102083 Diversity, Social Justice and Learning

Assignment 1

Jacinta McDowall
19025777

Impact of Difference and Intercultural Understanding on Teaching and Learning

(1)“Critically analyse how intersections of race, ethnicity and class might

impact upon a students’ educational aspirations and life chances. Reflect on
how your own intercultural understandings might influence your teaching
practice.”

Australia is a diverse nation, with widespread social, cultural and economical

stratifications which is echoed in the education system. In this essay I will
argue that a students habitus greatly influences their educational aspirations
and over all life chances. I will focus on the sociological theories of Bourdieu’s
social, economic and culture capitals that are evident in Australian secondary
schools and the damaging effects that these can have on marginalised
students. I will explore both national and international case studies that
demonstrate the social inequities that form due to the intersection of race,
ethnicity and class and how a students family background can effect their over
all educational success. Finally I will discuss the importance of government
policies and teacher disposition to combat the dominant discourses present
within the educational system, and to welcome diversity and promote inclusion
for all students.

The commitment of “Equity and Excellence” (Australian Curriculum and

Assessment Authority [ACARA], 2017) in education, is altered accordingly by
student habitus (Bourdieu, 1986). All students should be entitled to high
expectations and “rigorous, relevant and engaging learning programs drawn
from a challenging curriculum that addresses their individual learning needs”
(ACARA, 2017). However, due to social biases and economical factors,
expectations are lowered for certain peer groups due to their family
backgrounds by their teachers and the wider community, thus reinforcing the
dominant discourse and creating a prison of low expectations.

This is evident in a case study of 6 students considered to be at risk of

dropping out of a South London secondary school. Ferfolja, Jones Diaz and
Ullman (2015), explore the dominant discourse that was apparent,
marginalising the black and low Socio Economic Status (SES) students of the
British school, which is paralleled with experiences of students from racialised
and low SES backgrounds in Australia. The students in this study were
considered to be disaffected by schooling, which was described as being
disengaged, unmotivated and achieving low academic scores (Ferfolja et al.
2015). To identify why these students had become disaffected the teacher and
learning mentor report on numerous “stereotypical generalisations about
negative influences that black young men were exposed to” (Ferfolja, Jones
Diaz & Ullman, 2015, pg. 145), for example, rap music. This attitude was
echoed by the media and politicians, including the British Prime Minister
reporting at the time that “distinctive black culture” (Ferfolja, Jones Diaz &
Ullman, as cited in Wintour & Vikram, 2007, para. 1 ) was to blame for an array
of criminal incidences occurring in London. These attitudes painted black
people as morally underclass and corruptive, creating a racialisation and
stereotypical deficit that was prominent not only in the classroom, but
throughout the wider community.

The teacher also noted that within the school white parents were more likely
than black parents to “play the system” (Ferfolja, Jones Diaz & Ullman, 2015,
pg. 145). They argued that white or high SES students could become
disaffected just as easily, however family support such as parent involvement
in parent teacher interviews, family assistance with homework and most
importantly the families overall attitudes towards education, was a major factor
in preventing students from dropping out early. Thus presenting the theory that
habitus can greatly effect student success.

Pierre Bourdieu (1986) inspired the sociological theory that our habitus
ultimately effects our skills and dispositions. In this case, we see that the
students habitus can affectively make the difference in a student being
disaffected with education to actually leaving school permanently. The habitus
of the student is the embodiment of culture capital which Bourdieu (1986)
presents in three forms: embodied, objectified and institutionalised, which
Social Theory Re-Wired (2016) connect similarities to the theories of marxism,
stating that the more capital one has, the more powerful their position in social
life. This is evident in Australian schools where it has been reported by the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ([OECD], 2016) that
(just like in the case study mentioned) marginalised students do not have the
family support that their peers receive hence putting them at a disadvantage
and possibly attributing to disaffection with schooling. OECD (2016), claim
Indigenous students have a school completion rate of only 20% and an over all
lower school performance. The Australian Bureau of Statistics ([ABS], 2016)
note that minority groups with english as a second language experience
educational disadvantage due to lack of family support.

