Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
■ Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea Delhi Water Supply Reforms
Reforms in water supply in three areas of Delhi based
BOOK REVIEWS
on public-private partnership models are taking place
■ Behind the Beautiful Forevers
w ithout public consultation, page 32
■ Gandhi in the West
INSIGHT
■ Delhi Water Supply Reforms RBI Aggression
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
When there are so many downside risks in inflation, the
■ Gendering the Twelfth Plan external sector and fiscal affairs, why has the central
■ Gender Responsive Budgeting in India bank been so aggressive in slashing rates? page 109
■ Financial Incentive Schemes for the Girl Child
■ Addressing Domestic Violence
■ Beyond Feminine Public Altruism REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
The relationship of the women's movement in India to aspects of
SPECIAL ARTICLES
development planning and policy is as old as the movement itself.
■ Administering GST in India This issue of the RWS focuses on questions of policy in the context of
■ Who Is the Community in Community Radio? the Twelfth Plan. Two articles look at gender in the planning process.
■ Forest Policy Discourse in Bangladesh Three others examine issues relating to incentives for the girl child,
health crisis centres for victims of domestic violence and women
MONEY MARKET REVIEW
office-bearers in panchayats. page 40 onwards
■ Inflation Traded In
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the natural home Los Angeles | London | New Delhi
Singapore | Washington DC
for authors, editors & societies
in c o n f l i c t
and cu sto d y
T E R R O R ISM
C a s e o f t h e LTTE
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IN INDIAN
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APRIL 2 8 , 2012 17
I VOL XLVII NO
E co n o m ic & P o litica lw E E K L Y
His and Hers E D IT O R IA L S
Growing Military Assertion....................... 7
10 The proposed amendment to marriage laws which will have far-reaching
Beef Festival at Osmania.......................... 8
consequences for a woman’s right to her husband’ s property on the
Such a Fall.......................................... 9
breakdown of a marriage needs critical fine-tuning.
F R O M 50 Y E A R S A G O ........................................... 9
Nonadanga Eviction COM M EN TARY
13 The Nonadanga incident in Kolkata needs to be understood in terms o f what His and Hers— Flavia Agnes ..................... 10
the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission aims to achieve in our Nonadanga Eviction: Questioning the Right to
cities. the City— Swapna Banerjee-Guha ............... 13
India’s Exports at the Time of the Global Crisis
India's Exports at the Time of the Global Crisis — Bishwanath Goldar ............................. 15
15 The superior growth performance o f India’ s exports to the us compared to The ‘Corruption’ of the Human Development
the Chinese exports is due to the difference in the product com position of us Index— D hanm anjiri Sathe ...................... 18
imports from these two countries. Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation and the
Sportsperson—M K Raghavendra ............... 20
Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation and the Sportsperson Gunter Grass and the Anti-Semitism Canard
20 The film Paan Singh Tom ar is used to study sports nationalism and the role — Vinay L a i ....................................... 23
of the State in fostering the nation. FR O M T H E STATES
BJP in Karnataka: Between the Devil and the
Gunter Grass and the Anti-Semitism Canard Deep Blue Sea— Shivasundar .................... 25
23 Israel’
s furious reaction to Gunter Grass’
poem on its atomic pow er status
B O O K R E V IE W S
shows that it all too easily paints any criticism as “
anti-Semitism”
.
Citizens of an ‘
Undercity’— Kalpana Sharma.... 28
Gandhism in the UK and US
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea
— Usha T hakkar .................................. 29
25 The very factors which the bjp used to gain pow er in Karnataka - caste
manipulation and caste alliances - could lead to its undoing in the state. IN S IG H T
Delhi Water Supply Reforms:
Delhi Water Supply Reforms Public-Private Partnerships or Privatisation?
— Sujith Koonan, Preeti Sam pat ................. 32
32 The manner of implementation of water supply reforms in Delhi is
undermining principles o f transparency, accountability and participation.
R E V IE W O F W O M E N ’
S S T U D IE S
State Policy and the Twelfth Plan through a
Administering Goods and Services Tax in India Gender Lens— J Devika, M ary E John,
84 The best way to operationalise the G oods and Services Tax could be by Kalpana Kannabiran, Sharmila Rege,
placing a single national agency/department in charge. Samita Sen, Padmini Swaminathan ............. 40
Gendering the Twelfth Plan
Who Is the Community in Community Radio? — M rid u l Eapen, Aasha Kapur M e h ta ........... 42
92 There is an insufficient deconstruction of the complexities o f the Gender Responsive Budgeting in India
— Yamini Mishra, Navanita S in h a ...............50
“community”in community radio literature and discussion.
Ladlis and Lakshmis: Financial Incentive
Schemes for the Girl Child — T V Sekher........ 58
Deconstructing Forest Policy Discourse in Bangladesh
Addressing Domestic Violence within Healthcare
100 Understanding the implementation of Bangladesh’
s forest policy.
Settings: The Dilaasa Model — Padma Bhate-
Deosthali, T K Sundari Ravindran, UVindhya ...66
Money Market Review Beyond Feminine Public Altruism
109 The hawkish posture reflected in the r b i ’
s m acroeconom ic review makes the — J Devika, B in ith a V T h a m p i ................ 76
nose-diving and dovish policy action on the repo inexplicable.
S P E C IA L A R T IC L E S
Review of Women's Studies Administering Goods and Services Tax in India
Five papers on policy and w om en in the context o f the Twelfth Plan. — Praveen Kishore ................................84
Who Is the Community in Community Radio?
Gender Responsive Budgeting in India: What Has Gone Wrong? — Savita B a ilu r ...................................92
50 An analysis o f the two government strategies for institutionalising gender The Ghost in the Machine: Deconstructing Forest
Policy Discourse in Bangladesh
responsive budgeting.
—Niaz Ahmed Khan, Barbara Harriss-White.... 100
58 A desk review of 15 girl child promotion schemes across the states. Inflation Traded In
— EPW Research F oundation ................... 109
Addressing Domestic Violence within Healthcare Settings C U R R E N T S T A T IS T IC S ......................................... I l 6
66 A critical look at anti-domestic violence intervention programmes at health centres.
L E T T E R S .............................................................. 4
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LETTERS
E con om ic& P olitica lw E E K L Y
ISSN 0012-9976
I
Printed by K Vijayakumar at Modem Arts and Industries,
151, A-Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
his lower caste background. wish to produce some arguments on
Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013 and As far as the rules of endogamy are the article “
Rise and Fall of Calcutta’
s
published by him on behalf of Sameeksha Trust
from 320-321, A-Z Industrial Estate,
concerned, the author is partly true. Group Theatre: The End of a Political
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai-400013. If one goes through the matrimonial Dream” b y Parimal Ghosh (epw, 10
Editor: C Rammanohar Reddy.
advertisements published in the leading March 2012).
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LETTERS
Ghosh tries to assert that “ legislature one of the esteemed institutions of higher This, in our opinion, constitutes a
leftism”ended the “ Calcutta Group Theatre learning in India under the Ministry of clear violation of freedom of speech and
Movement” . But was it a failure? Or was Human Resource Development. all conceivable rights of an individual
it a random exercise of left theatre? You might be aware that recently the due to illegal action by the state police.
There are a lot of other examples. In the Government of West Bengal undertook a The state administration has issued pub
1980s and 1990s protest play groups of massive eviction drive of slum-dwellers lic statements in both print and electron
Calcutta had produced a variety of other with police force without any rehabilita ic media in support of this barbaric act.
plays - p l t ’s Darao Parthikbar (on the tion measures. As a natural protest against We are extremely perturbed by such
life and deeds of Madhusudan Dutta), this unjustified police action, there were use of State force in cracking down
Annaya Theatre’ s Madhav Malanchi peaceful demonstrations by concerned on human rights activists, and citizens
Kayinya (A Folk Erotica of Bangladesh) citizens, for which prior permissions were attempting to raise issues of concern
and Nattayan’ s Brishchik are worthy arranged by the local police. In spite of related to some of the poorest and most
of mention. this, the Kolkata police used force to vulnerable people of our country. This
We wish to add Tapaswi 0 Tarangini crack down on the demonstrators. It was violent suppression of protest appears
and Pratham Partha (plays of Buddhadev while participating in a peaceful protest also to be an attempt to threaten those
Basu) that were performed by Theatron against the eviction of slum-dwellers of who might raise their voice in dissent.
and three productions of Agatha Christie’ s Nonadanga area of east Kolkata that It would therefore help if you could
Mousetrap by three separate groups in Partho Sarothi Ray was arrested along personally intervene to resolve these
the same period. with 68 others including several women matters urgently. We fear that this ap
Theatre is independent of social cross and a nine-year-old girl on 8 April 2012. proach of the state has serious implica
currents and vice versa. And if the theatre Of those arrested, seven including Ray, tions not only for the events occurring in
of protest has collapsed after “ legislature have been detained in police custody for Kolkata but for the larger democratic
leftism” , another form of protest theatre several days, and now six of them are in ideals which this country espouses. In
will emerge. judicial custody and one in c i d custody. particular, we request that Partho
In the same decades there was a produc In order to justify its high-handedness, Sarothi Ray and others be granted bail
tion Bandhya Karkhanas Gete by c p t and the police slapped many dubious cases immediately. We also urge that all the
Ganabishan on the futile labour policy of against Partho Sarothi Ray and others, dubious charges placed against Partho
the Left Front. And in recent years there such as Section 353 (assault on public Sarothi Ray, Mahapatra and the other
was a production like Adbhut Adhar by servant), Section 332 (voluntarily causing protestors be dropped and an impartial
Sanskriti on the Left Front’ s failure and hurt to public servant). Section 141 (unlaw enquiry by a central agency be conducted
Chotto Bakulpurer Yatri by Swapna- ful assembly), Section 143 (punishment), into these matters to prevent any further
sondhani on the unlawful land-grabbing Section 149 (common objective of disrup violation of human rights.
programme of the Front. tion) of the Indian Penal Code. The relation T A Abhinandan, IISc, Bangalore;
Sanjib Chatterjee of these charges with (or lack thereof) the Ayan Banerjee, Narayan Banerjee, USER,
KOLKATA peaceful demonstrations of 8 April has not Kolkata, Kirill Bolotin, Vanderbilt University;
been made clear at all. We are extremely Swapan Chakrabarti, Calcutta University;
Suppression of concerned of the treatment meted out to
Noam Chomsky, MIT, USA; Bhanu Das, IAA,
Bangalore; Subhadeep De, NIST, Maryland,
Constitutional Rights Partho Sarothi Ray and others. USA; Aparna DuttaGupta, HCU, Hyderabad;
(An open letter to Manmohan Singh) Incidentally, the excess of police has Saikat Ghosh, SNBNCBS, Kolkata;
clearly not ended. On 12April 2012 human Vrinda Grover, Human Rights lawyer,
his is to bring to your immediate rights activists were attacked and later New Delhi; Paul Krapivsky, Boston University,
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ncreasingly, in recent times, factional feuds within the Indian only to be expected. Indeed, in the matter of publicly voicing
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EDITORIALS
India’s strategic alliance with the us has instilled in the top part of the world, control of the Indian Ocean is what Washing
brass of the armed forces a sense of their own significance, and ton is focusing upon, and here it is the Indian Navy that is
an ascendancy in the hierarchy of power that they could not involved in cooperation with its us counterpart.
have even dreamed of. The us presently holds more military Little wonder then that the country’ s military leadership is
exercises with India than with any other power. And, in this now increasingly more assertive vis-a-vis the civilian authority.
eef, or more generally, the meat of cattle has been a con This is the first time in the history of modern India that a
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EDITORIALS
Such a Fall
Mumbai University, once an iconic institution, has lost its way.
he current glare of public attention on the sorry state of Mumbai University’ s jurisdiction extends from Mumbai to Ratnagiri
(for about 85,000 students), errors in allocating centres, delay Apart from increasing the staff strength and using information
in distribution of hall tickets and even failure to print a set technology to aid administrative work, long-term and thoughtful
of exam papers. All this highlights the steady decline over the planning that is an integral part of academic excellence would
past two decades of various structures and mechanisms of this have helped to tackle the situation. Instead, the university went
iconic institution. Mumbai University seems to suffer from an ahead and introduced the credit-based grading system in the
assortment of maladies that include governance issues, political 2011-12 academic year adding to the teaching staff’ s workload
interference and indifference in equal measure, an impossibly and paving the way for dilution in the standards of teaching.
vast jurisdiction, poor infrastructure and woefully inadequate The only salutary outcome of the outcry over the mess in the
teaching and non-teaching staff. Add to these a leadership that university is that several important posts, such as those of the
does not have the requisite blend of scholarship and administration pro-vice-chancellor, the registrar and the controller of examina
qualities and the recipe for disaster is complete. tion, which had been vacant for the last two years, have finally
The appointment of the present vice chancellor (vc) in 2010 been filled. However, the huge backlog in filling vacant posts of
was widely criticised as an act of political favouritism overlooking teaching and non-teaching staff remains.
his inadequate academic qualifications. However, the education If one example was needed to illustrate the all-time low to which
lobby in the state, dominated by powerful politicians (shikshan a university, once held in high regard, can fall, one has to look at
samrats or education emperors as they are known), has for long developments last year. Giving in to the demand of a 20-year-old
manipulated to place amenable appointees in this post. A vc aspiring politician, the vc banned a book (Rohinton Mistr/s
who is dependent on political-bureaucratic patronage is likely Such a Long Journey) which had been a part of the Bachelor of
to find that he/she has to contend with “ recommendations”in Arts syllabus for years. The protests at this arbitrary ban were
filling significant posts. From here it is a short journey towards muted and weak, indicating the sway that local politics now has
the erosion of governance structures. But the patronage of politi on Mumbai’ s intellectual life. This too is indicative of the growing
cians does not move on to planning for more funds for the insti irrelevance of the university to the city after which it is named.
tution, leading to the obvious neglect of higher education in the Unlike in the past, Mumbai University has long ceased to be a
state. The university’ s record in teaching and research in the vibrant part of the city’ s cultural and intellectual life. This is in
humanities has been abysmal as is evident in the steady decline of contrast to the great universities in many parts of the world.
students awarded PhD degrees. Its deteriorating image has had While the rot has gone deep and needs an overhaul, there are
the twin effect of keeping away talented faculty and students a number of measures that are an absolute must to save the
not only from the state but also from other parts of the country. Mumbai University. The removal of the stranglehold of political
The decline of the university began in the 1990s when an in patronage over the v c’ s post will ensure that the university gets
creasing number of colleges seeking affiliation to it were allowed the leadership required and also that more significant posts
to introduce professional/vocational courses. As these were not lower down are held by people who can ensure academic excel
funded by the government, the colleges could charge higher fees lence. The Mumbai University’ s 53 postgraduate departments,
for the courses. Although the university regulated the fees, it failed mainly the humanities, urgently need more attention and aca
to monitor the quality of education. As a result, the number of demic auditing. These steps could be the first towards making
students affiliated to the university increased dramatically as did Mumbai University the creator of the “ intelligentsia and epoch-
the number of examinations that needed to be held. At present, making forces”that it was once credited to be.
FROM 50 YEARS AGO in an underdeveloped country, is an essen in pointing out that the major weaknesses
fhefewomicUMlg
A Journal of Current economic and political Affair*
tial prerequisite for economic progress. Shri
K C Mahindra, who belongs to this group,
expressed himself on the subject with com
that have arisen in the economy have been at
those points at which the Government has
been directly involved - railway develop
mendable firmness in his address as Chairman ment, coal production and power generation.
VOL XIV, NO 17, APRIL 28, 1962
of Mahindra and Mahindra at the Annual It is clear that the planning technique has
WEEKLY NOTES General Meeting of the Company in Bombay been deficient and supervision over perform
this week...To support planning by the State ance too slack. It is becoming increasingly
Not Hidebound is not, however, to argue that planning in this evident that the operational machinery of
Progressive businessmen in this country country is free from defects...One is justified, Government is not able to rise to the occasion
have been veering round to the view that therefore, in drawing attention to the grow to implement the gigantic task set to it by the
economic planning by the State, particularly ing lag between planning and achievement or planning organisation...
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COM M ENTARY
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COMMENTARY
under the Protection of Women from faced by women in long-term marriages, refusal to have sex with her husband
Domestic Violence Act, 2005) or negoti the non-working homemakers. upon his demand amounts to cruelty.
ating for maintenance or alimony it In a tradition bound society where mar This, in an age when several other coun
would cause great harm to them. Such a riages continue to be family arrange tries have introduced the provision of
step would be detrimental to the inter ments and are perceived to be not just “marital rape” . Earlier in 2007, the
ests of non-working homemaker wives sacred but also provide security and a Supreme Court in Samar Ghosh vs Jaya
in long-term marriages or to women who status symbol to women, such a move Ghosh [(2007) 4 see 511] held that the
share the double burden of being wage would spell disaster and doom to a large woman’ s refusal to cohabit with her hus
earners and homemakers. Hence some number of women and render them band and refuse sex amounts to cruelty.
of us who appeared before the select highly insecure, both emotionally and In this case, the fact that the woman was
committee urged the government to economically. This is not to deny that concentrating on her profession and
introduce the concept of division of matri women who are economically independ ignoring her family was held to consti
monial property in the event that the ent and in short-term, childless marriages tute cruelty. There are other instances
government was determined to introduce would benefit from such a move. But where the courts have ruled that refusal
irretrievable breakdown of marriage. the legislative intent would have to keep of the woman to live in a joint family
Every country which has introduced the in mind the best interests of a diverse household and her demand to set up a
theory of marriage breakdown has also class of people and particularly that of separate home with her husband
simultaneously provided for the division women from disadvantaged sections amounts to cruelty. A woman’ s refusal to
of matrimonial property. It appears that and protect their interests. A clause have children or her wanting to abort a
the men’ s rights groups in India while regarding property division is meant to child she had unwittingly conceived
being keen about the partial provision of restrain the husband from opting for without the husband’ s permission is held
making divorces easy were not prepared divorce callously and flippantly. to be cruelty to the husband. So the tra
for the consequence of the other half Such a move also has the potential to ditional gender roles are reinforced by
which would make the husband part alter the property law in India which at court rulings. There is no parity be
with property as is being done in west present functions from the old English tween what constitutes legal cruelty for
ern countries. Basically a case of having common law principle of separate prop the husband and for the wife. The hus
the cake and eating it too! erty regime. While superficially the bands often plead that filing a case of
In its report submitted to the govern notion that each person is entitled to abuse and harassment under Section
ment in March 2011, the select commit his/her property appears to be a just 498A constitutes legal cruelty to him. It
tee rejected the arguments advanced by and equitable, as we probe deeper into is within such skewed power relation
the men’ s rights groups and urged the the ascribed gender roles within mar ships that the husband accumulates
government to consider the introduction riage, it becomes problematic. Our soci property during the subsistence of the
of the principle of “ division of matri ety views men as primary breadwinners marriage through the active contribution
monial property”alongside the provision of the family. In order to facilitate this of the homemaker wife, and exercises ex
of easy divorce. This was a victory of process, a woman is expected to sacrifice clusive ownership rights over it. Hence
sorts as it was the first official recom her career and dedicate herself totally to when a marriage breaks down, most
mendation which acknowledged mar the task of caring for him. In this process, women are rendered destitute. A wom
riage as an economic partnership. she is also expected to take on the task of an’ s right is confined to a monthly main
homemaking, childbearing, child rear tenance dole. If the woman happens to
Cosmetic Changes ing and caring for the sick. Even if she is have an independent source of income,
Having accepted the principle in theory, required or permitted to work, it is mostly she is denied even this meagre amount.
the government had to put it into effect, to augment the family income. Her earn It appears that the present bill intends
which it failed to do. Instead, it went ings are treated as the family’ s supple to change this legal order. But this can
ahead and prepared a new bill with cos mentary income. The contribution of the not be done flippantly by adding a
metic changes as it was keen to intro homemaker spouse has no economic phrase in a section of the existing law,
duce the breakdown theory of marriage value. In Arun Kumar Agarwal vs that the matrimonial court has the
into the matrimonial laws. The courts National Insurance Company ( a i r 2 0 1 0 power to divide property at the time of
gain an advantage when divorces are sc 3 4 2 6 ) the Supreme Court criticised granting divorce. Currently the courts
made easy. Bogged down with conten the 2 0 0 1 Census enumeration which do not have the statutory power to
tious litigation in urban areas, such a categorised 3 6 7 million homemakers as divide property though this concept has
move would simplify the process and “non-workers”along with beggars, pris been introduced into our matrimonial
reduce the workload of the judges as it oners and prostitutes. law by invoking principles of English law
would eliminate the trial process which When we examine court rulings, the in some specific cases. For instance, in
a fault ground divorce entails. It would prescribed gender roles become starkly 2005, in B PAchalaAnand vs S Appi Red
also limit appeals to higher courts. How clear. For instance, a recent Delhi High dy (2005 3 see 313) the Supreme Court
ever, the brunt of this move would be Court ruling has held that the woman’ s urged the legislature to bring in a law to
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COMMENTARY
protect women’ s interest in matrimonial difficult task at the time of divorce. irresponsible, will the notion of “ joint”
property. This judgment referred to the Several h c rulings have held that property in gender neutral terms, cause
legal principles regarding the matri income tax returns do not reflect the further injustice to her? Will the courts
monial home and property under true economic status of the person expect such women to give half their
English law and approvingly quoted since it is an accepted fact that there is property to the husband to support his
Denning: a constant attempt to undervalue irresponsible lifestyle and addictions,
income to evade tax. Added to this is depleting the meagre resources meant
A wife is no longer her husband’
s chattel.
She is beginning to be regarded by the laws the notion of dowry (and dowry related for the children’ s education? What
as a partner in all affairs which are their violence) which during litigation is about women whose husbands do not
common concerns. Thus the husband can no termed as “ stridhan property”to which have any property and yet the woman
longer turn the wife out o f the matrimonial the woman has an exclusive claim. and children have a fundamental right
home. She has as much right as he, to stay to subsist and survive under the consti
there even though the house does stand in Critical Questions tutional provision of right to life and lib
his name.
Also there are more critical questions erty? Also do we continue to make laws
Thereafter, what was required was for such as at what stage is the property only for Hindus leaving behind all the
the government to draft a separate bill deemed to be joint property - at the time minority women?
on division of matrimonial property and of marriage or at the time of divorce? If These are difficult questions which
not surreptitiously bring in a legislation the husband transfers his property to his the government must address. We need
to introduce irretrievable breakdown of relatives or squanders away his money to examine the provision from multiple
marriage and the concept of matri what will be left for distribution? Under angles and then chart out a clear course
monial property as just an add-on. the Goan law property becomes joint at of action which is not anti-men or anti
Attitudes regarding property owner the time of marriage and women are minority, but based on social reality and
ship do not change overnight. Even after deemed to be equal sharers in the hus principles of justice and equity. The bill
introducing the Hindu Succession Act in band’ s property. titled Matrimonial Property (Rights of
1956 giving Hindu women property If the woman is an equal earning Women upon Marriage) Bill, 2012 which
rights in their parental property and the partner, who has been the primary is lying with the Maharashtra govern
subsequent amendment in 2005 render breadwinner of the family and the ment could be a starting point for
ing women coparceners in the family homemaker while the husband has been the discussion.
property, the notion that men have a
right by birth in their parental property
and women are imposters lingers on. A E conom ic& P oliticalw E E K L Y
recent ruling of the Bombay High Court
has held EPW 5-Year CD-ROM 2004-08 on a Single Disk
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320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate,
the prevalence of a large amount of
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel,
unaccounted money in our economy
Mumbai 400 013, India
makes determination of wealth a
12 APRIL 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i NO 17 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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COMMENTARY
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for smartening; a number of buildings had already been announced that the was accepted as the prime alternative to
are being given a face lift; the Ganga government lacked funds. Accordingly, a fund infrastructure projects following
riverfront is being developed as an major overhauling of the administrative which the infrastructure budget rose
expanded space of leisure (modelled on and legislative frameworks of the govern sharply from Rs 260 crore in 2007-08 to
the Thames riverside in London!); a ment was suggested that facilitated the Rs 560 crore in 2011-12. A crucial fact in
number of entry gates are being planned involvement of international financial in this respect is that with the introduction
in different locations; unused tram com stitutions like the World Bank, the Asian of jn n u r m , real estate was given an in
partments are getting converted into Development Bank (adb), the United credible boost by allowing 100% foreign
cafeterias or banquet halls; vigorous States Agency for International Develop direct investment.
drives have been launched to give a free ment (usaid), and the United Kingdom’ s Submission b, entitled Basic Services
hand to real estate for constructing Department for International Develop to the Urban Poor (bsup) accounts for the
gigantic commercial and residential com ment (dfid) in drafting the urban reforms remaining 35% of the funds, admini
plexes in discrete locations, often dis mandate for India. Finally in 2005 it took stered by the Ministry of Urban Employ
placing the poor who have been living an official shape in the name of ment and Poverty Alleviation, including
and working in these areas for decades. the JNNURM. slum improvement and rehabilitation and
Are these projects a novel idea of the Detailed plans were chalked out to access to basic services under its head.
current government of West Bengal or equip the cities to function as nodes of All previous central government schemes
are they unique to Kolkata? In both cases global finance and acceptable to the for the urban poor got annulled and
the answer is “ no” . The previous West credit-rating agencies. To achieve the brought under the mission. Needless to
Bengal government also enthusiastically above, a mandatory decoration of the mention, proposals that have been given
introduced similar urban development cityscape was prescribed, to make them priority by the mission are all from
programmes, associated with displace look beautiful. An aggressive - almost Submission a, incorporating mega infra
ment and eviction, following the prescrip revanchist - urban development progra structure projects, gigantic commercial
tion of the Jawaharlal Nehru National mme was introduced all over the coun and residential complexes, shopping malls,
Urban Renewal Mission (jn n u rm ), the try in the form of gigantic infrastructure cultural signature projects and urban spec
largest post-independence urban plan and real estate projects targeting a small tacles. Funds have always been released
ning initiative in the country. And again, section of the elite as the chosen clien for these projects while the Submission b
Kolkata is not the only city where such tele. The think tanks behind this initia projects went on to receive stepmotherly
beautification drives are seen. One city tive, like the McKinsey Global Institute, treatment in terms of acceptance and fund
after another, in different parts of the considered the urban poor as the biggest allotment. One must note that one of the
country, has joined the bandwagon, under impediment to the materialisation of such official agendas of the mission has been to
the diktat of the jn n u r m . Beautification projects and recommended a drastic make cities “ slum free”over a period of
of Kolkata is only a part of a larger pro reduction of the slum population in large time. A drastic shift from provision of basic
gramme framed by a larger ideology, the cities, proportionately from 60% to 10% services and low-cost housing to market-
imperative stemming from the nexus of (as in the case of Mumbai) making dis driven projects has been underway, the
big capital, international financial insti placement a fundamental component. A latter taking the lion’s share of the jn n u r m
tutions and the state machinery. careful analysis shows that the timing of budget. The mission has essentially
the introduction of j n n u r m coincided worked towards intensifying social in
Revanchist Urban Renewal Mission with a number of anti-people blueprints equality through a grandiose planning
To understand it, we have to go back to under the new economic policies. mechanism and has helped cities to grad
1990s. With the introduction of the new ually get rid of the poor from vital loca
economic policy, Indian cities like many Operational Framework tions, thereby raising the value of the land.
other cities of the developing world, Let us look at the operational framework
entered into a global framework and of the j n n u r m in order to contextualise Excluding the Poor
started getting reshaped according to the the increasing vulnerability of the poor Against this backdrop, we go back to the
exigencies of global capital. In 1991, the in Nonadanga and other slums in Kolkata Nonadanga residents. This is the area that
Mega City Programme of the central gov and other cities. The mission is classified was chosen in 2007 as one of the b s u p
ernment was launched to revamp the in into two parts: Submission a, entitled resettlement sites for slum-dwellers who
frastructure of large cities. Subsequendy in Urban Infrastructure and Governance had been evicted from different parts of
1996, the Expert Group on Commerciali (uig), accounting for 65% of the initial the city for implementing the Submis
sation of Infrastructure estimated total funds of Rs 50,000 crore, admini sion A projects of jn n u r m . The resettle
a requirement of around Rs 2,50,000 stered by the Ministry of Urban Develop ment project in Nonadanga has been
crore as investment in urban infrastruc ment. All infrastructure and beautifica officially and jointly run by the Kolkata
ture for the coming 10 years. This made tion projects come under this head. Let Metropolitan Development Authority
the entry of private capital in the urban me mention here that in the Eleventh (kmda) and the Kolkata Environmental
development scenario a necessity as it Plan, public-private partnership (ppp) Improvement Project (keip), the latter
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COMMENTARY
being the owner of the land. The residents expulsion without any notice. Goons of West Bengal government or, for that
have been eking out a living by working the ruling political party who have con matter, of any state government in India
as informal workers in various organi trol over the area and who once had al vis-a-vis the urban poor. As I have men
sations, or as domestic workers, rickshaw lowed these people to build their hut tioned, it could not have been otherwise
pullers, construction workers and similar ments in lieu of “ protection money” because any government practising the
other occupations. While they live in have now joined the government to oust formulae of jn n u r m with dexterity can
abject poverty, their contribution to the them. The urban development minister have no other approach. The very pur
city’s economy is unquestionable. No has ordered expulsion of all illegal en pose of the brazen neo-liberal doctrine
mission funds have come to provide croachers. Besides the residents, the sup of jn n u r m is promotion of exclusionary
schools or health centres in the Nonad- porting protesters too - belonging to urban development, to make cities “ world
anga Resettlement area. Whether the democratic and leftist organisations or class”and habitable for the rich. And this
funds were released or not utilised is a human rights groups - have been treat brings us to the issue of the basic right
different question altogether into which ed in a high-handed manner. Unless of the people to their cities. Who will
we are not entering now. there is a politi motivation such decide that right? Who will define it,
behaviour cannot be explained. The grant it or deny it? Who will exercise it?
Real Estate Goons arrested activists were denied bail, sent The time has come to decide whether
As the area is now on the verge of a com to jail till 26 April and slapped with false the answers to these questions will come
mercial boom with the real estate goons charges, including sedition or links with from assertion at the institutional level
having their eyes on the entire neigh “Maoists” , a standard practice in West or through social movements with sup
bourhood, all of a sudden the residents Bengal since the 1970s (from the time of port from a large cross section of the
(who had been officially relocated here the Naxalbari uprising) to suppress anti- people. We need to understand that the
from their slum colonies and that too un state protests by intellectuals, students right to the city has to be democratised
der b su p provisions of jn n u rm ) are de and other middle class people. through a collective effort. Only such an
clared illegal encroachers who, according Essentially, the Nonadanga incident undertaking can provide the dispos
to the state machinery, can only deserve exposes the true intent of the present sessed a wider arena of struggle.
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Figure 1: Growth Rate of EU Imports (2010 and 2011) growth in exports Since official data show that large
India to the us during increases in India exports have taken
Bangladesh July-December 2011. place in 2011 despite the global financial
These include Phil crisis, some commentators have found
Vietnam
ippines (growth rate, this news to be “ too good to be true” , and
Argentina
9%), South Africa serious doubts have been raised about
Brazil (6%), Thailand (3%), the reliability of the recent export
Chile
Bangladesh (about statistics. There is a view that the export
1%) and Malaysia (a surge in 2011 is largely explained by
China 2010
fall in exports to the some Indians bringing back to the coun
I
Malaysia us by about 1%). try illegal money parked overseas by
Philippines Interestingly, the over-invoicing of exports. Also, there
large increase in were newspaper reports questioning the
South Africa
Bangladesh exports dependability of official exports data for
Thailand
to the e u during 2011 specific commodities. According to the
0 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
did not have a par
Growth rate, percent
Economic Times (“d g c i s says apparel
Source: Author's computations based on trade statistics available at the website of the allel in the Bangla exports rose 30% in Hi, exporters
European Commission (http://ec.europa.eu/trade/statistics, accesses on 29 March 2012).
desh exports to the differ”e t Bureau, 4 November 2011),
China, for instance, saw its imports into us, despite the fact that the former was the d g c i s data show an increase in
the e u fall from 31.9% in 2010 to only facing much greater financial problems apparel exports by about 30% during
3.4% in 2011. Such a marked fall in the than the latter. April-September 2011, but the export
growth rate of e u imports in 2011 has India is not the only developing coun ers in India feel that the number is
been experienced by Malaysia, Philip try that has been able to achieve a fast highly exaggerated. According to ano
pines, South Africa and Thailand. In rate of growth of exports to the us dur ther newspaper article (“ Scam behind
sharp contrast, some countries experi ing 2011 despite the global financial cri Rising Guar Exports?” , Business Line, 21
enced a step up in the growth rate of e u sis. Brazil has performed better than March 2012), the official guar exports
imports during 2011 despite the financial India. The growth (year-on-year basis) figures for 2011 are way ahead of
crisis. These include Bangladesh and of us imports from Brazil during July to domestic guar production, and are
Vietnam. India, along with Brazil and December 2011 was 36% whereas that therefore suspect.
Chile, are a set of countries that experi for us imports from India was only Veeramani in his recent article (“Anato
enced a slowdown in the growth rate of about 20%. The corresponding figure my of India’ s Merchandise Export Growth,
e u imports in 2011, but the rate of for Vietnam was 15%. 1993-94 to 2010-11” , epw, 7 January 2012)
growth in 2011 remained substantial.
In the case of India, the growth rate
came down from 30.6% in 2010 to about
18% in 2011.
1 1 C O M P E T IT IO N C O M M IS S IO N OF IN D IA 0
NATIONAL LEVEL E SSA Y C O M P E T IT IO N •2012
Exports to the US in 2011 on following topics
India’s better-than-average export growth C a te g o r ie s T o p ic s
performance in 2011 is not a story of e u
Benefits of fair Competition in markets Off
alone. This is true also for the us market. Category 'A1 Role of CCI in promoting & sustaining competition
Trade data available at the website of the
us Census Bureau (http://www.census. Category Competition: A potent tool for Economic Development
and Socio- Economic Welfare Off
gov/foreign-trade/balance, accessed on ■B' & C' Competition in markets promotes economic efficiency
6 March 2012) reveal that India has been
able to maintain a relatively fast growth WHO CAN PARTICIPATE ?
in exports to the us in 2011 (as reflected C a tegory E lig ib ilit y
in us import data) in relation to China and
several other developing countries. While
'A' Students of Class 11* & 12*.
China’ s exports to the us (mirror exports, ■B' Undergraduate Students.
reflected in us import data) during July •C' Students pursuing PG/Ph. D including PG Diplomas
to December 2011 grew by only 6% over /M.Phil/CA/CWA/CS/MBA
the previous year, India’ s exports to the
p S T 1 Participants can submit entries by email to cci.essay@gmail.com
us in this period grew by about 20%. Be
sides China, several other developing I p fix e s j L a te s t by 30>h June, 2012
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= COMMENTARY
has carefully analysed trends in India’ s the period April to October 2011 grew by by 6%, imports of textiles and apparel
merchandise exports. Among other is about 43%. The us imports data indicate grew by about 9% and imports of mis
sues, he has addressed the question that the growth rate of us imports from cellaneous manufactured products grew
whether the surge in India’ s exports in India in this period was about 24%. by about 2%, whereas the overall us
2011 was due to over-invoicing. From his There are gaps between the growth imports grew by 15%.
assessment of the situation, he concludes rates in India’s exports to the e u and the The items that dominated us imports
that “ India’s official export figures are us reported by India and the growth from Brazil are energy related products
real, not an artefact of over-invoicing” . rates in e u and us imports from India as (29%), minerals and metals (18%), and
The view that the surge in India’ s reported by the e u and the us. But, there agricultural products (15%). The us
exports is caused by over-invoicing of may be valid reasons for these gaps. imports of these items in 2011 grew at
exports has also been questioned in “ Is What is more important is to recognise the rate of 27%, 23% and 19%, respec
the Export Boom Really Black M oney?” , that both sets of figures indicate that tively. Clearly, the product composition
Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, Eco India attained a rapid growth in exports of imports explains most of the observed
nomic Times, 16 October 2011). One to the e u and the us in 2011 despite the difference in the growth of us imports
argument advanced is that the use of economic slowdown in these countries. from China and Brazil.
over-invoicing of exports as a means to A similar explanation can be provided
bring back illegal money will make such Impact of Structural Factors for the difference between the growth
money subject to tax, and why would From the point of view of policy, it is rates in us imports from India and
one chose this channel to bring back il more useful to consider the surge in China. A relatively fast growth of items
legal money when there are other chan India’ s exports as being caused by cer such as chemicals and related products,
nels in which this tax can be avoided. tain structural factors, particularly energy-related products, and minerals
Another argument is that in the worsen structural changes taking place in some and metals account for a much larger
ing global economic situation, foreign of the markets for India’ s exports. One share of us imports from India than in
investors have pulled out billions of dol possibility is that many importers in the us imports from China. Electronic prod
lars from India, and this is not the cli e u and the us who were overly depend ucts, whose imports in the us grew
mate in which black money operators in ent on China as their source of supply rather slowly in 2011, formed a much
India will bring back home huge sums of are now diversifying to other countries.2 smaller part of imports from India than
illegal money parked abroad. In this This would explain the slowdown in in the imports from China. It is evident
context, it is important to recognise that Chinese exports to the e u and us mar that the superior growth performance of
India is not the only country which kets and fast growth in exports of some India’ s exports to the us as compared to
attained fast growth in exports in 2011. developing countries. An important the Chinese exports to the same country
Will it be right to argue that the fast question that arises here is why the proc can be explained to a large extent by the
growth of e u imports from Bangladesh, ess of diversification has benefited some difference in the product composition of
Brazil and Vietnam is genuine, but that developing countries such as Brazil and us imports from these two countries.
such growth in e u imports from India is India and not other developing coun
caused by an over-invoicing of exports? tries, particularly Malaysia, Philippines, n o t e s _____________________________________
Obviously, those who believe in the “ over South Africa and Thailand. 1 The growth rate of EU imports in 2011 was
significantly lower than that in 2010, but it was
invoicing theory”as an explanation of An analysis of data of us imports from well above the trend growth rate in EU imports
the surge in India’ s exports in 2011 have Brazil, China and India in 2011 (source: during the period 2001 to 2010 (about 6% per
annum). Therefore, the growth rate in EU im
a lot to clarify. United States International Trade Com ports during 2011 cannot be regarded as low.
Turning now to the issue of possible mission) brings out the effect that struc 2 I thank Mustafizur Rahman of the Centre for
errors in the recent official export statis tural factors had on the growth of us Policy Dialogue, Dhaka for drawing my atten
tion to this possible cause of surge in India’ s
tics, it seems it would not be appropriate imports from these three countries. The exports.
to attribute the observed export surge growth of us imports from China has
mostly or entirely to errors in export been substantially lower than the us im Permission for Reproduction of
data. A high rate of growth in Indian ports from Brazil mainly because of the Articles Published in EPW
exports to the us and e u is indicated differences in the product composition
both by Indian data as well as imports of imports, us imports from China are No article published in epw or part thereof
data of these countries. According to the dominated by electronics products should be reproduced in any form without
Indian official statistics, India’ s exports (40%), textiles and apparel (11%) and prior permission of the author(s).
to the e u (in $) grew by about 32% in the miscellaneous manufactured products A soft/hard copy of the author(s)'s approval
period April to September 2011. The e u such as luggage, handbags, furniture, should be sent to epw.
imports data indicate that the imports and toys and games (14%). The growth In cases where the email address of the
from India grew by about 20% in this pe rate of us imports of these products cat author has not been published along with
riod. The Indian official data indicate egories in 2011 has been relatively low. the articles, epw can be contacted for help.
that India’ s exports to the us (in $) in us imports of electronic products grew
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COMMENTARY
The ‘
Corruption’o f the Human out that the state government had earlier
announced that it would convert around
C
When student enrolment orruption as a phenomenon is veloped cold feet and got into a mode of
figures are inflated so that important in itself, but it also has finding schools that have an annual loss of
some “ unintended consequences” , students more than 15%. This is because if
private “
grantable”schools
one of which we examine in this note. It is the attrition rate is that high, then the gov
can receive larger financial well known that in Maharashtra local pol ernment can deny grantable status to such
allocations from the government, iticians have been starting schools in their schools. Thus Ratnakar Gaikwad, chief
will that not inflate India’
s respective areas. The avowed objective is, secretary, Government of Maharashtra
of course, to bring education to their area initiated a pilot survey in Nanded dis
Human Development Index?
and possibly it was genuinely so at some trict during 7-10 September 2011. This
An examination of surveys in stage. However, over the years there seem survey was conducted by the revenue
Maharashtra. to be some other incentives for establishing department and was done under the aegis
these schools. It can be noticed that the of Shrikar Pardesi, collector, Nanded
per student financial allocations by the district. Pardesi had already made a
central and state governments to govern mark in unearthing the “ copy scandal”
ment and grantable schools under various in the same district and his commitment
schemes have increased. There is there to good education is well known. This
fore a huge amount of financial resources survey was conducted in a more or less
that is involved. foolproof manner, wherein the students
The grantable and government schools were marked by election ink Section 144
have a vested interest in showing high of Indian Penal Code was imposed so
enrolment figures as then the govern that no movement of students from one
mental allocations made for mid-day place to another could be done - either
meals, uniforms, and books, which are from within or outside the district, etc.
based on these figures, are also high. This survey showed that around 20%
The difference between the numbers on of the students on the rolls did not exist.
the m uster and the genuin e students is It also found that th ese m issin g students
the number of “ bogus”students. The were fewer in government schools than
allocations made for such bogus students in grantable schools (the schools typi
are pocketed by the school manage cally started by local politicians). These
ments including the teachers, the politi results were discussed in a state cabinet
cians, bureaucrats, etc. According to meeting held on 14 September 2011.
Shridhar Loni, a senior journalist with
the Maharashtra Times, it is an “ open State Survey
secret”that enrolment figures on the The cabinet announced a statewide sur
muster are higher than the real figures. vey which was conducted during 2-5 Octo
In August 2011, the department of ber 2011 by the revenue department. The
education, Government of Maharashtra government had advertised this survey
had conducted a survey of the enrolment very well. It was made fairly foolproof by
rates for Standards 1 to 12, which seemed going and checking the next day for
to be a routine one. But at the governmen those students who had been “ absent”
tal level too there was an acceptance and on the day of the survey, but we cannot
discomfort with respect to the rising say whether it was as well done as the
number of bogus students. This growing Nanded survey. However, it has been
number got converted into more divisions reported that children were brought
in each class and more government and from other places to sit in the classes,
Dhanmanjiri Sathe (dhan.sathe@gmail.com) grantable schools - all of which put a larg the same names of children were found
teaches at the department of economics,
er financial burden on the government. A in the muster for different classes, many
University of Pune, Pune.
Sakai report on 16 October 2011 pointed “ students”looked quite old, etc.
