Why we need our own

Macron
By: Richard Heydarian - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:07 AM October 23, 2018

The divisions and fractures that run through our society must be overcome, whether
they be economic, social, political or moral,” Emmanuel Macron declared during his
formal inauguration ceremony at the Élysée Palace last year.

His tone was somber, devoid of misplaced bombast, unjustified flair and the usual
clichés. Young, charismatic and ambitious, he, nevertheless, decided to strike a realistic
note, reminding the French citizenry that he “didn’t think for a single second that (the
confidence in the nation) was restored as if by magic” on the eve of his election victory.
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He promised success only through the “slow, demanding but essential work” of a
committed government. It goes without saying that Macron is far from perfect. He has
been accused of authoritarian rule and hubris. His approval ratings are falling (only 29
percent in the latest surveys). And he has suffered high-profile resignations in his young
presidency, including those of the chief of the armed forces, Pierre de Villiers, after
disagreements over the defense budget; Interior Minister Gérard Collomb, who chose to
run for local politics; and the environment minister, Nicolas Hulot, who accused
Macron of not putting substance to his rhetoric.

One of his bodyguards, Alexandre Benalla, was even accused of punching a protester,
while his former culture minister Françoise Nyssen had to resign amid accusations of
exorbitant renovations on a cultural site. Just over a year in, Macron has had to
reshuffle his Cabinet to stave off declining confidence in his government.

Notwithstanding the troubles and travails of the actual Macron presidency, one can’t
still deny the awe-inspiring nature of his rise to power — and its broader structural
implications for 21st-century politics.
For starters, Macron’s political ascent represented a major break from the rise of right-
wing populism in the West in recent years. In many ways, he is the ultimate “anti-
Trump,” a sleek and polished maverick who skillfully managed to repackage moderate
and reformist politics as an
attractive option for the future.

To use G.W.F. Hegel’s argument, Macron’s campaign went from a “particular” (a

peripheral phenomenon in a specific context) to a “universal” (an event with universal
relevance).

Crucially, he seized control of the state apparatus not as a right-wing populist who
opportunistically taps into the darkest instincts of the citizenry, but as a centrist who
appeals to reason and the best hopes of the public. If Donald Trump stood for the
exclusionary and combative narrative of “Make America Great Again,” Macron stood
for a more inclusive and sober-minded slogan: “Make Centrism Sexy Again.”

In this sense, Macron is one of the most radical figures of our times, precisely because
he won power in a deeply dissatisfied society by, paradoxically, promising change
through continuity.

Thus, Macron’s campaign strategy provides an interesting blueprint for making sure
that we don’t throw out the baby (of democratic politics) with the bathwater (of
corruption and the inefficacy of the feckless ruling elite).

What Macron did in his elections was to show that standing for the best values of the
status quo — pluralism, constitutional republicanism, tolerance, inclusiveness and
economic dynamism — is in itself a revolutionary act.
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Nations fail not because of democratic politics, but because those in power fail or refuse
to stand for principles of democracy.

In fact, Macron launched his campaign for the presidency by promising a “democratic
revolution” that would “unblock France” and unleash its best potentials, by
operationalizing the true essence of French republicanism. To support his campaign, he
authored a book, titled “Révolution,” which essentially argued that the status quo is
broken, not because of democratic politics per se, but because of the decay in the ruling
political establishment.

In short, don’t change the system per se, but those who run it. Instead of reinventing the
wheel, or embracing change—any change—for the sake of it, ensure that the best
principles of a democratic status quo are actually embodied in everyday politics.

Similar to France, the Philippines is a deeply polarized society, torn between the
extremes of right-wing populism, on one hand, and an enervated liberalism, on the
other. What the country needs is a new kind of politics, one that combines the best
elements of both extremes: a decisive and charismatic leadership that not only protects
human rights and pluralism, but also ensures rule of law and effective governance.

rheydarian@inquirer.com.ph

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