Bourdieu’s (1986) theories of social and economic capital are also prevalent,
similarly with culture capital, the students habitus includes their SES and social
connections, thus contributing to a students educational aspirations and
attainment of higher education. This is reflected in a study from the
Longitudinal Survey of Australian Youth (LSAY) which provides information on
the educational aspirations and attainment of Australian students from
different SES and ethnic backgrounds. The study took place across 301
Australian schools with 6811 students in year 9, who were contacted each year
between 1995 - 2000. Majoribanks (2005), discusses the results of this study,
raising the concern that a students aspirations combine with family
background, to form a large association with a students overall educational
attainment. In particular he argues that family SES and ethnicity can effect
student success, suggesting educational aspirations can differ vastly from
educational attainment depending on student habitus. The study reports,
students from high SES family backgrounds showed minimal differences
between attainment at high aspirational levels. In contrast, students from low
SES backgrounds showed differences in attainment at both high and low
aspirational levels (Majoribanks, 2005). These findings suggest students from
high SES family backgrounds are more capable of achieving high attainment
levels they set out for themselves. However, those from low SES family
backgrounds may or may not have high aspirations, and even if they do, are
quite often incapable at attaining them, demonstrating a clear distinction
between the achievements of different class systems.

The financial habitus of the student has affected their overall aspiration and
attainment, putting students from a low SES group at a disadvantage. The
social aspect of these results could have been contributed by family
connections, e.g. the ‘who you know’ attitude, which is more advantages to
those with parents in high economic professions. Numerous objectified and
institutionalised factors could have attributed to these results, including the
availability of material goods e.g. computers, text books; involvement in extra
curricular activities including tutors, music lessons; the segregation of students
into schools based on their SES (ABS, 2017); as well as what Bourdieu (1986)
refers to as the doxa state, where students will aspire to the pre-notion of what
they believe will be achievable by them according to their habitus.

Economic capital undermine equity in the education system and has a clear
impact on student achievement, to the extent that “Socioeconomic
disadvantage puts students three years behind” (Karp, 2017), their higher SES
counterparts. ABS (2016) note that students from a low socio-economic
background are more likely to leave school early, become long term
unemployed, and likely to be in lower paid occupations causing them to
continue in a cycle of disadvantage for themselves and children.

The Capitals are formed by the intersection of ethnicity, race and class to
create varying opportunity structures for students. When ethnicity was
examined by LSAY it presented the results that aspirations of Anglo Australians
changed dramatically according to their SES family backgrounds, as did their
attainment levels. However, students from a Middle Eastern decent tended to
remain quite consistent in their aspiration and attainment levels, although
varied depending on their SES groups. Students from an Asian background
showed high aspiration and attainment levels, being less effected by their SES
background than the other ethnicities (Majoribanks, 2005). This demonstrates
the complexity of student habitus and why equity is a challenging concept to
maintain for such a diverse nation.

People with multiple subordinate-group identities may be considered more

disadvantaged than those from a singular subordinate group. The term double
or multiple jeopardy (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008) was derived to identify
persons with two (double) or more (multiple) devalued identities for example
an Indigenous student from a low SES family background would receive double
the amount of disadvantage and discrimination. Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach
(2008), argue that those with double or multiple jeopardy in fact fall through
the cracks of discrimination due to intersection invisibility, in which they
become less discriminated against than those from a singular minority group,
who bare the full force of discrimination. These concepts show the complex
field of oppression and disadvantage that people with intersectional identities
are situated, and once more present how habitus can effect a persons life
chances.

Students from marginalised groups are also greatly affected by policies in

secondary schools, which reinforce the dominant discourse and generate
ethnocentrism and privilege power imbalances. The Gonski Review (2017),
declared that there was ‘an unacceptable link between low levels of
achievement and educational disadvantage, particularly among students from
low socioeconomic and Indigenous backgrounds’ (Gonski Review, 2017),
suggesting that this was due to the current policies of Federal funding which
are excessive in the private and Catholic sector, yet lacking in many
government schools, causing inequity within the Australian School System.
Unequal access to social, cultural and financial resources by students from
disadvantaged backgrounds ‘make it relatively difficult for them to produce the
performances required to realise’ their aspirations and attain them (Bok, 2010,
p. 176), showing the effects of culture, economic and social capital within
policy.

However, during the Rudd/Gillard Australian Labour Government, student

‘aspiration’ became a key focus for policy intervention. Gale & Parker (2015)
state that students require aspiration, availability, accessibility and
achievement for Higher Education. In the past, government policies have been
limited to influence only that of availability and accessibility by controlling the
quantity of tertiary education placements (availability) as well as providing
support programs and financial assistance (accessibility). That said, the Federal
Government has aimed to raise student aspirations and ultimate achievement
putting the following policies in place:

(1) To increase the participation rate of people from low SES backgrounds to
20% by 2020 (a rate that has stagnated at around 16–17% for the 20 or so
years since records began in the early 1990s and (2) increase the number of
25- to 34-year-olds holding bachelor degrees to 40% by 2025 (Gale & Parker,
p.84, 2015 cite Australian Government, 2009).