18 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 ia»aVi Economic & Political w e e k ly
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Generally speaking, the school man to the yearly budget of Pune Municipal In November 2011, the United Nations
agements used various tricks to show Corporation! Human Development Report (h dr) 2011
high enrolment figures and hide the It is worth noting that in the back ranked India’ s h d i at 134 among 187 coun
number of bogus students. Then after ward districts the percentage of bogus tries. The h d r assesses the long-term
the survey was announced, the schools students is higher than in the more progress in health, education and income
themselves were supposed to have advanced districts. It could be because indicators for various countries. The
lowered the number of students in the the location of corruption in the ad methodology for arriving at the h d i has
muster itself, so that the bogus student vanced districts has shifted to higher been changed in 2011 and so this result is
rate declined. There are still bogus education (e g, engineering, pharmacy, not comparable to the 2010 h d i rank for
students on the rolls, but given the fear dental colleges, etc). In any case, if India, which was 119th out of 169 coun
of being detected the schools reduced the enrolment rates are erroneous in tries. However, the components - i e,
the extent of inflation in student enrol Maharashtra, there is all the more rea health, education and income - have re
ment. The results of this survey are be son to believe that similar things are mained the same. More specifically, for
ing analysed by the state government happening in other states. Presumably, capturing “ education”both the method
and the citizens are waiting for some in generally less-corrupt states like Ker ologies make use of the enrolment ratios.
action to be taken. ala, the percentage of bogus students For the 2011 h di, the age-specific enrol
But some idea about the magnitude of may be less and higher, say, in Uttar ment ratios for primary, secondary and
the problem has been reported by the Pradesh. Thus it implies that the enrol post-secondary education are used. Hence,
newspapers. Sakai in its various reports ment rates that we have for India are an needless to say, enrolment ratios play a
in October 2011 put the estimates of overestimate. By how much, we cannot crucial role in arriving at the h d i and
bogus students between 6% and 12%; say as of now. Looking at the high overstated enrolment ratios would natu
Maharashtra Times (10 October 2011) weightage of populous and corrupt rally inflate the hdi.
put it slightly less than 6% and Lok states, the overall figure for bogus If we were to have “ genuine”enrol
Satta (28 February 2012) put it at 10%. students for all India could be higher ment rates, then India’ s h d i and its rank
Bureaucrats in informal discussions than the 10% of Maharashtra. But this ing would be even lower than what it is
have put the figure at 10%. The annual corruption has “unintended consequences” now. Hence, this issue needs to be
magnitude of corruption is estimated to for estimates of India’
s Human Develop probed further. The focus of the news
be around Rs 3,000 crore which is close ment Index (hdi). coverage was on corruption due to
The idea of the village has occupied an important place in the history of post-Independence India.This volume presents
a set of readings which primarily focus on the social, political and cultural aspects of village life.
A comprehensive introduction provides a detailed historical analysis of the study of rural India, the changes in rural
social life, and the forces shaping life in villages today.
The articles, drawn from writings in EPWover four decades, cover various features of village society: caste and community,
land and labour, migration, discrimination and use of common property resources. They include writings by some of
the pioneers of the study of the Indian village as well as by contemporary experts. This volume caters to a renewed
interest in village society born partly by the need to understand caste discrimination in post-liberalised India and
partly by the concern about contemporary agricultural stagnation and environmental degradation.
Authors:
M N Srinivas • Andre Beteille • Surinder S Jodhka • G K Lieten • K L Sharma • Mukul Sharma • G K Karanth • Partap C Aggarwal • Jishnu Das • Roger
Jeffery, Patricia Jeffery and Andrew Lyon • Leela Gulati • Sudha Pai and Jagpal Singh • Anil Kumar Vaddiraju • Dipankar Gupta • John Harriss,
J Jeyaranjan and K Nagaraj • N S Jodha
Pp x + 252_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ISBN 978-81-250-4603-5_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 2012_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Rs 325
bogus students, but the extent of bogus more bogus students would also grow of a scheme may lead to increased enrol
students also tells us about the error in across the board in the states in India. For ment rates as that much more money is
enrolment rates and hence the error in example, largely due to the stable number utilised. So before we pat our backs
the h d i for India! of school students, the Government of because India’ s enrolment rates have
Further, as pro rata governmental allo Kerala has been able to make allocations increased, we need to remember that we
cations go on rising in the future as they for computers in government and grant- are using “corrupted”data and our h d i
are expected to, the temptation to show able schools. In a corrupt state, this kind may also be “corrupt”.
Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation is not accustomed (he takes his shoes off
in the middle of the race, runs barefoot
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COMMENTARY
represented by civilian authority in the tabled, corporate culpability is excluded. or indirectly, therefore, cricket appears
shape of the corrupt police. This disre The mainstream media - which is now to bear much of the weight of the coun
spect for the state, it must be explained, is corporatised - is naturally acquiescent try’ s patriotic fervour in sport and its
a contemporary attitude and does not per perhaps because its primary concerns unique position needs to be understood.
tain to Paan Singh’ s times because much pertain to its revenues (from advertis Although always popular, cricket did
of the film is set in the 1970s when Hindi ing) which might be jeopardised if it at not become the “ national sport”even
cinema still showed respect for the Indian tended to its traditional moral/watchdog with India’ s Prudential World Cup tri
state. The key motif in Ganga Jumna role.3 But the state (with laissez-faire umph in 1983. The burden of sports pa
(1961) in which the older brother turns da- economists like Manmohan Singh and triotism was, rather, shared more equi
coit to be eventually gunned down by his Montek Singh Ahluwalia at the helm) is tably with the other sports. Prakash
policeman younger brother is, in fact, re so afflicted by its own unworthiness that Padukone’ s All England Badminton tri
peated in Deewar (1975) when the smug each time its control shows signs of umph in 1980 and Vijay Amrithraj’ s suc
gler older brother is similarly killed by his weakening in any area, it responds by cesses in international tennis - when he
sibling and Shakti (1982) in which it is the removing long-standing structures in was briefly considered alongside Bjorn
policeman father who shoots down his stead of strengthening them - eg, pro Borg and Jimmy Connors - mattered at
erring son. Since then, however, cinema is posing cash subsidies to the poor instead least as much Indian cricket’ s successes
increasingly regarding the state as unwor of free education and health and gradu overseas. But cricket has a characteristic
thy of respect. ally dismantling even the public distribu not shared by other team sports which
The underlying implication in the tion system for foodgrains. The progres is its capacity to promote individual
films of the 1970s1 was that the state sive withdrawal of the state can only sug careers in a way that others do not. In
was the custodian of the nation and gest weakness to the public. most team games, the team/country
acted on its behalf but this sense perhaps It is perhaps because the state has must win for the individual sportsman
transformed radically after 1991-92. been systematically weakened by elect to be considered successful. A footballer
The economic liberalisation initiated by ed governments in this way that Hindi cannot have a successful career if he is
P V Narasimha Rao and Manmohan cinema has got around to the view (as in not frequently on the winning side.
Singh was intended as a way of cutting Paan Singh Tomar) that every Indian Cricket is perhaps a team game emblem
red tape and freeing the economy but, relates directly to the nation - instead of atic of private enterprise in that achieve
judging from Hindi cinem a’ s changing through the state. In Paan Singh’ s dis ments at the individual level often have
perceptions, this also weakened the carding of his spiked shoes in the middle little or no bearing on the outcome of a
state considerably - perhaps because of the 3,000 m steeplechase is the asser game. A cricketer sets a new personal
regulation and enforcement were con tion that the private citizen can do what world record even as his team sinks to a
fused with each other. It is one thing to he will for his country without assist new low just as a businessman can be
deregulate but another, entirely, to be ance from the state, which is suspect. come the richest man in the world when
lax in enforcing the laws that exist. In his country is failing on every develop
films like Kaminey (2009) policemen act Sport and the Nation ment indicator. This means that among
on their own behalf as if this was the Paan Singh Tomar is made partly as a all the team games popular in India,
most natural thing.2 There may be an vehicle for patriotic sentiments and it cricket has the greatest propen sity to
element of hyperbole in this portrayal shrewdly enlists two reliable institutions create stars without the team ’ s progress
but the weakening of the state has led to which have served mainstream Hindi paralleling that of the stars.
social Darwinism on an appreciable cinema in this way - the military and Cricket’s true rise perhaps also began
scale - a competitive environment in Indian sport. My sense is that unlike the in India in 1991-92 when television was
which anything goes. When the state state, with which citizens interact on a opened out to the private sector in a big
deregulated without strengthening it daily basis, these are institutions whose way. Television became the site of adver
self, free enterprise also became strong inner workings remain opaque and this tising in which stars play a big part and
enough to weaken the state. Corruption may account for why they are respected. since cricket was already producing
is perhaps understandable as the ma While the military has been a seat of stars, it may be conjectured that televi
chinery of the state subverted to serve patriotism ever since the Sino-Indian sion advertising found cricket useful.
free enterprise. Even the criminalisation war, the sports film had its advent only The rise of cricketers as national icons
of politics may owe to this because crime with Lagaan (2001). Iqbal (2005) and begins at around the same time. When
can be equated with free-for-all enter Chak De India (2007) followed. While stars endorse brands or products, it may
prise and this signals the social accept Lagaan and Iqbal are about cricket, Chak be expected that the brand or product
ance of “ entrepreneurs”of this kind. De India is about wom en’ s hockey but a has invested heavily in them and it
Deregulation without enforcement, it shrewd guess is that it was provoked by would hurt it for the star to lose stature.
can be argued, strengthened the private India’s humiliating failure in the 2007 Since cricketers are associated with so
sector inordinately, so much so that Cricket World Cup when the team did many brands, it may be surmised that
when a measure like the Lokpal Bill is not even get into the last eight. Directly several interests are doing their best to
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COMMENTARY
ensure that their images do not lose lus message might convince the enormous that private enterprise can do it just as
tre and mythologies have been created cricket-loving public of their patriotic well if not better. A factor that needs to
around cricket. Cricket advertising some credentials. be considered here is whether the nation
times takes extreme measures to keep Paan Singh Tomar is too tendentious a should not be a more inclusive one than
“patriotism”alive and at one point the film for it to serve as a marker for what that which is now being fostered. An
game was even being compared to war, sports patriotism meant in the 1960s. Indian industrialist becoming the rich
with the ball portrayed as a hurled ex The real athlete-turned-dacoit did re est man in the world may be a matter of
plosive. It would seem, therefore, that markably well on the track but this does national “ pride”but will the “ nation”
the patriotic sentiments evoked by cricket not mean that he was patriotic: one can that feels this pride be as inclusive as it
have been contributed to by mainstream win races without feeling anything should be? If the nation is not an inclu
media through skilful publicity. about the nation. While he fought the sive one, then one also wonders if it can
Notwithstanding the local passion for police to be eventually gunned down, survive in the long term. Will the failing
the game Indian cricket dominates the there is no evidence that he despised the state, therefore, eventually not destroy
world only financially. In the recent Asia Indian state. Being “ anti-state” is an the nation?
Cup tournament which concluded in Dha ideological position which may not be
ka, India did not even make it to the final embraced by all those who break the n o t e s / r e f e r e n c e s ____________________________________
although an important personal land law. But Paan Singh Tomar does serve to 1 Deewar is also widely regarded as working
mark was achieved. It would be absurd to tell us what patriotism implies to the vo with the “ mother-as-nation”cliche. For in
stance, see Ashish Rajadhyaksha and Paul Wil-
contest Sachin Tendulkar’ s personal cal classes (who love cricket) today: that lemen, The Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema
achievements in the game but the patri one must concurrently love the nation (New Delhi: Oxford University Press), 1995 ,
p 394 . In this film, the mother sanctions the
otic sentiments associated with Indian and spurn the state to be truly patriotic. killing of her older son by her younger son indi
cricket’s public image are incongruous. Judging from their conduct even the cating that the nation is with the state in the
latter’ s fight with the rebel although rebellion
Personal achievements in Indian cricket functionaries of the state/government
itself is caused by social in justice.
are often compared to those of interna may have been gradually persuaded to 2 See M K Raghavendra, “ Social Dystopia or
tional footballers, but a Pele or a Marado this view after 1991-92. Entrepreneurial Fantasy: The Significance of
Kaminey” , Economic & Political Weekly,Vol XLIV,
na helped their countries to dominate the No 38 , 19-25 September 2 00 9 , pp 15-17.
game.4 If one reflects dispassionately Conclusions 3 Having a corporate entity as a media enterprise
has an immediate consequence which is that,
upon cricket today, the more marketable This essay began as an examination of
being answerable to shareholders, profit
versions (T50 and T20) have had the ef the film Paan Singh Tomar but the becomes the primary motive.
fect of reducing the level of skill required enquiry led to other things like sports 4 See Tendulkar’ s 100 centuries as good as Pele’s
1,281 goals, Press Trust of India, London,
and enhancing the component of chance; nationalism and the role of the state in 19 March 2012 , http://www.hindustantimes.
in order to keep it popular, the possibility fostering the nation. Increasingly, it is com/CricketSectionPage/Chunk-HT-UI-Asia-
Cup2o i 2 -SachinStories/Tendulkar-s-ioo-cen-
of domination by a country is even being being asserted, that the state needs to turies-as-good-as-as-Pele-s-i-281 -goals/Arti-
undermined. Given such a scenario, one play no role in maintaining the nation, c l e i - 8 2 7 6 7 0 . a s p x , a c c e s s e d o n 22 M a r c h 2012.
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COMMENTARY
the Anti-Semitism Canard In Iran there is a regime that denies the Hol
ocaust and calls for the destruction of Israel.
This comparison says very little about Israel
and a great deal about Mr Grass. It is Iran, not
Israel, which poses a threat to world peace.
VINAY LAL It is Iran, not Israel, which threatens to de
stroy other countries. It is Iran, not Israel,
which supports terror organisations that fire
It is Israel, rather than Gunter unter Grass, some say, has a fond missiles on innocent civilians. It is Iran, not
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COMMENTARY
other hand, has for an equally long time genocide of millions of Jews disqualifies him even peace activists defending the Separa
laboured under its reputation in the west as, from criticising the descendants of those
tion Wall and the military build-up as the
Jews for developing a weapon of last resort
in the vocabulary of our times, a “ rogue” unavoidable condition of their secure ex
that is the insurance policy against someone
state. The nationalism of countries such as finishing the job his organisation began. istence. The future of Jewish identity
Iran has always seemed to many in the What could be more self-evident? struck Gandhi as “ bleak” : too many Jews
west, even those who style themselves For the likes of Grass, there is, quite self- remained “ locked into the Holocaust ex
liberals, as “problematic” . The nationali evidendy, no atonement, no remorse, only perience” , not merely convinced of the ab
sation of Iran’ s oil industry in 1951 was the certitude of eternal condemnation. solute exceptionality of the Holocaust but
bound to lead to serious repercussions for Yet the poet had clearly anticipated it all: firm in their view that their victimhood
the then prime minister Mohammad But why have I kept silent till now? gives them unique entitlements. The case of
Mossadegh, who would be removed in a Because I thought my own origins, Israel, Gandhi argued,
tarnished by a stain that can never be removed,
coup two years later. His overthrow, or is a very good example of [how] a community
meant I could not expect Israel, a land
chestrated by the us’ Central Investigative can overplay a historic experience to the
to which I am, and always will be, attached,
point that it begins to repulse friends...the
Agency and British military intelligence, to accept this open declaration of the truth.
Jews today not only want the Germans to
brought Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, When critiques of Zionism, or of Israel’ s feel guilty but the whole world must regret
whose gratitude to his benefactors would conduct towards Palestinians, cannot be what happened to the Jews.
amply be on display in the decades ahead, adequately answered, there is always the Fast and furious was the response to
to the helm of power. Since the revolution weapon of last resort, the ultimate weapon Arun Gandhi, and in much less than a
of 1979, which installed the mullahs in with which to tarnish the voice of informed week he had been forced to step down as
power, and the subsequent Iranian hos democratic and humanistic criticism: the president of the M K Gandhi Institute for
tage crisis, a rather humbling experience charge of anti-Semitism. “ This general Nonviolence. Though Arun Gandhi can
for the Americans, Iran has effectively been silence on the facts”- the fact, which Israel not be accused of disguising his Nazi
shunned as a “ pariah state”by the west. is in no position to repudiate, and which past, nothing prevented him from being
Grass’ poem has now uncomfortably brandished with the scarlet letters of
The Branding of Iran brought into the limelight, namely, that anti-Semitism.
The countries in the west which for years Israel’s own nuclear programme remains One cannot downplay the persistence
have rallied behind the United States to without supervision, inspection, or verifi of anti-Semitism over the centuries, and
declare Iran a “ rogue”state have, histori cation, subject to no constraints except it is similarly instructive to what extent a
cally speaking, treated their Jewish popu those which its leaders might impose upon forgery such as the “ Protocol of the Elders
lation much worse than did Iran, which themselves in the light of reason - forced of Zion”continues to resonate among
even today has the largest population of Grass’ hand; and it was not without aware those who are convinced that the Jews
Jews outside Israel in west Asia. It is barely ness on his part of how the end of the nar are uniquely capable of conspiring to en
necessary to recall, for example, the bar rative was foretold. Writes Grass, sure their domination over the w orld’ s
barism of the French, whether with re This general silence on the facts, financial markets and the p ow e r elites in
spect to the Jews or their colonial subjects before which my own silence has bowed, the us and Europe. But it is a form of to
seems to me a troubling, enforced lie,
in Algeria, Indo-China, and elsewhere. On leading to a likely punishment
talitarianism to insist that all criticism of
the received narrative, however, the anti- the moment it’ s broken: Israel is itself a form of anti-Semitism.
Semitism that was so characteristic a fea the verdict “Anti-Semitism”falls easily. Even the Jew might not critique Israel; if
ture of European society is a thing of the To consider just how easily the verdict of he or she does so, the Zionists have a
past; indeed, what generally gives western “ anti-Semitism”falls on the critics of phrase for such a person: a self-hating
civilisation its distinct prominence over Israel, let us recall the opprobrium that Jew. Moreover, it is imperative to recog
other civilisations is its capacity for atone Arun Gandhi, the grandson of Mohandas nise that in the United States and much of
ment and repentance. It is precisely in this Gandhi and the co-founder and then Europe, it is not anti-Semitism but rather
respect that Grass has been found by president of the M K Gandhi Institute for a visceral hatred and fear of Islam which
Netanyahu and other like-minded yahoos Nonviolence at the University of Roches is by far the greater problem. In large
to be severely wanting: as Grass had dis ter, had to face when he penned a short swathes of respectable European and us
guised his past for over six decades, he is blog for the Washington Post (20 Janu society, the open display of xenophobic
said to have been absolutely stripped of ary 2008) entitled, “ Jewish Identity Can’ t behaviour towards Muslims is not bur
credibility. Writing for Haaretz, long es Depend on Violence” . Though Arun Gan dened by the fear of censure.
tablished as the voice of Israeli liberals, dhi recognised that Israel was far from be It is Israel, rather than Gunter Grass,
Anshel Pfeffer ponders in a piece entitled ing the only purveyor of violence in that that has come across poorly in this recent
“The Moral Blindness of Gunter Grass” part of the world, he nevertheless thought exchange. This has happened all too often
why “ a highly intelligent man, a Nobel lau that “ Israel and the Jews”were the “ big in the past, and Israel will have to do more
reate no less”, does not understand that gest players”in promoting the “ culture of than hide behind those gigantic scarlet
his membership in an organisation that violence” . On a visit to Tel Aviv in 2004, letters that spell “ anti-Semitism”if it is to
planned and carried out the wholesale Gandhi wrote, he was surprised to hear confront the reality of its own demons.
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FROM THE STATES
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FROM THE STATES eeeeezt — et
treason by the equally dominant Vokka- The Lingayats had supported the ensure the com m unity’ s support. When
liga community right from the days of Janata Party and later the Janata Dal he was ousted from the chief ministerial
the unification of Karnataka. (jd) under Hegde, a brahmin. There was post and jailed on corruption charges,
An interesting bit of post-independ no strong Lingayat support to the b jp many senior pontiffs queued up to meet
ence history is that the unification of the until very recently, which was reflected and “ bless”him.
state was resented by many north Kar in its electoral performances. Thus, the success of b jp in Karnataka
nataka Lingayat leaders because of the In the 1983 elections, the b jp won 18 owes largely to the Lingayat voters in
possible domination by the Vokkaligas out of the 110 seats it contested. In the the state. One speculation is that the b jp
who are numerically strong in south Kar 1985 and 1989 polls, the party contested could garner 80 to 85% of the Lingayat
nataka. In the post-unification period, 116 and 118 seats, respectively, but man votes, and, naturally, Yeddyurappa claims
there has remained a strong feeling aged to win just two and four seats in credit for this. It is because of this social
among Lingayat leaders that the Vokka- the two elections. Later the Janata Dal support base behind him that the ex
liga and other non-Lingayat leaders of split and Deve Gowda became its chief. chief minister is forcing the high com
the Congress have consistently denied Hegde, whom the Lingayats considered mand to overlook corruption cases and
them political positions, including the their leader, was expelled from Gowda’ s put him back in the chief m inister’ s
chief ministership. Thus, once Kumara- party. The jd (s) in Karnataka, in spite of gaddi. Even when he was in prison on
swamy refused to hand over the chief having charismatic Lingayat leaders like corruption charges, in an open mark of
ministership to Yeddyurappa at the end J H Patel and M P Prakash, was identified rebellion he dissuaded his loyalists from
of 20 months of jd ( s) rule, all these fac with Deve Gowda and the Vokkaligas. attending the anti-corruption jatha of
tors were given much play during the And the Lingayats who were hitherto L KAdvani in Bangalore.
2008 elections. The numerically strong with H egde’ s Dal shifted their loyalty to
Lingayats consolidated in favour of the the bjp. The outcome was dramatic. In Hindutva or Basava Dharma?
b j p through Yeddyurappa. 1999, the party contested 144 seats and In Karnataka the Hindutva party has
won 44 seats. Yeddyurappa was elected been essentially thriving on the consoli
Lingayats and the BJP state president of the b jp during this dated support of upper caste Lingayats
In fact, the journey of the Lingayats period for the second time, the first was and not on the basis of a broader Hin
towards the b jp and away from the Con a short term during 1988. During the dutva ideology. But the irony is that the
gress had started right from the days of 2004 elections the b jp contested in all tenets of Lingayat ideology are inspired
the iconic chief minister, Devaraj Urs, the 224 constituencies and won a record by the liberal humanism espoused
who brought in a radical shift in the 79 seats. Though its vote share was less by the 12th century poet-philosopher-
caste configuration in the corridors of than that of the Congress, it emerged as reformer Basavanna and his followers.
power by promoting the non-Lingayat, the single biggest party in the house. This philosophical position is in direct
non-Vokkaliga Other Backward Classes Most of the new members among the 79 antagonism with the Hindutva ideology.
(obcs) le a d e r s in th e le g isla tu r e a n d in b j p m l a s were from the north Karna But the “ Basava Dharma”that is prac
the Congress. He was also instrumental taka belt and were Lingayats. tised and preached by most of the
in bringing in a better, though not radi Thus, Yeddyurappa had already Lingayat maths in Karnataka today is
cal, version of land reforms in the state carved his own constituency within the in tune with Hindutva. Nevertheless,
which challenged the hegemony of party by 2004 by nurturing and consoli given the choice between the b jp and
upper caste feudal elements. This had dating the Lingayat vote bank. After Yeddyurappa, most of the maths have
induced a dynamic in the state which coming to power in 2008, he started given the hint that they would choose
resulted in feudal upper caste elements mobilising the “ blessings”of pontiffs of Yeddyurappa.
moving away from the Congress. Lingayat maths. To this end, he even When Sadananda Gowda, blessed by
When the then Janata Party, under pumped more than Rs 300 crore directly the high command, refused to play the
the leadership of Ramakrishna Hegde, from the state exchequer into the insti mythical Bharata and return the throne
emerged as a political alternative to the tutions run by the maths, under the to Yeddyurappa when he came back
Congress in the state, most of the north budget head of “ Social and Cultural from his forced political vanavasa, the
Karnataka Lingayat feudal elements Expenses” . The Lingayat maths in Kar Lingayat leaders and m la s in the party
drifted towards the Janata Party. Even nataka wield strong social, cultural and openly defied the party and assembled
though A K Subbaiah, the firebrand economic power in the community, in in a resort to declare their allegiance to
crusader against corruption, was the particular, and in society at large. They Yeddyurappa rather than the party.
president of the b jp in the early 1980s (he run hospitals, education institutes, pro There were about 65 m la s in the resort
was subsequently thrown out of the party vide employment and control day-to-day with him, most of whom were either
for working against the r s s ideology), social life of the community in a signifi Lingayats or the “ migrant” leaders
and there were Lingayat leaders like cant way. Thus, enlisting this social base brought into the b jp through the infa
B B Shivappa and Yeddyurappa, the b jp still to wield political power was another mous “ Operation Kamala”that had been
had the image of a brahmin-baniya party. strategy employed by Yeddyurappa to devised by him. On the other hand,
26 A p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 (BBSS Economic & Political w e e k ly
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FROM THE STATES
Vokkaliga leaders like R Ashok (home to the Election Commission's own become detrimental to the unity of the
minister) and D B Changre Gowda (an admission, it was Karnataka’ s poll which b j p and its very existence as a powerful
erstwhile Congress leader who is now a was most corrupt during the 2008 elec party in Karnataka.
Yeddyurappa loyalist), disassociated them tions in the country. In Bellary constituency This has already begun to have
selves from this group. Other Vokkaliga alone, from where the Reddy brothers an impact. In the recent Udupi-
leaders in the party sided with Sadan- hail, Rs 47 crore (during the 2008 assem Chikkamagalur bye-election, the Con
anda Gowda in a clear exhibition of a bly elections) and Rs 27 crore (during gress wrested the seat from the bjp. This
divide on caste lines. While Linagayat the 2009 parliamentary elections) were defeat is significant because unlike in
religious leaders openly condemned the confiscated. The business partner of Gali north Karnataka, this constituency in
b j p high command and threatened Janardhan Reddy (the former tourism coastal Karnataka has always been an
grave consequences in the next elections minister), Sriramulu belongs to the ideological vote base for the bjp. The
if the party did not return the chief min Valmiki caste which has a significant Congress won with a convincing and
isterial post to Yeddyurappa, Vokkaliga numerical strength in central districts of hefty margin of 48,000 votes.
religious leaders and organisations, on the state. During the 2008 elections, this In Karnataka, scam-tainted Yeddyur
their part, spoke of dire consequences if additional vote base also helped the appa’ s hunger for power has provided
Vokkaliga Sadananda Gowda was sacri b jp to win not less than 30 to 40 seats. fodder for a series of s m s jokes and
ficed for Yeddyurappa! The caste alliance of Lingayat-Valmiki- spoofs. But the caste polarisation that this
These fissures on caste lines in the party Madigaas (the last being a prominent kind of politics has brought in has made it
are going to cost the b j p dear even if the dalit caste wooed by the b jp with the impossible for the b jp high command to
present crisis is tided over. These devel assurance of internal reservations) has take any decisive action. This will con
opments have raised fundamental ques also worked for the b j p till now. But now tinue to haunt the party for a long time to
tions about the feasibility or sustainability that the Reddy brothers along with come, even if he is reinstated as chief
of b jp in Karnataka as a Hindutva-based Sriramulu have drifted away from the minister in the event of the Supreme
national party which claims to rise above b jp and formed their own party, the b jp Court ruling against a c b i inquiry.
caste considerations. is facing serious problems. The tragedy of Karnataka is that there
Thus, a host of factors which the b jp is no viable opposition of comparatively
Operation Kamala used in the name of seizing power - like better value which would take the bene
The Operation Kamala strategy of the sympathy, caste and money factors fit of the opportunity, and convincingly
Yeddyurappa, which then had the full and the politics of caste alliance - have and politically defeat the bjp.
blessings of the r s s and the high com
mand, is also taking its toll. Yeddyurappa’
s
government in 2008 which could win
only 110 seats (three short of a simple
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
majority) resorted not only to buying the REVIEW OF RURAL AFFAIRS
support of independents but also made
January 28,2012
several elected m l a s from the jd (s) and
Congress resign and join the bjp. This
Agrarian Transition and Emerging Challenges - P K Viswanathan, Gopal B Thapa,
was a unique strategy followed by the
in Asian Agriculture: A Critical Assessment Jayant K Routray, Mokbul M Ahmad
b jp in Karnataka after the anti-defec
tion bill became law. In the bye-elections Institutional and Policy Aspects of Punjab Agriculture:
that followed, b jp spent crores to get the A Smallholder Perspective - Sukhpal Singh
defectors re-elected which again had the Khap Panchayats: A Socio-Historical Overview - Ajay Kumar
sanction of the high command and the Rural Water Access: Governance and Contestation
r s s . For this reason too, the claims of in a Semi-Arid Watershed in Udaipur, Rajasthan - N C Narayanan, Lalitha Kamath
both the r s s and the b jp to the moral Panchayat Finances and the Need for Devolutions
high ground sound hollow.
from the State Government - Anand Sahasranaman
Lastly, apart from sympathy and the
Temporary and Seasonal Migration:
Lingayat card that helped b j p ’ s winning
Regional Pattern, Characteristics and Associated Factors - Kunal Keshri, R B Bhagat
performance in 2008, the black money
of the “ Reddy brothers” , earned from the
For copies write to:
plunder iron ore resources of the state,
Circulation Manager,
was also used lavishly for not only the
Economic and Political Weekly,
elections of 2008 but also for the 11
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
bye-polls after Operation Kamala, re-
Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
elections and local body elections in
email: circulation@epw.in
which the b jp was victorious. According
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY B 2Q A p r il 2 8 , 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 27
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Citizens of an ‘
Undercity’ people, only six have permanent jobs
and where “ old India collided with new
India and made new India late” .
Through the absorbing although often
K ALPA NA S H A R M A tragic stories of these individuals. Boo
has constructed the tale of a globalising
nequality has become almost a cliche B O O K R E V IE W city, where those who live off its discards
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BOOK REVIEW
If there is anything one can criticise For Indian readers, the use of the term tells his friend Abdul, “ Always I was
about the book it is the author’ s efforts to “scavenger”would also probably jar as it thinking how to try to make my life
bring in too many elements. She tries, for has a specific connotation. Yet, you soon nicer, more okay, and nothing got better.
instance, through the life of Asha to bring realise that the author is referring to So now I’ m going to try to do it the other
in farmers’ suicides in Vidarbha and rural- people we call ragpickers or waste-col way. No thinking how to make anything
urban migration. She brings in some gen lectors. You soon forget the terminology better, just stopping my mind, then who
eral observations about India’ s economic as you follow Sunil as he searches for knows? Maybe then something good
policy in an effort to give context to the anything he can sell, is willing to perch could happen.”
story. Yet given the power of the rest of precariously on a ledge to collect a few
the narrative, this was possibly not needed. discarded aluminium cans and who Email: kalpanasharma@epw.in
T
Gandhi in the West: The Mahatma and the
means, opposition against exploi Rise of Radical Protest by Sean Scalmer (NewDelhi: Gandhi in the west that includes jour
tation and inequality in all forms, Cambridge University Press), 2011; pp v i+ 24 8 (hardcover), nalistic and literary writings, books,
Rs 795.
efforts for development of all in society memoirs, photographs and political com
and striving for the full civic engage ments. It draws from a wide variety of
ment of citizens are Gandhian princi Left” ) stretched only from the late 1950s sources. Based on the study of article
ples that never fail to attract the atten to the mid-1960s. The movements for accounts registered in the relevant data
tion of scholars and activists. Many like civil rights in the us and the anti bases for newspaper coverage in the New
Lanza del Vasto, Martin Luther King Jr, nuclear campaign in the u k during the York Times, Chicago Daily Tribune, and
Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi 1960s were important factors that re The Times, the author shows the high
acknowledge Gandhi as their inspiration. shaped western politics. The author traces points of such coverage. To quote him.
Many involved in the struggles against their history to an earlier generation’ s Western press coverage of Gandhi is like a
colonialism and exploitation all over struggles to understand and emulate mountain shelf: a sudden and small peak
the world evoke his name. Gandhi’ s ideas and activities. The author in the early 1920s; a deep valley; a tower
ing summit over 1929-32, perhaps double
is aware that it is not possible to make an
the size of its nearest neighbours; an incom
Transnational Gandhism in-depth study of Gandhi’ s global influ plete fall; a plateau; and then a smaller peak
Though Gandhi himself did not approve ence in a single volume. So he wisely in the early 1940s, lasting until Gandhi’ s
of “Gandhism” , it has survived in myriad limits it to the history of Gandhism in the death in 1948. Each peak relates to a period
of popular struggle for Swaraj: the ‘ non-
forms reflected in the expressions and u k and the us and justifies this selection
cooperation’movement from 1919, the Salt
work of millions ranging from Nobel Prize on the grounds of engagement, connec Satyagraha from 1930, and the ‘ Quit India’
winners to ordinary persons across cul tion, influence and comparability. The campaign launched in 1942 (p 44).
tures and countries. As Scalmer points u k was the colonial power Gandhi protes
out, the transnational career of Gandhism ted against; and the us was among the Image of Gandhi in the West
is a history not just of individuals and first to recognise his significance while The book begins with the initial image
nations, but also of connections, cam the engagement of African-Americans of Gandhi as formulated in the u k and
paigns and international flows. Scholars was important in the subsequent career us. Gandhi is shown by the media as a
like Leonard A Gordon, Sudarshan Kapur, of Gandhism. The historical connections person with an ugly face, emaciated
Thomas Weber, and Dennis Dalton have between these two powers as well as with frame, protruding ears and with an
worked on some aspects. However a India are important. Campaigns with a “effeminate”quality - a subject who is a
major, comparative and long-term study Gandhian tinge emerged in both societies cartoonist’s delight. His display of his
of “ transnational Gandhism” has not - initially Am erica’ s civil rights move body, the diet and fasts, the squatting
been done so far. And this is precisely ment and, later, a British campaign and loincloth are subjects of criticism
what Scalmer successfully has done in against nuclear weapons. The similari and ridicule. He is fitted in within a well
this book. ties and differences between the two also developed racial hierarchy; his lustrous
This book explores the questions allow for comparison. It is interesting to eyes and unusual personality also make
regarding Gandhi and the west in a parti note that in Britain, non-conformist and some see him as a particular kind of
cular context. The summer of satya- mostly middle class Christians were Oriental: spiritual, child-like, feminine
graha (more often called “ the first New Gandhi’ s keenest supporters, while in and poor. It is interesting to note that
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BOOK REVIEW
Gandhi’ s body has been studied by Man of the Year in 1930 and as shown of Gandhi within Hindu traditions and
scholars like Alter (2000), and his dress by the author the New York Times pub his concerns regarding western philo
by Tarlo (1996). The west took a long lished more than 500 articles that refer sophy have been deftly analysed by
time to understand and respond to Gan enced the Mahatma that year (p 27). Bhikhu Parekh (1995). Vinay Lai (2009)
dhi’s political ideas and activities. The Writers have found him to be an inter has explored important issues related to
news about Gandhi that reached the esting subject. The first biography of Gandhi and the west. It was only after
west was slow, piecemeal, and often dis Gandhi M K Gandhi: An Indian Patriot in several decades of intellectual exploration
torted. For decades he was depicted by South Africa was written by Joseph that the westerners began to experiment
the newspapers there as a kind of agita K Doke in 1909. Romain Rolland publi with satyagraha. It was not easy for them
tor. He was also interpreted as a naive shed the first major biography Mahatma to understand Gandhi’ s terminology of
fool or a person challenging authority Gandhi: The Man Who Became One with words like satyagraha; he was develop
in a deliberate and even intimidating the Universal Being in 1924. Gandhi him ing new concepts and new words. The lit
manner. Gandhi’ s friends in the west self wrote The Story of My Experiments eral meaning of the term satyagraha and
attempted to reply by questioning the with Truth. The list of other notable writ expressions like “ passive resistance”and
misleading headlines, and by writing ers on Gandhi and his work includes “non-resistance”proved to be inadequate
and lecturing in Britain and the us. John Haynes Holmes, Millie Polak, to convey the meaning of satyagraha. The
More importantly, Gandhi himself acted Muriel Lester, Reginald Reynolds and need for a far more complicated quest for
as a competent journalist and writer. Louis Fischer. Early influential books in intercultural communication and under
Correspondents like Webb Miller the west on his political programmes are standing was consequently felt.
and William Shirer, Negley Farson, Richard G regg’ s Power of Non-violence Gandhians in the west started their
E Ashmead-Bartlett, and Robert Ber- (1934) and Krishnalal Shridharani’ s War experiments in the middle of the 20th
nays covered Gandhi and his move without Violence (1939). century. In Britain they lay down on
ments. Webb M iller’ s evocative accounts footpaths and squatted at military gates.
of the satyagrahis being beaten ap Satyagraha in the West At the close of 1951, Hugh Brock, stalwart
peared in more than 1,300 newspapers Gandhi owed to both the traditions - of the Peace Pledge Union and editor of its
around the world. Time named him Hindu as well as the western. The location mouthpiece Peace News, had announced
AWARD OF FELLOWSHIPS
The HAS invites applications for the award of Fellowships for advanced research in the following areas:
For details please visit our website www.iias.org. The prescribed application form can be downloaded from
this website of the Institute. The applications on the prescribed form may be sent to the Secretary, Indian
Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla - 171005. Applications can also be made online. Applications on
the prescribed application form only would be considered. Screening by June 2012 and Selection Meeting
in July 2012.
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BOOK REVIEW
plans for a non-violent struggle in the growing number of friends. Increasingly, Gandhi presents a radically different
uk, named “ Operation Gandhi” , appealing media attention, the elicitation of pub paradigm through his movements and
to the British people’ s conscience. The licity and pressure became important. inspires introspection as well as action,
Aldermaston anti-nuclear marches with Gradually the simple events of peaceful often questioning prevalent axioms and
tens of thousands could not be ignored. protest and sacrifice were relegated to practices. His alternatives have not lost
Am erica’ s non-violent pioneers began the middle pages of the newspaper and their constructive elements. The author
their journey almost a decade or so television also lost interest. traces some history of Gandhism as it
earlier than their British comrades. In The author succinctly observes that was received in the west. In his own
Chicago, members of the new Congress though the Mahatma himself was dis words, his aim is “ recuperative, but also
of Racial Equality (co re) , schooled in placed from the public mind, his influ political”. Through revisiting the past, it
the Fellowship of Reconciliation, pledged ence lingered in three important ways. becomes possible to gather resources for
themselves to eliminate all racial segre First, Gandhism survived in the activity the present. And, in chronicling the
gation and discrimination, and called of veteran experimenters, a few of whom complicated and transnational history of
their method interracial and direct non became advisers in the new era of mass “satyagraha, we might learn not simply
violent action. The movement for African- action. Second, it was reproduced by the how to understand the world, but per
American civil rights gained strength. A presence of non-violent institutions, many haps also the means to change it (p 8).
boycott of segregated buses in Mont newly formed that sponsored protests, The ways of understanding the world
gomery, Albana began in December 1955, and trained participants. Third, it can be are not easy; the means to change are
when 50,000 residents united under the traced through the choreography of the even more difficult. However, the efforts
leadership of Martin Luther King Jr from protests themselves. The assumptions have to continue and in that context,
February i960, a “ sit-in” movement were the same as expressed by Gandhi this book about a rather unexplored part
spread from Greensboro, North Carolina and later translated by Richard Gregg: of history is helpful.
and within a month, mass protests had offering of a direct appeal, willingness
jumped the borders of seven states. to suffer, necessity of non-violence and Usha Thakkar (ushathakkar@yahoo.com) is
the belief that love would convert. The with the Institute of Research on Gandhian
Thought and Rural Development, Mani Bhavan
Discontinuities, Continuities author perceptively observes that though
Gandhi Sangrahalaya, Mumbai.
and Legacy the mass protests of the 1960s were
As the westerners made efforts to apply bigger and more exhilarating, and less
REFERENCES
Gandhism, they realised that the situa identifiably Gandhian than their pre
Emma, Tarlo (1996 ): Clothing Matters: Dress and
tion required adaptation. This required cursors, they did not mark a complete Identity in India (Chicago: University of
new terms and forms and performances, break with what had gone before. On Chicago Press).
leading to a rethinking and even reshap the contrary, the continuities with earli Joseph, S Alter (2000 ): Gandhi's Body: Sex, Diet,
and the Politics of Nationalism (Philadelphia:
ing of the Mahatma’ s techniques. Slowly er years were personal, organisational University of Pennsylvania Press).
the scene changed. The author shows ef and performative (p 178). And as he Parekh, Bhikhu (1995): Gandhi's Political Philo
fectively that the character of non-vio says, “ For the historian looking back sophy: A Critical Examination (Delhi: Ajanta
Publications), 1st Indian edition.
lent performance was altered in three from a longer distance, however, the
Vinay, Lai (2009 ): Gandhi's West, the West's Gandhi,
important ways: size, tactics, and suffer continuities impress much more than New Literary History, Vol 4 0 , No 2 , Spring,
ing. The new protests became larger the departures”(p 204). 281-313-
than their precursors. It was realised
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
that greater numbers were more
effective. The character and spirit of
non-violent protests were also subject to
change. Increasingly, activists appro
INDIA AND THE ILO
ached non-violence as a tactic or a tech March 5,2011
nique, not as a complete philosophy. India and the ILO in Historical Perspective - Sabyasachi Bhattacharya,
The place and importance of voluntary Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: India and the ILO - Kamala Sankaran
suffering also changed. Now it was not in For copies write to:
the hope of conversion but for com Circulation Manager,
manding the attention of the mass media. Economic and Political Weekly,
Non-violent acts offered a chance to 320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
email: circulation@epw.in
expose an enemy, and thereby to win a
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INSIGHT
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on information collected from the d j b an “ efficiency improvement plan for For the p p p consultancies, tenders
through right to information (r t i ) appli [the] existing water supply infrastrucwere invited from firms with relevant
cations, web searches and meetings with ture”with “ expertise, i e, prior involvement in simi
reduction in water losses”
concerned d j b officials. This has been a and by “ lar projects elsewhere in the country. Of
improving [the] energy effi
process of discovery and learning for us ciency of the system” the three p p p s , in Malviya Nagar, d r a
, the d j b claims it
and we have retained many technical has undertaken the p p p pilot projectsConsultancy Services has been awarded
terms in an attempt to demystify them. “ to improve and revamp the existing the consultancy for “ Reduction of n r w /
water supply system” u f w [unaccounted for water] with Im
.4 Given existing
PPP Pilot Projects “ losses” provement in Level of Service to the Wa
, the d j b notes that any incre
In January 2011, media reports regard mental addition to water availability ter Consumers and Improvement of Un
ing the privatisation of water supply in would amount to “ interrupted Water Supply under the
filling a leaking
Delhi by the d j b began to appear. bucket”and such increments through command area of g r & b p s , 5 Malviya
Intrigued by the newspaper reports, the big dam projects are expensive and Nagar” ; in Vasant Vihar Jalakam Solu
authors along with some others filed r t i time-consuming propositions. Thus the tions has been awarded the consultancy
applications with the d j b for details on need for the reduction of water losses for “p p p Project for reduction in n r w and
any privatisation projects undertaken by Improvement in Service Standards to
(i e, n r w ) is emphasised along with im
the d j b and were informed in a reply proved management of distribution. The ensure uninterrupted Water Supply in
dated 13 July 2011 (r t i document availa Vasant Vihar”
d j b maintains that private sector entities ; while in Nangloi a consult
ble with the authors): ant is yet to be appointed for “
will deliver these priorities efficiently Improve
There is no such proposal for privatisation of
ment
and is hence entering into p p p s such that and Revamping of Existing Water
water supply in Delhi. There are three pro Supply, Transmission and Distribution
the assets are owned by the d j b , while
posals] under preparation with the name of Network under the Command area of
operation and maintenance (o & m ) is the
Public-Private Partnership (p p p ) to improve responsibility of private entities. Nangloi Water Treatment Plant, Delhi” .
service delivery and achieve 2 4 x 7 water
The titles of these consultancy contracts
The detailed project report (d r a and
supply system on Public-Private Partnership
(ppp) basis.
again underline the overwhelming con
s t c 2011: 115-16) prepared by the con
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INSIGHT
award process of the tender with a second phase with the submission of the service level (24x7 water supply) and
transition period framework; stake d p r by the consultant, while the Nangloi this requires reforms in three areas:
holder participation in planning and p p p is still in a nascent stage. The bid
implementation for proper disclosure ding process for the Malviya Nagar p p p (1) Supply-side Management: Ensuring
and consultation with all stakeholders; project is now ongoing and likely to be the adequacy of supply and the repair
developing a legal structure for the per finalised by the middle of 2012. and rehabilitation of infrastructure to
formance management and regulatory reduce water leakage.
structure; and project management con Proposed PPP in Malviya Nagar
sultancy with performance assessment. The p p p covers an area of 14 sq km com (2) Demand-side Management: Impo
prising 26 medium to large colonies (ex sition of water charges as per consump
Table 1: Project Population Details
SNo Name of Colony Population cluding Indira Gandhi National Open tion; efficient metre reading and billing
1 M alviya N agar 27,454* University (i g n o u )). According to the system; proactive connection policy for
2 Saket 40 ,9 9 7 household survey conducted by the con unconnected population; and preven
3 Shivalik 6,164 sultant, the present population of the tion of unauthorised consumption.
4 G eetanjali 2,721 project area is 3,82,353. The number of
5 Sarvodaya Enclave 6,521 registered water connections in the (3) Managerial Reforms: p p p imple
6 N avjeeven Vihar 1,690
project area is 32,148. The project envis mentation through long-term perform
7 MMTC STC C olon y 5,169
ages the construction of the Malaviya ance based contracts.
