in his
war on drugs. While the PNP implemented anti-drug operations, the

25
Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) was the highest policy level
agency charged with the responsibility to fight drugs.
From July 2016 to 2018, media reported the transfer of power from PNP to
PDEA and then back to PNP -- which was done twice. The first transfer to
PDEA was on January 31 after the police under the now defunct Anti-Illegal
Drugs Group (AIDG) were implicated in the kidnap and killing of Korean
businessman, Jee Ick-Joo. The PNP took over launching Oplan Double
Barrel Reloaded in March 2017. PDEA took over the drug operations once
more on October 2017 due to protests against the high spate of killings and
by the cold-blooded murder of 17-year-old boy Kian delos Santos. After two
months in December 2017, President Duterte ordered PNP, again, to assist
PDEA and undertake operations. With PDEA’s lead, the PNP started
helping in the drug war in December 2017.
It is notable that the number of those killed during operations declined in
the periods when PDEA was involved. These lower numbers were
maintained in the latter period from December 2017 through June 2018,
when the PDEA worked in coordination with PNP.

26
Human Rights
 Human rights angle came up in all news organization as early as July
2016. Discussions include the rights of suspects during arrests,
oppositions on the vigilante killings, trial by publicity of those included
in Duterte’s narco-list. (81 reports in Print; 65 reports in TV )But in
reporting drug operations for example, few reports pointed out the
absence of search warrants or arrest warrants.
 Reports also questioned the police “nanlaban” narrative using
witnesses as sources. Mostly these were family members of the
victim, protesting the police killing of a family member or the forceful
entry of a police team into their homes.
But in the case of the killing of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos in
August 2017, the media found a CCTV camera footage that showed
the boy being dragged by non-uniformed men later identified as
police before he was killed. This was aired on TV and reported in
print accounts.
 Media discussed the inclusion of children and minors among the
casualties (not drug suspects) described in some accounts by police
as collateral damage. Among the first to be reported was the killing of
five-year-old Danika Mae Garcia in August2016.

Victims as human beings

 The media did well to follow up on the human interest, the lives of the
families of victims. Stories humanized the victims. There were
different feature stories especially in television and online presenting
the lives of those who fell under the government’s war on drugs –
these include families of drug suspects and survivors of drug
operations.
Health and rehabilitation
 Local police raised the problem of rehabilitation with the growing
number of drug surrenderees as early as July 2016.

27
  Reports on rehabilitation question the government’s capacity to
accommodate the number of drug users seeking for rehab.
 Media also published feature stories on drug addiction as a health
problem.
 There has been little follow up on the use of government rehab
centers which the president and officials publicized in the beginning
of the campaign.
CONCLUSION
Continuing story in the news
News accounts of police operations and killings continue, but the number of
stories have dropped dramatically compared to 2016 and 2017.
CMFR scanners noted the drop after November 2017. Based on police
blotters, most stories in print media appeared in the inside sections under
the Metro or Regions, reflecting the treatment of these killings simply as
crime stories. Relegating the government policy on drugs to drug as crime
stories reflects a serious failing on the part of the media.
There are many aspects of the drug problem and issues linked to the
campaign that now deserves media focus.
The media needs to report on the policy which we have come to call “the
war on drugs.”
 Media reports on the detained Senator De Lima as she has not
ceased to provide statements on issues reflecting her views as a
lawyer, senator and former Justice Secretary. But the legal bases of
the charges made against her and of her continued detention has not
been the subject of journalistic analysis.
 Similarly the investigation of drugs passing through the Bureau of
Customs (BOC) may receive updates. But with many hot-button
issues on the rise, the public will not focus on this without media
undertaking an in-depth investigation.
 With few exceptions, reports have not questioned nor attempted to
explain the drop in numbers, especially the cases of death under

28
 investigation (DUIs). DUI cases deserve summary or review
reporting.
 Media needs to track the victims list among local government officials
named and killed.
 Media needs to update situation of those who surrendered
 and programs of rehabilitation conducted by either government or
private groups to check out the success of any of these programs.
Status of police investigations
CMFR senses a consensus among its sources in the media who believe
that the change of terms (particularly from the DUI to Homicide and then
Homicide under Investigation) is a strategy to confuse and to draw attention
from the reality of the numbers that could be linked to police or some cohort
groups involved in drugs.
If “vigilantes” or bonetes were acting on their own, then the PNP should
have displayed a more pro-active action to stop these activities. The failure
to restrain these groups showed a negative weakness in the rationalization
of the war on drugs.
These cases then and the number of victims should be subject of intensive
investigation, if not by police, then by other groups or agencies.
The re-classification after all, while left unquestioned by most media, fails to
change the total of those who died in this season of killing, within the time
frame that government set for itself, and which as the president has said,
will continue as chilling and as relentless as it began.

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