These policies could be a start to creating equity and excellence in education. It

is evident that equity for minority students is a global concern, with many
efforts being set up to assist disadvantage youth, such as ‘No Child Left Behind’
(USA), Black Boys Can (UK), I Give A Gonsky (AUS) Make Poverty History as well
scholarships and additional learning programs e.g The Aspiration Initiative for
Indigenous Australians.

In order to combat the reproduction of class or race privilege and

discrimination in schools, teachers must play a key role by providing supportive
classroom environments that value diversity and promote mutual respect.
Despite the diversity of our nation, teaching remains the profession of primarily
middle-class Anglo-Australians (Ho, 2011). Teachers are seen as moral agents
that reflect the social constructions of the time (Kim, 2013), which can create a
dominant discourse in the microcosm of the school class room (Ho, 2011). It is
the teachers duty to challenge these discourses and practices that sustain
social inequality (Ferfolja, Jones Diaz & Ullman, 2015) or risk adding to the
disengagement, exclusion and lowering of expectations of marginalised
students that is currently evident in school and wider community.

As a future teacher, I myself must challenge cultural biases that I may have
formed throughout my own education, or growing up with the privileges
available to me as a middle class Anglo-Australian. I must ensure that I am
consistently attributing to inclusivity within the classroom, and engaging
students in a range of pedagogies that embrace diversity and encourage group
activity. Using the theoretical framework of Bourdieu (1986) I can recognise and
actively break down any cultural, social or economical capitals existent in the
education system, by maintaining high expectations of all students. When
teaching Visual Art I could encourage student to learn techniques formed by
different cultures e.g. Aboriginal dot painting, and ensure access to materials
and resources is available for all students to encourage equity and excellence.
This will intern produce more positive affects in the students doxa state and
overall educational aspirations and attainment.

The intersections of race, ethnicity and class has a complex attribution on a

students educational experience. It is unfair that a students habitus should
effect their educational aspirations and attainment and thus we as a society
must encourage breaking down the dominant discourses that are prevalent in
the education system. Teachers must engage in the diverse needs of the
individual student and shape the interactions that take place in the classroom.
These needs must be considered in government and educational policy to
ensure we are moving forward in creating equity and excellence for all
students.

References
ACARA. (2017) Student Diversity. Retrieved from
http://acara.edu.au/curriculum/student-diversity

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2016) Retrieved from

http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/4221.0

Bok, J. (2010) The capacity to aspire to higher education: ‘It’s like making them
do a play without a script’. Critical Studies in Education, 51, 163-178. Retrieved
from http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508481003731042

Bourdieu, P. (1986) The forms of capital. Handbook of Theory and Research for
the Sociology of Education. 241 - 258. New York, USA: Greenwood Press

Ferfolja, T. (Ed), Jones Diaz, C. (Ed.), Ullman, J. (Ed.)(2015). Understanding

Sociological Theory for Educational Practices. Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge
University Press

Gale, T., Parker, S. (2015) Calculating student aspiration: Bourdieu, Spatiality

and the Politics of Recognition. Cambridge Journal of Education, 45:1, 81-96,
DOI: 10.1080/0305764X.2014.988685

Ho, C. (2011) Respecting the Presence of Others: School Micropublics and

Everyday Multiculturalism. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 32 (6), 603-619.
Retrieved from
http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.uws.edu.au/10.1080/07256868.2011.618106

Karp, P. (2017, March 15) Socioeconomic disadvantage puts students three

years behind, report finds. The Guardian. Retrieved from
https://www.theguardian.com/australia-
news/2017/mar/15/socioeconomic-disadvantage-students-three-years-behind-
report-finds?CMP=share_btn_tw

Kim, M. (2013) Cultivating Teachers’ Morality and the Pedagogy of Emotional

Rationality. Australian Journal of Teacher Education, 38(1). DOI:
10.14221/ajte.2013v38n1.2

Majoribanks, K. (2005) Family background, adolescents’ educational

aspirations, and Australian young adults’ educational attainment. International
Education Journal, 6(1), 104-112. Retrieved from http://iej.cjb.net

OECD. (2017) Education Policy Outlook: Australia, 5-6. Retrieved from

http://www.oecd.org/edu/EDUCATION%20POLICY%20OUTLOOK
%20AUSTRALIA_EN.pdf

Purdie-Vaughns, V., Eibach, R.P. (2008). Intersectional Invisibility: The Distinctive

Advantages

and Disadvantages of Multiple Subordinate-Group Identities. New Haven, USA:

Department of Psychology, Yale University

Social Theory Re-Wired. (2016). Retrieved from

http://routledgesoc.com/category/profile-tags/habitus