8 P a n chsheel Park 3,257
Nagar Underground Reservoir and There are thus three core activities to
9 Sw am i N agar 1,107
booster pumping station which is to be carried out in a period of 12 years:
10 Sadhna Enclave 1,744
eventually receive filtered water supply (1) Rehabilitation of the existing infra
11 Sarvpriyavihar 5 ,6 8 0
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INSIGHT
zones. The Zone in area comprising Par- (3) Operator: (a ) o & m , (b ) m a n a g e clearances from Municipal Corporation of
yavaran Colony, Freedom Fighter Colo m ent o f th e p r o je c t, and (c ) p a rtia l Delhi ( m c d ) are required for this and d j b
ny, Western Avenue Colony, part of in v e s tm e n ts . is better equipped to handle this risk.
Indira Enclave and part of Saduljab vil The estimated project cost has two basic
lage are not covered under the existing (4) Monitoring Committee: Hundred components: the bill on quantity ( b o q )
metered water supply network of the per cent controlled by the d j b and com and the road restoration costs. This divi
d j b (ibid: 95). The population in these posed of officials, elected represen sion is made since it is likely that the
areas excluding i g n o u roughly comes to tatives and residence welfare associa m c d will be expected to carry out the
91,500 - nearly a quarter of the project tions: (a) call for external assistance road restoration as the task comes under
areas population. We assume that these whenever required (tariff rebasing, audit its jurisdiction. The operator’ s fee is not
colonies are likely to have standposts or ing, monitoring, etc); (b) monitor the key calculated as part of this project cost as
other sources such as tube wells that performance indicators; (c) monitor the it is considered an operating expense for
supply water to the residents in these operator’ s technical and financial per the d j b and is thus reflected in its in
colonies. The d p r strangely notes that formance and legal and contractual obli come and expenditure statement.
piped water demand for this area shall gations; (d) approve the rebasing of tar
arise only after 2015. Assuming that the iff as per contract; (e) make decisions Cost Recovery and Operator’ s Remu
project begins in 2012, the first two core regarding new projects; and (f) minor neration: The revenue of the project ac
activities, i e, rehabilitation and expan dispute resolution. cruing to the d j b is a product of the
sion, will be over by 2014. As a result, it Apart from these, private contractors water tariff and the volume of water
emerges that the Zone 111 colonies are can be hired for undertaking activities billed. The collected revenue will
not covered in the network expansion such as rehabilitation, expansion, me increase as the volume of water billed in
core activity of the project at all. The tering, billing, etc. creases over the project years ( d r a and
d p r makes no mention of how or when s t c 2011:132). The remuneration of the
piped water will reach these colonies. What Is the Financial operator is to be deducted from the rev
On the other hand, what is remarkable is Arrangement of the Project? enue collected with the assumption that
that all public standposts are to be re The total estimated cost of the project is the operator will earn an internal rate of
moved as part of the rehabilitation ac Rs 143.04 crore, out of which Rs 77.84 return ( i r r ) of 15% from his investment.
tivities. While it is not absolutely clear crore is for rehabilitation, upgradation The operator will be paid for 25 m l d
whether the standposts and other exist and expansion activities which are to be during the rehabilitation period of two
ing sources of water will be removed carried out in first two years of the project years even if the volume billed and col
from Zone hi areas, if they are removed by the operator. An amount of Rs 65.20 lected is less. Thereafter, the operator
to establish the extent of piped water crore is for road restoration activities will be paid according to the actual vol
demand, this would imply that the Zone which will be carried out by the d j b . ume billed and revenue collected (ibid).
hi areas will be left with no provision of Table 3 gives the detailed break-up of The fee of the operator is calculated
water for the entire project period! the project cost. The d p r explains that according to each cubic metres unit (m3)
the road restoration has been excluded of water supplied. In case of any supply
Who Are the Actors Involved in from the ambit of the operator since the not paid by the consumers as a result of
the Project and What Are Their Table 3: Estimated Project Cost
Roles? Sr Name of Particulars Unit Rehabilitation Expansion Total
No and Upgradation
There are four main actors involved Qty Cost in Qty Cost in Qty Cost in
in the p p p project and their roles are: Crore Crore Crore
1 R ep la cem en t and u p gra d a tion o f pip elin e RMT 97,938 20.39 23,097 4.2 1,21,035 24.59
2 R ep la cem en t o f ex istin g h o u se service
(1) DJB: (a) Decide the level of subsidy c o n n e ctio n N os 34,000 24.08 7,200 4.67 41,200 28.75
versus tariff; (b) establish the tariff 3 Valves and sp ecia ls 5.51 3.031 8.55
structure; (c) secure availability of re 4 Trench less M 800 2.22 200 0.57 1,000 2.79
quired water at the underground reser 5 Repair w ork s N os 0.62 0 0.62
voir; (d) pay energy bills to energy pro 6 E lectro m a g n e tic m etre N os 0.78 0.35 1.13
viders; (e) manage existing projects; 7 D ev elo p in g billing so ftw a re N os 1 0.2 0 1 0.2
(f) repay own loans and liabilities; and 8 A u tom ation N os 1 2 0 1 2
(g) pay subsidies (if any). 9 C on stru ction o f o ffic e and CFC cen tre N os 1 1.05 0 1 1.05
10 Civil w ork s 2.24 0 1.12 0 3.36
11 O th er w ork s 0.69 0 0.36 0 1.05
(2) Consultant: Project management
12 Cutting o f bitum in ous road and cem en t road cu m 52,228 2.77 20,247 0.981 3.76
consultancy for construction/rehabili-
Total BOQ (in Rs) 62.56 15.28 77.84
tation and monitoring during o & m for 13 R estoration and cu ttin g o f b itu m in ou s road sq m 3,70,624 52.02 84,014 13.18 65.2
specified period (15 months)7 after the Total p ro ject c o st 114.58 28.46 143.04
project begins. Source: DRA and STC (2011:131).
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subsidy, the water will be billed and it investment risk. Along with the assured lakh drawn up by the djb for the con
will be the responsibility of the d j b to fees of the operator, in fact, it turns the tract. On 16 April 2010 the executive
pay the fees to the operator for such water “ reward for risk”argument for profits engineer ( e e ) referred d r a Consultants
supplied. As there will no unbilled and un for private investment on its head, where for award of the consultancy, noting that
metered water supply, the operator will be the reward seems to be tied to the in it quoted
free from any commercial risk of non-pay vestment itself, rather than a result of the lowest rate for Rs 2.85 crore against de
ment by the consumers or because of any any risk undertaken! partmental justification of Rs 3.35 crore. No
such work has been done in this division in
“ free water”policies of the d j b .
the past. Since the rates of d r a Consultants
A d j b official claimed that the water Issues and Concerns are lower than the justification, hence,
tariff will not be increased to cover the The proposed p p p raises several issues “...for acceptance pi” (sic) (r t i document
operator’ s fee. This indicates that the and concerns of importance to the people available with the authors).
existing tariff structure of the d j b is al of Delhi and the Indian public at large. On 28 April 2010 the e e , assistant en
ready high enough to bear the operator’ s gineer (a e ) and superintendent engi
fee. However, these are moot points. Hiring Private Consultants: The d j b neer (s e ) further recommended accord
Since 2009 the water tariffs have been claims that this is the first time it is en ing post facto approval to estimate and
raised annually: (a) Residential from Rs 5 gaging in such a consultancy project. approve of award of the work to d r a
to Rs 7.19 per m3, (b) Mixed from Rs 5 While this is untrue given the award of Consultants noting:
to Rs 14.32 per m3, (c) Commercial from the previous consultancy to p w c in Estimated cost of the work is Rs 283 lacs
Rs 34 to Rs 41.76 per m3, (d) Government 2002, the need for a private consultant against the suggestive cost of Rs 335 lacs,
institutions from Rs 33 to Rs 41.76 per m3. to design the reforms needed in Delhi’ s which have been seen by planning with the
comment that the rates are on purely tenta
The total increase amounts to from water supply itself is questionable, espe
tive basis and there is no authenticity of
Rs 19.17 to Rs 26.26 for 32,148 connec cially at considerable public cost. It is in rates taken, so it cannot be checked by plan
tions. The d j b revenue increased from deed worth asking why the many uni ning. ...Sub technical committee examined
2009-10 to 2010-11 is from Rs 6.812 crore versities and research centres in the the case on 2 6 .04.10 and decided to recom
mend the case for award in favour of
to Rs 13.632 crore (ibid). capital region, including the esteemed
M/s d r a Consultants Pvt Ltd and also for ad
Indian Institute of Technology, were not ministrative approval of the estimate. Techni
Sources o f Finance: While the sources deemed worthy of offering expertise for cal committee in its meeting held on 27 .04.10
of finance for the project have not been improvements in the delivery of a ser also decided to recommend the case for award
finalised, the d p r indicates the follow vice so vital to the right to life for all. of work to L-i bidder and post facto adminis
trative approval of the estimate (ibid).
ing break-up (ibid: 131): (1) Government The award of the consultancy con
of India: Rs 71. 52 lakh (50%), (2) State: tract to d r a consultants also raises To the observation made by the
Rs 28.61 lakh (20%), (3) d j b : Rs 30%. accountability concerns. The budget ap finance division that the suggestive cost
(a) Bank loan: Rs 21.46 lakh (15%) proval of the consultancy contract is an “ has not been checked by the planning
(b) p p p : Rs 21.46 lakh (15%) interesting example in this regard. File- department on the ground that rates are
As per the information received from notings8 obtained through r t i reveal purely on tentative basis and there is no
a concerned d j b official, one source of that there was no approval by the plan authenticity of rates taken” , the reply on
finance could be j n n u r m . Given that the ning division for the estimate of Rs 335 6 May 2010 signed by the e e , a e and s e
suggested component of funding from
the Government of India for the project
is 50% and the d p r has been submitted
INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND
in the format prescribed under j n n u r m ,
ECONOMIC CHANGE
Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao Road, Nagarabhavi, Bangalore 560 072
this further corroborates the likelihood
of j n n u r m as a major source of funding. Applications are invited for the following posts:
While we are not experts in the area, Cadre No. of Posts Cateaorv Centre
common sense indicates that the private Assistant Professor One BC CESP
sector investment in the project ex Assistant Professor One PH CESP
plained in the break-up mentioned earli Assistant Professor One BC CESP
er as “p p p ”is only 15% of the total project Assistant Professor One UR CSSCD
cost (Rs 21.46 lakh). Given that a major Assistant Professor One SC CEENR
justification for the p p p is the investment Assistant Professor One UR CHRD
by the private party/operator for the
Detailed advertisement and the prescribed application form can be
scale of improvement of services sought
downloaded from www.isec.ac.in. The last date for receiving applications
(see section Rationale for p p p s men
with reference to the above advertisement is May 18,2012
tioned earlier), the sum of Rs 21.46 lakh
Note: UR: Unreserved; BC: Backward Classes; PH: Physically Handicapped;
in an overall project of Rs 143.04 crore
SC: Scheduled Caste s/d R E G IS TR A R
seems too paltry for any significant
36 APRIL 2 8 , 201 2 VOL XLVII NO 17 Economic & Political w e e k ly
noted that the suggestive cost has been assessment of this demand in 2015. As strategy to exert pressure on all residents
accepted by the chief engineer (south) as we noted earlier, with the removal of to connect to piped water supply so that
also the sub-technical committee and public standposts, their situation would the d j b can generate more revenue. This
the technical committee and that this is only be further exacerbated. If the period would be of particular interest to the pri
consultancy work and this type of work of the o & m contract is taken as 12 years vate operator because the remuneration
has not been done so far in the division. starting in 2012 (the bidding process is of the private operator depends upon the
On the basis of this reply, the award was already underway), the operator’ s man revenue generated from the project area.
recommended for further approval of date would not cover provision of water In this predominantly revenue-oriented
the chief executive officer of d j b and to these areas. The d j b is yet to decide reform approach, public standposts are
concurrence of finance at the appropri on whether it will undertake expansion seen as a source and reason of revenue
ate level - member (finance) of the d j b . of the existing network. Through our loss and public health and environmental
Finance finally concurred with the discussion with a d j b official we are given concerns are cited to justify the removal
observation that: to believe that there is no such plan for of such “ loss-making”facilities.
expansion and the focus of the p p p is We would like to clarify that we are
This consultancy work almost is touching Rs 3
crore. Project is concurred subject to: solely to contain leakages and improve not against individual piped water sup
(i) Benchmarks to be achieved during con existing supply. Therefore, it is clear that ply per se and recognise that most peo
sultancy work be clearly defined. the people living in these areas will not ple would readily sign up for such con
(ii) sl a ’
s [Service Level Agreements] for
get any benefit of the “ improved water nections. However, public stand-posts
each benchmark may also be specified while
supply”promised by the Malviya Nagar serve an important purpose in providing
signing the agreement... (ibid).
p p p project at least in the next 12-13 access to water for the poor and the
It seems inappropriate that the sug years, defeating the objective of secur homeless. Any improvement in water
gestive estimate of nearly Rs 3 crore was ing access to water for the poor. services including the provisioning of in
approved by the d j b without adequate dividual piped water connections should
checks, on the claim that such work has Removal of Public Standposts: Removal be based on the principle that safe and
not been carried out by the division be of all public standposts has been suggest adequate water is a right for all and the
fore. Why was the estimate and hence ed as one of the strategies to improve the government' must secure it for all with
the lowest bid against it approved by water supply infrastructure. The ration out the commodification of this precious
level after level of concerned authorities ale for this action is the “
finding”that: resource. Any decisions on the best man
in the d j b ? At the very least this indi waste water from public stand-post generally ner of securing this right must conform
cates an irresponsible and unjustifiable discharged into roadside drains or discharge to the principles of the right to water, the
directly in nearby (sic) are creating stagnation
hurry in the implementation of the right to life and the right to decentral
of water. The filthy waters stagnate in the area
project undertaken for public good with giving rise to unsightly appearance, foul smell ised democratic decision-making.
public money. The dispensation of public and breeding of culex mosquitoes (which are
money clearly needs much more vigilant the vectors for filariasis), pollution of ground- Public Participation
water, due to back-siphonage (which may lead
processes and checks built into estimate It is recognised in the d p r that at present
to increased incidence of faecal - oral diseases
approvals. They indicate systemic ineffi such as diarrhoeas, enteric fevers and viral there is limited confidence in the techni
ciencies that might be causing additional hepatitis) (d r a and s t c 2011: 118). cal feasibility and financial viability of
revenue loss to the d j b ! While the concerns regarding “ un implementing 24/7 water supply in Delhi
sightly appearance” , public health and amongst stakeholders because of lack of
Improved Water Supply for Whom? environmental quality are worth appre communication (d r a and s t c 2011: 14).
The proposed p p p project aims to pro ciating, the adverse implications of the Therefore, as a next step, it is recom
vide improved water supply to the pro removal of public standposts also need mended that the project shall be imple
ject area round the clock (24x7). How to be considered. Public standposts are mented with the involvement of all
ever, this does not mean that everyone the source of free water for the poor and stakeholders through effective commu
living in the project area will get water the homeless. It is an extremely unreal nication strategies in pilot zones. The
for 24 hours a day. The project area has istic expectation that the poor and the project considers it the duty of the con
been divided into three zones and Zone 111 homeless will get water from an “ im sultant to convince the stakeholders
areas (Paryavaran Colony, Freedom proved piped network” that will bill with effective communication. In a pre
Fighter Colony, Western Avenue Colony) them for water provided. As of now bid consultation meeting for the consul
are not covered under the existing water there are no indications of free or even tancy contract held on 24 February 2010,
supply network. The d p r does not talk subsidised water supply for any segment the d j b replied to a query about it as:
about the improvement of water supply of Delhi’ s population. The removal of
the consultant will ensure proper media and
in these areas. Instead, the d p r con public standposts thus means the denial press interface, track the development in
cludes that “
piped water demand for this of water to the poor, the homeless and press and media regarding the project, posi
zone will arise only after 2015” . How pavement dwellers. In other words, the tively influence the public opinion and bring
ever, there is no clear procedure for removal of public standposts seems a consensus on the project through proper
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INSIGHT
structural communication and media man lack of public consultations prior to “service provider”and “ consumers” . The
agement plan. The consultant will execute undertaking the p p p . Interestingly, the overwhelming objective of the p p p s is
all the components of communication and
objective of improving “customer services” the reduction in n r w , a term that again
media management plan, assist employer in
handling press conference, r t i , etc. The con
to the urban poor finds no mention in the emphasises water as an economic good,
sultant should develop proactive public cam details of the initial consultancy Terms rather than a right. This commodifica
paign for success of the project (r t i docu of Reference studied by us but found its tion of a resource so vital to life reflects a
ment available with the authors). way in the project summaries and the dangerous trend that will potentially re
This reveals some fundamental flaws d p r ; we wonder if the point was added sult in denial of access to water for those
that go against the spirit of democratic as an afterthought and question how who cannot afford it. At the very least it
decision-making as envisaged under the these concerns have been determined as shifts the focus from the obligation of
74th constitutional amendment. It estab a priority area by the d j b . What was the the government to ensure water for all
lishes that the d j b and the Delhi govern involvement of the citizens of Delhi, to an overseer of an “ efficient revenue
ment have not consulted the public be specifically the “ urban poor customers” generating service delivery to consum
fore introducing such drastic reforms in in determining the “ improvements”for ers”through p p p s .
water supply and are in fact depending a service as vital as water supply? The idea of treating people as con
on a private consultant to “ convince”the sumers in the case of water supply is
public instead of the d j b proactively Commercialisation of Water? inappropriate ethically as well as legally.
consulting the people of Delhi regarding d jb documents repeatedly use the term Ethically, water arises from nature and
the changes needed to improve and “consumers” , not “ residents” , or even is essential to life; it is inappropriate to
ensure access to water for all. “citizens”, underlining the emphasis on convert it into a “good”or “ service”to be
While the consultant’ s d p r elaborates water as a revenue generating economic exchanged for money. It is unethical to
the methodology of a 100% household good rather than a fundamental right. restrict access to this gift of nature
survey to determine the population of the The Malviya Nagar p p p project accord essential for survival of all living beings
project area, there is no mention of any ingly aims to improve the levels of serv to those who can pay for it or “ possess”it
“public campaign”to convince the resi ice to “
water consumers” . Thus, the objec as owners of land. From a legal point of
dents of the project area of the need for tive of the p p p project is to redefine the view, the linking access to water to eco
the p p p . This transfer of accountability to relationship between the d j b and citizens nomic capacity of an individual is con
a private entity is as unacceptable as the to make it a relationship between a trary to the concept of the fundamental
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INSIGHT
right to water. As noted earlier, the fun that there is no minimal criteria of sup methods need to be introduced within
damental right to water is part of the ply to all; and (c) evidence from across the binding framework of the govern
fundamental right to life as recognised the world whether in Bolivia or Italy, ment’s obligation to provide water for all.
by various legal instruments nationally where such initiatives have been under
and internationally. It is the duty of the taken through private participation re NOTES
government to take all possible measures 1 The term fundamental right to water in the
veal that tariffs rose exorbitantly and the
constitutional context denotes the inalienable
and use all available resources to ensure poorest were the hardest hit for access to right of every individual to water and imposes
the implementation of this fundamental water leading to popular uprisings that obligations upon the government to take all
possible measures to secure it.
right without any discrimination. This eventually wrested control over water 2 See Subhash Kumar vs State of Bihar 1991; Ha
ideal of non-discrimination would be supply from the private sector to public mid Khan vs State of Madhya Pradesh 1997;
Vishala Kochi Kudivella Samrakshana Samiti vs
the first to be violated by the implemen or collective control (see Prasad 2006; State of Kerala 20 06 .
tation of a consumer-oriented water Lobina 2000; Dwivedi et al 2007; Wolfw 3 The term “ people”includes all residents and
service delivery mechanism. 2011). These experiences are extremely those who come to Delhi for work or for other
purposes but do not reside in Delhi.
As a result of ineffective action to pertinent to the Indian context and 4 A master plan for Delhi’ s water supply is also
wards securing the right to water, sev their lessons must be taken into account under preparation by Japan International Co
operation Agency (JICA) which addresses non
eral residents living in the so-called while formulating policy and imple revenue losses; inadequate distribution sys
“unauthorised”colonies of the city are menting projects for the fundamental tem; loss of water in transit; inadequate infra
at the mercy of private water mafias right to water. structure; and the supply of large quantity of
non-revenue water.
and/or the local political elite. This The water supply reforms in Delhi are 5 Ground reservoir and booster pumping station,
means that there is no check on the significant and far-reaching in their scope respectively.
6 The controversial 2005 water privatisation ini
quality, quantity and frequency of water and are being undertaken without any tiative undertaken by the DJB with a World
to these residents. Rather than mitigat public debate, discussion and inputs. The Bank loan also claimed as its principal objec
tives the “24/ 7”provision of water, efficiency
ing these serious issues of access, the implementation of the ppps has been a
and reduction of NRW.
creation of a revenue-oriented service quiet and secret affair without proactive 7 This is separate from the role of the monitoring
delivery mechanism for water would consultations with the people of the committee.
8 These are handwritten comments, observa
allow the Delhi government to shrug its project areas they claim to benefit. The tions and criticisms by various concerned offi
hands off provision of water to these manner of implementation of the reforms cials pertaining to approvals and decisions in
colonies altogether. Indeed, the remov and ppps are undermining the democratic any government file.
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REVIEW OF W OM ENS STUDIES
J DEVIKA, MARY E JOHN, KALPANA KANNABIRAN, SHARMILA REGE, SAMITA SEN, PADMINI SWAMINATHAN
T
he advisory group of the Review of Women’ s Studies economy witnessed during the Eleventh Plan and the Plan’ s
(rw s) is grateful to the editorial team at the e p w for explicit claim to “ inclusive growth” , the question addressed
having been requested to assist the journal in bringing in the article is where a gender perspective is to be found, and
out this review issue twice a year. Over the years, the r w s has what needs to be done further to provide one. The express
evolved into one of the most significant spaces for showcasing task is to engender planning across all sectors, agriculture
new scholarship in the field of women’ s studies, thanks to the and manufacturing, rural and urban development, transport
extraordinary efforts and leadership of Maithreyi Krishnaraj. and infrastructure, health and education, among others. The
We would like to take this opportunity, therefore, to record article argues not only that inclusion must be explicitly em
our appreciation and admiration for her pioneering role in bedded within the growth process, but the many advantages
encouraging new and established scholars to publish their of doing so.
work in the epw , and so deepen existing research and thinking The second article “ Gender Responsive Budgeting in India:
on gender related issues. We hope to carry Maithreyi What Has Gone Wrong?”explores the very instrument that the
Krishnaraj’ s efforts forward, for which we look to her support, Indian state has now adopted in order to achieve integration or
together with the assistance of the e p w and the wider commu “gender mainstreaming” , namely, gender responsive budget
nity of scholars. ing. Since 2005, in some contrast to an earlier “ Women’ s Com
This issue of the r w s focuses on questions of policy in the ponent Plan”approach, gender budgeting has been institution
context of the upcoming Twelfth Plan. The relationship of the alised in India following the example of a growing number
women’ s movement in India to the State and more specifically of countries. Meant to be a tool that tracks how much of the
to aspects of development planning and policy is as old as the state’s budget addresses gender disparities and how pro
movement itself, and has had a multilayered history. Making grammes and schemes can promote gender equality, the
demands on the state and its machinery in order to overcome article exposes the problems that currently beset the adoption
processes that marginalise women has taken many forms, of this approach by the government and what must be done
and there have b e e n significant ch an ges in orien tation over to change it.
the last decades. One might point to the truly remarkable The third article (“Ladlis and Lakshmis: Financial Incentive
report Women’ s Role in a Planned Economy produced in 1941 Schemes for the Girl Child” ) examines a set of schemes that
for the future nation state which “ disappeared”with inde have been recently promoted by several states in the country in
pendence; the subsequent adoption of a social welfare an effort to combat the declining child sex ratio. With various
approach to women in the First Five-Year Plan; and the find names such as Dhanlaxmi, Ladli, Bed Hai Anmol, and so on, a
ings and critiques of the Towards Equality Report by the Com number of Conditional Cash Transfer ( cct) schemes have been
mittee on the Status of Women in India in 1975, followed by deployed with the goal of reducing the burden of an unwanted
the first serious efforts at policy review with the lifting of the girl by providing cash payments to poor families with a daughter.
Emergency after 1977. It is not possible to go into the details The article describes the nature of the schemes, and points out
of the different pressures that sections of the women’ s move problems with the many conditionalities that accompany it,
ment have placed on the state planning process in the inter including population control norms that demand of most families
vening decades and the kinds of outcomes that ensued, such that they have just one or at the most two girls (no boys) followed
as the special chapter on women and development in by sterilisation. The study raises some fundamental questions
the Sixth Plan (1980-85), and the later use of terms such as about the very purpose that is sought to be achieved and the
“women’ s empowerment” . methods of doing so.
As the first article in this collection (“Gendering the Twelfth A very different intervention is the subject of the next
Plan: A Feminist Perspective” ) demonstrates clearly, the situa article on the Dilaasa Model, which deals with domestic
tion on the eve of the Twelfth Plan (2012-17) could not be more
challenging. The current context is one where there has been EPW is grateful to the Editorial Advisory Group for the Review
some acknowledgement of the need to move away from an of W omen’s Studies for putting together this issue. The members
of the group are J Devika, Mary E John, Kalpana Kannabiran,
isolated focus on women to a more integrated approach.
Sharmila Rege, Padmini Swaminathan and Lina Mathias (EPW).
Given the unprecedentedly high growth rates that the Indian
40 APRIL 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 iwuvi Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
violence. Using a case study approach, the article (“ Addressing Opening Up Dimensions o f Public Policy
Domestic Violence within Healthcare Settings: The Dilaasa In different yet related ways, each of the articles opens up
Model” ) looks at how and whether women who have suffered dimensions of public policy in the contemporary moment, one
from domestic violence can be helped in a public health which has been transformed by the neo-liberal turn that
context. Crisis centres established in two public hospitals the Indian state has chosen to take. But this is also a moment
in Mumbai and the experience of women survivors of in which the state has made several claims about being more
domestic violence who came there for help are drawn upon gender aware - such as those to engender the entire planning
to make a case that there is a need to upscale such a model process; to institutionalise gender sensitive budgeting across
into a policy. all the ministries; to better target girls born into poor fami
The final paper in this issue of the r w s (“
Beyond Feminine lies; to respond to domestic violence in a public health set
Public Altruism: Women Leaders in Kerala’ s Urban Bodies” ) ting; and to expand the presence of women via reservations
moves into the realm of a less well known and certainly less within local bodies. The question therefore is what a critical
well studied dimension of development planning, namely, gender lens can make visible, from the most macroeconomic
urban local governance. In the context of Kerala and its poli of spaces to the most micro-level experiences of everyday life.
cies of decentralisation within which women’ s participation
has been foregrounded, the article discusses the ambiguous J Devika (devika@cds.ac.in) is at the Centre for Development Studies,
location of urban local politics between the realms of state Thiruvananthapuram, Mary E John (maryejohni@gmail.com) is at
politics and local (rural) decentralisation, and how this the Centre for Women’ s Development Studies, New Delhi,
affects the trajectories of women representatives who strive Kalpana Kannabiran (kalpana.kannabiran@gmail.com) is at the
Council for Social Development, Hyderabad, Sharmila Rege
for a political future. In particular, the constraints of urban
(sharmilarege@hotmail.com) is at the Savitribai Phule Centre for Women’
s
governance are being increasingly redefined by neo-liberal
Studies, Pune University, Samita Sen (samitasen@yahoo.co.uk) is at the
development policies of urban management, which in turn School of Women’ s Studies, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and Padmini
shape the kinds of women who are being elected and the Swaminathan (padmini.swaminathan@tiss.edu) is at the Tata Institute
power that they wield. of Social Sciences, Hyderabad.
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
M R ID U L E A P E N , A A S H A K A P U R M E H T A
D
A gendered analysis of the Approach Paper to the uring the preparation of the Eleventh Five-Year Plan of
Twelfth Five-Year Plan suggests that women must be 2007-12, the Planning Commission set up a Working
Group of Feminist Economists to review the sectoral
recognised as growth agents in India's political economy
chapters of the Eleventh Plan through a gender lens. Engaging
across all sectors. The gendering o f public policy must with the draft chapters, the group established the primacy of
move into macroeconomic space. While "inclusion" is women and their work in India’ s growth achievement. It argued
listed as an objective, there is lack of clarity on the that planning processes and methods exhibited an inadequate
awareness of these facts. The value of this initiative was that it
mechanisms for including the excluded, and for
advocated moving beyond a special focus in the chapter on
measuring and monitoring inclusiveness over the plan “Women and Child”to looking at women as growth agents in
period. From a gender point of view, the generation of India’ s political economy, across all sectors. Thus, the major
livelihoods and employment should be the central shift of this initiative was to move the gendering of public policy
into macroeconomic space (Planning Commission 2010).
driving force for growth, and the resources generated
The Planning Commission has reconstituted the Working
should support social policies that universalise Group of Feminist Economists for the Twelfth Five-Year Plan.
education, health and social security. This paper draws on an earlier gendered analysis of the ideas in
the Approach Paper to the Twelfth Plan (henceforth Planning
Commission 2011). While the wheels of the planning process
have been moving steadily forward, we believe that the direc
tions proposed in the approach paper continue to shape planning.
The strategies for growth proposed in the Twelfth Plan appear
to be formulated with little consideration for the needs and roles
of large sections of the population of the country and especially
those of poor women (Planning Commission 2011). This paper
aims to highlight some of these glaring gaps in the overall
design of the proposed plan and to suggest ways of making eco
nomic growth during the Twelfth Plan more truly inclusive.
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
overall, including skill development, better opportunities for of their gendered impact, for example, in terms of women’ s
both wage employment and livelihoods, and improvements in poor access to credit.
the provision of basic amenities. Particular attention should be •Environment and Sustainable Development: Displacement
paid to the needs of the scheduled caste (sc), scheduled tribe (s t ) and environmental degradation in the name of rapid growth
and Other Backward Class (o b c ) populations, women and chil should be prevented, so as to prioritise livelihoods of poor
dren as also minorities and other excluded groups (Planning women and men over more profits to those who are rich.
Commission 2011). •Rights-based Approaches to the Delivery of Services: This
However, there is lack of clarity regarding how inclusion will requires granting basic rights and designing policies as well as
occur. What are the mechanisms for including the excluded? mechanisms to see that these rights are actually enforced.
How will inclusiveness be measured? How will inclusiveness •Health and Education: The need is to take responsibility for
be continuously monitored over the plan period? There is no ensuring access to health and education, not by shifting state
magic bullet solution to ensure inclusion. We know that the responsibility to public-private partnerships (p p p s ), but as a
goal leads to greater complexity, both in programme design universal right; and
and appraisal. The critical questions outlined above must be •Designing public spending in a way that the above goals are
addressed. For without a road map for achieving inclusion, this achieved.
objective will not be achieved in the Twelfth Plan. If inclusion is the goal, then employment generation of high
Inclusive growth was envisaged in the Eleventh Plan too, quality must be the central goal of planning and the pivot of
but there is little evidence to show that the fast growth rate of the Twelfth Plan. A fundamental concern is that the underly
the economy during the plan period led to significant achieve ing assumption in the plan continues to be that output growth
ment of inclusion. There is a shying away from providing a in itself will generate the required employment, despite all evi
report card on why the Eleventh Plan that promised so much dence to the contrary (Kohli 2006). In the current plan period,
by way of “ more inclusive growth”of excluded/marginalised the problem has intensified as revealed by the latest data from
groups including women failed in these objectives. Inclusive the National Sample Survey Office (n s so). Annual compound
ness through planned development has remained elusive. growth in employment of all kinds (by principal activity) of
Economic growth is a precondition for inclusive growth. persons aged 15+, fell to 0.82% between 2004-05 and 2009-10,
However, the nature and composition of growth have to be from 2.7% in the previous period. What is most alarming is the
conducive to inclusion. Growth has to include the poor, espe fall in total female employment in absolute terms during this
cially women, ethnic groups and other disadvantaged groups, period, mostly because of a substantial reduction in self-
as well as deprived regions, not as beneficiaries alone but as employment (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh 2012).
partners in the process. In other words, inclusion needs to be
embedded in the growth process. It therefore has to explicitly Explosive Issues
address the constraints faced by the excluded and the mar Unemployment and discrimination on grounds of caste, com
ginalised and provide opportunities for them to be partners munity and gender are becoming increasingly explosive politi
in growth. cal and social issues (Kannan and Ravindran 2011). Spatially
Some of the major components of inclusive growth would be too, the distribution of benefits from economic growth since
the following: the early 1990s has followed an identifiable pattern. Per capita
•Em ploym ent and Livelihoods: “
L ivelihood”
-led grow th should income adjusted for inflation fell between 1993 and 2005 in
be at the centre of inclusive growth. This requires correcting villages located more than five kilometres from the nearest
the existing trend of jobless growth that has excluded women town where half of India’ s population resides. The steepest
and disadvantaged socio-economic groups from the growth decline was experienced by the lowest income groups. This
process, providing capabilities that are linked to productive debilitating effect must be countered by better physical and
employment opportunities, increasing the productivity and social infrastructure (Krishna and Bajpai 2011).
more intensive use of factors of production owned by groups The problem is particularly critical for women who have been
that are poor; and directing investment flows and infrastruc losing jobs during the Eleventh Plan period and have found few
ture development to spatially disadvantaged locations where new work opportunities except in domestic and personal services,
the excluded are concentrated. apart from teaching in urban areas. The need to rethink the
•Agriculture and Allied Sectors: The Twelfth Plan seeks to growth strategy is absolutely urgent because a large population of
achieve a 4% or higher agricultural growth. The role of women young people - the much-discussed demographic dividend - is set
farmers will be critical in achieving this goal since the femini- to enter the labour market during the next few years, an increas
sation of agriculture is growing. Research and development to ing proportion of whom have accessed education, including
increase yields of coarse cereals, pulses, oilseeds and vegeta higher education. Among them, young women are going to face
bles must be encouraged as this would encourage production greater difficulties in finding work. The few fresh work
of crops that are nutritious and provide food security. opportunities that have opened up for women have been in
•Macroeconomic Environment: Monetary, fiscal and interna occupations that the educated young among them are unlikely to
tional trade-related policies are closely intertwined with wom find palatable. Exclusion from the process of development can
en’s multiple roles in the economy. They must take cognisance have serious implications for the future of India’
s democracy.
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REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES — - - — v
All policy measures, as well as incentives to boost economic (3) The contributions and needs of those who have been
growth therefore need to be tethered to or enabled by increasing neglected should get due recognition.
employment, based on the recognition that shifting to an This paper aims to view all three objectives through a gen
employment-oriented macroeconomic strategy can have many dered lens and identify gaps in the design of the plan for differ
direct and indirect positive effects. Three elements of this ent sectors in that light. It also gives concrete suggestions
approach require reinforcement: enabling small producers to about the possible actions that will not only be equitable but
become more viable and competitive, encouraging quality also efficient in promoting faster growth.
employment with adequate remuneration in social sectors,
and preventing displacement, loss of livelihoods and environ Inclusion for Workers
mental degradation in the name of rapid growth. Each of these For inclusive growth, it is essential that all potential workers
has strong gender dimensions. Growth and rapid growth are find remunerative employment in the mainstream. That is to
critical but they must be translated into a better quality of life say, generating productive work has to be an integral part of
for all of India’ s citizens - women and men as aggregate the plan model. It is now officially acknowledged, in particular
groups, as well as subgroups of women and men disaggregated by the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorga
by class, caste, tribe, age, ability, religion, region, and so on. nised Sector (n c e u s 2007: 4) that economic “ development”
has seen not just the growth of the informal sector and the
Achieving Growth with Inclusion numbers of those employed informally, but also the “ informa
In the vision of the planners, the primary focus tends to be on lisation of the formal sector” .
increments to g d p , independent of its distribution. However, Further, there is remarkable consistency in the manner in
g d p can hide the composition of output and the means used which larger numbers of women and their “ work”either become
for achieving that output, i e, the strategy for growth. Maximi invisible in data systems or get captured in categories that fall
sing returns is the goal of economic behaviour according to outside the purview of protective legislation (n c e u s 2007: 59).
conventional rationality but the reality in developing econo The organised or formal economy supposedly enjoys the protec
mies is that households, poor groups and women exert effort tion of labour laws with some modicum of social security, but
to maximise not returns but the well-being of the group to even this apparent protection is elusive, n c e u s (2009) estimated
which they regard themselves as accountable. the effectiveness of the coverage of important labour laws for
Women regard the well-being of the family as their man 1999-2000. Among other things, this exercise revealed that the
date. Given the lack of adequate productive resources like cap effectiveness of coverage for the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961,
ital, technology and support systems like credit and favoura was only 16%. The International Labour Organisation’ s (i l o s )
ble laws that recognise their vulnerabilities, women’ s labour, recently concluded evaluation of maternity benefit schemes in
both outside and inside the household incurs higher costs and India carried this exercise further and revealed the manner in
receives poorer returns. There are many attempts to estimate which eligible women workers were denied maternity benefits
the enormous unpaid labour of women that sustains the statutorily due to them (Lingam and Krishnaraj 2010).
household. Such estimates of extended g d p should be pre Outcomes of the Eleventh Plan’ s efforts are especially worrying
sented together with g d p data. because, while national product grew at an unprecedentedly
In the view of the planners, inclusion is to be achieved fast rate, overall employment was virtually stagnant; it grew at
through the distribution of the gains through flagship pro a rate less than a third of that during the previous plan period. In
grammes and handouts to the needy. In other words, if gains the case of women, the rate of growth of employment was actu
from growth do not trickle down to all as expected, equity ally negative. Claiming that the rate was low not because of a
among citizens is to be ensured through special policies that ca demand constraint but due to a supply constraint in the labour
ter to the needs of vulnerable sections. Perhaps this is why the market can only be temporary solace; those young people who
approach paper is not overly concerned about the failure of the had stayed away from the labour market during the Eleventh
economy to generate additional employment during the Elev Plan period for better education will be joining the labour force
enth Plan period. during the Twelfth Plan period with even greater expectations
In our view, however, the primary purpose of the state regarding the quality and quantity of employment.
undertaking planned growth is not just to assist those who In any case, the fact that growth under the accepted plan
are already in the mainstream of the economy but also to cor model was not hindered by the withdrawal from the labour
rect historical inequities and address factors constraining market of large numbers of young men and women only goes
participation in the growth process. Including all sections of to prove the argument that the Eleventh Plan model had not
the population in the process of development implies the fol been conceived with the idea of seeking ways to include large
lowing three aspects: numbers of new sections of people in meaningful work.
(1) All sections of people in the labour force must be included One often-missed positive effect of an employment-oriented
as productive workers and contribute to the process of macroeconomic strategy is the possibility of using social policy
development. and social expenditure to generate more employment, which not
(2) All of them should get an equitable share in the benefits of only improves quality of life but also has very strong multiplier
development. effects. Increased public spending on health, sanitation, education
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1 REVIEWOF WOMEN SSTUDIES
and other essential public services should be associated with the which livelihoods depend and confers net benefits on other
provision of regular and high quality jobs in these sectors, rather livelihoods. A livelihood is socially sustainable if it can cope
than the current exploitation of underpaid para-professionals with or recover from stress and shocks and provide for future
who increasingly carry the burden of service delivery. generations (Chambers and Convey 1991).
There is an urgent need for policymakers to take cognisance
Including Women in Developmental Activities: Equally im of the roles women have traditionally played in many vital
portant is the fact that if women did withdraw from the labour sectors of the economy. Improving their productivity in those
force during the last plan period, it was because the terms on occupations will not only be equitable but will also lead to a
which work was available to them, whether self-employment more efficient use of national resources.
or piece-rate work, were too poor to be worth their effort. It is
not that they did not need the work; after all, during the same Agriculture and Allied Activities: One of women’
s key roles is
period, large numbers of rural women undertook to migrate in the farm sector where their share of the workforce has been
singly or commute daily to seek work mainly in the unorgan increasing as men move to non-farm activities. Particularly in
ised urban domestic service. The three million increase in rain-fed areas and in arid hilly terrain, they are being put in
urban domestic service between 2000 and 2005 indicates not charge of small and marginal farms as virtual cultivators. This
so much women’ s reluctance to work, as the deteriorating is precisely the one sector where planners will have to focus
quality of alternative job opportunities available to them. their policies immediately if they are to achieve their plan
Currently the single largest public policy measure for pro target of 4% per annum growth in primary production, because
moting women’ s economic activities is to provide microcredit currently over three-quarters of all cultivable land falls in this
for promoting self-employment among them. However, category. Neglecting women’ s role in oilseed cultivation in such
numerous studies have shown that: areas, for example, has meant that India’ s productivity in this
(1) The capital provided to women’ s groups for generating self- crop category is perhaps the world’ s lowest. The country annu
employment can at best create part-time, supplementary work. ally incurs a huge bill for imports of edible oilseeds.
(2) Without the help of a dedicated non-governmental organisa The use of land and water has become commerce-oriented.
tion (n go), it is difficult for poor women to design and execute Mining (legal and illegal) in Andhra Pradesh and in some dis
viable new enterprises. tricts in Karnataka has devastated entire landscapes, polluted
(3) Women usually end up putting the money in family activi water bodies and robbed people of their traditional liveli
ties controlled by men or using it to expand existing poor qual hoods. The gendered impacts of displacement via infrastruc
ity enterprises. tural development need special attention.
(4) In many instances, expanding existing businesses have driven As cultivators become confined mainly to small or marginal
down piece rates for the work that women had been doing. plots, since paid work in agricultural labour is becoming
(5) By focusing almost exclusively on microfinance, the state increasingly scarce for women, it has been difficult to increase
transfers its responsibility of providing employment to women women’ s productivity. This difficulty can be overcome by encou
by insisting that they undertake their own economic empow raging rural self-help groups to lease in land and pool their
erment through “ assisted”self-employment. plots to apply better inputs, and by providing them with train
Hence, livelihood missions like the large National Rural ing in innovative women-friendly technologies. Training in im
Livelihoods Mission (n rlm ) launched in 2011 that do not take proved farming techniques, especially for women, is required if
account of the macroeconomic context and demand for goods agricultural productivity is to be increased. Unless we boost
and services are unlikely to be successful. The n r lm ’ s focus on productivity in this sector, neither reduction in poverty nor in
creating producer (self-help) groups will be effective only if it dustrial progress is feasible. Adequate capital investment, credit,
involves improved access to inputs, credit, marketing and tech technology and market outlets are required to re-energise this
nology. It is important that (1) incentives such as those offered sector. Its role in ensuring food security and relieving women of
to corporates in downswings should be offered to a greater ex the stress of household provisioning cannot be overemphasised.
tent for small producers; (2) there should be enhanced access The comment in the approach paper to the effect that “ [t]he
to institutional credit - not microfinance - to small producers issue of food security is perhaps the easiest one to resolve”and
of goods and services, especially women who are normally that the decline in net sown area is only 0.6% of the total sown
excluded; (3) efforts should be made for technology upgrada- area (Planning Commission 2011: 50) has inherent contradic
tion in microenterprises, including training programmes and tions. The gradual fall in the net sown area is a major concern.
subsidies oriented towards this; and (4) the National Skill New technologies are also required in farm-based activities
Development Mission may be involved in this initiative. like dairy, poultry, sericulture and so on, where the conditions
A livelihood is more than the immediate means of earning a in which women work are poor. Moreover, the younger, better
living; it comprises people, their capabilities and the means of educated generation of workers (women included) may not in
living, including food, income and tangible assets. Tangible the future be willing to undertake such arduous work. Micro
assets are resources and stores and intangible assets are claims level studies have captured the rural population’ s urge to get
and access. A livelihood is environmentally sustainable when away from a farm sector that has been rendered unviable over
it maintains or enhances the local and global access upon the years. Not only are relations of production in this sector the
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES eeeeeeeeee
most oppressive, the designation of work in this sector is non their skills often have high marketability and the work can be
modem and therefore a poor indicator of “ development” . This decentralised to suit women with limited mobility.
likelihood too has not escaped the notice of the Planning Planners too appreciate the need to promote decentralised
Commission. It notes that (2011: 6): growth of the manufacturing sector; for this, they have proposed
much larger numbers of educated youth will be joining the labour setting up several new clusters of small units, but the way they
force in increasing numbers during the Twelfth Plan and in the years propose to do this is insensitive to the urgency of the problem.
beyond. The clear implication of this is that the pace of job/livelihood Developing new areas and putting in the necessary infrastruc
creation must be greatly accelerated.
ture for building such clusters cannot but be a long drawn out
However, the poor performance of the economy in terms of process. And experience from the past has shown that opening
employment generation in the recent quinquennium casts industries in green areas has seldom provided jobs to needy local
serious doubts on the possibility of increasing the pace sub workers. We need an alternative strategy that uses existing skills
stantially in the coming five years. and workers but combines them with fresh entrepreneurial inputs,
new tools and techniques and better market information. Such
Manufacturing: The manufacturing sector currently poses solutions have been successfully tried elsewhere (for example, the
the most serious problem for the Indian economy; despite fast Third Italy model or China’s town and village industries) and one
growth in production during the last five years, its contribu fails to see why planners have not tried to explore these in India.
tion to the national economy still remains relatively small and
it has failed to generate additional decent employment. For Transport: Women’
s inclusion in developmental activities rests
women especially, manufacturing employment actually critically on their mobility. Transport needs to be viewed not
shrank in this period. These trends are contrary to the world merely as a support for rapid growth, but also as an agent for
wide pattern of economic development. change and development, for increasing physical and societal mo
While mentioning the need for generating employment in bility, especially for women. It also needs to be noted that women
manufacturing, the approach paper does not explore the frequently use public transport while travelling with children. Fre
sector’s potential, besides making the rather brave assumption quent plying of buses, safe stoppage of buses while boarding
that an additional 100 million decent jobs will be created by and alighting, as well as the safety and availability of public trans
2025. Rather, it then focuses only on ways of enhancing the port will create an enabling environment for women’ s mobility.
sector’s contribution to the g d p and neglects all other concerns. Looking at the transport sector through a gender lens reveals
How such a massive number of jobs are to be created remains several differences that need to be addressed. These relate to the
an unknown, given that economic growth in the 15years up to intensity of transport usage, trip purpose, trip patterns, distance,
2010 generated not even a small fraction of this figure. What frequency of travel and mode of transport. Women-specific needs
makes the projection particularly brave is that manufacturing include transportation especially of primary products as head
employment actually declined in the period 2004-05 to load, access to local markets, inter- and intra-village roads/paths,
2009-10, even though manufacturing output grew at an annual pedestrian sidewalk use and security. Other issues that need
com pou n d rate o f m ore than 8% over that period. attention are personal security risks at parking lots, buses, bus
The main reason for the sector’ s malaise is the decline of the stops, airports, highways, etc, that affect women’ s travel pat
traditional household sector where large numbers of workers terns, design improvements to meet women’ s specific mobility
had been employed in decentralised units throughout the needs (lower height of entry steps, straps, etc, in buses and
country. These units have been producing varied goods for trains; installation of handrails, ramps, etc), demarcated serv
both local and global markets, many with very high skill con ices such as ladies special buses/trains, and most importantly,
tent, and contributed significantly to our foreign exchange clean toilets with restrooms at major and mofussil bus stations.
earnings. It is difficult to see how the planners can fulfil their
target of tripling manufacturing employment over the next 10 Equitable Share in the Benefits o f Development
years without reviving these units. Inclusive growth implies that the gains of development are
With the availability of computerised technologies, manu shared between all citizens in ways that are just. That is to say,
facturing can once again be decentralised as has happened in the state takes positive action to compensate the traditional dis
many globally important industries. In India, too, growth of advantages of the weak, the deprived and the vulnerable so that
production during recent years has chiefly been in small and each citizen attains a minimal level of capabilities necessary for
medium units. Planners are aware that these units’flexibility survival and functioning. India’ s record in this regard is far from
and capacity to absorb new skills has given them an edge in satisfactory; inequalities on grounds of religion, caste and ethni
growth over the factory sector. However, although traditional city are rampant and these get compounded once again for women
workers are also known for a capacity for rapid adjustments, of all groups on grounds of gender. An unacceptably large section
they do not find mention in the approach paper. Worse still, of the population, among whom women form the majority, still
the document has completely ignored women workers - per continues to suffer from hunger, ill-health and ignorance.
haps in the misplaced belief that they are incapable of absorb
ing modern skills. But traditionally, the sector has always been Education: Access to education and skill training exemplifies
the largest venue of employment for women after farm work; these failures. Despite the constitutional provision of a right to
46 Ap r il 28, 2012 vol XLVii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
education and the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan campaign, there are The Eleventh Plan fell severely short of raising the share of
still persistent gaps and discrimination in access to education public expenditure on health from less than 1% of g d p in 2006-07,
on grounds of religion, caste, ethnicity and gender. Regrettably, to 2-3% of g d p . The likely achievement will be only 1.4% of g d p .
this time too, policymakers do not appear to have any vision for The approach paper suggests that total health expenditure will
redressing that situation. Too much of early childhood education be increased to 2.5% of g d p by the end of the Twelfth Plan,
is being left largely to underpaid female teachers who, in spite but there is no basis for determining whether this is adequate.
of being state employees, are denied workers’ rights. Nor is there a road map for achieving this number.
The planners make no mention of action on the recommenda There is need for recognition of the critical care work provided
tions made by the various commissions and committees set up by women, that saves the public health system both time and
during the Eleventh Plan, which is when significantiy the big push cost. The primary burden of caregiving within the home falls on
for education was announced. There is an intention to bring in the women. This needs to be recognised and support provided to
private for-profit model into educational institutions. The empha alleviate the difficulties, drudgery and depression that surround
sis on the p p p model for all levels of education must be backed up provision of care. Macroeconomic policy takes the “ reproductive”
with evidence and justification to show how it has been success economy where women undertake most of the work for granted,
ful either in extending facilities to the deprived or in generally and assume that it will adjust to changes induced by macroeco
improving the quality of education. This is especially true of train nomic variables. While the approach paper notes that the bur
ing in skills. Access to skills has become a prerogative of those who den of financing healthcare falls excessively on households in the
can pay exorbitant fees. Women are deprived on several grounds form of out-of-pocket expenses, the solution suggested is publicly-
since families have reservations regarding spending large amo financed healthcare services through high quality, district-level
unts on a daughter’ s education. And if the family budget is con plans for health services, funded primarily by the states. This will
strained, then the choice automatically is in favour of the son. be a non-starter as several states will not have the required funds.
There is also no reason to believe that the p p p model will While ill-health affects both men and women, the problems
cater to the urgent need for skill training and upgrading among get compounded for women due to higher morbidity in both
numerous workers in the unorganised sector who, as men rural and urban areas, lack of access to and control over
tioned before, can find no markets for their traditional skills resources, restrictions on mobility, unrecognised care work bur
unless these are coupled with modern inputs and some entre den, high levels of anaemia and greater fear of stigma.
preneurial skill. To universalise access to these skills at all levels Additionally, women are victims of domestic and other forms of
and to all social groups, the state needs to promote flexible violence. This is a public health issue but public provisioning for
vocational school education as well as enterprise-level training implementing the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence
that is sensitive to local opportunities and traditional skills. Act 2005 that has been passed falls far short of needs. In addi
The Twelfth Plan must pick up the challenge of ensuring that tion to reducing maternal mortality and providing reproductive
all children, including differently abled children, are able to healthcare, the focus of health provisioning for women has to be
enjoy equal access to education and educational institutions. on planning for women’ s survival and health throughout the life
cycle. This requires that data on disease burden and health
Health: The most glaring form of gender discrimination is in seeking behaviour be presented separately for males and fe
the health sector, where it is visibly manifested in the low males. Data show that reported morbidity is higher among
female-male sex ratio, the high levels of and sex differentials in women than men. However, disease-wise information is spo
morbidity and mortality as well as differential access to treat radic. Strategies are needed for identification of specific barriers
ment and care. The zero-to-six child sex ratio has continued to to access to healthcare and removal of these constraints.
decline from 927 to 914 as per the provisional results of Census Shortfalls in essential infrastructure, nurses, doctors, and other
2011. Differentials in morbidity and mortality and differential staff and drugs must be corrected and access to primary health
access to treatment and care for women are causes for concern. centres (p h c s ), community health centres (c h c s ) and medical
Juxtaposed against the high communicable and non-commu care be provided based on population and area norms. Access to
nicable disease burden is the low public sector provisioning for healthcare cannot depend on the vagaries of public-private or pub
health and the unmet commitments on provision of access to care. lic donor partnerships. The state must take responsibility for acc
Public expenditure on healthcare in India is among the ess to quality healthcare - preventive, promotive and curative -
lowest in the world, both as a proportion of total expenditure for all, with special responsibility for vulnerable groups. However,
on healthcare and as a percentage of g d p . Government expend the “ vulnerable”cannot be determined by ownership of a below
iture on healthcare in India constitutes only 19.67% of total poverty line (b p l ) card, since that will lead to errors of exclusion.
expenditure while 71.13% is spent by households themselves
(Ministry of Health and Family Welfare 2009). In contrast, Contributions and Claims o f the Voiceless
government expenditure on healthcare is 87% of total health- As in any democracy, in India too, the claims and needs of the
related expenditure in the United Kingdom (u k ), 80% in vocal and the powerful tend to get a priority over those of the
France, 64% in Thailand and 46% in Sri Lanka (ibid). Clearly, weak and the voiceless. But in planned development, policymak
public expenditure on healthcare in India is among the lowest ers are expected to take note of the private costs undergone and
in the world. contributions made by these others in the process of development.
Economic & Political WEEKLY fZXKi APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 47
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES = = =
Plans for state action are supposed to be modelled in ways that Urban Sector: Similarly, more and more women, with or
provide for the needs of the voiceless and duly compensate them. without families, are seeking livelihoods in urban areas. Earn
ings in those occupations have become vital for the survival of
Energy Sector: Women of poor households contribute in many these families. While urban growth may create livelihood
ways to the welfare of their families and usually at great cost to opportunities, this will not automatically translate into inclu
themselves. For this, they get little acknowledgement or com sion. Much of the work that is created is casual and the wages
pensation, whether from the family or from society. One major paid are irregular and exploitative. From urban policymakers,
service performed by most rural Indian women for their fami however, there is little acknowledgement of women's strug
lies, as well as for the country, is to provide for the daily energy gles and the constant uncertainty they face regarding their job
needs of the vast majority of households, by collecting non opportunities and their claims on urban facilities.
commercial materials and processing these into fuel for cooking. Urban livelihoods are overlooked or undermined by policies,
The n s s o report on Household Consumption Expenditure regulations, and practices of municipalities and urban planners
(66th round 2009-10) shows that 87% of rural households and and are eroded by urban renewal schemes. The provisioning of
25.1% of urban households use firewood and wood chips, while basic water and sanitation are basic needs and should be delin
41% of rural and 7.8% of urban households use dung cakes. ked from land tenure and the above poverty line ( a p l) / b p l dis
These are collected by women and there is an opportunity cost tinction. Their needs too find no place in plans for the nation.
to the associated drudgery and time required for these tasks. If There is a strong gender dimension to safe water and sanitation:
the objective of the Twelfth Plan is “ inclusion” , this would re •There are effects on women’ s and girls’health, physical secu
quire that the lifeline energy needs of poor women everyday be rity and exposure to violence, unpaid labour (because of the
met, through reducing the drudgery associated with collection need to care for sick household members). Sanitation signifi
of firewood, and/or preventing the pollution and health haz cantly improves health and nutrition outcomes especially for
ards associated with using it for cooking the food that feeds the women and girls.
household. This issue deserves the attention of planners. •Lack of urban sewerage is a major problem. The vast majority
Also missing from the discussion is the importance of meet of cities and towns do not have even partial sewerage net
ing the energy requirements of small and marginal farms and works, and in big cities like Bangalore and Hyderabad, half of
microenterprises that enable the survival of a large majority of all households do not have access to sewerage connections.
men and women as well as contribute to gdp. The supply of There has been an increase in the number of census towns
energy to vulnerable households is linked not only to improve with no such infrastructure or municipal arrangements.
ment in quality of life and drudgery reduction, but also to live
lihood generation and increased contribution to gdp. Governance: The approach document harbours much faith in
The concern in the approach paper is with ensuring that the institutional reforms. How will these reforms be conducted
energy requirements of the major contributors to the g d p - and who will do them? Governance could include institutional
industry, transport, agriculture, etc, are met so that these sectors arrangements, managerial capabilities, legal and political
do not constrain the achievement of the 9% targeted g d p frameworks for delivery of justice, as well as rational conver
growth rate. In achieving these goals, it seeks firstly to keep a gence of development delivery. While there is a general under
check on the import bill for fossil fuels through increased energy standing that there are impediments to the effective delivery
efficiency of these (mainly imported) fuels, thus reducing the of policies and programmes, such as the “ silo”system (i e, cen
energy elasticity of various activities in the growth scenario. tral ministerial control over schemes), and a focus on profes
Second, it seeks to achieve growth in production while control sional managerial skills, there is no reference to the impor
ling carbon emissions from energy-producing activities. tance of the panchayati raj institutions as well as the munici
Despite the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana (rggvy), palities or their role in providing that convergence.
a large number of habitations are still uncovered and a very large
population has no connectivity. While there is recognition of the Removing Biases
need for universalisation of access to power, it is crucial that there be In recent years, several developments have taken place that
a commitment to achieving this during the Twelfth Plan and provi can help to remove the various biases that are still very much a
sion of a road map on how this objective will be attained. part of our governance system. One of them is the machinery
For inclusion, when there are shortages and outages, supply must set in motion to decentralise governance authority through
be rationalised so that small farms get priority supply at stipulated panchayats, district councils and municipal bodies, with reser
times and agriculture is not adversely affected. Similarly, the spatial vation of seats for various disadvantaged groups including
distribution of available energy supply should be equitable and not women. There is hope that the plans and policies executed
skewed in favour of more developed areas and rich households. thus could correct inequities in the system. However, planners
This must be followed through once again with a concrete road map. are yet to devolve sufficient powers to these bodies to make
The basic purpose of planning is to correct or compensate for the any impact. Too much authority is still centralised at the top.
imbalance between private and public costs; but in this case, plan Central schemes decide on the one design for programmes
ners show no awareness of the fact that women are saving on costs that are to be applied everywhere. This has foiled any hope of
to the nation at great private costs to themselves and their health. giving women a voice in future development plans.
48 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 EEC9 Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
For women, in particular, with concerns cutting across sectors, and therefore improvement is not possible without more
an intersectionality framework must necessarily be included frequent and better quality gender-disaggregated data on
whereby the perspectives, interests and voices of women from the - Employment conditions (paid and unpaid work)
most disadvantaged groups are foregrounded. The role of gov - Migration
ernance, in particular local governance, where women can play - Health access and outcomes
an active role in developmental planning, given their high politi - Education, skills and training
cal presence (now over 50%), is critical in this convergence. - Access to food and nutrition outcomes
Women’ s participation as elected representatives in local bodies, - Use of public facilities
evolved over the last 15 years, has been noteworthy. Hence the - Control over private and public assets
strengthening of these agencies’ roles and powers, especially for -Access to credit
implementing “ inclusive”programmes at the grass-roots level -Access to land
would be enabling for women-led governance. - Access to and impact of flagship schemes
Needless to state, it is the combined effect of these inclusive - Fiscal and monetary gender-disaggregated data.
programmes that can ameliorate so much of rural deprivation
for women who perform some of these tasks in the unpaid Conclusions
“care economy” . While the approach paper recognises that the From a gender point of view, what is required is that the genera
Total Sanitation Commission (tsc) without water is meaning tion of livelihoods and employment be the central driving force
less, that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment for growth and that resources generated through growth of g d p
Guarantee Act ( m g n r e g a ) without its demand-driven agenda feed the social policies that universalise education, health, social
would not improve outcomes, and that (for artisanal families) security, social welfare, culture and sports (see, for instance,
linking m g n r e g a with the National Rural Livelihood Mission Sarmiento 2011). This will involve a different approach than
is desirable, it makes little effort in working out a mechanism currently taken in the Twelfth Plan document. It is hoped that
to ensure such convergence. during the Twelfth Plan,
With the district now being identified as the first building •Livelihood-led growth will be at the centre of inclusive
block for planning and devolution of untied funds and flagship growth. This requires correcting for the existing trend of the
schemes, a district plan which includes gendered analysis of the poor quality employment generated by growth that in no way
district’
s economy, postulates a goal of food and livelihood se benefits women and many other groups; enabling small pro
curity and allocates funds accordingly is crucial. In short, gov ducers, in agriculture and non-agriculture, to become more
ernance should mean that with political democracy, women are viable and competitive; preventing displacement, loss of
enabled to build economic democracy. livelihoods and environmental degradation in the name of
The Indian government has in principle also accepted the rapid growth.
tool of gender-just budgeting for monitoring and evaluating •If inclusion is the goal, then employment generation of high
public expenditure for reducing gender-based biases. This can quality, and not primarily underpaid work in the social sector,
also be applied to plan schemes and their execution in order to must be the central goal of planning.
assess the orientation and progress of the plan from a gendered •Shifting to a livelihood-led growth strategy or an employment-
lens. However, gender-responsive budgeting (grb ) should go oriented macroeconomic strategy can have many direct and
beyond a number-crunching game of estimating the flow of indirect positive effects through strong multiplier effects, even
budgetary resources to women, “ to engage with the overall de for other policy measures.
termination of macroeconomic policy and the degree to which •Adequate public provisioning for healthcare must also be a pri
there is adequate support for social investment and provision ority in view of the high communicable and non-communicable
of public goods”(Elson 2011:17). disease burden, the massive burden on households of out-of-
Strengthening the gender perspective in developmental pocket expenses for financing healthcare and the unmet com
planning through sustained review, monitoring, evaluation mitments regarding equitable access to healthcare.
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Chambers, R and G Convey (1991): “ Sustainable Ru Growth in Rural India, 1993 -2005 ” , Economic & Group of Feminist Economists during the
ral Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the Twen Political Weekly, 4 6 (38 ): 44 -51* Preparation of the Eleventh Five-Year Plan,
ty First Century”, Institute of Development Stud Lingam, Lakshmi and Maithreyi Krishnaraj (2010): 2007 -12” , Government of India, New Delhi.
ies Discussion Paper 296 , University of Sussex. “Maternity Protection in India: A National - (2011): “ Faster, Sustainable and More Inclusive
Elson, Diane (2011): “ Economics for a Post-crisis Assessment” , Study Commissioned by the Min Growth: An Approach to the Twelfth Five-Year
World: Putting Social Justice First”in Devaki istry of Labour and Employment, Government Plan” , Government of India, New Delhi.
Jain and Diane Elson (ed.), Harvesting of India and ILO, New Delhi. Sarmiento, Marta Nunez (2011): “ Cuban Develop
Feminist Knowledge for Public Policy: Rebuild Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (2009 ): ment Alternatives to Market-Driven Economies:
ing Progress (New Delhi: IDRC and Sage “National Health Accounts India, 2004 -05 ” , A Gendered Case Study on Women’ s Employ
Publications). Government of India, New Delhi. ment”in Devaki Jain and Diane Elson (ed.), Har
Kannan, K P and G Ravindran (2011): “ India’s Com NCEUS (2007 ): “ Report on Conditions of Work and vesting Feminist Knowledge for Public Policy: Re
mon People: The Regional Profile” , Economic & Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganised building Progress (New Delhi: IDRC and Sage
Political Weekly, 4 6 (38): 6 0 -73 * Sector” , NCEUS, New Delhi. Publications).
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
G
The manner in which the Indian initiative on gender lobally gender responsive budgeting (grb) has come to
responsive budgeting has panned out appears to be a light as an important tool in the ongoing struggle to
make budgets and policies more gender responsive.
classic case o f putting the cart before the horse. This
From just one country in the mid-1980s1to over 90 countries
article analyses the tw o prime strategies adopted by the now, the last two decades have witnessed an overwhelming
Government o f India for institutionalising grb, namely, endorsement of g r b as a valuable tool for engendering budgets
the "Gender Budget Statement" and Gender Budgeting and policies all over the world.
In India too, g r b has drawn significant attention from
Cells to highlight w hat has gone wrong, and what needs
policymakers. Both the Tenth and the Eleventh Five-Year Plans
to be fixed. The authors also draw on experiences from made explicit mention of how g r b should be used.2 With the
other countries, to argue that g r b in India needs a Approach Paper for the Twelfth Plan in the public domain, a lot
completely different rhythm if it has to translate into of effort will now be invested in formulating the Twelfth Plan.
Various steering committees, working groups and sub-groups have
better outcomes for the women of our country. With the
been constituted by the Planning Commission to draft recom
formulation of the Twelfth Plan under way, the m oment mendations for the Plan. The moment is thus opportune to reflect
is opportune to push for groundbreaking changes in the on groundbreaking changes that we want from the Twelfth Plan.
policy discourse on grb. This article focuses on the experience of g r b in India - what has
gone wrong and what needs to be fixed in the Twelfth Plan.
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Although the Indian government’ s experience of g r b is empowerment (we) and gender equality (ge). However, a case
widely used as a reference point for other g r b initiatives, there for whether there is need for higher public spending can only
seems to be a visible gap between what was envisioned and be made if one knows how much is allocated. Therefore, to
what has been achieved under the rubric of g r b . In fact, the even begin assessing the adequacy or inadequacy of public
government’ s own road map for gender budgeting as envisioned spending on women, we need to first know how much the gov
by the Ashok Lahiri Committee was far more comprehensive.6 ernment spends on women. This is where a quantitative for
With the preparation of the g b s , our energies seem to have mat of the g b s becomes significant. At the very least, it helps
stagnated at step 1, and unfortunately no concerted efforts have us answer the most fundamental question of estimating how
been made to deepen g r b work beyond this stage. Further much the government spends on women.
more, commentators have also drawn attention to several Prior to the introduction of the g b s , there was no way of even
weaknesses in the way in which g r b is being done, particularly estimating how much of the government’ s total expenditure
the manner in which the g b s is prepared and the functioning of was flowing to women. Now, with the production of the g b s as
the g b c s . We will discuss these in detail below. part of the union budget documents, an institutionalised effort
Having reflected on both the policy endorsements as well as is being made to answer this basic question.
on the gaps in implementation, one is left wondering whether Despite certain limitations, the g b s has helped women’ s
these policy pronouncements have led to any tangible gains rights activists and civil society organisations place the call for
for the women of our country. Have budgets or policies of any better funding/provisioning for women’ s rights on a much
select ministry/department of the union or state government stronger ground. Without the g b s, it would have been extremely
become more gender responsive? Have any of these efforts difficult to estimate how much of the government’ s funds
translated into more gender responsive outlays and outcomes? flow to women - given the complex reality of the bureaucratic
Although cognisant of the fact that translating policy com machinery. At a preliminary level itself, this would entail not
mitments into tangible gains is invariably a long-drawn pro just looking at expenditure benefiting women through schemes
cess, can we construe the gap between what has been achieved exclusively meant for them but also scrutinising composite
and what could have been achieved by g r b in India, as essen expenditure schemes for their impact on women, as well as
tially only one of time lag? Or does g r b require a different assessing the difference between actual expenditure (ae), budget
rhythm all together if we want tangible outcomes? In this estimates (be) and revised estimates (re), among others.
paper, we argue in favour of the latter. We develop our critique By comparing the allocations of a particular department/
at two levels - first, we analyse the prime strategies adopted by ministry reflected in the g b s with its total outlay, one can assess
the government for institutionalising g r b , namely, the g b s and the priority given to gender equality/women’ s empowerment
g b c s ; and second, we build on experiences from other countries in that department/ministry. A high percentage does signify a
to map out certain alternative pathways for g r b in India. higher priority to w e / g e and vice versa. From an advocacy
point of view, thus low priority as reflected in the g b s can pro
Gender Budget Statement vide the trigger for demanding higher allocation for critical
If one looks at the larger choice set of g r b tools available, the interventions in different sectors.
g b s is the only tool that has been institutionalised in India. Contrast this with a format wherein each ministry/department
The g b s performs the arduous yet important task of trying to submits bulky reports on how their schemes promote w e / g e .
assess what percentage of the total expenditure of the budget For instance, in the late 1980s the women’ s budget statements
flows to women. As an accountability tool, it showcases the produced by the Australian federal governments were about
programmes/schemes and corresponding budgetary outlays 300 pages long and included a detailed narrative from each
of line ministries/departments with respect to their endeavour ministry on what their budget meant for women. However, the
to advance and promote gender equality commitments. length of these documents became a major deterrent for those
The “ Gender Budgeting Statement”(Statement 20, Expen using them. Subsequently, the government had to issue a
diture Budget, Volume 1) has a purely quantitative format. shorter version of the statement to widen its outreach. As seen
Currently, 33 demands for grants out of a total of 106 disaggre in the Australian example, an extremely detailed document
gate their allocations by sex and report in the g b s . The state may limit the utility of the g b s as an accountability tool, for
ment comprises two parts: part a, which details schemes in key stakeholders such as media, parliamentarians or even citi
which 100% allocations are for women; and part b, which zens. At the very least thus a “ one-number”format highlights
reflects schemes where allocations for women constitute at the priority for w e / g e in a simple user-friendly manner.
least 30% of the provisions. Furthermore, by asking line ministries to disaggregate allo
The Indian g b s has been studied in great detail and both its cations by sex, a thinking process is being initiated or a “ cons
strengths and weaknesses highlighted. In the next section we dis ciousness” , so to say, is being created of at least beginning to
cuss some of the advantages and disadvantages of the current g b s . assess and hence reflect on the impact of allocations of a
particular ministry on women.
Inaccurate Reporting or Design Flaw? While the current g b s has its fair share of advantages, there
Women’ s rights activists and lobby groups have persistently are several gaps as well. Several commentators have drawn
pressed for committed resources to promote the goals of women’ s attention to the limited scope of the exercise - from the low
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
levels of allocations for women as revealed in the gbs, to the Child Development budget (approximately 80 % of the total
number of ministries’ demands for grants covered in the scope outlay in union budget 2011-12 b e ) is meant for the Integrated
of the gbs, as well as the various methodological inaccuracies Child Development Services (icds), a child-focused programme.7
that mar the current g b s (Das and Mishra 2006a, 2006b; However there are certain limits to this approach. The first
Jhamb and Mishra 2007). Despite several attempts at refine major problem with the current g b s pertains to the practice
ment and restructuring to ensure accurate reporting, the g b s of disaggregating allocations by the sex of the beneficiary. For
remains fraught with huge methodological errors. Some of the instance, under part A of the g b s for 2011-12 is the item “ Wash
main anomalies are listed below: ing Drying/Women’ s Laundry”(demand no 54 - Police, itbp).
(a) Schemes are reported in part a of the statement even This expenditure was (or will probably be) incurred on women
though it is clear that 100% of the beneficiaries are not women. police officers and is thus reflected in the gb s. Similarly, the
For instance, the Indira Awas Yojana continues to figure in line item “ Engaging women employees on a contract basis”
part a, despite the fact that all of its allocations do not benefit (demand no 52, Ministry of Home Affairs), women employees
women. In 2008-09, for instance, of the 20.94 lakh houses were (or will be) engaged on a contract basis and hence the
constructed, only 17.16 lakh houses were allotted to women, money allocated for them is reflected in the gbs.
the remaining being jointly allotted to men and women from In both these examples, while the allocation reflected is meant
the same household (Government of India 2010a). for women, the question that escapes scrutiny is whether these
(b) Schemes reported in part b frequently claim that 100% of allocations, in any way seek to redress gender imbalances. For
the allocations are for women, as opposed to reflecting the instance in the second example, the women employed on a con
percentage that actually flows to women. For example, most tract basis could actually be worse off in terms of the employment
schemes of the Ministry of Minority Affairs, Ministry of Earth contract than their corresponding women or men counterparts
Sciences and Ministry of Labour and Employment report 100% in permanent jobs for similar work. Does this expenditure then
of their allocations in part b, whereas they are clearly not promote wom en’ s empowerment or gender equality in any way?
meant exclusively for women. In contrast, consider for instance, a hypothetical expendi
(c) Schemes reported in part b, where the reported percentage ture: a training programme organised for the gender sensitisa
is less than 100% but there is no clarity on how the ministry tion for male police officers. This expenditure clearly falls on
estimated the percentage flowing to women. For instance, men. Therefore, if one were to go strictly by the logic of our
under the department of higher education, the budget line current gbs, it probably will not feature in the gbs. But looked
“National Council for Promotion of Urdu Language”shows closely, the expenditure in this case, is clearly meant to address
approximately 33% of its total allocations under the gbs. What a critical gender concern - the need to make service delivery
was the basis of arriving at this figure? Take another example, more gender responsive. Such expenditure is therefore more
under the same department, the Central Hindi Directorate likely to promote gender equality than expenditure incurred
shows approximately 31% of its allocations in the g b s (figures on laundry of women officers’ uniforms. Yet our current format
not adjusted for the north-east component). Again, there is no does not leave any space to ask these questions.
clarity on the assumptions made to arrive at this number. What these examples demonstrate clearly is that it is not enough
These are but a few examples of glaring methodological to focus on disaggregating expenditure by the sex of the benefi
inaccuracies in the gb s, and it is critical that all necessary steps ciary but that a broader perspective is needed, one that is inter
be taken to correct them. Equally important is the need to monitor ested in the objective of the expenditure. Various g r b proponents
the gbs. Presently no such monitoring or audit mechanism of the have proposed categorisations reflecting the latter. The most fa
g b s is in place in India. Therefore, there is no way to ascertain mous perhaps is Rhonda Sharp’ s three-way categorisation of
whether what has been promised in the g b s is actually being expenditure where expenditure is divided into the following:
fulfilled or not. This needs to be supplemented by a closer look (a) gender-targeted expenditure; (b) equal opportunity expendi
at the format of the gbs, which remains purely quantitative. ture for civil servants; and (c) mainstream expenditure (the
What are the possibilities and limits of this approach? In the rest) considered in terms of its gendered impact (Sharp 2003).
following section, we discuss some of these challenges. Another categorisation has been proposed by Nirmala
Banerjee. In her pioneering work Gender and Fiscal Policies:
(a) Limits in Disaggregating Allocations by Sex of the The Case of West Bengal she proposes sub-categorising expen
Beneficiary: The current format of the Indian g b s disaggre ditures on public schemes for women in the following manner
gates allocations by the sex of the beneficiary. In other words, (Banerjee and Roy 2004):
it breaks down the allocations in terms of whom it falls on - men (a) Relief policies, which are not aimed at solving any peren
or women. The fundamental question that the g b s therefore nial or structural problems (e g, widows).
answers is - what percentage of allocations is meant for women? (b) Gender reinforcing assistance, which supports women
Disaggregating allocation by sex of the beneficiary is critical but strictly for their needs in accepted gender roles (e g, pro
to assess targeted expenditure towards women, especially in a grammes that address wom en’ s reproductive functions).
country like India, where allocations for the promotion of w e/ g e (c) Empowering schemes, which focus on removing gender-
remain extremely low. This is perhaps best illustrated by the based disadvantages of women (e g, schemes such as creches
fact that the largest proportion of the Ministry of Women and to allow women to work and extra toilets for girls in schools).
52 A p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 QQ53 Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
She argues that many programmes targeted specifically to be made more gender responsive” ? Unfortunately, this is not
women serve to reinforce traditional roles, and spending on at the centre of current g r b discourse in India.
them should not be counted as equality promoting expenditure. There is a further limitation as well, with significant impli
But if our overall aim is to harness the state’s help in achieving true cations about how we conceive of gender and its relationship
equality between men and women, we need to push for policies to other forms of disadvantage. By having a format that insists
that not merely assist women to fulfil their traditional roles, but also on a binary disaggregation between men and women, there is
to promote them in roles that will change existing gender positions a direct reinforcement of homogeneous conceptions of mascu-
(Banerjee 2 0 0 3 : 16).
linity/femininity, and by extension an implicit invisibilisation
Though the format used is purely quantitative, the Nepalese of alternative sexual identities such as bisexual, transgender
g b s too presents an interesting alternative. It uses an interest and intersex within public policy. Furthermore, the question of
ing mix of disaggregating expenditure by both - its incidence intersectionalities across other categories of discrimination or
(on men and women) as well as its objective. The indicators exclusion is not raised.
used in this case are (with an equal weight of 20% each):
(a) wom en’ s capacity development; (b) wom en’ s participation (b) Limits in Relation to Policymaking: The second major
in programme formulation and implementation; (c) benefit problem with this format of the g b s is that it neither serves as a
incidence of public expenditures on women; (d) support to tool that informs policymaking nor does it enable policymakers
women’ s employment and income generation; (e) positive impact to assess the additional steps needed to make policies/schemes
on wom en’ s time use and care work. gender responsive.
We argue that an objective-based disaggregation is a much Gender relations are complex, and any exercise which seeks
more useful way of disaggregating public expenditure. It is to capture these complex relations through a number is evi
clearly more informative about the direction public policy dently problematic. At times, what may be required to address
ought to take to be more gender responsive. key gender gaps may be resource-intensive (such as construct
There is a further consideration as well. Classifying alloca ing separate toilets for girls in schools), but at times they may
tions and expenditure by sex can be relevant only for specific require certain modifications to operational guidelines, such
ministries - those that are “ divisible”(i e, where beneficiaries as creating a sexual harassment committee. The current for
can be counted). For ministries where beneficiaries cannot be mat provides no fillip to officials to take small but critical steps
easily counted, one is bound to get stuck in a hair splitting towards engendering programmes, such as setting up creches,
exercise of how to arrive at the proportion flowing to women. providing maternity leave, flexi-timings, etc.
Perhaps this is one reason why the number of ministries Therefore, the second major limitation of a purely quantita
reporting in the g b s has stagnated over the years. tive format is this: while it helps us answer the question as to
A similar problem has been experienced with regard to the how much is supposedly being allocated and spent on women,
implementation of the Scheduled Caste Sub Plan (scsp) and it does not directly facilitate gender responsive planning and
Tribal Sub Plan (tsp).8 The Narendra Jadhav Task Force, set up budgeting. Thus, it would be more useful if the g b s began with
by the Planning Commission in 2010 to review and re-examine (a) identifying the pressing gender gaps in a particular sector/
the s c s p and t s p guidelines suggested several progressive steps scheme, followed by (b) what steps the ministry/department
for better implementation of s c s p and tsp. However it also made will take, in the particular year, to address the gap and (c) then
it non-obligatory for 43 ministries/departments to implement identifying the budgetary resources needed to address these
s c s p and tsp. The reason for this exemption is that there was pressing gender gaps and ensure that the requisite funds are
not enough scope in these ministries/departments to create made available and spent well. Unfortunately, because the cur
exclusive schemes for development of s c s and s t s (Government rent format reduces g r b to an allocation exercise, and, more
of India 2010b) and therefore it was difficult for these to report over, takes the form of something that is done as an after
expenditure in the s c s p and tsp. These ministries/depart thought, it is not in a position to inform policymaking.
ments include those largely engaged in policymaking without Take the example of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (ssa). The
any significant beneficiary-oriented schemes; engaged in basic department of school education and literacy has entered 48 to
scientific research; implementing large infrastructure projects, 53% of the s s a funds in the g b s which follows the pattern of
whose benefits to s c s are difficult to quantify, etc. enrolment ratios of girls and boys. Evidently, the reporting of
The important point to note here is that so long as one insists s s a in the g b s is based on a mechanical division of the total
on disaggregating expenditures based on the identity of the bene spending on boys versus girls by simply reproducing the pro
ficiary (whether based on gender or caste) and not on the objec portions of the respective enrolment ratios. For the g b s to be
tive of the expenditure, it is most likely that several so-called used as a tool to engender policymaking, the process should
“ indivisible”ministries/departments will remain off the hook.9 instead commence with identifying the additional activity
This is also why the only question that has occupied the which the ministry would undertake in that particular year to
mind space of most officials is unfortunately, “ how do we dis make a programme like s s a more gender responsive, and then
aggregate allocations for our ministry” ? Instead, the more follow it up with a more precise estimation of the resources
fundamental question that needs to be asked is this: “ how can required for its implementation. While this would surely have
the policies and budgets of different ministries and departments to include divisible items such as toilets for girls, girls’hostels,
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REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
and even a sufficient number of women teachers at all levels the only tool which has been institutionalised. Valuable though
of the school system, as much emphasis must go towards the g b s is, it is important to reiterate that it is just one of the
engendering the curriculum, teacher training materials, etc. g r b tools. The g b s by its very design is best suited for certain
As discussed, both the purely quantitative and qualitative ministries, particularly those engaged in service delivery. For
formats of the g b s have their own limitations and strengths. other ministries, it is critical to engage with other tools.
We argue that a format of the g b s that uses a mix of both qual It is important to look at the entire choice-set of g r b tools
itative and quantitative methodologies - winnowing out the available and accordingly reflect on which tool is most appro
most fundamental limitations of each of these approaches and priate to meet the larger objective of making policies and
capitalising on their strengths - can address these gaps. programmes of different ministries/departments more gender
Countries such as Indonesia have experimented with formats responsive. For instance, gender disaggregated revenue analysis
that have such an appropriate mix. Although qualitative (in which one tries to assess how men and women are affected
formats also differ with regard to the scope and depth of the differently by the kind of revenues raised by government) is a
exercise, most are drawn from the five-step framework10of g r b , tool that revenue-generating ministries (and only they) can use.
one of the important contributions made by Debbie Budlender A gender-disaggregated analysis of the impact of budget on
to the field (Budlender et al 2002). Here a gender analysis or time use, which analyses the impact of government resource
identification of the gender problem that a particular line allocation on the amount and the way time is spent by men/boys
ministry is trying to address becomes part of the g b s. In Table 1, and women/girls, for instance is a tool that the Ministry of
two such templates are provided. Statistics (m os) may be best suited to use, although it should
Table 1: Format of the GBS in Pakistan (Punjab Province) and Indonesia inform policymaking by other line ministries as well. Given that
Format for Pakistan's GBS (Punjab Province) Format for Indonesia's GBS the central statistical offices (usually located within the m os) are
• P rogra m m e n am e • N am e o f m inistry the key in-country institutions that have the capacity to conduct
• S u b - p ro gra m m e n a m e (w here relevant) • A ctivity regular, comprehensive time-use surveys, the m o s can become
• G en d er issu es • O u tpu t
an extremely significant actor in g r b as well.
• Planned activities • O b jectiv e
Globally too, the g b s is one of the most popular tools but there
• B u d get for previou s and current • Situation analysis
financial year is a need to reflect more carefully on which tool is most appropri
• Inputs (including ta rgets and actual • A ction Plan ate in keeping with the specificities of the context and the sector.
p ro g re ss on groun d) There are a few examples from the south Asian region itself,
• O u tpu ts (including ta rge ts and actual • B u d g et alloca tion for activity where governments have taken the lead in institutionalising
p ro g re ss on groun d) • O u tpu t
other tools. In Pakistan, for instance, the g r b initiative was
• Overall a ch iev em e n ts • Im p a ct/ resu lt o f activity o u tp u t
introduced in 2005 at the federal level and in two pilot districts
With sectoral ministries being asked to report in the g b s with of the province of Punjab and the implementation strategy
out an institutionalised process of either a gender analysis of the developed highlighted the priority areas and provided a road
situation or gender analysis of policies, we are essentially starting map to be followed, g r b tools used were - gender aware policy
with step-three of Budlender’ s five-step framework. The starting appraisals, conducted for the education, health and population
point of any good g r b initiative has to be a strong gender analysis welfare sectors which became part of the gender-related inputs
of the situation or the issue that one is trying to address. Unfor for the sector review reports of the government; gender - aware
tunately the current format does not provide any space for this. beneficiary assessment survey, undertaken in the two districts
In Cambodia, for instance, till date, 26 line ministries have of Punjab province; a nationwide time use survey, which
created gender mainstreaming action groups (gm ags). The g m a g s revealed the macroeconomic implications of the unpaid care
are responsible for formulating a Gender Mainstreaming Action work of the family; and in 2006, a pilot gender budget state
Programme (gm ap) - a document in which the line ministry ment was prepared for the education, health and population
identifies the key gender gaps within the sector and delineates welfare sectors in Punjab (Budlender and Mahbub 2007;
priority action points to address them ( n g o - c e d a w and c a m b o Government of Pakistan and u n d p 2008). In Bangladesh, on
2011). g m a p s thus offer an opportunity to integrate gender con the other hand, the government allocated funds for undertak
cerns in the line ministries plans and budget (Wong and Lay ing gender disaggregated beneficiary assessment.
2010). Although there are gaps in the capacities of these g m a gs,
what needs to be underscored here is that the starting point for Gender Budget Cells
the ministries is preparing the g m a p and then implementing it. As mentioned earlier, in India the second major step taken by
g r b comes in later as a tool to ensure that there is adequate the g o i to institutionalise g r b was the formation of g b c s in
funding to address the gender gaps. A 2007 review noted that various ministries/departments. While the idea emerged from
“an impressive amount of high quality work has gone into the the recommendation of the Ashok Lahiri Committee, it was a
development of these plans which can provide a model to be fol charter issued by the Ministry of Finance (mof) on 8 March 2007
lowed by other countries”(as quoted in Wong and Lay: 18). which finally mandated the formation of g b c s . As per the gender
budget charter, g b c s were to be set up with the objective of:
(c) Engaging with Other GRB Tools: As mentioned earlier, ...influencing and effecting a change in the Ministry’
s policies, pro
although other g r b tools have been used sporadically, g b s is grammes in a way that could tackle gender imbalances, promote
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
gender equality and development and ensure that public resources consider gender to be a priority. This de-prioritisation of the
through the Ministry budget are allocated and managed accordingly. gender agenda manifests itself in two peculiar syndromes.
(Government of India 2 0 0 7 3 :6 4 ).
The first is what we call the “ too high up or too low down”
Much attention was paid to the composition of the g b c s as syndrome and relates to the position of officials responsible for
well. As per the charter: the gender agenda within a hierarchical bureaucratic order. In
...the Gender Budget Cell should comprise a cohesive group of senior/
many countries the prime responsibility rests with officials who
middle level officers from the Plan, Policy, Coordination, Budget and Ac are too senior in the hierarchy and are therefore unable to dedi
counts Division of the Ministry concerned. This group should be headed cate the time required for pushing the gender agenda. In the
by an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary. The functions and Maldives, for instance, the gender focal points are at the level
working of the g b Cell may be reviewed at least once a quarter at the of deputy ministers (Government of Maldives 2009). While
level of Secretary/Additional Secretary of the Department (ibid: 65 ).
these officials are senior enough and carry the weight to push the
The functions listed were also a good start. Amongst others, gender agenda, they are often so busy with other commitments
three important tasks assigned to the g b c s were: that gender issues do not get the time and attention they deserve.
(1) Identifying a minimum of three and maximum of six larg On the other hand, in countries where a relatively junior official
est programmes (in terms of budget allocation) implemented is responsible for this, it is seen that on account of his/her low
by the ministry to analyse gender issues addressed by them. placement within the hierarchy he/she is unable to garner
(2) Conducting/commissioning performance audit (at the field the buy-in required from higher officials to push the gender
level wherever possible) for reviewing the actual physical/ agenda within sectoral ministries. For example in Cambodia,
financial targets of the programme, the constraints if any, in the gender focal points are usually deputy director level offi
implementation, the need for strengthening delivery systems, cials, although some ministries have deputed undersecretar
infrastructure/capacity building, etc. ies, heads of office or advisors for the job. While there is no one
(3) Organising meetings/discussions/consultations with g b c s way out, it is important to ensure buy in at the highest levels of
of related departments within the ministry, field level organi- decision-making. Without the commitment of the senior-most
sations/civil society groups/NGos working in the sector for ex in the hierarchy, ministries where gender is not the primary
changing ideas and getting feedback on the efficacy of sectoral concern will not address/take on gender concerns with any
policies and programmes. seriousness. Once this commitment at the senior-most level is
The Eleventh Plan also noted that efforts will continue to built, the details of the intervention can be worked out and
create gender budgeting cells in all ministries and departments implemented by dedicated staff lower down in hierarchy.
(Government of India 2007b). Going by the number of g b c s The second is the “ individual versus group”syndrome. Many
formed within various ministries and departments (56 as of countries have appointed gender focal points in line ministries/
2011), one would tend to assume that considerable work has departments. These gender focal points are mostly individual-
been done on this front. driven. Though they benefit from the energy or commitment
Unfortunately, however, the g b c s have not been able to exe that the individual brings in, there is a major weakness in this
cute the tasks assigned to them. Despite a commitment in the arrangement as well. Oftentimes, when they are transferred or
Eleventh Plan that “ data from these cells will be collated on a shifted, the work has to be initiated all over again. In contradis
regular basis and made available in the public domain”(ibid: tinction, some countries have set up gender mainstreaming
200), not much is known about the functioning of these cells. groups or cells within ministries/departments. While these
Within policy circles, there seems to be a latent feeling that structures have the advantage of not being individual centred,
these cells have been largely ineffective and remained mostly on it is often a challenge to get a group together in line ministries,
paper. What is even more disturbing is that no comprehensive whose priorities lie elsewhere than with gender-related con
review of these g b c s has been conducted by the government, cerns. Therefore, in this tussle between individuals and groups,
so far. Our critique of the g b c s is not only based on the specifics unfortunately efforts to strengthen g r b get diluted. The under
of the Indian experience, but also draws on the experiences of lying problem is that in most countries the focus has not been
similar gender architectures/machineries in other countries - on developing the necessary institutional capabilities - but
to highlight what has worked, and what has not. remained largely individual centric, and have therefore failed
to bring about transformations at the level of institutions and
(a) Low Priority Given to the Gender Agenda: It must be systems. Since a lot of energy has been invested in conducting
acknowledged that the non-functioning of g b c s is a non-problem g r b trainings and capacity building exercises in several coun
unique to India alone. The gender architecture/machineries tries including India, it would be valuable at this stage to take
( g r b architecture is a sub-component of the larger gender archi stock of all these efforts towards capacity building in g r b . For
tecture) in many countries face similar challenges and constraints g r b to move forward now, it is important thus to reflect in a
that have had an adverse impact on their working. One such fun strategic way on whose capacities need to be built, what kinds of
damental problem is that despite being articulated as a priority capacities need to be built and what is the best way of doing so.
in policy circles, the gender agenda continues to be relegated to an
“additional charge”status, and oftentimes falls into the lap of over (b) Lack of a Coordinating/Monitoring Mechanism: Since
worked officials who are unable to give it attention, even if they grb by its very definition entails cross-sectoral work and
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
requires coordination between various sectoral ministries, and second, it will assist the sectoral ministries in identifying
some institutional mechanism to facilitate the process is ways in which their policies and budgets can be made more
required. Different countries have experimented with differ gender responsive. Creating such a space for the g r b machin
ent structures - some have set up committees and task forces, ery within the formal budgetary process would be pivotal for
others have set up cells within line ministries and/or a secre realising the objective of making budgetary outlays and out
tariat to coordinate, among others. comes gender responsive.
Unfortunately in India, g r b efforts have been severely impeded (c) It is important for certain ministries to act as key drivers for
due to the absence of such a coordinating mechanism for har g r b . Given the nature of work, the Finance Ministry, W omen’ s
monising the work of g b c s across line ministries.11Based on the Ministry (in India, the Ministry of Women and Child Deve
experiences of other countries, it can be argued that a basic lopment) and the Planning Agency (Planning Commission for
minimum in terms of an institutional mechanism is required to India and ministries of planning in other countries) are critical in
make g r b a success. Some of these criteria are outlined below: this equation. In several countries one has witnessed the debate
(a) It is imperative that the g r b machinery involved in the sec as to where the key responsibility for g r b should be placed -
toral ministries (not just in the Ministry of Women and Child within the Finance Ministries or the W omen’ s Ministries or the
Development and the Ministry of Finance) is robust and func Planning Ministries. While there is no one mantra for this difficult
tional. This is critical because it is the sectoral ministries question, what can be said with confidence is that the involvement
which need to use g r b as a tool to make their policies and of the m o f is critical, since it is mandated with the important
budgets more gender responsive. task of deciding the resource envelope for sectoral ministries.
An interesting example is Cambodia, where the Ministry of Some instances of what other countries have tried out are as
Women’ s Affairs convenes a technical working group on gen follows: in Indonesia, for example, these three ministries along
der every six weeks which brings together all the gender focal with the Ministry of Home13have come together to constitute a
points from various ministries and departments (Kingdom of steering committee and have taken the lead as “ drivers”of g r b
Cambodia and United Nations, Cambodia 2010). in Indonesia. In Nepal, as part of broader efforts to institution
It must be mentioned here that the need for a similar mecha alise g r b , a Gender Responsive Budget Committee has been
nism was highlighted in India by the Ashok Lahiri Committee, established within the m o f comprising representatives from the
which recommended an Interdepartmental Steering Commit National Planning Commission, Ministry of Women, Children
tee (isc) on gender budgeting in addition to g b c s in individual and Social Welfare, Ministry of Local Development and u n
departments/ministries, for identifying and sharing “ the Women. Global experience has shown that active involvement
issues of gender budgeting which cut across departments, of the m o f is one of the critical factors of success of g r b .
for instance, the issues of budgetary allocations related to
domestic violence, microfinance, homelessness, etc”(Govern Putting the Cart before the Horse?
ment of India 2004:12). The manner in which the Indian initiative on g r b has panned
(b) Since g r b is about budgets, the g r b architecture must also out appears to be a classic case of putting the cart before the
find legitimate space in the budget making cycle of the country. horse. Starting off with the g b s and the g b c s was perhaps not
This is one of the most critical weaknesses of the g r b the best way to begin. As the experience of g r b in other coun
architecture (or the gender architecture that g r b uses) in tries reveals, for g r b to be meaningful, it must necessarily
many countries. In India, for instance, the m o f issues circu begin with purposive gender planning for each scheme/sector
lars, gender budget statements are produced by the sectoral - first by identifying the gender gaps in the sector and then
ministries, but there is no space for the g r b machinery within delineating prioritised actions points to address the gender
the formal budget making process. gaps. Scrutinising budgets and ensuring good quantity and
A rare model which the Philippines uses includes the National quality of budgetary spending should come in only after that.
Commission on the Role of Filipino Women ( n c r fw ) (which Instead, as discussed in the previous sections, the current format
has taken the lead in g r b in Philippines)12in all budget discus of the g b s has reduced g r b to nothing but an exercise with
sions conducted by the m o f for sectoral ministries (Encinas- numbers. With the formulation of the Twelfth Plan underway,
Franco et al 2010). To put it in context, since 1998 all agencies there is a massive window of opportunity to redraft the format
have been required to formulate gender and development of the g b s and thereby chart a different course of action for
(gad) plans and submit these to the n c r f w for approval. The g r b . It would be timely to recommend the formation of a
n c r f w management committee members sit in on the techni committee to review the format of the g b s and suggest a more
cal budget hearings conducted by the department for budget appropriate one, which can concretely inform policymaking.
management and also sit in on Congress meetings where agency It is equally critical that the Twelfth Plan reflects on the
officials defend their budgets (Budlender et al 2002). institutional architecture for g r b in our country. Clearly, the
The presence of the g r b machinery in the formal budget g b c s have remained an exercise on paper, and failed to propel the
negotiations between the m o f and the sectoral ministers is criti g r b agenda further. There is thus a pressing need to rethink or
cal for the following two reasons. First, this will help ascertain reinvigorate these g b c s . Without a robust institutional mech
the extent to which sectoral ministries have been able to fulfil anism to support g r b across the various line ministries, India
their commitments for g r b (whether in the g b s or elsewhere) will not be able to harness the potential that g r b offers.
56 a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3329 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
N OTES 2,225 and minor head 789 and 796 ). Moreover, A Review of the Philippine GAD Budget Policy
1 Australia was the first country to begin GRB in allocations shown by ministries are notional (Philippines: Miriam College-Women and
the mid-1980 s. See Government of India (2007 a). and lack criteria/assumption, transparency Gender Institute), National Economic and De
2 The Tenth Plan (2002 -07) stated the process of
and uniformity in fund allocation. Hence, it is velopment Authority, UNDP.
dissecting the government budget to establish impossible to quantify the total amount allo GOI (2002 ): Tenth Five-Year Plan 2002 -2007, Vol 2,
its gender-differential impact and to translate cated and/or spent by the central government Planning Commission, Government of India,
gender commitments into budgetary commit under SCSP/TSP. Taking into account the prob viewed on 6 August 2011 (http://planningcom-
ments will be continued. The Eleventh Plan lems, the task force recommended that sub mission.nic.in/plans/planrel/fiveyr/10th/
(2007 -12) stated that gender budgeting and stantial reforms be introduced in the SCSP/ volume2/ioth_vol2 .pdf)
gender outcome assessment will be encour TSP from 2011-12 for central ministries/depart - (2004 ): Classification of Government Transac
aged in all ministries/departments at central ments with a further aim to refine it from the tions Report of the Expert Group Constituted to
and state levels. See Government of India Twelfth Five-Year Plan, available at http:// Review the Classification System for Government
(2002 , 2007 b). planningcommission.nic.in/aboutus/task-
Transactions, Ministry of Finance, Government
force/tsk_scsp.pdf. of India.
3 In India, the initiative for gender-sensitive
budget analysis began during the Ninth Plan 10 The Five-Step Framework of GRB lists the fol
- (2007 a): “ Charter for Gender Budget Cells,
lowing 5 steps: Step 1: Analysis of the situation
period (1997-2002 ), with the adoption of the Department of Expenditure” , Ministry of
of women, men, girls and boys in a given sec
Women’ s Component Plan to ensure that not Finance, 8 March, mentioned in Appendix,
tor; Step 2 : Assessment of the extent to which
less than 30 % of funds and benefits flow to Gender Budgeting Handbook for Government of
policies address the gendered situation; Step 3 :
women from developmental sectors. For a India Ministries and Departments, Ministry of
Assessment as to whether budget allocations
critique of the WCP approach, see Das and Women and Child Development, Government
are adequate, in order to implement gender-
Mishra (2006 ). of India, viewed on 2 September 2011, http://
responsive policies; Step 4 : Assessment of
4 The expert group on “ Classification System of wcd.nic.in/gbhb/Link%20 hand%20 pdf/Gen-
short-term outputs of expenditure, in order to
Government Transactions” was constituted der% 2 oBudgeting% 2 oHand% 2 oBook.pdf)
evaluate how resources are actually spent,
under the aegis of the Ministry of Finance, - (2007 b): Eleventh Five-Year Plan 2007 -2012,
and policies and programmes implemented;
Government of India in 2 003 . The expert Vol 2, Planning Commission, Government of
Step 5 : Assessment of the long-term outcomes
group called for the budget data to be present or impact expenditures might have (Budlender India, viewed on 4 August 2011 (http://plan-
ed in a manner that the gender sensitivities of et al 2002 ). ningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/
the budgetary allocations of line ministries/ fiveyr/iith/ii_v2/nth_vol2 .pdf)
11 The Ministry of Women and Child Develop
departments were clearly highlighted. See - (2010a): Outcome Budget, Ministry of Rural
ment has proposed the formation of a Gender
Government of India (2004 ). Development 2 0 0 9 -10.Viewed on rural.nic.in/
Budgeting Directorate (GBD) which would
5 In the subsequent years, GRB principles have serve as the focal point for coordination, facili budget/outcome_budget_rd_0 9 -io.pdf, accessed
been extended to the Performance and Out tation and support of gender budgeting acti on 12 September 2011.
come Budget. Another strategy used by the vities across departments. However, this is yet - (2010b): Task Force to Review Guidelines on
government was capacity development and to be formed. Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan and Tribal Sub-Plan
knowledge building. A large part of the GRB Recommendations to Revise Guidelines for Imple
12 In the Philippines, the Gender and Develop
work has focused on creation of knowledge mentation of Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan and
ment (GAD) budget as introduced in 1996 . It
products including the production of a training Tribal Sub-Plan by Central Ministries/Depart-
states that every government-related agency
manual in 2008 as well several training initia ments, Planning Commission, 25 November,
must allocate at least 5% of its budget for gen
tives undertaken under the leadership of the viewed on 4 August 2011 (http://planningcom-
der and development.
MWCD. Following the initiative at the union mission.nic.in/aboutus/taskforce/tsk_scsp.pdf)
13 In Indonesia, the Ministry of Home is impor
government level, several state governments Gol, Union Budget (2011-12): “ Gender Budgeting
tant to this equation since it is playing an
have also begun engaging with specific tools of
important role in the recent efforts towards Statement” , Expenditure Budget, Vol 2 , State
GRB. Some GRB activities have also been
decentralisation. ment 20 , viewed on 21 September 2011 (http://
undertaken at the level district and sub-district
indiabudget.nic.in/v0 l2 .asp)
level as well (Gender Sub Plans).
Government of Maldives (2009 ): The Strategic
6 The road map outlined by the Ashok Lahiri R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________ Action Plan, National Framework for Develop
Committee included: (1) undertaking a review
Banerjee, Nirmala (2003 ): What Is Gender Budget ment 20 09 -2013, viewed on 4 September 2011.
of the public expenditure profile of relevant
ing? Public Policies from Women’ s Perspective (http://www.presidencymaldives.gov.mv/
union government departments through the
in the Indian Context, “ Follow the Money” Documents/AP-EN.pdf)
gender lens; (2) conducting beneficiary incidence
analysis; (3) recommending specific changes Series 1 (New Delhi: UNIFEM South Asia Government of Pakistan and UNDP (2008 ): Gender
in the operational guidelines of various deve Regional Office). Aware Policy Appraisal: Education Sector, Sindh
lo p m e n t s c h e m e s s o as to im p ro v e c o v e r a g e o f Banerjee, Nirmala and Poulumi Roy (2004 ): by Saba Gul Khattak. Strengthening PRS Moni
women beneficiaries of the public expendi Gender in Fiscal Policies: The Case of West toring Project. Finance Division, viewed on
Bengal, “ Follow the Money”series, South Asia, 5 August 2011 (http://www.grbi.gov.pk/grbi-
tures; and (4) encouraging village women and
their associations to assume responsibility for 7 (New Delhi: UNIFEM South Asia Regional doc.asp)
all development schemes related to drinking Office; Calcutta: Sachetana Information Centre). Jhamb Bhumika and Yamini Mishra (2007 ): “ What
water, sanitation, primary education, health Budlender, Debbie and Nadeem Mahbub (2007 ): Does Union Budget 2007-08 Offer Women?”
and nutrition. Gender Responsive Budgeting in Pakistan: Economic & Political Weekly, 21 April, 1423-28 .
7 ICDS provides a comprehensive package of Experience and Lessons Learned (Islamabad: Kingdom of Cambodia and United Nations, Cambodia
services targeting children in the age group of UNIFEM) viewed on http://www.gendermat- (2010): United Nations Development Assistance
0 -6 years, pregnant women, lactating mothers, ters.eu/resources_documents/UserFiles/File/ Framework: 2011-2015, viewed on 5 Septem
women in the age group of 15-45 years and Resourse/GRB_in_Pakistan_Article_Novem- ber 2011, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/
adolescent girls. ber_2007 .pdf, accessed on 5 August 2011. public/—asia/—ro-bangkok/documents/pub-
8 SCSP and TSP mandated that ministries must Budlender, Debbie, Diane Elson, Guy Hewitt and lication/wcms_i24787 .pdf
earmark plan funds for the development of SCs Tanni Mukhopadhyay (2002 ): Gender Budgets NGO-CEDAW and CAMBOW (2011): Implementa
and STs in accordance with the proportion of Make Cents: Understanding Gender Responsive tion of the Convention on the Elimination of All
these communities in the total population - Budgets (London: The Commonwealth Secre Forms of Discrimination against Women in
16% and 8 %, respectively, at the national level tariat). Cambodia, 2010,March, viewed on 10 August 2011
as of 2001 . Das, Subrat and Yamini Mishra (2 00 6 a): “ Gender (http://www.ngocedaw.org/reports/Shado-
9 Realising the inadequacy in the implementa Budgeting: A Long Way to Go!” , Yojana (New w 2010 English.pdf)
tion of SCSP and TSP, the Planning Commis Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcast Sharp, Rhonda (2003 ): Budgeting for Equity:
sion constituted a task force chaired by Naren- ing), Government of India, 50 , October. Gender Budget Initiatives within a Framework
dra Jadhav to review, re-examine, and revise - (2 006 b): “ Gender Budgeting Statement: Mis of Performance Oriented Budgeting (New York:
the existing SCSP/TSP Guidelines in 2010 . The leading and Patriarchal Assumptions” , Eco UNIFEM).
task force found that the implementation of the nomic & Political Weekly, 41(30 ): 3285 -87. Wong, Franz F and Samkol Lay (2010): “ Mid-Term
guidelines has remained inadequate and hard Encinas-Franco, Jean, Jon Michael R Villaseiior, Review of the Partnership for Gender Equality”
ly any ministry is showing its SCSP/TSP out Maria Daryl L, Leyesa Frances Chariza I, de los (Phase 2 Extensions), March, Phnom Penh,
lays under a separate budget head (major head Trino (2010): Accounting for Women and Gender: Cambodia.
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
T V SEKHER
T
A desk review o f 15 girl child promotion schemes relying he introduction of the conditional cash transfer schemes
on conditional cash transfers across the states and ( ccts) is a marked departure from the traditional ap
proaches in social programming. Through the provision
discussions w ith a few non-governmental organisations,
of financial incentives to poor families following the fulfilment
implementing officials and beneficiaries show up some of certain verifiable conditions, c c t s seek to provide short
of the shortcomings. The eligibility criteria, term income support and at the same time promote long-term
conditionalities and registration procedures need to be behavioural changes. They, therefore, have the potential to
become an effective means of channelising the limited re
simplified. Despite the pumping in of huge financial
sources to the poor and socially disadvantaged sections; more
resources, there is no field-level m onitoring to study the specifically to girls and women. With persisting gender in
impact of such schemes nor is there a grievance equalities in India, the girl child is at a disadvantage and faces
redressal mechanism. An in-depth analysis would help discrimination at every stage of her life - sex selection, infanti
cide, little or no access to education, lack of healthcare and
in assessing whether in the long run conditional cash
nutrition, child marriage, and teenage pregnancy. The condi
transfers could lead to a significant change in the tionality linked cash transfer attempts to correct such discrim
parental attitude towards daughters. inations. These programmes represent a shift in the govern
m ent’ s approach of focusing on the supply-side to a demand-
driven approach. Experiences from various countries illustrate
that the conditional cash transfer programmes were successful
in increasing enrolment in school, improving immunisation of
children, and raising household consumption levels. This is
true for poor and low income countries as illustrated from the
experiences of Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Nicaragua ( ifp r i
2002; Briere and Rawlings 2006; Son 2008; Fajth and Vinay
2010). Poor mothers received financial incentives conditional
to their promoting certain activities on behalf of their children.
In the Indian context, the adverse influence of negative so
cial attitudes towards girls has left many girl children vulner
able and disadvantaged. Their survival, education, healthcare,
development, security and well-being are a matter of national
concern. A significant impact of this discrimination is reflected
in the deterioration of the male-female ratio, particularly
among children. The 1991 Census indicated the worsening
trend in child sex ratio ( csr) and the 2001 Census revealed
that the situation was alarming in some states. The dwindling
number of girl children on account of increasing incidences of
female foeticide is a matter of great concern nowadays (Sekher
This study was commissioned by the United Nations Population Fund-
India at the request of the Planning Commission, Government of India. and Hatti 2010). Even after legislations such as the Pre-
I am thankful to Syeda Hameed, Vandana Jena, N K Sethi, Firoza Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act of 1994,
Mehrotra (Planning Commission), Sangeeta Verma (MWCD), Ena Singh, popularly known as the p n d t Act and many campaigns to pro
Dhanashri Brahme, K M Sathyanarayana and Sanjay Kumar (United mote the value of the girl child, the scenario has not improved
Nations Fund for Population Activities), state-level programme officials
and in fact has further deteriorated as evident from the 2011
and NGOs for useful discussions and suggestions.
Census. Programmes and policies clearly state that it is neces
T V Sekher (tvsekher@gmailcom ) is with the International Institute for sary to empower girl children in all aspects of life so that they
Population Sciences, Mumbai.
become equal partners with boys and enjoy freedom and equal
58 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 BBSS Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEW OF WOMEN S STUDIES
opportunity. It is also realised that special measures are re welfare of a girl child. Discussions with a few non-governmental
quired to protect the survival and security of the girl child organisations ( n g o s ) and government officials implementing
from conception to birth, in infancy, and throughout the pe the schemes provided an overall idea about the functioning of
riod of her childhood. It is a fact that in many families, poverty each scheme. Interactions with few beneficiary families also
is the major constraint that prevents the raising and educating helped in gaining useful insights. The findings presented here
of girl children. Given the limited financial resources available rely heavily on the interactions with officials and the analysis
to these families, they would prefer a son to a daughter. With of the scheme-related available data at the state level.
this in mind and against the background of the deteriorating Though most of these schemes are steps in the right direc
condition of girls as reflected in the worsening male-female tion, very little is known about their implementation and
ratio, the Government of India and many state governments effectiveness. Through a desk-review and interaction with gov
have introduced innovative schemes of conditional cash and ernment officials and n g o s , this study examines operational
non-cash transfers. By providing a set of staggered financial aspects of 15 selected girl child promotion schemes across the
incentives to encourage the families to retain the girl child and states and gathers first impressions regarding the performance
of these schemes. The schemes selected for secondary review
Table 1: Girl Child Schemes: Number of Beneficiaries
Name of the Scheme Number of Beneficiaries are Dhan Lakshmi scheme of Government of India, Ladli
2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 scheme of Delhi, Ladli Lakshmi Yojana of Madhya Pradesh,
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e (Govt o f India) - 79,555 42,077 Bhagyalakshmi scheme of Karnataka, Balri Rakshak Yojana in
B hagyalakshm i sc h e m e (Karnataka) 1,23,789 2,97,764 1,44,749 Punjab, Ladli scheme of Haryana, Kanyadan scheme of Mad
Ladli Lakshm i s c h e m e (M adhya Pradesh) 2,14,134 2,09,848 40,854 hya Pradesh, Girl Child Protection scheme in Andhra Pradesh,
Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (Andhra Pradesh) 96,487 72,046 70,302 Indira Gandhi Balika Suraksha Yojana in Himachal Pradesh,
Ladli s c h e m e (Delhi) - 1,35,645 1,40,006
Mukhya Mantri Kanya Vivah Yojana of Bihar, Rajalakshmi
Balika Sam riddhi Yojana (Gujarat) 26,031 30,263 1,32,684
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana (HP) 7,955 13,031 17,038
scheme in Rajasthan (discontinued), Balika Samriddhi Yojana
Ladli S ch e m e (Haryana) 49,558 72,624 1,05,113 in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, Kunwarbainu Mameru
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 62 53 62 scheme in Gujarat, Beti Hai Anmol scheme in Himachal
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana (Bihar) 4,75,220* Pradesh (initiated in 2010) and Mukhya Mantri Kanya Surak
K unw arbainu M am eru sc h e m e (Gujarat) 8,762 6,775 7,628 sha Yojana of Bihar. The number of beneficiaries enrolled dur
M ukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojana (MP) 32,621 43,297 19,579 ing the last three years under each of these schemes is pre
M ukhya M antri Kanya Vivah Yojana (Bihar) 1,57,256* sented in Table 1. The Ladli Lakshmi Yojana (mp), Bhagyalak
Indira G andhi Balika Suraksha Yojana (HP) 152 318 233
shmi scheme (Karnataka) and Mukhya Mantri Kanya Surak
"Total num ber of beneficiaries since inception.
Source: Compiled by the author based on state governm ent documents and discussions sha Yojana (Bihar) which have more than four lakh girls regis
w ith officials.
tered within a span of three years, are indicative of the huge
to educate her, the ultimate objective of these schemes is to popularity of some of these schemes.
change the attitude and mindset of parents towards the girl
child (Government of India 2007). In most traditional Indian Intent and Objectives
families, girls are considered a liability and a burden. These The schemes that were reviewed had varying objectives and
schemes reiterate that by providing cash inflow to the girl’ s preconditions, upon fulfilment of which, benefits were pro
family, the parents should feel that the very existence of the vided. In general, all schemes attempted to enhance the value
girl is an asset to the family. The conditional cash transfer is of the girl child in terms of her being considered as an asset to
subject to the completion of certain requirements such as birth the family. However, a review of the objectives of the different
registration, institutional delivery, childhood immunisation, schemes also reveals a multiplicity of outcomes expected from
school enrolment, completing school education, and delaying the scheme, leading to a somewhat diffused focus in achieving
marriage till 18 years. This would result in improvements in the original objective behind the provision of incentives -
the value of the girl child, more specifically measured through change in the perceived value of daughters in the eyes of the
improved sex ratio at birth (srb) and c s r , increased school family. For example, some schemes provide the incentive only
enrolment and attendance in primary, middle and high if the couple accepts sterilisation after two children, others
schools, and enhanced age at marriage. limit the incentive only to two girls, with a larger incentive for
This study was undertaken to examine the extent to which the first girl as compared to the second. Dhan Lakshmi is the
financial incentive schemes have contributed towards enhanc only scheme that provides incentive to all girls born in the
ing the value of daughters within a family. These incentive- family. Clearly, the intention behind some of the schemes is
based schemes aim at improving the value of the girl child on also to ensure smaller families and promote family planning
the premise that financial benefits would trigger behavioural alongside ensuring the birth of girls.
changes among parents and communities. In the long run such
initiatives hope to ensure the survival and well-being of girls. Eligibility
However, with very limited or no documentation/assessment Table 2 (p 60) provides the eligibility criteria to avail benefits
in place, the first task initiated under this study was to gather at different stages under each scheme. Apart from fulfilling
information about different incentive schemes aimed at the the eligibility criteria, the beneficiary families need to produce
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REVIEW OF WOMEN S STUDIES
Ladli S ch e m e (Delhi) s s - - -
closely monitored by them. The Ladli Lakshmi Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various schemes o f state governments.
60 April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 DBS9 Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES
the schemes. Most of the schemes are administered by state governments utilised the existing infrastructure and man
governments through the department of women and child power (mainly i c d s or health workers). In most of these
development. Two schemes under review are sponsored by the schemes, the involvement of local panchayats, n g o s , and
department of health and family welfare in Punjab and wom en’ s groups was said to be limited. The scheme has been
Himachal Pradesh. Dhan Lakshmi is the only scheme which is largely implemented as a programme of the given department.
fully supported by the Government of India and is imple However, in some cases the local panchayat leaders and n g o s
mented as a pilot in n backward blocks from seven states. The have helped in popularising the schemes and identifying the
Balika Samridhi Yojana (b s y ) was originally initiated by the beneficiaries. State governments have also helped in the pub
Government of India in 1997 but since 2006 it was taken over licity of the schemes by distributing certificates/bonds in mass
by the state governments. It was also observed that in some public gatherings at times, in the presence of the chief minis
cases the state governments changed the name of the scheme ter. While fund allocation for the schemes has been substan
and implemented it under a new name with additional finan tive in the initial years, proper monitoring mechanisms are
cial incentives. The b s y in Himachal Pradesh was discontin almost absent as are procedures for addressing grievances
ued in July 2010 and the state government launched a new of beneficiaries in most states. Progress has been reviewed
Table 4: Annual Budget and Expenditure (2007-11) through routine depart
Name of the Scheme 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 ment level meetings. Some
Budget Expenditure Budget Expenditure Budget Expenditure Budget
of these schemes under
Dhan Lakshm i s c h e m e (Govt o f India) - - 10 Cr 5.95 Cr 10 Cr 5 Cr -
went modifications with
B hagyalakshm i s c h e m e (Karnataka) 150 Cr 132.43 Cr 266.65 Cr 316.65 Cr 229.89 Cr 229.64 Cr 358 Cr
regard to the eligibility
Ladli Lakshm i s c h e m e (MP) 276 Cr 250 Cr 135 Cr 100 Cr 24 Cr 26 Cr 302 Cr
criteria, required docu
Ladli s c h e m e (Delhi) - - 81.30 Cr 86.44 Cr 83.17 Cr 86.97 Cr -
mentation and the amount
Ladli s c h e m e (Haryana) 21 Cr 25.1 Cr 29 Cr 29.61 Cr 34 Cr 52 Cr 38.65 Cr
Balika Sam riddhi Yojana (Gujarat) 50 lakh 51.4 lakh 1 Cr 2.38 Cr 10 Cr 1.36 Cr -
of incentives provided.
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana (HP) 40 lakh 60.88 lakh 75 lakh 59.01 lakh 80 lakh 80.92 lakh - Officials feel that proce
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 1 Cr 9.48 lakh 50 lakh 24.26 lakh 60 lakh 12.13 lakh - dures and eligibility con
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana (Bihar) - - 28 Cr 27.44 Cr 67 Cr 65.66 Cr 42 Cr ditions need to be further
M ukhya M antri Kanya Vivah Yojana (Bihar) 10 Cr 10 Cr 40 Cr 39 Cr 80 Cr 79 Cr 60 Cr simplified to make the
M ukhya M antri Kanyadan Yojana (MP) 19.20 Cr 19.57 Cr 26.18 Cr 25.98 Cr 25 Cr 14.88 Cr - schemes more citizen-
Indira G andhi Balika Suraksha Yojana (HP) 95 lakh 93 lakh 91.10 lakh 33 lakh 95.50 lakh 33 lakh - friendly and accessible.
Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various state governments.
However, systematic moni
scheme called the Beti Hai Anmol with similar objectives and toring remains an urgent need to allow proper implementa
benefits as that of b s y . In many states such as Orissa, b s y has tion, gain a better understanding of bottlenecks and to obtain
been discontinued due to lack of funds. a sense of the overall impact. So far no review or evaluation
has been conducted to examine whether the financial incen
Coordination between Departments: It is important to men tives provided have had an impact on the parental attitude
tion here that most of these schemes are implemented through and behaviour towards girl children.
the vast network of anganwadis and the Integrated Child De
velopment Services ( i c d s ) machinery. Successful implementa Beneficiaries and Civil Society
tion of the scheme also requires support and cooperation from The discussions with beneficiaries revealed that there were
other departments such as education, health, panchayats, etc. considerable delays in registration under some of the schemes
The officials responsible for implementing the schemes spoke as well as in the distribution of certificates. Some beneficiaries
about not receiving the necessary support from other govern stated that they had to pay money to the local functionaries to
ment departments, resulting in delays and difficulties. For ex get registered. Though, in a few cases, the officials admitted
ample, if the birth certificate is not received on time, it delays that those who were not eligible received benefits under the
the financial incentive to be received by the family following scheme, pointing to corrupt practices that prevent the benefits
the birth of a girl. Sometimes there are problems with finan from reaching the intended target group. Though random ver
cial agencies like banks and the Life Insurance Corporation, ification is carried out by the district-level officials to examine
including delays in opening zero balance accounts. Lack of co the authenticity and eligibility of applicants, it is possible for
ordination between departments and financial institutions some to misuse the scheme in connivance with local officials.
has led to delays in issuing bonds/certificates in some states. For example, it was found that some of the beneficiaries of the
In some instances the infrastructure bottlenecks at the level of Bhagyalakshmi scheme are not from b p l households and the
banks, post offices and insurance companies also contributed parent of the girl child has not undergone sterilisation as
to unnecessary delay in providing financial assistance. required (Government of Karnataka 2010).
Nonetheless, one advantage of c c t s is that the money di
Implementation, Allocation and Disbursements: According rectly reaches the households and beneficiaries, thus minimis
to the information available, very little money is spent on the ing the possible leakages in the process. Some beneficiaries
administrative cost for implementing the schemes. Most state felt that the financial incentives provided have helped in
Economic & Political weekly BBSS April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 61
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REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES
providing education for their girls. Some of them even stated resources for the son. There is a need to simplify the schemes
that girls are perceived as a lesser liability since the govern to further enhance usefulness and thereby expand reach. For
ment is meeting the cost of their education and marriage. This example, schemes such as Dhan Lakshmi and Bhagyalakshmi
perhaps means that the families appreciated the role of the can be simplified for operational purposes by cutting down on
State in helping to offset the liabilities involved in educating the number of conditions attached at various levels of immuni
and marrying girls as opposed to the incentives being seen as a sation and school attendance, as with every conditionality the
way of recognising the value of their daughters. The n g o s and beneficiaries have to meet the corresponding documentation
wom en’ s groups felt that state governments are not able to uti and certification formalities and provide proof of fulfilment
lise their services for better implementation and a few n g o s (see Table 6, p 63, for Dhanlakshmi scheme). Likewise, domi
also believe that some of these schemes need to be better tar cile certificate is mandatory for many schemes and poor mi
geted with focused attention to specific groups. For example, grant families are likely to be excluded. Inflexibility in the tim
under the Ladli scheme of Haryana, the cash incentives are ing of joining the scheme is also a major deterrent for availing
provided to all irrespective of caste or income criteria. In a way benefits among the illiterate families. Barring, the Ladli
this helps to reach out to all socio-economic groups as the data scheme of Delhi, most others insist on registration of the girl
does show a decline in c s r across the state. However, financial child within a year of birth.
incentives are likely to be of greater value to poorer house A common complaint from the beneficiaries across states is
holds than affluent ones. Also given the quantum of benefit, the difficulty in obtaining various documents required to reg
the scheme needs to take this aspect into consideration while ister such as birth certificate, income certificate, immunisation
determining the eligibility criteria. Some n g o s also felt that certificate, school attendance certificate and sterilisation cer
providing gifts in kind to the girl at the time of her marriage tificate. Officials and n g o s also point out that in some cases
may send out a wrong message to the community which may money is paid by the beneficiaries to hasten the documenta
perhaps perceive it as an implicit involvement of the state in tion. There is a need to minimise the number of cash transac
covering marriage related financial transactions. tions per beneficiary. An option of clubbing together some of
the conditions and enhancing the incentive provided at that
Usefulness o f the Incentive Schemes stage could be considered. The emergence of panchayati raj
On the whole, both the government officials and the benefici institutions ( p r i s ) at the local level provides an opportunity to
aries did recognise some positive aspects of the incentive implement these schemes through local bodies. They are in a
driven schemes. Clearly, direct financial support for girls with better position to identify the beneficiaries, monitor the
the funds being transferred to the bank account in the name of progress of implementation and ensure the transfer of funds to
the girl child was seen as a useful mechanism. Further, cash the rightful beneficiaries. Though some of the schemes pres
transfer was possibly proving a motivational factor for at least ently involve p r i s and n g o s to a limited extent, there is a need
poor families to invest in the education of their daughters, to formulate clear guidelines for their direct involvement and
wherein the tussle is always about prioritisation of limited active participation.
Table 5: Year of Initiation, Implementing Agency, Terminal Benefits and Financial Institutions
Name of the Scheme Yearoflnitiation Implementing Agency Terminal Benefit Financial
Age Amount Institution
Dhan Lakshmi sc h e m e (Govt o f India) 2008 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1 lakh N ation alised Bank/
P ost O ffice
B hagyalakshm i sc h e m e (Karnataka) 2006 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1,00,000 LIC
Ladli Lakshmi Yojana (MP) 2006 D ep t o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 21 years Rs 1,18,300 P ost O ffice (NSC)
Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (New) (AP) 2005 D ept o f W om en D ev elo p m en t and 20 years Rs 1 lakh for o n e girl child and LIC
Child W elfare (in c a se o f tw o girl children)
Rs 30,000 for ea ch
Ladli S ch e m e (Haryana) 2005 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 96,000 LIC
Rajalakshm i sc h e m e (discontinued) 1992 D ept o f M edical, Health and Family W elfare 20 years Rs 21,000 UTI
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana 1997 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 6,700 (with m a xim u m N ation alised Bank/
(transferred to sta tes in 2006) rate o f interest) P ost O ffice
Ladli S ch e m e (Delhi) 2008 D ep t o f W om en and Children D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1,00,000 SBI/SBIL
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 2005 D ept o f Health and Family W elfare 18 years Rs 1 lakh N ation alised Bank/
P ost O ffice
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana 2008 Social W elfare D ep artm en t/ 18 years Rs 18,000 UTI Children's Career
State W om en D e v elo p m en t C orpora tion Plan G row th O p tion
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Vivah Yojana 2007 Social W elfare D ep a rtm en t 18 years Rs 5,000 Bank
Kunw arbainu M am eru sc h e m e 1995 Social Justice and E m p o w erm en t At m arriage Rs 5,000 Bank
D ep artm en t
Indira Gandhi Balika Suraksha Yojana 2007 Health and Family W elfare D ep a rtm en t At m arriage Rs 25,000 to o n e girl child Bank
or m aturity and Rs 20,000 to b oth in
c a se o f tw o girl children
M ukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojana 2006 D ept o f Social Justice At m a rriage G o o d s w orth o f Rs 9,000 -
Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various schemes of state governments.
62 april 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 BBS Economic & Political weekly
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Table 6: Dhan Lakshmi Scheme Girl Child Schemes and Family Planning
State District Block
The acceptance of the terminal method of family planning is
A S e le c te d districts and blo ck s one of the eligibility criteria in many schemes. It also raises a
1 Andhra Pradesh K ham m am A sw a ra opeta
W arangal N arsam pet larger question: Why is family planning linked with girl child
2 C hhattisgarh Bastar Jagdalpur promotion schemes? It is possible that many poor families
Bijapur B hopa lpa ttn a m with strong son preference and who have only daughters
3 Orissa M alkangiri Kalimela (often more than two) are unlikely to be enrolled under the
K oraput S em iligu da
scheme. An appraisal of the Girl Child Protection scheme in
4 Jharkhand Giridih Tisri
K odarm a M arkachor Tamil Nadu (Srinivasan and Bedi 2009) observed that two
5 Bihar Jam oi Sono conditions of the scheme - sterilisation and “ no sons in the
6 Uttar Pradesh Rae Bareilly Shivgarh family”- need reconsideration as it may actually work
7 Punjab Fatehgarh Sahib Sirhind against daughters, forcing families to choose between the
Conditions Amount (in Rs) schemes (daughters) or sons. If the basic philosophy of these
B Financial b en efits schemes is to promote birth and survival of girl children par
All girl children born after 19 N o v em b er 2008 and registered 5,000 ticularly from poor families, why restrict the benefits to only
Im m un isation
In 6 w e ek s 200
one or two girls? In other words, in reality many of these
In 14 w e ek s 200 schemes may attract those who do not have a strong son pre
In 9 m on th s 200 ference. Most of the schemes are mainly focused on poor
In 16 m on th s 200 households, whereas son preference and daughter elimina
In 24 m on th s 200 tion are widespread across different economic categories.
On co m p le tio n o f full im m u n isation 250 The girl child promotion incentive schemes can potentially
E ducation have far-reaching implications and therefore financial con
On e n ro lm e n tto prim ary sc h o o l 1,000
straints should not come in the way of their implementation.
In class 1 + a tten d a n ce 500
It may be appropriate to consider a proposal wherein both
In class 2 + a tten d a n ce 500
500
the central and state governments jointly finance these
In class 3 + a tten d a n ce
In class 4 + a tten d a n ce 500 schemes through improved targeting of beneficiaries and at
In class 5 + a tten d a n ce 500 tractive incentives. It is true that the promise of cash trans
On e n r o lm e n tto seco n d a ry sch o o l 1,500 fers provided a sense of security and confidence among fami
In class 6 + a tten d a n ce 750 lies to invest in girls.
In class 7 + a tten d a n ce 750
In class 8 + a tten d a n ce 750 Key Findings
Insurance m aturity cov er* 1,00,000 Study findings point to the need to simplify the eligibility cri
* LIC will provide a lump sum of Rs 1 lakh per girl child on completing 18 years.
Cash incentives in classes 9 to 12 will be borne by the Ministry of Human Resource teria and conditionalities, and also the procedures of regis
Development. tration under each of these schemes. Though year after year
Source: Ministry of W omen and Child Developm ent, Governm ent of India.
substantial financial resources have been directed towards
Plugging Implementation Gaps promoting these schemes, there is a lack of field-level moni
The schemes are introduced with a specific set of objectives in toring. In the absence of a proper grievance redressal mecha
order to have a desired impact. In many instances, it is too nism the challenges often multiply. In some states, the lack of
early to say whether such an impact is visible or not. This desk coordination across different sectors such as health, educa
review of the select schemes has its own limitations. However, tion and social welfare is adversely affecting the programme
based on the available information and feedback from the implementation. The implementing officers complain that
officials, certain drawbacks in programme implementation have they do not receive the required support from other agencies,
been identified and suggestions to improve/rectify the prob resulting in delays and difficulties. In some states, the lack of
lems have been listed (Table 7, p 64). These observations will coordination between implementing departments and finan
be useful in plugging the operational gaps, so that the benefits cial institutions (l i c , u t i , banks, etc) also led to delays in
from the existing schemes manage to reach the intended bene issuing bonds/certificates and dispersal of funds. In most of
ficiaries. However, a thorough assessment of the effectiveness these schemes, the involvement of the local panchayats
of the scheme and its impact can only be ascertained through (p r i s ), n g o s , and w om en’
s groups is rather limited. The p r i s
a detailed evaluation. Each of these schemes requires inde may be in a better position to identify the beneficiaries, mon
pendent review and evaluation by taking into consideration itor the progress of implementation and ensure timely trans
the views of beneficiaries, the local n g o s , panchayats and fer of funds. Some of the state officials highlighted the fact
functionaries. This will help in identifying the problems in that in many cases, the guidelines for implementation are
programme implementation; such as the need to simplify the not clearly understood and the staff is not oriented towards
eligibility conditions, the required number of documents, ways different aspects of the schemes. In India, the government
and means of involving n g o s , wom en’ s groups, panchayats, has greater familiarity in delivering physical goods and ser
and the optimum utilisation of funds. vices to enhance well-being and has very little experiential
Economic & Political weekly OBQ April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 63
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES -r ~ " ^ £ = -i i ■
== £ ~ ~ ----- - £- ------- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ = - , —
Table 7: Girl Child Schemes - Problems in Implementation and Suggestions for Improvement
Name of the Scheme Limitations/Drawbacks Suggestions
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e T oo m any con dition s. M inim ise th e con d ition s o f cash transfer.
(G ov ern m en t o f India) D ifficulties in o p e n in g zero b a la n ce a ccou n t in p o st o ffices or banks Presently cash transfer for im m u n isation is giv en at six
in s o m e areas. sta ges. This can b e re d u ced to o n e sta g e (com p letion
D elays in su b m ittin g p ro ject p ro p o sa ls from various sta te gov ern m en ts. o f full vaccination).
D elay in transfer o f fu n ds from cen tre to states. A p p oin t G rievan ce R edressal Officer.
No o pera tion a l p ro ced u re to d isp e rse th e cash in cen tives at th e sta te level. In trodu ce in co m e criteria in ord er to b etter ta rge t th e
G rievan ce redressal officer has n ot b ee n a p p o in ted in m o st places. p ro g ra m m e to th e poor.
S o m e o f th e pilot b lock s are Naxal a ffected, th ere are d ifficu lties in Issue g u id e lin e sfo r m o n ito rin g th e p rogra m m e.
im p lem e n tin g th e sch em e. Involve gra m p an ch a y ats in iden tify in g th e ben eficiaries.
D elays and p ro b lem s in g e ttin g birth certifica tes from th e co n ce rn e d Issue d irectio n s to th e bank s and p o st o ffic e s for o p e n in g
authorities. zero b a la n ce account.
Bhagyalakshm i In 25% o f th e cases, th e paren ts o f th e girl children had n ot u n d e r g o n e Avoid delays in issu in g in suran ce b o n d s to th e beneficiary.
sc h e m e (Karnataka) sterilisation. The con d ition s for u n d er g o in g sterilisation can b e relaxed.
Nearly 3 % o f th e b en eficia ries b e lo n g to th e a b o v e p o v erty line categories, A ction m ay b e taken a ga in st a n ga n w a d i w ork ers w h o
w h ich in dicated violation o f stipu la ted n orm s o f th e sch em e. d em a n d b rib es for filling up th e registration form .
In 3% o f th e cases, th e n ece ssa ry d o cu m e n ts w e re n ot properly m ain tain ed M easures m ay b e initiated to avoid d ela y in issu in g th e
in th e con ce rn e d offices. LiC b on ds.
In a fe w cases, it w a s fou n d that p e o p le availed th e b en efits w ith ou t P roper verification o f d o cu m e n ts and m o n ito rin g to
p ro d u cin g a birth certifica te and did n ot atten d th e a n ga n w a d i centre. avoid m isu se o f th e sch em e.
A n gan w adi w ork ers d e m a n d e d b rib es from th e b en eficia ries for registration
D elays in issu in g th e in suran ce b o n d s to th e b en eficia ries
Ladli Lakshm i Yojana Explaining th e sc h e m e to th e p e o p le p o s e s a p roblem . M easures m ay b e initiated in ord er to avoid dela y in th e
(MP) P e o p le are su sp iciou s a b o u t th e b en efits prom ised. registration o f ben eficiaries.
L engthy p ro cess o f th e c o m p le tio n o f dep a rtm en ta l form a lities and PRIs sh ou ld b e in v olved in th e iden tifica tion o f th e
colle ction o f d o cu m en ts. ben eficiaries.
In cid en ces o f corru ption are re p orted a tth e tim e o f registration B etter IEC c a m p a ig n s to crea te a w a ren ess a b o u t
o f th e sch em e. th e sch em e.
T im ely availability o f NSC.
D elays in registration o f th e ben eficiaries.
Ladli sc h e m e (Delhi) D elay in su b m ittin g th e a p p lica tion and lack o f essen tial d o cu m e n ts (in N eed coo rd in a tio n b e tw e e n e d u ca tio n d ep a r tm en t
sc h o o l g o in g and birth cases) prev en ted so m e from registerin g fo r th e and ICDS for b etter im p lem e n ta tio n o f th e sch em e.
sch em e. To avoid delay in registration d u e to lack o f d o cu m en ts,
Lack o f coord in a tion b e tw e e n differen t sta k eh old ers like th e ed u ca tion p ro ced u r es m ay b e initiated to issu e certifica tes rega rd in g
d ep a rtm en t and NDMC. birth and sc h o o l a tte n d a n ce in a h assle free m anner.
S h o rta ge o f sta ff and infrastructure at district level offices.
O fficers o f th e ed u ca tion d ep a r tm en t felt that p ro m o tin g th e s c h e m e w a s
n ot part o f their responsibility.
Ladli sc h e m e D eaths o f th e girls are n ot re p orted by th e parents, w ith th e result that th e P roper m o n ito rin g o f th e p rogra m m e.
(Haryana) m o n e y d e p o site d in th e n a m e o f b en eficia ry ca n n o t b e returned. In crease th e incentive.
Sin ce th e sta te has lim ited resou rces, th e central g o v e rn m e n t sh ou ld The in co m e criteria m ay b e in tro d u ced in ord er to ta rge t
su p p o r t th e sch em e. th e p ro g ra m m e to th e p o o r and n eedy.
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana Delay on th e part o f banks. PRIs and th e urban local b o d ie s sh o u ld have a m a jor role
PRI fu n ction a ries d o n ot c o o p e r a te w ith th e im p lem e n tin g agen cy. in th e iden tification and en ro lm e n t o f th e b en eficiaries.
Im p lem en ta tion o f th e sc h e m e is lea d in g to o v erb u rd en in g th e ICDS M any sta te g o v e rn m e n ts d iscon tin u ed th e p ro g ra m m e after
and a n ga n w a d i w orkers. th e cen tre s to p p e d a llotm en t o f funds.
N eed to in crease th e a m o u n t o f post-birth gra n t from Rs 500 to Rs 2,000. Th e sc h e m e can b e taken up join tly by th e cen tre and
sta te go v ern m en ts.
Balri Rakshak Yojana Lack o f pu blicity cam p a ign , p o o r p ro g ra m m e im plem en tation , lack o f To a ttract m o re b en eficiaries, th e sterilisation con d ition can
su fficien t atten tion and m o n ito rin g by th e health d ep artm en t. b e relaxed.
Th e a m ou n t sp e n t u n der th e sc h e m e is m u ch less than th e m o n e y a llotted N eed for b etter pu blicity ca m p a ign s.
by th e sta te gov ern m en t. A m o n ito rin g m ech a n ism n e e d s to b e in place.
C h a n ge s in eligibility criteria n eed ed . The a p p lica tion p ro ced u r e n e e d s to b e sim p lified (instead o f
N eed to p o p u la rise th e sch em e. civil su r g e o n at th e d istrict level, th e resp on sib ility can b e
Incen tives sh ou ld b e en h a n ced. given to th e low er level officials like taluk/block health officer).
Very fe w b en eficia ries s o far
M ukhya Mantri Kanya A n ga n w a di w ork ers are n ot giv in g e n o u g h a tten tion to register th e N eed for an in crea se in th e a lloca tion o f funds.
Suraksha Yojana right ben eficiaries. C om pla in ts a ga in st a n ga n w a d i w ork ers and b lo ck level
M ore b en eficia ries ca n n o t b e en rolled d u e to sh o rta g e o f funds. officials n e e d to b e a d d ressed .
A m ou n t eligib le to th e b en eficia ry sh ou ld b e in crea sed substantially. In corporate an addition al criterion that th e girl sh ou ld
A n gan w adi w ork ers ask th e b en eficia ries for m o n e y to fill th e rem ain u n m arried till 18 years.
a p p lica tion form s. Involve PRIs in p ro g ra m m e im p lem en tation .
M any o f th e b en eficia ries have n o idea a b o u t th e sc h e m e and th ey are
so le ly d e p e n d e n t u p on th e a n ga n w a d i w orkers.
Block officials w e re c o lle ctin g m o n e y to p ro c e ss th e application .
P eriodic in cen tiv es m ay b e m o re attractive rather than giv in g o n e tim e
financial b en efit after a lon g gap.
M ukhya Mantri Kanya The p ro g ra m m e is n ot d em a n d -d riv en s o far. M ore attractive financial a ssistan ce.
Vivah Yojana Local officia ls g o in search o f b en eficia ries a ccord in g to th e b u d ge ta ry P assing o u t o f Standard 10 (m atriculation) can b e in clu d ed
allocation. as an eligibility con d ition to avail th e ben efit.
Th ere w a s c on sid era b le delay in receiv in g th e a m ou n t The delay in sa n ctio n in g th e a m ou n t n e e d s to b e a voided.
D elay in o p e n in g an a ccou n t in th e bank.
Bribe paid to th e officials
64 April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 DDES Economic & Political weekly
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Table 7: Problems in Implementation and Suggestions for Improvement (continued)
Name of the Scheme Limitations/Drawbacks Suggestions
Kunw arbainu M am eru No evalu ation has b ee n d o n e to review th e p e rfo rm a n ce o f th e s c h e m e N eed to en h a n ce th e p re sen t in co m e limit.
S ch e m e sin ce 1995. E volve a m o n ito rin g p ro ced u re and gu idelin es.
No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place.
Indira Gandhi Balika Lack o f a d eq u a te publicity. N eed to p o p u la rise th e sc h e m e th rou gh b etter pu blicity
Suraksha Yojana No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place. cam p a ign s, p ro p e r m o n ito rin g and h igh er incentives.
The eligibility criteria o f having n o m a le child at th e tim e
o f sterilisation can b e relaxed.
M ukhyam antri P rob lem s in g e ttin g a g e certificate. Th ere sh ou ld b e a con d ition that th e girl sh ou ld h ave p a sse d
Kanyadan Yojana There w ere in sta n ces w h e re un der-a ged girls g o t m arried. at least stan dard 10 to avail th e ben efit.
T h orou gh verification is requ ired to avoid fake m arria ges and
child m arriages.
Girl Child P rotection In eligible ca n d id a tes are a d m itted into th e sch em e. P roper verification to b e d o n e b e fo re issu in g th e certificates.
S ch e m e (GCPS) D ifficulties in g e ttin g d o cu m en ts. Evolve m on itorin g p roced u res.
No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place
Source: Prepared by the author based on discussions with programme officials, NGOs and beneficiaries.
learning on providing and monitoring income transfers incentives, i e, change in the perceived value of daughters in
closer to the point of impact (Prabhu 2009). In that sense, the eyes of the family.
the introduction of c c t s implies a formidable capacity devel Though c c t s offer governments the scope to positively dis
opment challenge. criminate in favour of girls, it is not clear how far c c t s have
led to a change in parental preferences and attitudes towards
Reflections and Recommendations their daughters. This desk review has helped to highlight the
These promotional schemes for the girl child could poten operational challenges in the implementation of such
tially have far-reaching positive implications in enhancing schemes. However, the effectiveness and impact of these ini
the value of a daughter within a family. Therefore financial tiatives towards ensuring desirability of daughters cannot be
constraints should not come in the way of implementation of absolutely established. An impact evaluation and an analysis
such initiatives. The study discovered that the promise of of beneficiary perspective would be undertaken in the sec
cash transfers provided a sense of security and instilled con ond phase of the study. An in-depth analysis would also help
fidence in these families to invest in their girls. Wherever in addressing certain unanswered questions on the percep
benefits were availed, to a large extent families ensured tion of these families towards such schemes. Issues such as
birth registration, immunisation, school enrolment and de perceptions regarding linkages between incentives and fam
layed age of marriage of their daughters. It may be appropri ily planning, differential incentives for the first and the sec
ate to consider a proposal wherein both the centre and the ond daughter, marriage incentive and whether it helps to
state governments jointly finance these schemes through im value delayed marriage or only offsets marriage costs needs
proved targeting and attractive incentives. Schemes aimed to be explored. More importantly, such an analysis would
at improving the value of the girl child and addressing the help establish whether c c t s could lead to a significant change
decline in sex ratio may not meet these objectives in their in the attitude towards daughters, in the long run.
entirety if they target the b p l families alone. This could be
attributed to the adverse sex ratios across different economic REFEREN CES
classes in the country. Majority have reflected on the need to Briere, B D L and L B Rawlings (2006): “ Examining Conditional Cash Transfer
simplify the schemes to further enhance its usefulness and Programmes: A Role for Increased Social Inclusion?” Social Protection
Discussion Paper; No 0603, Social Safety Net Primer Series, World Bank
thereby its reach too. For example, schemes such as the Dhan Institute, Washington DC.
Lakshmi and Bhagyalakshmi can be simplified for opera Fajth, G and C Vinay (2010): “ Conditional Cash Transfers: A Global Perspec
tive”,MDG Insights,Issue No 1, February.
tional purposes by cutting down on the number of condition
Government of India (2007): Girl Child in the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-
alities attached with various levels of immunisation and 2012), Working Group on Development of Children, Ministry of Women
school attendance. With every conditionality the beneficiar and Child Development, New Delhi.
Government of Karnataka (2010): Ninth Round Sample Check on Selected Devel
ies have to fulfil the documentation formalities to provide opmental Programmes - 2008-09, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,
the proof of fulfilment. Likewise, domicile certificate is man Bangalore.
datory for many schemes and poor migrant families are International Food Policy Research Institute (2002): Progresa: Breaking the Cyde
of Poverty, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC.
likely to be excluded from these schemes. Inflexibility in the Prabhu, Seeta (2009): Conditional Cash Transfer Schemes for Alleviating
timing of joining the scheme is also a major deterrent for Human Poverty: Relevance for India, Discussion Paper No 1, United Nations
Development Programme - India, New Delhi.
availing benefits among the illiterate families. It was felt that Sekher, T V and Neelambar Hatti, ed. (2010): Unwanted Daughters: Gender
enhancing the cash incentives, simplifying the registration Discrimination in Modern India (Jaipur: Rawat Publications).
procedures and perhaps minimising the number of condition Sharma, R, R Goel and H Gupta (2003): “ Rajalakshmi - An Initiative for Improving
the Status of Girl Child in Rajasthan”
, The Journal ofFamily Welfare,49(T> 66-72.
alities would make these schemes more attractive. The multi Son, H H (2008): Conditional Cash Transfer Programmes: An Effective lool fo r
plicity of outcomes expected to be achieved by a single Poverty Alleviation?, Economics and Research Department, ERF Policy
Brief Series No 51, Asian Development Bank, Manila.
scheme, is likely to lead to a somewhat diffused focus in Srinivasan, S and A S Bedi (2009): “ Girl Child Protection Schemein Tamil
achieving the original objective behind the provision of Nadu: An Appraisal” ,Economic & Political Weekly, XLIV (48), 10-2.
T
Women experiencing violence most often decide to his paper critically reflects on the Dilaasa model, a
seek legal action only after the violence has escalated health sector intervention for survivors of domestic vio
lence. While the women’ s movement in India has been
and that too without having any documentary evidence.
engaged with the issue of domestic violence for over three dec
The Dilaasa crisis centres at two public hospitals in ades now, with campaigns, legal advocacy and support/case
Mumbai since 2001 have been established out of the work being the predominant modes of engagement, violence
recognition that the public health system is an against women has not been seen as a public health concern.
This has been so, despite accumulation of evidence on the far-
important site for the implementation of anti-domestic
reaching physical and mental health consequences of violence
violence intervention programmes. The crisis centres of domestic violence (Jesani 2002; Bhate-Deosthali et al 2005).
therefore straddle both discourses of public health and The Dilaasa project - consisting of two public hospital based crisis
gender. The paper offers critical insights into the model centres in Mumbai - represents the first such attempt in India to
work with the public health system. It was established through a
and its impact in terms of Usability to reach out to
joint initiative of the Centre for Enquiry into Health and Allied
women who are undergoing abuse and offer them Themes (ceh at),1 a Mumbai-based non-governmental organisa
multiple services in one setting. tion ( n go ) and the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (bmc).
Originally established in a municipal hospital, K B Bhabha Hospi
tal, Bandra in 2001, Dilaasa has since been replicated in three
more sites: another municipal hospital, K B Bhabha Hospital,
Kurla, Mumbai, at a medical college hospital in Indore and a
civil hospital in Shillong. The Mumbai-based crisis centres were
formally handed over by c e h a t to the staff of the b m c in 2006.
Since then, c e h a t has been providing mainly technical support,
and Dilaasa has been functioning as a project of the bm c.
The study is based on (1) an external evaluation of the
project carried out in 2010, and (2) an analysis of case records
of the centre from 2001 to 2006. The external evaluators
reviewed project documents such as annual reports, process
documentation of trainings, reports of the crisis centres, and
of the intervention research conducted; and carried out inter
views with the staff of c e h a t responsible for the project and
the staff of the Bhabha hospitals at Bandra and Kurla. In addi
tion, data from case records of survivors (2001-06) of the
Dilaasa crisis centre were analysed to understand their socio
demographic profile, their entry into Dilaasa, and the type of
violence experienced by them.
This paper offers critical insights into the model and its
impact in terms of its ability to reach out to women who are
PadmaBhate-Deosthali (padma.deosthali@gmaiLcom) is with the undergoing abuse and to offer women multiple services in one
CEHAT, Mumbai. T K Sundari Ravindran (ravindrans@usa.net) setting. It makes the case for upscaling the model and for
is with he Achuta Menon Centre for Health Science and Studies, bringing about changes in health policy to recognise the role
Thiruvaianthapuram. U Vindhya (u.vindhya@gmail.com) is with the of health professionals and health systems in preventing
Tata Insttute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
domestic violence and caring for survivors.
66 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 ES2Z2 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
limits survivors’ability to attain justice. Working with the public institutions with the healthcare needs of those living in
health system becomes critical in the efforts to address domes urban low income settings getting marginalised despite a high
tic violence against women for several reasons. Most often density of public and private healthcare providers and institu
women experiencing violence decide to seek legal action only tions, Dilaasa’s venture is a modest attempt to plug this gap.
after the violence has escalated but they have no documentary
evidence to prove it. Health providers fail to document the 2.2 Organisational Structure and Mechanisms
woman’ s history of victimisation as well as recent episodes of Dilaasa was set up with the following strategic objectives:
violence, which are critical in divorce and criminal cases to (a) partnership of an ngo with the public health system,
seek compensation. When women victims of violence present (b) sensitisation of the public health system to domestic violence
themselves at the emergency room or other departments of and institutionalisation of domestic violence as a legitimate
hospitals, they are usually treated for their physical symptoms public health concern, and (c) building the gender-sensitisation
and no further probing is done. However, working closely with capacity of the hospital staff.
the health system has not been among the strategies employed The distinctiveness of this initiative lies in the fact that it
by the women’ s movement in its struggle against gender-based was conceptualised as a joint project in terms of human re
violence (Jesani 2002). sources and management. The team, consisting of profession
The Dilaasa centre, set up in 2001, seeks to address precisely als from cehat and the staff deputed by the public hospital,
this gap. It has emerged out of the recognition that the public was led by the medical superintendent of the hospital. All deci
health system is an important site for the implementation of sions regarding the project on the policy or programme were
anti-domestic violence intervention programmes, for more taken jointly by cehat and the hospital management, facilitat
than one reason. Public hospitals are often the first contact for ing creation of a sense of ownership of the project among the
survivors as violence of any form causes physical and/or psy hospital staff.
chological trauma. Women survivors may or may not report to Dilaasa was created as a department of the hospital so that
domestic violence but will seek treatment. Furthermore, medi there could be clarity on the chain of command and decision
cal evidence forms important documentary evidence. There is making processes, and on the definition of roles of doctors,
fairly extensive evidence that domestic violence has an impact nurses and social workers. Since the project director was the
on women’ s health in myriad ways - both directly and indi medical superintendent of the hospital, it was possible for her
rectly - and can lead to chronic debilitating conditions and to make various systemic changes to integrate this programme
even death. Apart from injuries, disability, mental health con within the hospital setting. Her role in involving the hospital
sequences of violence include feelings of anger and helpless staff unions, in deputing staff for training and subsequent
ness, self-blame, anxiety, phobias, panic disorders, eating dis responsibilities, and in ensuring that other facilities and
orders, low self-esteem, nightmares, hyper vigilance, height resources were made available, proved to be vital to the con
ened startle response, memory loss and nervous breakdowns. tinued functioning of the project. Within a few years, once the
Self-harming behaviour is also a serious consequence of concept was demonstrated and administrators and health pro
victimisation and includes refusal of food and drinking, suicide viders were convinced that domestic violence was indeed an
ideation and attempts, and generally neglecting oneself and important public health issue, an enhanced sense of owner
one’ s health (who 2005; Campbell and Lewandowski 1997; ship of the project was seen from within the health system.
Heise et al 1994). This attitude of the hospital staff is best demonstrated by the
fact that the replication of this centre was carried out by a core
2 The Dilaasa Model group of another hospital out of a sense of deep concern for
women reporting at this hospital. Another hospital’ s core group
2.1 Dilaasa's Perspective on Domestic Violence went beyond this and identified the poor management of sex
The ideological position guiding the Dilaasa project can be de ual assault and demanded support from cehat in improving
scribed as twofold: (a) locating the importance of domestic vi their response to the issue (Ravindran and Vindhya 2009).
olence as an issue within the larger societal context of gen
dered inequalities and violence, and (b) pushing for recogni 3 Major Components o f the Model
tion of domestic violence as a public health concern within the The Dilaasa model comprises a public hospital-based crisis
medical context that is largely unresponsive to issues per centre for women which provides counselling services informed
ceived as falling beyond the medical purview. The Dilaasa by a feminist perspective to which women are referred from
project, therefore, straddles both these discourse - of public within the hospital and from other health facilities. In its pur
health and of gender - and represents an example of the con suit to provide comprehensive care at one place, Dilaasa liaises
flation of the two, demonstrating its viability and achievability with Majlis, a Mumbai-based legal services organisation for
in practice. The concept of public hospital-based crisis centres legal support to Dilaasa clients; and with several shelters that
is well-established globally, and lessons learnt from such cen provide temporary or permanent shelter. Linkages with com
tres in the United States, Malaysia and Philippines shaped the munity-based organisations and/or mahila mandals too have
conceptualisation of this project. In the context, in India, been established so that women coming to the centre could be
which is presently witnessing weakening of national and local referred to them for local support and other needs if any. The
68 APRIL 28, 2012 VOL x l v i i n o 17 CEE3 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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= ^ REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
second major component of the model is training of health patriarchal values and social constructions. This awareness,
providers and all other staff of the hospital. coupled with an emerging voice and the skills to resist domi
nant norms, allows clients to locate the source of their distress
3.1 Women's Referral to the Dilaasa Crisis Centre not within themselves, but in the social context.
Women are referred to the crisis centre not only from the casu In addition to making connections between the personal
alty, but also from the outpatient and inpatient departments. and the political, it is the creation of a space where women can
This is because the casualty department deals mainly with seri be heard with respect, sensitivity, genuineness, and without
ous injuries, and hence, could be tapping only a small propor being blamed. Women have overwhelmingly said that Dilaasa
tion of cases of violence. Cases coming to the outpatient de indeed provided a non-threatening atmosphere which was
partment (opd) with less serious injuries could go unreported. facilitated by counsellors, as revealed in the following excerpts
Doctors and nurses in all departments of the hospital have from interviews with the survivors.
been trained to ask screening questions and identify women I felt... like... I could share whatever problem I had with them and I
experiencing domestic violence. Women from o p d s are pro could get a direction, help from them for future, what I must do next.
vided medical care, referred to casualty for medico-legal docu ...They [the counsellors] nicely heard everything I said. When they
mentation and then referred to the crisis centre. If the woman were listening to me, thus, I also felt that I should tell them everything
that’ s happening with me. They also listened very well and explained
is admitted in the hospital, the counsellors are called to the
the steps ahead.
ward to speak to the woman concerned. When two friends are talking, then they talk right from the heart. This
In addition, crisis centre staff visit the casualty department Dilaasa also makes you talk from your heart. I feel benefited by it.
everyday and make sure that all women registered as medico I was very confident that all these things would remain confidential,
legal cases (m lcs) get the services of the centre. Referrals to so I could talk freely (Counselling Impact Study 2004, c e h a t , unpub
lished).
Dilaasa are also made from other hospitals and health facilities
of municipal corporation. Besides referrals, with increasing Safety assessment and planning form essential components
publicity, women are now found to come on their own, after of counselling women facing domestic violence. In addition,
having heard of the services provided by the centre. efforts to provide multiple sources in consonance with wom
Systems have been introduced to track the referral process. en’s needs are made as, for instance, there are referrals for medi
The hospital’ s case sheet has been modified to stamp “ Referred cal help, preparation of a medico-legal statement and register
to Dilaasa”on the case sheets of women reporting injuries. The ing of a police complaint if needed. The goals for counselling
hospital’ s management information system ( m is ) has been are set up in consultation with the woman after an under
modified to include a field in which casualty medical officers standing of her expectations. An appointment for follow-up
can keep a daily record of women referred to Dilaasa. This counselling is fixed at the end of the counselling session.
report is sent to the project director. When women present Women who are afraid of returning home because of threat of
themselves at the crisis centre, the counsellor first obtains the violence are admitted “ under observation”for a period of 24
woman’ s consent after explaining the services provided by hours, which allows time for working out the next steps such
Dilaasa. An intake form is filled with details of the woman’ s as referring the woman to a shelter or finding a safe space with
socio-demographic characteristics and past history of violence. relatives/friends. Extending her stay at the hospital also pro
This is followed by counselling. vides her necessary time and space to make a decision. Quality
control measures in place for counselling include case reviews
3.2 The Counselling Process on a regular basis in the presence of an expert. The needs of
There is a marked difference between the mindset of a woman the woman user are at the centre of the functioning of the
who steps into Dilaasa and another who may go to any other crisis centre. Utmost importance is given to ensure the safety
counselling centre. A woman coming to Dilaasa has been of the woman user, to her healing, and adhering to the princi
referred by a hospital staff when she comes to the hospital for ple above all of “
doing no harm” .
treatment and may not be prepared to talk about personal
issues, especially domestic violence. The time factor is another 3.3 Impact of Counselling
distinguishing one which poses a challenge as women coming Interviews with survivors showed that they provided the most
to Dilaasa are rarely able to sit for more than 45 minutes unlike positive feedback for the rapport the counsellors had been able
other counselling centres where counselling sessions are long- to establish with them and the counsellors’ability to make
drawn. Their follow-up, therefore, depends on their first contact them relax and open up. They appreciated that the counsellors
with the centre. Dilaasa’ s counselling practice is embedded in a treated them with regard and without being condescending or
strong feminist framework (Worell and Remer 2003). patronising; that they did not blame the woman for her prob
Feminist counselling practice questions abuse; it provides lems; and that they validated the woman’ s experiences of abuse.
the necessary tools and strategies that equip women with
Till today I could not tell anybody what I had hidden in my mind that
skills that facilitate healing and stop violence. While keeping
how the people from my in-laws side are. They never allowed me to go
the individual’ s experience in focus, feminist counsellors strive to the neighbours, not to any relatives nor even to my mother. That is
to provide a larger picture of how clients’ problems, fears, in why I could not talk to anybody. I kept everything in my mind only.
securities, and negative self-cognitions are entwined with After coming to Dilaasa and talking to [the counsellor], I opened up
Economic & Political weekly DSQ April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 69
women who attend the hospital, there is scope for reaching out Besides them, 52% of Total 1,357 100
to women at a much earlier stage of the onset of violence than the married women re *The medical complaints included reproductive
health complaints (50), psychiatric complaints (37),
would be possible through a stand-alone crisis centre which ported that they had orthopaedic complaints (23), BP/heart (8),
women have to voluntarily come to. faced violence during TB/asthma (12), weakness (13) and other 15.
pregnancy. Although they were likely to have come in con
4.3 Type of Violence Reported tact with health professionals for pregnancy-related care,
Emotional violence was reported by almost all women (96%), they were not screened for domestic violence.
while 82% reported physical violence. About 71% reported
financial violence and 42% of the women reported sexual vio 4.6 Referral Path
lence. Fifteen per cent of those reporting financial violence More than half (56%) the survivors were referred to the crisis
reported that there were dowry demands. Of those reporting centre by health professionals. While 32% of these came from
sexual violence, 67% reported marital rape. casualty, 26% were screened in wards, 20% were referred by
staff from various levels of the hospital. Eleven per cent came
4.4 Expectations o f Survivors from the o p d and 3% from the inpatient departments, 8% came
Forty per cent of survivors wanted information on rights: they from other hospitals or were referred by community health vol
wanted to know what their rights are, 25% wanted advice on unteers employed by bm c. Ten per cent (10%) of the women
Less than
■ ■ ■ ■
1-2
.
3 -6 6-10 10-14 More than
hospitals are large enough to have sufficient workload without
the bureaucratic hurdles of a medical college hospital.
•Crisis centres can be created as separate departments within
1 year years years years years 14 years
a hospital setting. If this is not feasible, they could he placed
Another important indicator of early detection of violence is under the social work department or the nursing department
the fact that for many women Dilaasa is the first formal agency - both of which have “ caring”function within health facilities.
that they have approached. Sixty per cent of the women had Locating it as a part of a clinical department would be a mis
never been to the police, while 40% had approached police take since it would medicalise the issue. If there is no other
before coming to Dilaasa. These were largely women who option, the department of obstetrics and gynaecology is
reported to Dilaasa after assault or had come to the centre another possible site to locate the crisis centre. It is important
directly. These were also women who had faced abuse for that the crisis centre is integrated into the routine functioning
more than four to five years. of the health facilities rather than an add-on service. All levels
of staff can play significant roles, and, therefore, they should
5 Challenges and the Way Forward be trained for enhancing their respective roles.
The model and experience of Dilaasa demonstrates that public •Training of in-service personnel in domestic violence (and
hospitals are indeed an important site for setting up crisis other issues) should become part of the health system func
intervention services dealing with domestic violence and can tions, recognised as a vital activity, have dedicated staff and
play a critical role in providing services to women facing such an adequate budget, and carried out in a systematic and
violence. Due to its location in a public hospital, it is accessible methodical manner. Training cells such as the one in b m c may
to a large number of women, especially those from the mar be constituted with members from “ core groups”of hospitals
ginalised groups. The trained staff are able to see the signs of with crisis centres. These training cells would be valuable
domestic violence amongst their patients and thus identify resources for training other health professionals. People from
abuse at an earlier stage. The location also makes follow-up health departments are likely to be more receptive to hear
easier for women as they can come on the pretext of a hospital from their own ilk.
visit. However, it represents an intervention that is possible •In addition, social workers or their equivalent in all health
only at the secondary and tertiary level of healthcare system. facilities with crisis centres should be trained in the pers
As it is not integrated with the other levels, follow-up care is pective as well as skills required in order to provide feminist
74 APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 nr!?! Economic & Political weekly
NOTES_____________________________________ Bhate-Deosthali, Padma, Purnima Maghnani and Works”, Samyukta: A Journal of Women’ s Studies,
Seema Malik (2005): Establishing Dilaasa: 2 (2): 57-73-
1 CEHAT is the research centre of Anusandhan
Documenting the Challenges (Mumbai: CEHAT). John, M, ed. (2008 ): Women’ s Studies in India:
Trust engaged in health research and policy
Burte, Aruna (2008 ): Breaking the Culture of A Reader (New Delhi: Penguin Books).
advocacy on right to health and healthcare.
Silence, Uniting to Fight Domestic Violence Kumar, R ( 1993): The History of Doing: An Illustrated
2 Documentation of counselling practices across
(Mumbai: CEHAT). Account of Movements for Women’s Rights and
the country (22 such services) indicates that
CEHAT (2004 ): “Counselling Impact Study: Draft Feminism in India 1800-1990 (New Delhi: Kali
other centres receive less than 70-75 women
Report” (Mumbai: CEHAT). for Women).
per year (Bhate-Deosthali, Prakash and Rege,
Feminist Counselling Practices in Domestic Vio Campbell, J and L Lewandowski (1997): “Mental Lawyers Collective and Women’s Rights Initiative
and Physical Health Effects of Intimate Partner (2011): Staying Alive, Fifth Monitoring and
lence, forthcoming).
Violence on Women and Children”, Psychiatric Evaluation 2012 on the Protection of Women
Clinics of North America, 20 (2): 353-74- from Domestic Violence Act 2005 , New Delhi.
Heise, L, J Pitanguy and A Germaine (1994): Ravindran, S and U Vindhya (2009 ): External Eval
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“Violence against Women: The Hidden Health uation Report of Dilaasa (unpublished).
Agnes, Flavia (1990): My Story - Our Story of Re Burden”, World Bank Discussion Papers; 255 WHO (2005): Multi-country Study on Women’ s
building Broken Lives (Mumbai: Majlis). (Washington DC: The World Bank). Health and Domestic Violence against Women:
- (1992): Journey to Justice: Procedures to be Fol Jaising, I (2002): Campaign for a Civil Law on Initial Results on Prevalence, Health Outcomes
lowed in a Rape Case (Mumbai: Majlis). Domestic Violence 2002 : Update and Briefing and Women’ s Responses, WHO, Geneva.
Bhate-Deosthali, Padma, Prakash and Rege (forth Note (New Delhi: Lawyers Collective). Worell, J and P Remer (2003 ): Feminists Perspec
coming): Feminist Counselling Practices in Jesani, Amar (2002): “Violence against Women: tives in Therapy: Empowering Diverse Women
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Available from
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J DEVIK A , B IN IT H A V T H A M P I
T
The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have he 33% reservation offered to women in local bodies
important implications for gendering governance in has certainly provided women in Kerala with a major
opportunity to enter politics and public life since the
Kerala. Thus, besides the different histories mediated by
mid-1990s. There was much hope about the empowering ef
caste and community, the spatial location of women fects this would produce in the national debate as well, strong
leaders in local governance appears to be of central enough to convince sceptics (Ghosh and Lama-Rewal 2005: 7).
importance in shaping their agency. This article which is For instance, Susheela Gopalan of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) (cpi(m)), well known for her efforts to organise women
based on the research about women leaders in local
and women workers, remarked in an interview in 1999 thus:
governance in Kerala in 2005-10 explores the extent to
Initially I was against reservations but today there is no option.. .when
which success in local governance allowed these women become Panchayat members they acquire earning capacity
and become independent.. .They develop confidence and can be
women entry into politics and gave them a greater
trained as potential candidates for Assembly and Parliamentary elec
presence within the public life. Generally it is seen that tions in the future (Kumari and Kidwai 19 99 : 163- 64 ).
successful women leaders are often the bearers of a Has women’ s participation in local governance delivered on
specific form of power that has been historically this promise? Our research on women leaders in local govern
associated with the deployment of sentiment and affect, ance in Kerala in the 2005-10 term was mainly driven by
this basic question (Devika and Thampi, forthcoming).1 We
and ideal femininity, and that such power is understood
focused on “ successful”women leaders - those who have not
to be crucial to local governance as well. However, an only gained goodwill in their local communities, but also
entirely different picture emerged from this study on converted this into durable support, evident in their ability to
women leaders of urban governance. Besides gentle return to power in later terms - and this choice was deliberate.
The reasons why women fail in leadership positions are rela
power, successful women attribute their success equally
tively better explored than the reasons for their success. We
to knowledge - of official norms and procedures. feel that it is necessary to ask questions of the nature of
“ success”itself. It is too readily assumed that women’ s success
implies the decline of entrenched patriarchal gender norms.
As we were increasingly convinced in the course of our inter
viewing, in the present case, success is often contingent on
women leaders’ conformity to entrenched gender norms, which
are not entirely disempowering, but part of a “ patriarchal
bargain”(Kandiyoti 1988: 274-90).
In Kerala, we found that successful women leaders are often
the bearers of a specific form of power linked to the deployment
of sentiment and affect which has been associated with
an ideal femininity since the late i9th-early 20th centuries
(Devika 2007). The same form of power has also been pro
jected as crucial for the smooth functioning of local govern
ance. This is perhaps only to be expected in a society in which
women are most often directed towards the domestic and the
sentimental as true domains of femininity which they may le
gitimately claim, and from which they may derive resources to
J Devika (devika@cds.ac.in) is w ith the Centre for Development Studies, make sense of and deal with the world in general. However,
Thiruvananthapuram and Binitha V Thampi ( binithavthampy@google.
besides “ gentle power” , successful women attribute their suc
mail.com) is w ith the Indian Institute of Technology, Chennai.
cess equally to knowledge - of official norms and procedure,
76 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly
Urbanisation and Urban Governance in Kerala The formation of master plans by urban bodies through con
Political decentralisation in Kerala in the mid-1990s coincided sultation does not necessarily indicate a shift since land
with a spurt in urbanisation. The pace of urbanisation in Ker markets are largely in private hands (Kundu and Kundu 2004:
ala over the 20th century has been consistent but one of the 142). As confirmed by all our interviewees unanimously, the
slow est in India, rising from 7.11% in 1901 to 18.78% in 1981 most daunting task in heavily urbanising contexts is the
(Sreekumar 1993: 27). Metropolises were absent; agricultural enforcement of building regulations, which are largely honoured
and trading activities dominated the urban economic environ in the breach. There is also research that shows that ward
ment (ibid: 58). Urban areas here were better dispersed spa committees may not enhance democratic participation by
tially, leading to a “rurban”pattern of settlement (ibid: 73-74). themselves. A study based on fieldwork in two city corporations
However, this pattern was changing since the late 1980s, accel and two municipalities in Kerala (Thomas 2006: 138-200)
erating in the 1990s and after. Heightened urbanisation is linked notes that the selection of ward committee members was
to the inflow of remittances from the Gulf which fuelled con heavily influenced by the preferences of local politicians
sumption, leading to service-sector-led growth, the boom in (ibid: 167, 181). Moreover, the contractor-raj seems rampant
the house construction sector, which has hiked the demand for now in wards, where in the early phase of decentralisation
real estate (Gopikuttan 1990: 2083-88; Sooryamoorthy 1997; funds were made directly available to ward committees
c d s 2005:44). Added to these was the emerging post-liberalisa which formed beneficiary committees to execute works (ibid:
tion national context which generated an intense thrust to 170). Women’ s participation is low, and their presence is on
wards reshaping the city-spaces throughout the country, in the strength of the positions they hold (such as that of the
which the prospective arrival of globalised capital and emer local Kudumbashree self-help-group functionary) (ibid: 161).
gence of neo-liberal policy frameworks of urban management Importantly, ward committee members reported that they
were key influences. These crucially informed the shape of were rarely consulted by the municipal/corporation authori
emergent decentralised urban governance in the mid-1990s ties regarding the use of public land in their wards (ibid: 178).
(Kundu and Kundu 2004:132-70) and this applies to Kerala as They complained that there was no mechanism to solve
well, which spelt out an urban policy in 2002 ( g o k 2002). conflicting interests in wards and ensure equitable distribution
Economic & Political weekly BBQ April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 77
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
of resources. Those with political clout usually avail of the projects, such as the Kerala State Urban Development Project
benefits (ibid: 184). Empowering Committee and the Kerala Road Fund Board.
Cities and towns in Kerala are increasingly perceived as spaces
Neither High Politics Nor Local Governance meant for corporate and non-corporate capital (these are often
Reflecting on the effects of decentralisation in the field of in conflict) and their “ development”is often treated as synony
politics in Kerala, we argue that, first, a key effect has been mous with the new urban management,2which has the dual
the division of political space into “ high politics”and “ local aim of setting up infrastructure for global capital and managing
governance” . The former is characterised by hyperactivity, poverty among the urban poor. Urban bodies, therefore, cannot
especially in political decisions and policy innovation, char focus exclusively on welfare, but have to accord priority to the
acterised by dramatic instances of state action undertaken by creation of urban infrastructure. Also, urban policy explicitly
leaders, including the dramatic ushering of political decen encourages private sector participation and this gives the notion
tralisation itself (called the “ big-bang approach” ). In contrast, of “governance”advanced in urban contexts a rather different
“local governance”is marked by governing-by-rule-and-pro- spin when compared with its connotations in panchayats.
cedure, and squarely under the supervision and guardianship This means that many issues that are perceived as more rel
of several agencies such as the department of local self- evant to high politics than to local governance are of key sig
government and the Ombudsman. Second, the modes of rule nificance in urban governance. Thus, in contemporary, urban
prominent in each are different: in high politics, political and governance in Kerala, we typically find a mix of bureaucratic
moral authoritarianism and use of force, if not violence, to control along with intense power struggles characteristic of
silence critics, is evident, whereas in local governance, there is high politics, which, however, increasingly rejects urban
a concession to working with the opposition. Third, the rela “ political society” , even those elements of political society
tion of each domain to capital is also different: while in high integrated closely with mass organisations of the dominant
politics leaders struggle to smoothly translate the earlier agenda of Left parties.3 While Kerala has put in place measures that
state-led large-scale industrialised development into approval seem to yield urban governance that is more democratic (like
for neo-liberal growth, the domain of local governance tries ward committees), a huge amount of business is transacted
out “ sustainable and small-scale development programmes” . through informal channels. Residents’associations, for example,
High politics, of course, remains the more powerful of the two have been given a prominent place in urban governance; how
domains, since all major policy decisions, including those rel ever, it has been observed that “ they are actually quite strong
evant to local governance, are shaped within it. lobbies for the interests of their members, who are mostly
It must not be assumed, however, that these are watertight the middle- and upper-middle class. Though they have more
compartments. There are instances in which features of the access to local governments than any other organisations,
former are shared by the latter, especially in panchayats where usually they do not follow the formal democratic channels
earlier left militancy is somewhat more prominent, where the (gram sabhas, ward assemblies, etc) but have access through
styles and concerns of high politics overrides those of local informal channels to secure favourable decisions”(cses , crm ,
governance. The political spaces opened up in and through capdeck 2003: 39). There has also been much discussion in
the municipal councils and city corporations in contemporary the press of how building rules are being systematically
Kerala are also of an ambiguous nature, partaking of features flouted by the real estate players who have access to powerful
of both high politics and local governance. First, the ideal of figures in high politics and higher bureaucracy (Basheer 2006: 5;
the hypermoralised local community cannot be easily pro Bhaskar 2007). Given the high degree of political fragmentation,
jected on urban spaces as it is on village panchayats. As else municipal councils have been often rocked by no-confidence
where in the world (Stren and White 1989; Mattingly 1995), motions and heated politicking, especially when the ruling
urban spaces in Kerala too are being fragmented economi party had only a thin majority (Muraleedharan 2010:4). There
cally, politically and socially; mutually-incompatible interests is reason to think that welfare distribution in the urban local
- business interests, realtors, local middle-class residents, bodies serves to bolster political patronage.4
migrant workers and working-class poor - jostle for space in The councils’powers are also limited through multiplica-
urban wards. The evocation of “ community”in urban con tion/duplication of authorities in the wake of large urban de
texts seems less related to democratising local governance so velopment projects such as the Asian Development Bank (adb)-
that the urban poor participate, and more to what has been funded Kerala State Urban Development Project.5 Both critics
referred to as the “ rhetoric of enablement” , which helps mobi (Raman 2010: 135-56), and more sympathetic commentators
lise resources (McCarney et al 1995: 91-141). Community often of the adb loan were critical of the conditionalities that it im
refers to more exclusively middle-class residents’ associations posed. As a more sympathetic commentator argued,
(cses , crm , capdeck 2003), counted as “ community-based or the a d b ’
s financial plan, while desirable, lacks respect for the robust
ganisations” , collaborators in current urban development ness of local democracy... Given the economic potential of the urban
projects (see The Hindu, 19 February 2008: 3). However, urban local bodies, the language of and the compulsions following from
local bodies too function under the department of urban affairs these clauses need modification (Oommen 2 0 0 7 : 737).
and the Ombudsman, and also have to take into consideration Further, as elsewhere, urban bodies in Kerala too are over
of the decisions of bodies set up for various development loaded with new responsibilities and grievously understaffed
mayors of city corporations). We also interviewed an ex-mayor. This was, indeed, in sharp contrast with the experience of
The most striking feature of this group was the remarkably another woman leader of the same Kochi metropolitan area, who
high educational achievements of its members. A good number had been a schoolteacher. She had worked in administration
were lawyers and professors; almost all (with the exception of and knew the basics of office management. Yet, she was con
one dalit woman leader, who had been a worker) were from sidered, in the early days, to be “ inexperienced”and hence faced
middle-class or affluent backgrounds. This is perhaps not sur more of interference from both local politicians and officials.
prising given the present identification of urban development The narratives of women leaders in urban governance
with urban management. Age-wise, most of them were above reveal a different relation to “ gentle power”- even when
30 and below 60; those who had young children were sup endorsed, those who favoured it did feel that it could be used only
ported by other female members of their families. Spouses selectively and strategically, and not as a “ natural”capacity.
(with one exception) were well-educated and well-placed, They, thus, differed from many “ successful”women leaders of
and/or with considerable influence in “ high politics” . Though panchayats, who associated it with the “ naturally feminine” .
many reported to be not interested in re-election, some who Many reasons were cited: the urban poor are far more frag
reported thus did contest the 2010 elections to local bodies. mented than the rural poor; beneficiary lists in urban areas
The urban areas in which they held their terms were also di are often means of the local councillor’ s political patronage,
verse, ranging from towns that retain many rural features, to and trying to bring about transparency through patience
fully-urbanised municipalities. and persuasiveness is near-impossible. Though some of our
interviewees did attempt to exercise gentle power, they
Neither G entle Power' Nor k n o w led g e o f the Rules' granted it largely strategic and limited value. As one of our
A majority of our interviewees were conscious of their middle- interviewees remarked:
class moorings. While many of them came from families with The officials, well, they are pretty sharp and quite wily. The secretary
explicit political sympathies, they themselves had remained is powerful and one should be careful not to antagonise powerful offi
apolitical or at the fringes of mass organisations, pursuing pro cials. So you need to be gentle, “soft” (mayatthil nilkkanam). But you
fessional careers. But they regarded their middle-class status also give the message that if necessary you w ill be tough, and that you
know the norms and procedures.. .The vice-chairman is usually a pow
not as an anomaly, but as a feature that political parties recog
erful local politician and much senior to you. Again, do not make ene
nised as valuable in the context of changing notions of urban
mies of him. But never be totally dependent - yet give the impression
governance. A leader from one of the municipalities in the that you are taking his views on everything.
Kochi metropolitan area pointed to a political change that she
felt had occurred over the past 40 years. In the 1970s, the Left The exceptions to the above are, however, interesting pre
trade unions were an invincible force in Kochi; they could cisely because their experience seemed to reveal the limited
“ hold the place to ransom, if they wanted” . But things have value of gentle power. To quote one of them:
changed now. The clout of the unions has decreased consider I had contested as an independent supported by a political front, and I
ably, and this seems to coincide with the rise of the notion of felt, early on, that I should preserve my neutral image. It worked well.
erally judged an utter failure, she linked this failure to her made me indispensable to both fronts. I also gained a large number of
contacts w ith both ordinary people and those in positions of influ
unwillingness to exercise gentle power: “ She was always
ence. I was already very successful in my profession which involved
too stern, too openly confident of her abilities...she never meeting a lot of people. This gave me a lot of confidence in dealing
would even bother to smile at officials or show respect to party w ith my own party as well ...and I have stood as firm as a rock on
leaders... That made her very unpopular!”However, she did many issues.. .my advice to ladies is - ‘stay utterly firm when you have
admit that male leaders did not have to project themselves taken a decision about which you are completely convinced’. Do not
step back even an inch. Stepping back only makes you look like a
thus; this was because “ our society is still unprepared to accept
paavam (docile person).
a woman leader” . And it did become apparent that gentle
power actually brought unstable gains. In a later interview, This leader, who has excellent connections with all sections
she admitted this, speaking of her experience of unexpectedly of people in her municipality, including businessmen, power
losing the 2010 elections to the same municipality (quite un ful community leaders, and religious organisations, was also
like the panchayats, where women who exercise gentle power insistent that alliances have to build on “ negotiations”and not
do get re-elected frequently). She had been too successful in on gentle power, which, she felt, “ reminds them all the more, that
her deployment of gentle power - “ they (her own party work this is a woman, a ‘ paavam’ ” . Her first act as the leader of the
ers) felt I had established myself without their help...so they municipality was to distribute copies of the Municipality Act to
allotted me a ward where I had a slimmer chance of winning. all the members. “ I told them that I know this Act well, and I
They set up things so carefully that I did not even have a slight expect them to know it well too. We have to work by it, and not
doubt until four days before polling. And they succeeded” . by what the officials may say. The chairperson has executive
Her party had lost power in her municipality by a very narrow powers - the power to make an official do something which he
margin of seats but elements in the local party wanted her out says cannot be done.”
“even at the cost of the party losing power - since I would She was also keen to stress her distance from all possible
have cooperated with whoever who won to ensure that all manifestations of gentle power. She was not intimate with
the projects that I had initiated be successfully completed” . welfare beneficiaries - “ I think it is my duty to listen to them
Another interviewee who vouched for the efficacy of gentle very, very carefully. We are public servants and owe them that
power in overcoming defections and no-confidence motions respect. But I do not listen to their sorrows - that will immedi
from rebel members of her own party is, however, now ately relegate me to the paavam woman’ s status” . Again, deal
completely out of politics, and does not contemplate any kind ing with opposition members successfully, she said, had noth
of public life. ing to do with being gentle: “ do not be a paavam, be fair.
Women think that they need to assert themselves only when
Negotiating for Connections necessary. That is an illusion. Be firm from the very beginning,
It appears that women in urban politics need means other than but be utterly transparent and fair in all dealings with the op
gentle power, like the ability to negotiate shrewdly - quite position. Convince your own members - and stay firm - that
similar to the situation in high politics. Women in high politics being unfair will only make things difficult for us.”This seems
negotiate actively for connections, and also take advantage of to have worked for her, judging from her success in the present
strategic opportunities and family and other connections. elections and acceptance as the unquestioned leader of her
Successful women leaders of urban bodies draw on both these party in the municipality.
styles. The first was well-illustrated by the experience of a But connections were perceived in other ways as well, as
highly successful woman leader of a municipality who has “ family”connections. In this case, women leaders had power
been elected unopposed from her ward a second time in the ful male kin in political parties, sometimes in positions that
2010 elections - and her party managed to retain power de enabled them to negotiate with the opposition informally. The
spite massive setbacks throughout the State. This leader also husband’ s experience in politics and local governance was cru
stressed the importance of building alliances across political cial, often to the rise of women leaders of less-urbanised mu
fronts, but rejected gentle power entirely. Knowledge of the nicipalities. The leader of the least-urbanised municipality in
rules was prescribed as the best way of dealing with officials, our sample claimed that she relied entirely on her party to
while negotiating alliances and networks with more groups in build connections for her; the metaphor of the extended family
civil society and business, she felt, was the best way to deal was frequently used by her to refer to the party. Indeed, this
with local politicians, especially party colleagues. She pointed leader, who was formerly a leader of women’ s self-help groups,
80 A p ril 28, 2012 v o l x lv ii n o 17 HESS Economic & Political w eekly
of connections, and working-class status and seems to have sources other than one’ s own party, to draw upon diverse
suffered considerable latent violence from both sides: the forms of social capital (in Bourdieu’ s sense), and to put
ruling side, which wanted to keep her in check through the together the technical expertise to access funding for infra
vice-chairman, and the opposition to which she belonged, structure projects.10
which wanted to ensure that she would not make mistakes. Access to powerful politicians in high politics and the ability
But her experience certainly does not represent that of dalit to negotiate across parties is also vitally necessary even in the
women in urban governance in any general sense. There are panchayats, when the panchayat leader, male or female, seeks
others, such as V Devayani, the (former) chairperson of the to get beyond welfare distribution and intervene seriously in
Palakkad Municipal Council, who survived such a situation local development priorities (Sharma 2009: 123; Devika and
quite adeptly. But it may also be that she had greater space for Thampi, forthcoming). In Kerala’ s village panchayats, we
manoeuvre, since the council was deadlocked without a chair found that women are less likely to possess these skills. How
person for long and Devayani was sworn in following a direc ever, wherever development continues to be perceived largely
tive of the Kerala High Court to fill the post reserved for as welfare distribution, women who exercise gentle power and
scheduled caste (sc) candidates. She apparently remarked that knowledge of the rules continue to gain popularity, with
from being completely ignorant of urban governance, she strong chances of re-election. But rapid urbanisation does
vaulted into high levels of self-confidence “the day I realised mean that women will increasingly have to face the challenge
how important my signature was”(Mathrubhumi, 28 July of governing urbanising spaces. It appears that women leaders
2010: 4). Indeed, she left the Congress during the negotiations do not always fail. Perhaps it is befitting to end this paper with
around candidature in the 2010 panchayat elections, protesting a quote from an interview with a highly successful woman
that the Congress had denied her a sc reservation ward to join leader, who had to not only keep the opposition on her side,
the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp) (The Hindu, 1 October 2010, but also curb the intrigues of her party colleagues, without,
Thiruvananthapuram edition). however, letting the constant internal struggle for power spill
into the public:
Conclusions Now I do know that I am absolutely necessary for the survival of my
As Mary John has noted, the relative neglect of women in party here; so I am hardly challenged directly. But one must always
urban governance by scholars studying decentralised govern remain alert. I have always been careful to follow the rules myself
and so no one has yet got a chance to attack me personally. Now,
ance is a serious flaw because it is the urban scene “ that
recently, I had been abroad for 14 days. I took permission from the
includes many more dimensions of the political arena”(2007: government through proper channels but did not hand over charge to
3992). Contemporary urban governance in Kerala, we find, the vice-chairman, because I was coming back w ithin 15 days (and
shares many key features of high politics while remaining there is no rule that I should do this unless I exceeded the 15-day
bound by the constraints of local governance. This produces lim it). Now, some of the hostile press caught hold of this and kicked
up a fuss - that I had left for a long period w ithout handing over
significant challenges for women leaders of urban bodies.
charge to the vice-chairman. They apparently asked him, who told
Unwillingness to engage with politics appeared to us to be the them that I was away - but he did not bother to tell them that I would
surest recipe of failure in the urban scene. A women leader be back really soon. Now, that is the kind o f hidden missile aimed at a
of a municipality who had grappled hard with bureaucracy successful woman! It looks minor but can damage our moral authority
complained thus: to take to task the shirkers and rule-breakers in the municipal office!
I took it in my stride, though. As soon as I came back I clarified my
I have no talent for politicking and these days, unblemished conduct position, but when asked why the vice-chairman did not reveal this, I
in politics seems to be of least value. I tried my best - was very con did not take the bait! They, of course, wanted to probe whether there
ciliatory to the opposition and insistent that I w ill not support corrup is a hidden power struggle in the municipality. But I wanted to convey
tion. But it was quite useless. Overcoming unwarranted interference a message to this vice-chairman, someone from my own side, that I
took up all my time and getting the bureaucracy to get something did see his game only too w ell and that I knew how to put him in his
done...that was another torture. I still remember how we were made
place. And so I responded, ‘the vice-chairman is on the best terms
to run from one government office to another to get a project ap
w ith me; if your intention is to provoke us, it w ill not work. He com
proved, and my pleas were useless. Finally, I got our vice-chairman
m itted a mistake perhaps, and that is probably because he is not very
and some male members to come and they dealt w ith the issue in a fam iliar w ith rules generally, and the M unicipal A ct....’
language only politicians can speak. Only then did the department
officials clear the hurdles without delay. I cannot speak that language,
and so this is not my field. NOTES______________________________________________________________
1 Our research involved semi-structured, open-ended interviews with 75 vil
These skills and orientation are of value, too, in panchayats lage panchayat presidents, 12 block panchayat presidents, and two district
panchayat presidents, besides the leaders of urban bodies discussed in this
undergoing rapid urbanisation in Kerala, which are not paper-all women. We also interviewed more than 58 women politicians of
few. Here, powerful processes of political fragmentation different parties. We sought to record and interpret these rich narratives,
in their emergent and historical contexts and also read them along with
often render councils unstable. Diligence in welfare distribu quantifiable data from the field, which told us much about how this new
tion pales into insignificance as a useful strategy for building generation perceived of “politics” and “welfare”. This paper draws upon
our book New Lamps for Old? Gender Paradoxes in Political Decentralisation
a political base; rather, a set of very different skills emerge in Kerala (New Delhi: Zubaan, forthcoming).
as vital for not just success, but survival itself. These include 2 See, for example, the discussion on the blog Kochi Now\ http://www.forum.
kochinow.com/, accessed 15 November 2010.
the skill to negotiate with all the players in the political 3 This was not so a few decades back. The organised working class, into which
field, to summon support from a range of diverse political many political societies had been integrated, was a powerful presence in
We wish to point out to subscribers and subscription agencies outside India that all foreign
R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________ subscriptions, together with the appropriate remittances, must be forwarded to us and not to
Basheer, K P M (2006 ): “Land Revenue Department unauthorised third parties in India.
to Demolish Illegal Buildings”, The Hindu, 20
January, Kochi edition. We take no responsibility whatsoever in respect of subscriptions not registered with us.
Bhaskar, B R P (2007): “Land Racketeers Thrive
under Political and Official Patronage”, 10 Sep M anager
tember, http://keralaletter.blogspot.com/2007/
P R A V E E N K IS H O R E
I
The long process of introducing a comprehensive Goods ndia has been working to introduce a comprehensive Goods
and Services Tax at the national level has thrown up and Services Tax ( g s t ) for almost a decade, though the wait
now seems perennial. However, one thing that appears
many complex challenges. The question of the nature
reasonably certain at this point of time is its inevitability despite
and structure of the agency for administering and so many roadblocks, g s t as a tax policy and economic reform
collecting the g st is one of the most crucial ones. It package is in itself a huge area and is not the focus of this study.1
appears that the existing institutional and organisational Instead, this article is more about tax administration and (re)
organisation of revenue agencies for effective and efficient
structure with multiple departments (one at the union
operationalisation of the proposed g s t as it is widely recognised
and one in each of the states) would be maintained for that “tax administration is tax policy” , especially for developing
collection of what is essentially a single tax (though with countries. This applies even more so in the case of diverse, fed
two components), thereby severely eroding most of the eral and competitive democracies like India. Fiscal federalism
in India is tilted towards the union with important tax powers
expected benefits of a national g st as well as putting a
lying with the union government and with a constitutional
heavy burden on taxpayers. The influence of the mechanism for mandated rule-based devolution of tax revenue
bureaucratic complex and power politics of the to states, which share major expenditure responsibilities.
organised civil services as well as a lack of political will The institutional framework of revenue administration con
sists of two large union revenue agencies as well as a large
are the major reasons for such a possible outcome. The
number of state- and local-level revenue agencies which coexist,
need is to move towards a harmonised, modern and more of less oblivious of each other’ s existence. Against this
professionally managed national revenue agency for g s t backdrop, an integrated, modernised and harmonised revenue
with a proper safeguard mechanism for preserving the administrative architecture is a sine qua non for successful ex
ecution of an ambitious tax reforms agenda, especially g s t .
fiscal federal nature of India and its states.
However, the emerging administrative architecture for g s t
appears to be a severe compromise due to the overarching
landscape of the bureaucratic complex and power politics of
the Indian civil service as well as a lack of political will. If not
tackled, it could lead us to a situation where most of the envis
aged benefits of the proposed g s t would be severely eroded.
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 1: Share of Major Taxes in been remarkably succe Disaggregating state tax collection data state-wise gives us
Government's Total Tax Revenue in 2008-09 ssful in many respects. interesting insights especially on institutional and organisa
Personal
Other income tax Yet, a lot more still needs tional capacity. There are considerable variations among states
to be done, especially in terms of their revenue productivity and efficiency. Whereas
on the institutional and on the one hand, we have states collecting between 10% and
organisational front. It 12% of state g d p as taxes (Karnataka, Delhi, Tamil Nadu), on
would be instructive to the other there are states which collect less than 5% of their
have an idea of the g d p as taxes (Bihar, West Bengal, Assam, north-eastern states)
shares and trends in (rb i 2010 - Statements 18 and 19; g o i 2009 - Table 4.13). On
revenue collection by the the whole, the economically more advanced states have high
Other union and state govern tax-GSDP ratios, whereas poorer and less developed states
central
2% Service ments separately. have low tax-GSDP ratio. One factor behind this could perhaps
tax 6% 11% Figure i gives the per be that underdeveloped states also lack the institutional and
Source: Compiled from Governm ent o f India (2010):
E c o n o m ic S u r v e y 2009-10, Ministry o f Finance, Chapter
centage share of major administrative capacity to tax revenue resources. However,
3,and Reserve Bankof India (2010): S ta te F in a n c e s: A taxes in the national making such simple conclusions may be naive. There could be
S tu d y o f B u d g e t s o f 2009-10, Chapter 3 and Appendix.
revenue collection for other important socio-economic and political reasons behind
2008-09. It can be seen that six taxes yield the bulk of tax reve such a diverse performance. In any case, it is widely believed
nue forming around 85% of the total. Out of these, five are lev that state-level tax departments are on the whole less efficient
ied and collected by the union government contributing around and effective than union agencies.
two-thirds of the total tax revenue collected by all levels of gov In such a scenario, the widespread differences in adminis
ernment (union, state, local/municipal). In 2010-11, income trative capabilities of different states’revenue agencies and
taxes (individual income tax and corporate income tax), which the difficulty of carrying out institutional reforms of these
are levied by the union government have contributed to 37% of agencies due to various political-bureaucratic reasons can lead
total revenue (and this proportion is increasing continuously) to a situation where they become a bottleneck for any
whereas the remaining 63% is contributed mainly by “ con wide-ranging tax policy reform at the national level like the
sumption taxes”levied both by the union (excise duty, custom envisaged g s t , which requires considerable harmonisation
duty, service tax - 28%) and the states’(value added tax (vat), between union and state governments not only in the tax base
entertainment tax, etc, 35%) ( g o i (2011), Economic Survey and the tax rate, but also in tax administration.
2010-11, Table 3.3, 3.11). In Figure 1 “ other state/local taxes”
include local and municipal taxes like property and house tax, 2 Attractiveness o f Goods and Services Tax in India
entertainment tax, etc. Looking at the data of the past 30 years, There are many differences in the way v a t (or g s t , as we now
we notice that the relative shares of union and state govern tend to call such taxes) are understood and implemented
ment taxes in total tax collection has remained almost stagnant around the world. Nevertheless, there are certain common
at around two-thirds and one-third, respectively. Though large- characteristics of such taxes which can help us in understand
scale systematic reforms of union level tax policy and structure ing and analysing various related issues, v a t is a tax on con
started in 1991, the share of the states has only marginally sumption, paid ultimately by the final consumer. The tax is
changed. This has happened due to the dynamic nature of taxes generally levied on a broad base (as opposed to, for example,
levied by the states, mainly being retail sales tax / v a t which are excise duties that sometimes cover specific products). The sys
dependent on economic activity and growth. tem is generally based on tax collection in a staged process,
States spend more than half of the total combined expendi with successive taxpayers entitled to deduct input tax on pur
ture while collecting around one-third of revenue. The differ chases and account for output tax on sales. In general, many
ence is largely met by mandated transfers of union tax revenue countries with v a t impose the tax at all stages and normally
to states. Thus, the states’own tax revenue constitutes only allow immediate deduction of taxes on purchases by all but
around 60-64% of their total tax revenue, the rest being trans the final consumer ( o e c d 2006: 6). The main feature of v a t /
fers from union government tax revenue as per the formula of g s t is their neutrality, irrespective of the nature of product
the finance commission. Out of their own tax revenue, the and services, the structure of the distribution chain and the
major source of tax for states is sales tax/vAT, which has been technical means used for its delivery.
contributing around 60-65% of total states’tax revenue over It is widely felt that for operation of a common market, India
the years. Due to the predominance of sales taxes, any attempt needs a unified g s t levied nationally. Further, administra
to improve the revenue productivity of the states’tax system, tively a centrally administered v a t / g s t is highly suitable for
therefore, is inextricably intertwined with the reform of the federal nation states. Within the constitutional assignment of
sales tax system and in this respect, the recent reform of mov tax powers in India and the current political environment,
ing towards a destination-based v a t has been extremely however, a purely federal v a t is not considered feasible even
important (Rao and Rao 2005: 39). The gradual move from though it may be considered desirable (Rao 2008: 3-4). The
sales tax towards v a t has been the groundwork for eventual power to levy sales tax/vAT constitutes the most important tax
move towards a comprehensive nationwide g s t . powers of Indian states. Further, the power to levy this tax is a
the higher level are managed by both state civil servants as A u d it R e p o r t o f I n c o m e Tax a n d C en tra l E x cise a n d C u s t o m s of various years, and personal
knowledge of author.
well as professional bureaucrats of the Indian Administrative
Service (ias). The state-level tax departments are compara look at the relative figures for tax collected per employee for
tively smaller with an obviously limited jurisdiction within the these two agencies, we find the direct tax agency to be more
physical boundaries of the respective states. As the states vary efficient, as shown in Table 1but again, this has happened only
in size, the state agencies do as well considerably, employing recently and may not reflect the whole story. There has been a
anywhere from 1,000 to 13,000 employees. The organisational wide-ranging technical upgradation programme, increasing
structure of state-level departments is simpler, with basically a use of information technology for improving the service to
(territorial x functional) structure. Generally, the department taxpayers and for taxpayer management and automation of
is headed by a commissioner or secretary/principal secretary routine processes, etc, in both the agencies. As a result, these
who has a secretariat with middle and lower management two agencies are better managed, more efficient and effective
level support officers and staff. Then, there are field offices, than most of the state-level tax agencies, with few exceptions,
quite similar to that of union government offices. Often the where reform efforts have not been very effective due to
designation and hierarchies are also similar like commi various reasons.
ssioners, additional/joint commissioners, deputy and assistant There are wide-ranging differences among revenue agencies
commissioners, tax officers, inspectors, assistants, etc, but the of different states not only in terms of their potential for revenue
span of control and reporting relationships may vary. Further, collection but also in terms of size and operational efficiencies
these do also vary across different states.4 which can roughly be measured in terms of tax collected per
employee, though there are other measures also, like cost of
4 Question of Efficiency and Harmonisation collection, which we will examine briefly. Although data in this
am ong Multiple Revenue Agencies respect is not readily available, the calculation has been made
An appropriate strategy for tax reform would first involve for seven medium/large states for which some information
studying the tax structure and setting appropriate policy goals, could be accessed as given in Table 2 (p 88). We can see wide
and then modifying them in the short term by taking cogni variations in the tax collected per employee from as little as Rs 1.8
sance of the associated administrative problems. If the ordering crore to as much as Rs 4.8 crore. It must be noted that the high
is reversed, and administrative consideration became the bind est figures are lower than the figures for the all-India average of
ing constraint in tax reform, which by its very nature is a longer the Income Tax Department (itd). It is indicative that most of
term process, the tax system is likely to play only a very limited the state-level tax agencies are less efficient than union agen
role in achieving economic policy objectives (Shome 1995). As cies. However, some states like Gujarat, and Tamil Nadu can be
often happens in India, it is the administrative bottlenecks considered as better managed. The short comparison also points
which start playing the dominant role in directing tax policy. in the direction that the economically more developed states
Organisational structure and operational requirement as are able to generate more taxes per employee, which may not
well as reorganisation of the two union government agencies always be linked to the efficiency of their tax departments.
have always been on the agenda of the various tax reform ini To have some more analytics, we can look at another impor
tiatives. Though it has mostly been tackled as part of larger tax tant and popular measure of administrative efficiency and
reform initiatives, started by the union government in the operational effectiveness - the “ cost of collection”. It is roughly
percentage of tax collection. Table 3 gives these figures for integrated operational and administrative structure with so
central departments and two state agencies. many diverse institutions across the nation having widely varying
For the income tax department, the cost of collection has capabilities, structure, organisational cultures and histories?
been decreasing continuously and significantly for the past dec As of now, there is minimal coordination and cooperation
ade. But all this may not be due only to an improvement in ad between union and state-level revenue agencies as well as
ministrative and operational structure. On the c b e c side, which among various state-level agencies, all functioning independ
is much more relevant here for the g s t question, there has been ently in virtually their own silos. Here, a pertinent question
an improvement in the cost of collection but its precise reason would also be as to whether there is actually a need for multi
Table 2: Staffing and Revenue Collection of Few State ple agencies to administer and collect a comprehensive nation
Government Tax Departments wide g s t ? As the excise/service tax wing of c b e c and state-
States Staffing/Number of Employees Tax Tax
Total Senior Junior Support Collection Collected
level revenue agencies (vAT/commercial tax departments)
Manpower Officers/ Officers Staff (2008-09) Per would have a similar tax base and would require similar
Managers (RsCrore) Employee
(RsCrore)
processes and even organisational structure, it would not
Andhra Pradesh 9,500 130 2,090 7,280 35,700 3.76 make much sense to have two agencies for the same function,
Bihar 3,020 80 440 2,500 6,300 2.08 leading to duplication on many fronts.
Gujarat 5,000 180 490 4,330 24,200 4.84
Tamil Nadu 10,400 150 2340 7,910 34,500 3.32 5 Single or Multiple? Envisaging Revenue
Uttar Pradesh 13,000 29,100 2.24 Administration for Indian GST
M adhya Pradesh 4,700 130 650 3,920 8,500 1.81 Although the task force on g s t of the Thirteenth Finance Com
The numberofemployees has been rounded offto nearest 100.The numbersarethose
of "sanctioned posts" as against the "working strength" being the number ofemployees
mission has come up with an administrative architecture for a
actually working/employed at a particular point in time. proposed dual g s t , it is too sketchy and has only concentrated
Source: Compiled from websites of state governments' commercial tax or sales tax
departments, tax collection figures from Reserve Bankof India (2010): State Finances:
on a few issues like registration of taxpayers, the g s t invoice,
A Study of Budgets of 2009-10, statements 18,19. periodicity of g s t payments and on the administrative struc
ture of g s t (Government of India 2009a: 49-53). The thrust of
Table 3: Cost of Collection for Union Government Revenue Agencies
and Some State Tax D ep a rtm en ts_____________________________ the administrative recommendation is on maintaining two
Organisation Cost of Collection (as % of Tax Collection) in the Year separate entities for the operationalisation of g s t at the union
1999-2000 2005-06 2009-10
and state level. Thus, it has been recommended to have two
CBD T/incom e tax d ep a rtm en t 1.83 0.86 0.71
departments/agencies, one for the union and one for each
CBEC/central ex cise and cu sto m s 1.71 1.37 1.21
state g s t under the control of union and respective state gov
Tamil Nadu com m ercia l tax d ep a rtm en t <1 0.71 0.83
ernments. These agencies would be separately responsible for
M adhya Pradesh com m ercia l tax d ep a rtm en t 0.85 1.00
Sources: (1) Compiled from Government of India, Ministry of Finance, A n n u a l R e p o r t
functions like assessment, enforcement, audit/scrutiny, etc, of
o f M in istry o f F in a n ce 2009-10 a n d 2010-1 7, A d m in istra tiv e H a n d b o o k o f i n c o m e Tax their respective portion. However, it has also been recommended
D epartm ent-2011,and C o m p tr o lle r a n d A u d ito r G enera/ o f India: Audit Report o f Income Tax
of various years.
a n d C en tra l E x cise a n d C u s t o m s
that all the processes and procedures would be the same under
(2) Compiled from Government ofTamil Nadu, Commercial Tax Department, Demand No 10, both c g s t and s g s t . This appears to be a contradiction. It
Policy Note 2011-12 and of 2006-07, as well as Government of Rajasthan, Commercial Tax
Department, A n n u a l A d m in istra tiv e R eport, 2010-11.
becomes salient when we closely examine some of the
harmonised operational structures envisaged and discussed.
needs to be further researched. A lot of reduction in the cost of •The jurisdiction between the union and state agencies needs
collection may be due to policy improvement in tax design and to be properly divided and operationalised. If it can be done in
the resulting growth in tax collection as well as buoyant such a manner that a taxpayer has an interface with only one
economy. The data for states are difficult to find, and only two agency, it will be ideal. Instead of having one agency, the alter
states could be compared. The fact that Tamil Nadu is a better- native - though much more difficult to operationalise on vari
managed state is again reflected here with its cost of collection ous other considerations - is to have a jurisdictional division
always below 1%. However, it has almost been stagnant over between the two agencies on some economic criteria like turn
the past decade. Madhya Pradesh could be a typical state with over threshold, etc, (ibid).
an archaic institutional and operational structure. Its cost of col •All the procedures under c g s t and s g s t need to be uniform.
lection has, in fact, increased during the past five years. Further, It is important to have a common information technology
the cost of collection may also be misleading in one sense. The infrastructure, and this can be done only at the national level.
low cost of collection may point towards a low level of adminis It would also be desirable to have taxpayers’ information net
trative and infrastructural capacity of the agencies which has work (on the lines of i t d ’s t i n ) and it should be shared between
the effect of increasing the cost of compliance for the taxpayers the union and the states. All the information should be stored
as has been pointed out in many studies (Chattopadhyay and in a common data base. Some progress has been made in terms
Das-Gupta 2002). Nevertheless, the cost of collection figures as of devising a g s t network ( g s t n ) to be set up on the line of
well as collection per employee definitely point towards a larger itd ’s t i n (Government of India 2011). There is also a plan to
administrative malaise as well as procedural and operational provide three core services to taxpayers through a common
issues which the nation faces in moving towards a harmonised web portal - registrations, tax returns and tax payments (ibid).
88 a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 13323 Economic & Political w e e k l y
ideal if both levels of agencies have a structure whereby the countries have managed the administration of a reformed tax
same taxpayers are not subject to a simultaneous audit by both regime. In countries with two or more layers of governance,
the agencies. various political economy factors come to play an important
•There should be a common taxpayer’ s registration and iden role in such decisions and some compromise has to be achieved.
tification base. The taxpayer identification number of i t d China has recently moved towards a centralised v a t regime
(called p a n ) is already being used by the central excise and it where revenue is shared with the provinces. It has been en
can easily be accepted and modified for the dual g s t model. sured that provinces get as much revenue as under the previ
This appears to be the plan also under the g s t n (ibid). ous arrangement, plus a share of the increment (Poddar and
• There is need to have a common and standardised g s t Ehtisham 2009). In effect, the levy as well as collection are
invoice system as an invoice forms a primary source of infor both administered by a central authority. Australia also has
mation and is essential for effective control and enforcement introduced a g s t . There g s t is a single national levy and all
as well as audit of the g s t . g s t revenue is collected by the centre. Subsequently, a state’ s
•As the tax base would be common, it would make sense to share is returned to the respective states. In Canada, we have a
have a common appellate structure and similar other authori system called the harmonised sales tax, where the tax is levied
ties like for advance ruling, etc. at a combined federal and provincial rate in the three partici
All the above signposts/recommendations suggest that if pating provinces. Tax design and collection are controlled by
these types and levels of harmonisation are achieved, why the centre, but provinces have some flexibility to vary their tax
then have two separate agencies? It effectively means admin rate. The revenues collected are shared among the participat
istering and collecting a g s t through a single department. ing provinces on the basis of consumer expenditure data for the
Thus, the best organisational design for administration of participating provinces (Rangarajan and Srivastava 2007). In
the g s t would be to have a single agency/department at the Germany and Austria, the tax design is controlled by the centre,
national level for this “ tax type”, with further operational divi but states collect the taxes. This has led to incentive problems
sions on functional (taxpayer management and bulk opera and a tax administrative measure has been found to be used for
tions, assessment and audit, enforcement, etc), regional (for realising tax policy goals (Poddar and Ehtisham 2009).
different states, group of small states), and/or taxpayer seg In Mexico, the establishment of a v a t at the centre replaced
ment (companies, partnerships, individual traders, manufac the state sales tax, but had to be part of a political economy
turing, service, etc) criteria in essentially a matrix structure compromise that assured the states an automatic share of the
spread all over the country. This will ensure the maximum revenue generated from all federal taxes (ibid: 17). v a t was in
level of operational ease and efficiency, as well as better tax troduced in Mexico as a federal tax mainly to harmonise taxes
payer services through a single agency structure for what obvi between federal and local governments by substituting more
ously is a single tax (though it is shared between union and than 300 local taxes with v a t (Jose et al 2008). Brazil is a highly
state government). fiscally decentralised state and, historically, v a t has been the
Nevertheless, there are some other administrative and most important tax source for state governments in Brazil. How
policy issues, like the establishment of an apex level g s t council ever, it has posed difficult horizontal tax coordination prob
for policy and high administrative level coordination between lems. It has been observed that though state and local sources
different states and the union government, etc, which are of revenue must be preserved, some limitation on sub-national
essential to preserve the fiscal federal nature of our country. government taxing powers is unavoidable (Burki et al 2000).
What would be the structure, functions, membership, roles The various problems related with decentralised v a t in Brazil
and responsibilities of such a council has not yet been agreed have often generated demands for its federal administration.
upon, this obviously being a contentious political issue. Fur All these examples show that there is a tendency towards a
thermore, how and in what manner should interstate trans centralised administration/collection machinery for g s t / v a t ,
actions be treated and taxed is still not fully resolved despite a which is important and required for achieving a national-level
broad agreement on the i g s t . The rates of taxation, the reve efficiency and common market objectives as well as for mini
nue sharing between union and states, framework for exemp mising all sorts of distortions. A national g s t holds a great
tion, thresholds and composition are some of the issues still be appeal from the perspective of establishment and promotion
ing debated at the highest level. Despite all this, the attractions of the common market in India but the political realities of
and merits for a single agency in charge of collection of the g s t India are different and it is now certain that India is not going
do not diminish. In any case, the projected roll-out date of the to have a single national g s t , but a dual g s t . Due to this very
g s t regime from 1 April 2012 may have to be extended in light factor, the need for administrative harmonisation at the
of such contentious issues and the still elusive consensus from revenue agency level assumes even more importance as
n o tes ________________________________________________ in Latin America and the Caribbean 1999, The (2006 ): International VAT/GST Guidelines,
1 There are a amount of studies and literature World Bank, Washington DC. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
available on GST/VAT as a tax instruments, its CAG, Comptroller and Auditor General of India Development, Paris, France.
ideal and optimal design feature, its effect on (2010): Audit Report on Direct Taxes, 2009 and - (2008 ): Tax Administration in OECD and
economic activities, its desirability vis-a-vis of previous years, New Delhi. Selected Non-OECD Countries: Comparative
other instruments of taxation, etc. We are surely - (2010): Audit Report on Indirect Taxes, 2009 Information Series - 2008 , Organisation for
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2 Generally, three models for design of revenue Chattopadhyay, Saumen and Arindam Das-Gupta Paris, France.
agencies are recognised. Under the “type of (2002): “The Compliance Cost of Personal Jose, Pagan, Soydemir Gokce and Tijerina-Guajar-
tax” model there are separate endogenously Income Tax and Its Determinants”, National do Jose (2008 ): The Evolution of VATRates and
multi-functional, self-sufficient agencies/ Institute of Public Finance and Policy, New Government Tax Revenue in Mexico, Contempo
departments for each major type of tax. Under Delhi, December. rary Economic Policy, Vol 19, No 4 , October
“functional model” tax administration organises Government of India (2009 ): Report of the 13th 2001.
its work in logical groupings of core functions Finance Commission, Ministry of Finance, New Poddar, S and Ahmad Ehtisham (2009 ): “GST
that encompasses all taxes. Under “taxpayer Delhi. Reforms and Intergovernmental Considera
segment” model the revenue administration is - (2009 a): Report of the Task Force on Goods and tions in India”, Ministry of Finance, Govern
organised around important segments of tax Services Tax, Thirteenth Finance Commission, ment of India, Working Paper No 1/ 2009 -DEA,
payers on the assumption of different charac Government of India, New Delhi. March.
teristics, need and compliance behaviour of tax - (2009 b): “First Discussion Paper on GST in Rangarajan, C and D K Srivastava ( 2007 ): “Fiscal
payer segments. These three models have been India”, The Empowered Committee of State Transfers in Canada - Drawing Comparisons
discussed in detail in Chapter 2 of OECD (2008). Finance Ministers, Ministry of Finance, New and Lessons”, Working Paper, National
3 A detailed analysis of such technical issues can Delhi. Institute of Public Finance and Policy, New
be found in Parthasarathi Shome, ed. (1995): - (2009 c): Report No 10 of 2nd Administrative Re Delhi.
Tax Policy Handbook, Fiscal Affairs Depart form Commission, Refurbishing of Personnel Ad Rao, Govinda and Rao Kavitha (2005 ): “Trends and
ment, IMF, Washington DC; especially part II. ministration - Scaling New Heights, New Delhi. Issues in Tax Policy and Reform in India”,
4 Annual Report of Ministry of Finance, Govern - (2010): Annual Report of Ministry of Finance, Working Paper, National Institute of Public
ment of India 2009-10 and CAG of India: Audit 2009 -10, New Delhi. Finance and Policy, New Delhi.
Report on Direct Taxes, Audit Report on Indirect
- (2011): The IT Strategy for GST - Report of the Rao, Kavitha (2008 ): “Goods and Services Tax in
Taxes (various years). The numbers are only
Empowered Group on IT Infrastructure for GST, India”, National Institute of Public Finance and
approximate. Strictly speaking, they would be
Ministry of Finance, New Delhi. Policy, New Delhi, Working Paper 2008 -57,
the third largest department, the first two be
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ing the Indian Railways and Indian Posts.
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R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________ Economic Surveys of other years are available Shome, Parthasarathi, ed. (1995): Tax Policy
Burki, Shahid Javed, Perry Guillermo ed (2000 ): online at www.indiabudget.nic.in Handbook, Fiscal Affairs Department, IMF,
Annual World Bank Conference on Development OECD, Centre for Tax Policy and Administration Washington DC.
SAVITA BAILUR
Despite the enthusiasm for community-owned radio, a ollowing the decision of the Supreme Court in 1996 that
movement which has been steadily gaining pace since
the implementation of new legislation of 2006, we are
yet to find an understanding of who the community is in
F the “airwaves are public property” , and the implemen
tation of new guidelines for non-governmental orga
nisation ( n g o ) -owned community radio in November 2006,
the movement for community radio has been rapidly gaining
community radio. Through an extended case study, this momentum in India. In 2011, it was estimated that 82 com
analysis shows how "community participation" is munity radios were operational in India, with a further 121
having signed the “ grant of permission agreement”with the
constantly shifting. It presents three arguments:
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.1 It is frequently
"community" is not a discrete entity; communities are stated that community radio is the most relevant form of
dynamic; and communities are cognitive constructs. media for socially excluded groups, due to its lower techno
logical cost (both of the station and receiver sets), low literacy
levels required, and therefore, relatively low barriers to entry
and participation (Girard 1992; Gumucio Dagron 2001;
Noronha 2003; Pavarala 2003a; Gumucio Dagron and
Tufte 2006).
For these reasons, community radio is considered a critical
medium for development and social change (Melkote and
Steeves 2001; Noronha 2003; Tacchi 2005; Gumucio Dagron
and Tufte 2006; Pavarala and Malik 2007). The unfailing
emphasis is that for community radio to be relevant, contex
tual and sustainable, it must be owned by the “ community”
(Pavarala and Malik 2007). Undoubtedly, one of the key chal
lenges to this is that completely community-owned radio is
still non-existent in India, as a Letter of Intent to the Ministry
of Information and Broadcasting has to be issued by educa
tional institutions or n g o s . A second challenge is one that we
argue here is little discussed in community radio literature in
India. Namely, who constitutes the community in community
radio and how exactly does community participation occur?
Based on eight consecutive months of fieldwork in 2006, and
return visits in the ensuing three years, this paper decon
structs how community is formed and unformed, and partici
pation is equally fluid in a donor-established community
radio station, which we will anonymise here as “ Avaaz”. It is
argued that more acknowledgement needs to be made that
community is not a discrete entity, that communities, and
therefore, participation are dynamic, and finally, that com
munities are cognitive and performed. First, a brief overview
is given of how community is seen in community radio. This
is posited against the broader discussion and deconstruction
of community both in sociology and development. Our three
theoretical arguments are then presented. The case of Avaaz
and the methodology used to research it are introduced next.
Finally, we provide examples to substantiate our theoretical
Savita Bailur (s.bailur@lse.ac.uk) is a research associate at the London
stance on community, and provide relevant conclusions and
School of Economics, London.
recommendations.
92 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly
94 APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII n o 17 Q3Q Economic & Political weekly
donor agency in 2002. This support included a new studio, as interviewer, interpreter and interviewee, etc) and how they
well as four computers for i t teaching, a printer, photocopier wish to be perceived.
and scanner. There was also in theory an internet connection for
radio browsing, a technique previously employed in Kothmale 2.2 Networks o f Participation in Avaaz
Community Radio in Sri Lanka, where the d j could look up As mentioned above, Avaaz illustrated community participa
information online and broadcast it over the radio (Noronha tion by not only recruiting studio managers and volunteer staff
2003), but it is unclear whether this ever worked at Avaaz. Two from the village in which it was based, but also by establishing
n g o s were involved in assisting the operationalisation of a management committee drawing from the 12 s h g s in the
Avaaz, made anonymous here as Jaan (a development n g o ) village. In network terminology, it could be said that this net
and Maatu (a media n go ) . The main aim of Avaaz was to com work was “ goal directed”(Kilduff and Tsai 2003) with a com
bine new and traditional technologies to produce relevant mon goal of creating a community radio constituting local
local content, in local languages to improve the quality of life content represented by local people. Shivani, an early project
for people in rural communities, especially in poorer house manager, emphasised the “ access to all”mantra which made
holds. In order to be sustainable, Avaaz solicited support from Avaaz “ a casteless, genderless place” . However, this goal
already existing local self-help groups (shgs) as well as the directed network on establishing Avaaz overlaid existing net
local panchayat, and it was located in an accessible area next works of religion, caste and family feuds. Shivani illustrated
to the village bus stop. The management committee comprised this with an example of religion: “ I did play devil’ s advocate
representatives from the s h g s , and staff and volunteers were and said if you want to play a prayer song, does it have to be a
recruited from the local catchment. All the latter were in Hindu song every day? What about the Muslim community?
tended to participate in programme design, content, produc And they said no, the Muslim community can come in and sing
tion, management and evaluation of Avaaz. their song every Friday... this was the time of the whole Babri
masjid event, there was a lot of tension” . It is seen therefore
2.1 Research M ethodology how the opening prayer song is heavily influenced by religious
An overall extended case study approach (Burawoy 2009) was allegiances, and there is no one holistic community, but rather
pursued while researching Avaaz. This involved a pilot visit in a division into the Hindu and Muslim community (and the
2004, eight consecutive months at Avaaz in 2006, and subse “ spokeswomen”for the “ Hindu community”create a holistic
quent brief research trips in 2007, 2008 and 2009. Interpreters “ the Muslim community”as it serves to justify their decision, a
were used in this period, because while I had a basic under point which we will return to in discussing how communities
standing of the local language, I was not fluent in it. Interviews are cognitive). Similarly, when Bhavana, one of the volunteers,
recounted here are with Guru (the centre manager, employed was asked of her time at the station, and if there were any
by Jaan), Shivani (the ex-project manager, employed by Maatu issues of caste, gender or religion, she replied “ nothing like
and the donor), Ramesh (the subsequent project manager, em that, even the backward castes used to come, they used to
ployed by Maatu), and past and present staff and volunteers. mingle with us” . Narratively, her inclusion of “ even [italics
One specific analytical method was that of narrative analysis. added] the backward castes”implies an extension to these
This refrains from treating interviews as hard data, and castes which is not usual. The distinction “ they used to mingle
instead sees the storytelling itself as revealing in how inter with us [italics added]”illustrates an underlying delineation
viewees see themselves and others (Riessman 1993; Czarni- of “ them”and “ us”.
awska-Joerges 1998). In narrative analysis, what is critical is The argument that a “ goal directed”network of Avaaz over
the construction of the plot (defined as an original state of af laid existing networks was also illustrated by the example of
fairs, an action/event, and a consequent state of affairs or Sheila, another Avaaz staff member in 2006. In early inter
resolution) (Riessman 1993; Boje 2001). Who includes what views, Sheila had stated that “ giving awareness is important.
and who omits what (a process Riessman calls selectivity). Information is important. It is good to help others” .Yet, later in
How does the passage of time influence the story (Ricoeur fieldwork, still in 2006, she came subdued to work one day.
1988; Levine 1997; Cunliffe et al 2004)? What is a storyteller’ s Her elder sister had been suffering a difficult pregnancy and
“cognitive resolution” (Chafe 1990) as to why something on birth, it was discovered that the baby’ s oesophagus and tra
happened, and what their role was in the story? Therefore, chea were fused. She said “ we talk about information on
in what way does the story result in the storyteller’ s self health, we are the ones who keep telling other people to listen.
making (Bruner 2003)? For these reasons, narrative analysis But none of this is worth anything if you don’ t have m oney” .
complements the perspective of performance and cognitive Sheila’s comments and cognitive resolution showed how her
constructs of community, as we see how interviewees use very real family challenges affected on how much she believed
the relevant “ social dialect”(Casey 1993) depending on how the value of her work.
they see themselves, the circumstances in which they narrate Finally, the idea that participation in Avaaz (particularly on
their story (where the interview takes place, who else is programmes raising awareness about corruption or local
present, how soon after the event it takes place as time itself middlemen) was influenced by actors’membership of other
is a subjective entity and cognitive resolution may have networks was made by Guru, the centre manager: “ poorer
occurred in that intervening time, the relationship between people do not want to get involved. Because supposing they
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unclear as to whether he belonged to Jaan or not. However, a network after he believes it condones the camera theft (al
visit by a Reliance mobile phone salesman (to use the centre as though note how Guru himself attributes this to the “
commu
a sales point) also illustrated Guru’ s attempts to benefit from nity”), all illustrate how communities are dynamic because
this multiple network membership, shown in the following they are cognitive creations.
conversation:
Reliance salesman: “ What can we do for you, so that we can 3 Discussion and Conclusions
make this happen?”[For the centre to be It could justifiably be asked what the benefits are of such a
an outlet for Reliance mobile phones.] somewhat theoretical discussion on what constitutes commu
Guru: “ Give me some money, we are so happy” . nity in community radio. However, the main point of this
Reliance salesman: “ That is there” . paper is that there is an insufficient deconstruction of the
Guru: “ Some incentive, anything, like 50 phones complexities of community in community radio literature and
we sell, we get a motorbike .” discussion in India. Too often we see a binary distinction in
[Guru and salesman laugh] community radio between an oppressive government or mass
Guru: “ I am thinking, I am helping, getting in media and wholesome community radio (Pasha 1997; Mitchell
formation, i c t s to the people. So 50 and Baxter 2006). Instead, it should be understood that the
phones, one bike. 100 phones, one car.” processes of community participation in community radio
Reliance salesman: “ This will be a costly thing for us”. are no different to any other participatory and democratic
Guru: “ We want people to get a connection, to processes, in illustrating the cleavages, power struggles and
get i c t s ”. temporary alliances which come together, but also disinte
Reliance salesman: “ So, it is not only upliftment of the com grate. For this reason, we can only emphasise the need for
munity, it is also upliftment for you”. more detailed case studies on community radio in India, which
[Guru and salesman laugh] are all too rare (see for a few examples, Aleaz (2010), Pavarala
Guru: “ I am also community, no? I’ m joking.” and Malik (2007) and Slater and Tacchi (2003)). An extended
As seen, Guru first constructs himself as helping “ the peo case method and narrative analysis were understandably
ple”but when his “ upliftment of the community”is gently a luxury of doctoral research, but if at all possible more
mocked, he constructs themselves as part of the community, thought needs to be given to qualitative and ethnographic
as it is more beneficial for him. This and the examples of the style research in community media, where we listen to what
changing perceptions of Sheila, Divya, the panchayat, and people say, and therefore, their understandings of community
how Arun chooses not to see himself as part of the Avaaz and “ participation” .
O rie n t B la ck sw a n P vt Ltd
www.orientblackswan.com _____ ____________________________________
Mumbai • Chennai • New Delhi * Kolkata • Bangalore * Bhubaneshwar ♦ Ernakulam • Guwahati • Jaipur • Lucknow * Patna * Chandigar h • Hyderabad
C on tact: in foC ^orien tblack sw an .com
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
N IA Z A H M E D K H A N , B A R B A R A H A R R I S S - W H I T E
A
documents from a discourse perspective, this study dapting the famous metaphor from Koestler (1967),
Shore and Wright (1997) viewed and explored policy
argues that the State's policy response to the "problems"
as the “ghost in the machine” , and argued that: “[pol
and "development of the forestry sector" has been icy] is the force which breathes life and purpose into the ma
rhetorically loaded but politically cautious, covert and chinery of government and animates the otherwise dead
calculated. Under the conditions of governmentality, hand of bureaucracy”(ibid: 5). In this essay, we attempt to
shed light on the much spirited ghost of forest policy within
the policy prescriptions are presented as technical
the bureaucratic machine in Bangladesh by examining offi
instruments for promoting efficiency in the forestry cial policy discourse.
sector. The power and politics inherent in this exercise Bangladesh’ s official forest policy is expressed in two key
are constantly cloaked; yet these are pervasive, government documents produced under the purview of the
Ministry of Environment and Forests ( m o e f ) : the National For
and find expression in their ability to serve certain
est Policy ( n f p ) 1994 ( g o b 1995), and the Forestry Master Plan
practical purposes. ( f m p ) : Main Plan 1993-2012 ( g o b 1994).1 The research re
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2 Policy as Discourse exploring these themes, the new wave of policy studies draws
Although Gasper and Apthorpe have convincingly argued that our attention to a number of other aspects of the analysis of
“discourse analysis of policy-stating - arguing and - justifying policy as discourse, some of which are particularly relevant to
provides a rewarding way to consider development policy” the purpose of this study.
(1996: 1), the concept of “ discourse”and the method of “ dis First, while examining policies as discourse, one needs to be
course analysis”defy a universal definition, such that the aware of the critical “ role of language...to understand the
range of definitions suggested are bedevilled with idiosyncrasy ways in which the choice of a set of words, concepts, symbols,
(Potter and Wetherell 1994; White 1994). Based on a sub stylistic devices and arguments operates to frame, legitimate,
stantial review of literature, Gasper and Apthorpe (1996: 2-6) and/or contest policy”(Fernandez 2008: 53).
collated the major contemporary uses of the term “ discourse” : Second, as noted above, policies often entail a depoliticising
(i) as an ensemble of ideas, concepts and categories through effect arising out of the use of “ rational”and “ scientific”lan
which meaning is given to phenomena; (ii) as an extended guage to legitimise policy decisions and intervention by domi
stretch of language or an extended discussion within a parti nant institutional apparatus (Gasper and Apthorpe 1996;
cular intellectual framework; (iii) as conversation, debate, Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1990; Harriss-White 2002; Schaffer
exchange; (iv) as practice and theory - material activity which 1984; Wood 1985a).
transforms nature and society and the modes of thought that Third, in the formulation and practice of policy, some lin
inform this action; (v) as a modernist regime order of know guistic and stylistic devices are used. A careful examination of
ledge and disciplinary power. these devices is crucial, because these produce meanings in
In the broad theoretical realm of “ policy as discourse” , the policy discourse:
tradition of “genealogical and discursive”approaches to the •Framing concerns the construction of “ problems”to be tack
understanding of policy occupies a special place, and the led by the intervention, and its logical relation to the genera
works of French philosopher Michel Foucault manifestly stand tion of “ solutions”proposed. In the framing exercise, a partic
out.5 Lemert and Gillan summarise Foucauldian views on ular structure of arguments about policy problems and solu
discourse related to policy thus: tions is presented, and “ alternative arguments and problems/
Roughly put, discourse is simply language practiced.... However, as a solutions are foreclosed”(Fernandez 2008: 53).
more inclusive instance of language use, its analysis is limited neither •Development policy discourses often use tropes - figures of
to the customary elements of linguistics (semantics and grammar) nor
speech, where words are not used in their literal sense, for ex
to linguistic’ s basic units (the sentence, the proposition). Discourse,
therefore, is susceptible to analysis in relation to the other aspects of
ample, use of metaphors in descriptions: “ describing] some
social life: politics, culture, economics, and social institutions (Lemert thing as something else, to imply a similarity”(Gasper and
and Gillan 1982:129-30). Apthorpe 1996: 7). Use of tropes often serves the political pur
Foucault approached policy as governmentality. Govern- poses of creating deliberate fuzziness, where tropes are sub
mentality refers to a series of regulatory strategies that are ject to multiple meanings and where they mask the political
heterogeneous, indirect, and concerned with the operations of elements in the subject concerned.
power in modern society (McNay 1994:117-18). •Policies also often adopt a storytelling or narrative structure
The analysis of governmentality, Foucault argued, requires which wrap selective information, definition and views of
an examination of political technologies as this is one major problems, solutions and priorities, and serve as a medium for
“tactic”by which power is exercised without making it too communicating and making accessible a framework of mean
obvious. “ Political technologies”are rational, modern struc ings of that particular discourse (Apthorpe 1986; Gasper and
tures, systems and relationships of government that have dis Apthorpe 1996; Roe 1989,1991).
ciplinary effects, and that provide for the methods by which a •Labelling is a “ way of referring to the process by which pol
political problem is recast as a scientific or technical one (ibid: icy agendas are established and more particularly the way in
113-17; Fernandez 2008: 52-53). which people, conceived as objects of policy, are defined in
Since the 1980s, the new policy literature drawing on Foucault, convenient images”(Wood 1985c: 343).
especially on his ideas of “ governmentality”and the associated • Similarly, keywords are used as banners and slogans in
“tactics”such as “ political technologies”has offered new traject support of the intervention and actions proposed by a parti
ories of analyses, further elaborations and empirical insights. One cular policy. Another related style in policy discourse involves
dominant theme within these later works is pioneered by Schaffer polar words or binary couples to refer to and construct “ prob
(1984)6 who viewed public policy as political practice. Lamb lems”and propose “ solutions” 7 (Apthorpe 1996; Gasper and
elucidates Schaffer’ s view: Apthorpe 1996).
...public policy [is] a political process, a process of struggle not only Fourth, the mainstream rationalist public policy model views
about content of policy - good vs bad, as it were - but also about the public policy as a dichotomous linear process with two distinct
agenda or the terrain of policy discussions: who controlled it, how and but sequential phases: “ The process begins with a decision or
why? (Lamb 1985: 515).
a sequence of activities which culminate in a decision. The
In this context, Schaffer coined the term “bureaucratics”to decision also constitutes a ‘ policy’. Then there is a break. On
refer to the “
politics of bureaucracy”, and suggested “
policy is the other side of this divide is ‘policy implementation’ ”(Clay
a matter of bureaucratic”(Schaffer 1984: 185-86). Besides and Schaffer 1984: 3).
Economic & Political WEEKLY ranfll APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 101
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This dichotomy provides for the deployment by policymak counterparts and Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corpora
ers and bureaucrats of escape hatches - justification provided tion two. Bangladesh Consultants Ltd and the Food and Agriculture
for known causes of policy failure - and a host of other mani Organisation of the United Nations fielded six and three national
consultants, respectively, fao has also provided two international
pulative procedures to shirk responsibility for the outcomes of
consultants while Sandwell Inc and Reid Collins Ltd supplied seven
these policy practices. specialists, including the Team Leader (g o b 1994:1).
In our (re)reading of the forest policy of Bangladesh we have
had to be selective in the use of these theoretical and analytical Evidently, the f m p has been an exclusive performance of
ideas, tools and considerations. For reasons of tractability, in “ specialists” , “ consultants”and “ counterparts” . The institu
particular, this research explores the following core concepts: tional “ partners”in this exercise were the Asian Development
•Concepts and manifestations of “ governmentality”and its Bank,9 United Nations,10 and Government of Bangladesh.
associated tactics, notably “ political technologies” . Those who the document term “ counterparts”are in fact
• The process and consequences of “ depoliticisation”
, and career government officials, a good number of whom are for
the apolitical representation of (essentially political) subjects estry specialists themselves.
in policies. So f m p was developed by a group of technical experts with
•The application of rhetorical, linguistic and stylistic devices virtually no institutional involvement of other social interests:
and their effects on the construction or description of politics non-governmental organisations ( n g o s ) , pressure groups,
in policy documents. lobbies, forest-dependent rural communities and indigenous
Our choice of these three themes is influenced by two fac peoples, academics and/or researchers. There is no evidence
tors. First, they constitute the core of the mainstream (espe to suggest any involvement of political parties at any stage of
cially Foucauldian) analysis of policy discourse as a political policy formulation.
process. Second, they can be studied through an examination The n f p document arose from the suggestions and recom
of policy documents and secondary literature. They inform mendations of the team responsible for formulating the f m p .
our exploration of the policy documents at the core of this The f m p contained detailed analyses of policy and provided
paper, and we summarise findings relevant to them in the draft policy text to the government. Subsequently, the gov
the conclusion. ernment endorsed the draft text and its recommendations,
and formally announced the policy ( n f p ) . Except for cosmetic
3 Re-Reading Bangladesh Forest Policy as a Discourse editing, the content and spirit of the n f p are drawn from the
In this section, we deconstruct Bangladesh forest policy dis f m p . In the n f p preamble, its genealogy is explicit:
course. Its “narrative structure”is that of a policy “ folktale” In the...draft Forestry Master Plan proposals/suggestions have been
(Roe 1989, 1991). In their 1996 paper, Gasper and Apthorpe put forth to amend the National Forestry Policy 1979 after detailed
(1996: 9)8outline the standard sequence of such a “ folktale” : examination and evaluation of it in light of demand of the time and
overall prevailing conditions in the forest sector... [I]n the light of the
A problem (often a ‘ crisis’
) is encountered; it will be ‘
solved’through
above mentioned proposals and suggestions [made by f m p ] National
the epic endeavour of a hero (the project/policy), who faces and over
Forestry Policy 1994 has been formulated (g o b 1995:1-2).
comes a series of trials (constraints), and then lives happily ever after.
In the case of Bangladesh forestry, the logic of the narrative Although the government is quick to claim authorship of
flows as follows: both documents ( n f p and f m p ) , a careful reading of the tex
tual evidences reveals otherwise. The opening sentence of the
Presentation of a (grave) “ Crisis”= > requiring (immediate and ur
f m p reads: “ [The] Government of Bangladesh, assisted by
gent) “Solution”= > the form must be a (technical, apolitical) “ Inter
vention”= > the intervention will require certain “ Preconditions”to [the] Asian Development Bank and the United Nations Devel
be met = > it must be led and managed by “ Technically Qualified Ex opment Programme, is preparing a long term plan to preserve
perts”and “ Specialists”= > once the intervention is planned and for and develop the nation’ s forest resources”( g o b 1994:1). In the
mulated, its actual “
Implementation”process will have to be separately
first two paragraphs of the n f p , the government claims to have
prepared and executed.
“ formulated”the policy, but subsequently, in paragraph 9,
In this narrative order, we examine the key purport, the document reads: “ the government has expressed desire
phases and underlying message of forest policy discourse to adopt the following things as a part of the National Forest
in Bangladesh. Policy”( g o b 1995: 2, emphasis added). The “ following things”
refer to the draft texts prepared and forwarded by the f m p
3.1 The Plan, the Protagonists and Their Legitimacy consultants for “ adoption”by the government.
In its introduction, the f m p has the following to say about the Notwithstanding such claims by the government, the plan
key authors and actors in the planning exercise: and the policy were mainly authored by a group of inter
Plan preparation was by a 26-man team of local counterparts, national national and national consultants and experts, and the role of
and international consultants spanning a 20-month period from Octo government was reduced to endorsing and formally approving
ber 1991 to May 1993. Ministry of Environment and Forests seconded a
a document already drafted.
part time Project Director, four fulltime and four part time counter
parts. Three long-term counterparts came from the Bangladesh Forest
In many parts of the two texts, policies are portrayed as “ most
Department and one was from the Department of Environment. essential”for the resolution of “ many problems”in the “ for
Bangladesh Forest Research Institute provided two of the short term estry sector” . Both f m p and n f p argue that the “ development”
102 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l XLVii n o 17 E3253 Economic & Political w e e k l y
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
of the forestry sector therefore calls for the formulation of essentialist, prescriptive style continues “ to call not just for
“appropriate”plans and policies by the government. Without virtuous policy means but provision of its prerequisites for suc
the government’ s active interest and intervention, these cess”(Gasper 1996a: 160). These prerequisites are prominently
documents tell us, the “ development”of the forestry sector featured in f m p and n f p , and serve, as we discuss ahead, not
and the “ tackling”of grave “ problems”is simply “ not pos only to expand state power, but also to mask accountability.
sible” . The f m p further claims that one main reason for the
dismal condition of the country’ s forestry sector is because 3.2 The Crisis
governments have neglected it: “ Bangladesh’ s forestry has Bangladesh’ s forest “ crisis”is labelled as loss of forest cover; it
traditionally received very little government attention and is explained by a growing population and ineffective enforce
as a result the policy, legislation, forest industries, research ment of law. Here are some relevant excerpts from the docu
and forest institutions and management are not effective” ments ( f m p and n f p ) :
( g o b 1994: 30). Historically, a rapidly expanding population, combined with inade
Examples of this “ peculiar privileging”(Ferguson 1990) of the quate management undermined the forest resources of Bangladesh. In
role of government and government policy abound in both docu the interest of the health and welfare of the Nation, therefore, it is
ments. Under the spell of what Ferguson terms govemmentalist necessary to reverse the trend of forest resource depletion and to pro
mote expansion, conservation and sustainable management of this
assumption, it is argued that, “ whatever changes have or have not
valuable resource (gob 1994: 37).
happened in [the country] are to be explained by reference to gov Forest went unprotected because of population pressure on one hand
ernment policy; .. .stagnation is due to government inaction and and lack of law enforcement on the other (ibid: 13).
‘development? results from ‘ development? projects”(ibid: 36-37). ...abnormal and quick depletion of forestry resources owing to numer
A policy and the particular solution that it entails (solving ous socio-economic factors... (gob 1995:1).
the crisis in the forestry sector through development scenar Despite considerable ambiguity and value judgments, the
ios) are then presented as inevitable and essential; the possi essence of the “ crisis”is distilled as: “
forest resource deple
bility of any other alternatives or choices are removed, leaving tion” ,“deforestation” ,“dwindling resource” , etc. The crisis is
just one “ appropriate path” . Schaffer (1984:185) warns about exacerbated by other related “ problems”such as “ inadequate
the implications of this style of policy argument: management” ,“ lack of scientific management” , and “lack of
There is seductive danger in any discourse about public policy which appropriate policy/guidelines” .
presents its practices as inevitable and unproblematic. That, after all, In the n f p ’s framing of the problem of “ forest depletion”or
obstructs the question of responsibility, either for not pursuing alter “deforestation” , some facts and information are deliberately
natives, or for what is discussed and what is done. included and others are excluded. “ (S)ocio-economic factors”
For some, however, there are clear advantages from the appear once12 and are not developed. Studies of Bangladesh
“danger”of the “ govemmentalist assumption”and “ policy forestry have identified some of them, including:
privileging” . First, this style of policy practice helps make a ra •Organised commercial logging by a powerful alliance be
tional case for justifying government intervention in a neutral tween private loggers, local government officials, political
and apolitical fashion through “ various forestry projects”- the party bosses and other public officials mainly from the forest,
solutions to the problem of “ forest resource depletion” . Sec police and land revenue departments;
ond, policies are presented as “ appropriate”and “ essential”. •Widespread corruption, complicity with the commercial ex
Evidence of this phenomenon, what Gasper calls prescriptive ploitation of forests, and inefficiency on the part of the govern
essentialism11 can be found in the n f p and f m p . Third, this ment agencies, especially the forest department;
Table 1: Selected Examples of Political Technologies Observed in the NFPand FMP
The Problems Conceived Examples of the Issues Cloaked Technical Strategies Proposed
"D eforestation"; G overn m en tal corru ption and con n ivan ce; th e alliance a m o n g st th e "A fforestation"; "reforestation "; "p la n n ed plan tation "
"D ep letin g fore sts" etc. v este d in terest g ro u p s o f political elites, logge rs, local g o v e rn m en t in various ty p e s o f land; "reservation", "silvicultural
offices; historical p ro c e ss o f sta te - sp on so red com m ercia lisa tion and im p rov em e n t" for m o re produ ction , etc.
th e resultant alien ation o f forest- b a sed local com m u n ities.
"D eficien cy in forest D ise m p o w erin g d estru ction o f custom ary/traditional rights "S cien tific m a n a gem en t"; "S ou n d m a n a gem en t";
adm inistration"; (of forest- b a sed com m u n ities) by law and bureaucratic discretion- "S u sta in ed m a n a gem en t"; "stren gth e n in g th e forest
"In a dequ a te ex p a n sion o f bureaucratic re g im e and turf; failure o f th e forestry d ep artm en t"; "esta b lish m en t o f n ew social forestry
m a n a g e m e n t" in stitutions to learn and a d o p t pa rticipatory w ork in g sty le and p o p u list d ep artm en t"; "a m en d m en t/ p ro m u lga tio n o f laws,
values; elite value orien tation o f pu blic officials. rules and regulations", etc.
"U n orga n ised " pu blic se c to r M isuse o f th e historical pu blic su b sid ies and patron isation p rov id ed by M aking th e in dustries "profit o rie n ted b u sin e ss" by
fore st in dustries th e state; political and external in flu en ces on th e w ork in g o f th e follo w in g th e prin ciples o f "free m arket econ om y ",
industries; w id esp re a d in efficien cy and corruption; tu rf ba ttle a m o n g "n ew te ch n o lo g y " and "e c o n o m ic rationalisation in
various industries, and b e tw e e n in dustries and their con trollin g in puts and outputs".
("reporting") m inistries.
"Lack o f p e op le's D evising rules and p ro ced u res for defin in g, categorisin g, and con trollin g E xpansion o f "participatory forestry " "in v olv in g ta rget
participation " various "ta rget g ro u p s" w h ile distrib u tin g th e b en efits and services; g ro u p s" th rou gh various su ch "m e ch a n ism s" as "grou p
political p ro c e sse s at w ork in th e day-to-day w ork in g o f such "grou ps"; form ation", "land ten u re/ lea se a greem en ts", "b e n e fit
structural dy n a m ics o f B angladeshi so cie ty that regu late local p eop le's sharin g sch em es", "se e d / se e d lin g s supply", "inputs",
a ccess to d e c isio n s and u se o f pu blic resou rces; class differentiation; "w o m e n involvem ent", "creditfacilities", "m ark etin g
p a tro n a g e d y n a m ics as th ey a ffect resou rce distribution, etc. fore st products", etc.
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
•Complicated land tenure and record management systems; into ‘black’and ‘ white’ , and then to proceed wholly on
•Historical enmity between forest-based local societies and dualism’ s face values”(1996: 7). However, nearly all of the
the government agencies they encounter; above simplistic, binary assumptions and practices can be, and
•Progressive weakening of local rights, exclusionary policies, in some cases have already been, challenged. Let us examine
and the imposition of stringent regulation of policing and just one item in the list: the “
land-grabbing tribals”.
reservation; Government documents have historically blamed forest-
•Custodial and authoritative modes of public forest manage dependent indigenous communities, “ tribals”, for “
grabbing
ment ( b r a c 1986; Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007). forestland” for shifting cultivation which degrades forest
Analysts have often revealed the tendency of policy dis resources.18 We now have growing evidence from various
course to frame problems in a particular way to suit certain parts of south Asia to refute this simplistic argument.19 One
institutions or interests, to mask political elements, and distin cogent conclusion comes from Rasul in his detailed study of
guish some aspects of a situation rather than others (see the impact of forest policy changes in eastern Bangladesh:
Gasper and Apthorpe 1996: 8; Hajer 1993:45). Throughout the Indigenous people have widely been blamed for degrading South
f m p and n f p many examples of such political technologies Asia’s montane forest resources through the practice of shifting culti
maybe observed (Table 1, p 103). vation, yet [historical] studies reveal that indigenous people used for
The f m p and n f p continue to promote the commercialisa ests in a sustainable way for centuries until external intervention...
Shifting cultivation is not solely responsible for deforestation. Many
tion of forestry. Equipped with effective political technologies,
factors including national policies and laws are responsible for this
this process is masked by rational and technical language and situation. The process of deforestation originated during the British
embellished with tropes. For example, instead of “ revenue colonial period, with the pursuit of revenue generation through na
maximisation”through the systematic commercialisation of tionalisation forests, weakening traditional institutions and alienat
forestry practices and products, the n f p chooses to declare: ing indigenous people from traditional forest management (Rasul
2007:153,160).
“ the management of forestlands will be brought under profit-
oriented business” .13Profit-oriented business is not only a figu Notwithstanding this regional and local evidence, the gov
rative trope; for all practical purposes it gives a free licence to ernment has continued and further extended these policies.
the government forestry institutions to go all-out for commer Although they fail to stand up to the stated goal (addressing
cialisation and revenue optimisation. In the same vein, the n f p the “ problems”of wood, illicit logging and encroachment/
stipulates to “ bring state owned forest based industries to com deforestation), they contribute to the rationality of govern
petitive and profit-oriented management system under the ment, or to adopt Foucault’s terminology, governmentality, by
free market economy” .14 Here, the phrase “ free market econ providing the raison d’
etre for the forest department and other
omy”connotes the forces of supply and demand. It conven relevant government agencies (the police, for example) to
iently masks the political, historical, non-economic and extra remain active and present in forests through such actions as
market processes that influence and regulate the performance pursuing “ offenders”,“enforcing”the rule, and, more gener
of public sector forest industries. Examples of these processes ally, “
keeping things going [and] still being here tomorrow” .20
include: patronage by ruling political elites and other political
influences on industry, endemic governance inefficiency and 3.3 Eden and the Epic Endeavour
corruption, subsidies and protection provided historically by The f m p builds two “essential development scenarios”of the
the state to the industries, and the impact and effects of gov country’ s“future”of forestry vis-a-vis the “ present day or sta
ernment policies - notably the official ban of extraction of tim tus quo conditions and practices” . The scenarios represent the
ber jeopardising regular flow of raw materials ( b r a c 1986; end result (“ solution”) of government policies and actions:
Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007). “High Development”and “ Optimum Development” . These are
Besides framing the major “ crisis”in the above terms, the the “Eden”where the n f p and f m p ’s proposed “ epic endeav
documents point out a number of other associated “ problems” our”will lead all forest interests to “ live happily ever after”
and their possible “ solutions”through means of polar words (Gasper and Apthorpe 1996: 9). The f m p explains:
and binary couples. Frequent references are made to “ forest Scenario 1represents the low development alternative and Scenario 2
depletion”as the problem, and “ massive afforestation”as the the high development option. Scenario 1 adds additional money and
peoples and retains existing systems, technology, institutional struc
solution. Other examples include:
tures, working methods, laws and regulations, but allow a slight
•“ Wastage in extraction and processing of forest products” change in any of these areas. Scenario 2 represents optimum develop
=> “ modern and appropriate technology” .15 ment and adopts relevant new technology, incorporates necessary in
•“ Tribal people ... grab[bing] the forestland at will”= > stitutional changes to achieve goals and targets (gob 1994:15-16).
“Impart [ing] ownership of certain amount of land through “Adopting”one of these “ development scenarios” , we are
forest settlement process. The rest of the forestland [to be] told, is “absolutely essential”, if the country’s“ forestry sector
brought under permanent protection” .16 in crisis”is to have any chance of “ development”(ibid: 15-17).
•“ Scarcity of wood in the country”= > “ Ban on extraction of In prescribing “solutions”,a “management perspective”is also
timber”and “ ban on export of logs” .17 clearly noticeable in the documents. Most problems are posited in
As Gasper and Apthorpe noted, “[n]othing seems more bold, a way which can be “ managed”and call for “ rational”managers,
resolute and brilliant than to put things sometimes literally “experts”who can manage. In discussing the “ problem”of
104 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 [3253 Economic & Political weekly
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shifting cultivation by “ tribals”
, the f m p ( g o b 1994: 41), for These “ preconditions” are suffused with naivety and ro
example, notes: “ ...the problem is manageable, if approached manticism. Reviews of the political economy of rural Bangladesh
rationally”. Similarly, in both the documents, repeated references point to the near impossibility of achieving such ambitious and
are made to “ scientific management” ,“sustained resource manlargely unrealistic conditions. The structural and institutional
agement” ,“ sound management” , etc. Indeed, the term “scientific
characteristics of the rural socio-polity in Bangladesh inhibit the
management”originated in the early years of the formation of the “equitable distribution”of “ benefits and services”arising from de
forest department in British India in the 19th century, and has velopment programmes, constrain any attempt to “ fulfil the basic
ever since been consistently used as a keyword in forest policy and needs of people” , and pose formidable challenges for any “ partici
plan documents, most commonly in the “ forest working plans” .21
patory5’ initiative. They are now well documented and known.22
In sum, to reach Eden the endeavour takes the form of the Some of the features of Bangladesh’ s political economy that have
“deployment of development”(Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1990), direct relevance to the forestry sector include:
which characteristically cleaves asunder the roles of planning •Highly unequal access to natural and political resources;
and implementing, and packages problems (many of which •an absence of alternative employment opportunities;
are political rather than technical in nature) in technocratic •gross inequalities in social structure;
and managerial terms. This is the way sociological and politi •severe competition among unequal contenders for scarce re
cal ignorance construes objects for development interventions. sources, largely within a pervasive framework of “ patroncli-
In so doing, a “ rational”and “ scientific”institutional appara ent”and “ caste/status”alliances;
tus creates an avenue for the exercise of its power. •a complex network of social relations that cut across differ
ent status groups and social classes;
3.4 The Trials and the Preconditions •lack of internal cohesiveness and only a residual degree of
Reaching Eden is not easy; the endeavour calls for tests, trials solidarity in villages.
and many preconditions to be fulfilled. Development policy Indeed, recent studies of social forestry in Bangladesh have
discourses, as noted earlier, not only call for “ virtuous policy presented convincing empirical evidence to show how these
means”but also the provision of its “ prerequisites for success” social and political conditions thwart the performance of so
(Gasper 1996a: 160). cial forestry as a “ participatory programme” .23
The n f p proffers five such “ preconditions for the develop Given the sociopolitical ground realties, the “ precondi
ment of the forestry sector”( g o b 1995: 3). Without meeting tions”and “ constraints”mentioned in f m p and n f p remain
these “ preconditions” , it is argued, “development”will not be abstracted, and face formidable problems in their own realisa
“forthcoming” . The conditions are: tion. Why are these still pursued in the texts? At least two pur
(i) The provision of “ several commodities and services which poses may be served.
are essential for fulfilment of the basic needs of the people” . First, they are posed as “ preconditions”and “ constraints”on
(ii) The “equitable distribution of benefits among the people” . which the performance and “ delivery”of the policy depends. If
(iii) The “ creation”of “ scope of peoples participation in affor these are not realised, the government (and relevant planners and
estation programme” . protagonists) will attribute policy failure to the non-realisation of
(iv) “Long-term political commitment” . these preconditions. This may serve as escape hatches. Indeed,
(v) The “ installation of] sound management of forestry re evidence of “ escape hatches”pervades policy texts (Table 2).
sources”and “ conserving the production capacity of these Second, the preconditions justify and warrant intervention
resources”(ibid: 3). by the government and associated development agencies.
In effectiv e pro tectio n O u tda ted law s/regulation s; len ien ce in law application ; n ot en o u g h "regu la tory devices"; "lack o f
e ffectiv e policy"; "in a d eq u a te m anpow er".*
[In adequacy in] m ass a w a ren ess ca m p a ig n "In a d equ a te m a n p o w e r (in th e forest departm en t)"; "sh o rta ge o f sta ff in terested and
[conscientisation] qu alified in ex ten sion m eth od s"; p e op le's "cultural barriers"; "poverty". **
[Limited] W om en 's in v olvem en t "Traditional barriers in B an gladesh culture to full participation o f w o m e n in s o c io - e c o n o m ic activities".
D ep letin g fore st "Already ex trem e and rapidly in creasin g p op u la tion pressure"; "harm ful" activities o f "land gra b b ers"
and "encroachers". ***
[Lack of] lon g-term d e v e lo p m e n t o u tlo o k o f th e se c to r Lack o f "lo n g term political co m m itm en t".* * * *
[Low] d e g r e e o f participation "N o explicit g o v e rn m en t p o licy and/or legal gu id elin e to su p p o r t participatory d e v e lo p m e n t in forestry";
"gra ssroo ts g ro u p s have to c o n n e c t w ith NGOs, pu blic se c to r en tities and private se c to r
com p a n ie s as n ecessary". * ****
U n produ ctive u se o f u n classified sta te forests# "E xisting tribal rights c lo u d in g land ten u re situation"; "political situation " n ot favourable;
"tribal p e o p le gra b th e forest land at will". *** * * *
* FMP (GoB 1994:30-33,37-38,47); NFP Statements 6 and 20 (GoB 1995).
** FMP (GoB 1994:41-47); NFP Statements 7 and 20 (GoB 1995).
* * * FMP (GoB 1994:30-33,37-38,47); NFP preamble, Objective 6, Statement 20 (GoB 1995).
* ** * NFP Precondition 4 (GoB 1995).
* * * * * FMP (GoB 1994:42-43).
# FMP (GoB 1994:47).
* * * * * * FMp (GoB 1994. 4 1 - 4 7 ); NFP Statements 7 and 20 (GoB 1995).
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
They are a list of things or an agenda for action for the “ devel its associated agencies. The fm p declares its stance on the mat
opment of the forestry sector” . Things that call for “
creation” ter in no obscure terms: “ [The] focus was” , we are told, “
on
(of scope for participation), “ distribution”(of commodities institutional factors - policy, education and training and
and services), “ installation”,“provision” , etc. And the govern administrative structures”( g o b 1994:1).
ment’ s forestry institutions are “rationally”suited to carry out Where do “ people”fit into the scheme? They are, as we shall
these actions. see in the following paragraphs, the “ target”of development
to be redeemed by the heroes. These “ targets”are described in
3.5 The Heroes and the Redeemed the documents by means of various labels: “ groups” ,“benefici
The “ deployment of development”calls for rational, scientific aries” ,“ landless” ,“ poor”,“ tribal”, etc. They are “ recipients”,
and technical problem-solving interventions which are best “clients” ,“
claimants”or “ participants”of the forestry develop
handled by relevant experts and managers in the government. ment programmes. Put differently, as Wood (1985b: 355-56)
Throughout the policy documents, the government’ s role is noted, people are transformed into objects of intervention.27
thus portrayed as crucial, indispensable, immanent, and as An examination of the use of such labels in the documents
the champion of public interest. reveals some interesting features.
In order to perform such roles, a case has to be made for First, the “target group”labels are used in a way that presents
“strengthening”and “ capacity enhancement”of the relevant these groups as isolated and compartmentalised entities (for
government institutions, n f p and fm p suggest a wide array of example, “ tribals”
,“ resident population” ) and takes no cogni
provisions to “ strengthen”the forest department and other sance of the deep-rooted structures and relations of patronage,
agencies associated with it. Examples of these provisions exploitation, dependency, poverty and oppressive power that
include the following: cut across these entities. Presenting the “ targets”as delinked
Forest department will be strengthened in order to achieve the goals
from these sociopolitical and economic structures and rela
and objectives of National Forest Policy. A new department called ‘ De tions serves a purpose for the forestry institutions and the
partment of Social Forestry’ will be established.24 government as a whole. As Wood explains in another context:
The implementation of n f p will be supported by strengthening educa
tional, training and research organisations. This will contribute to for In most programmes in Bangladesh, this delinking enables the poor to
estry sector development.25 be recognised as fragmented objects of a policy of partial interven
tions - the recipients of skill training, credit and services, ghettoed
A special emphasis is placed on updating existing laws and into small scale, income generating activities, an entrepreneurial
formulating new “ laws, rules and regulations” .26Such punitive m odel in which significant success could only possibly be enjoyed by a
few and thereby absorbed without overall structural change (Wood
legal instruments have served to expand and fortify the ad
1985b: 470).
ministrative power and authority of the public forestry institu
tions. They have fuelled conflicts between forest staff and Second, the target group terminology also has visibility
local forest-based communities (Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007). The (Escobar 1995) and legitimacy (Wood 1985a). The moral
fm p however puts up an entirely different but “ rational”and imperative of reaching out to various “ disadvantaged target
altruistic justification: “ (a) viable efficient legal system is very groups”helps legitimise the intervention of the “ forestry
important for effective implementation of policies and sector development” .
achievement of policy objectives”( g o b 1994:119). Third, labels also play a role in facilitating access (for exam
The n f p lists some 29 activities (in the policy statement sec ple, Schaffer and Lamb 1974) by imposing and determining
tion) for “ development of the forestry sector” . Most of these rules and regulations, characteristics of categorisation and
activities are to be carried out by the government. They are functions of the potential recipients (Wood 1985a, 1985b).
typically described by phrases such as “ tree plantation” ,“ mas Fourth, labels and mechanisms are also a lever for the
sive afforestation”and “ special afforestation” . government’ s management of “ institutional scarcity” . The
Frequent use of keywords like “ afforestation”immediately resources and means (for example, inputs such as seedlings,
makes the role of technical experts (foresters) relevant and parcels of land, services like technical advice, training) are
rational: afforestation is best done by “ foresters” .Additionally, by extremely limited compared with the need. So, “ mechanisms”
referring to the large volume or scale or specialised nature (“ mas are required to manage the “ problem”(of resource scarcity
sive”,“ special” , etc) of the operation, a case is made for calling in and the ever-increasing demand) and their “ operation”(that
a large, specialist institutional apparatus (that is, the government is, the management and distribution of the goods and ser
in general, and the forest department in particular). vices). These reinforce the case for state control.
Implicit in the above “ statements”of n f p is also the assump
tion that only the government forestry organisations have the 4 Conclusions and Further Research
necessary technical expertise and specialised inputs that are The preceding discussion shows that the Bangladesh state’ s
not substitutable and generously offered to the public “ in the policy response to the “ problems”and “ development of the
greater interest of the nation” . forestry sector”has been rhetorically loaded but politically
On reading these texts, one is thus left with no ambiguity as to covert, measured and cautious. This becomes clear as we
the identification of the “ heroes”- the institution® in charge: return to the core themes (governmentality and political tech
the government, more particularly, the forest department and nology; depoliticisation; and rhetorical and linguistic devices)
106 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 EEC9 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
introduced in the second section. Throughout the reading of by creating fields of visibility around the “ target groups”as
the policy texts these themes have manifested themselves “problems”to be solved and acted on. The domination of
vividly. Our principal results may be summarised as follows: the state-led institutions is thus protected and bureaucratic
power is fortified.
Governmentality and Political Technologies: Under the In its style and purport, forest policy discourse and the as
conditions of governmentality, policies are devised and pur sociated exercise of policy formulation may ultimately “ con
sued to serve certain systematic discursive and practical pur tribute to [the] depoliticisation and the bureaucratisation of
poses, notably: as classificatory devices to categorise and the society”(Schaffer 1984:186). Here we have shown exactly
name target groups and services rendered; as narratives to jus how the development process is depoliticised and bureaucra
tify (or condemn) a particular scenario and course of action; tised. As Evers (1987) observed in his major work on “ the bu
as political technologies to depoliticise and shape “ target reaucratisation of societies in south-east Asia” : equipped with
group”conceptions and the distribution of limited services; as political technologies and bureaucratics, policy discourse has
escape hatches to hive off difficult questions of responsibility relevance and implications for both the processes of “ spread of
and accountability; and as levers to muster and wield power formalised, rational administrative procedures”and “ the ex
on the part of the state. tension of government control” . Indeed, a small literature on
forest management in south Asia has already pointed to the
Depoliticisation and Apolitical Representation: The con processes and effects of bureaucratisation in many parts of the
tents and subjects of the policies are systematically depoliti- region (Khan 1998a; Poffenberger 1990).
cised. As part of a discursive regime, policies and plan pre Three research questions immediately suggest themselves.
scriptions are construed as technical instruments to promote First, the process of bureaucratisation is reinforced in an era
efficiency and effectiveness in the forestry sector. The power when it confronts market ideology and pressures to commod
and politics inherent in this exercise are constantly being ify in general, and acute limits to the state’
s regulative and de
masked; yet they are pervasive, and find expression through velopmental capacity in Bangladesh in particular. How and
labels and targets which shape and limit bureaucratic prac why is this possible? Second, the political technologies, depo
tices. The moral and ideological imperative of reaching out to liticisation and rhetorical devices revealed here have pro
the poor (“ people’s participation”,“social equity”, etc), is pre ceeded apace in Bangladesh in an era where development dis
sented in a way which justifies both intervention by the state course has been extensively deconstructed internationally.
and the techno-bureaucratic management of “ problems”that Why has it been possible for forest policy discourse to be so
“constrain people’s participation”. unresponsive to the international critique? Third, why is forest
policy so reluctant to engage with the lived realities of forest
Rhetorical and Linguistic Devices, and Their Sm oothing dwellers and their exploiters in Bangladesh? There has been
Effects: Policy texts calculatedly use various rhetorical devices no research apart from this on the subject of forest policy dis
and discursive formations that function to empower some (for course in Bangladesh. The three research questions with
example, public forestry officials) and silence others (for ex which we end deserve immediate attention from development
ample, “ land grabbers”and “ encroachers” ). This process is re academics and activists. At present, the ghost in the machine
inforced by the use of various tropes and target-group termino looks well settled in Bangladesh (Wood 1985c), and it there
logy which helps to legitimate this particular style of develop fore makes sense to call in critical policy analysts - “ ghost-
ment intervention. The model of “ forestry development”pro busters”- to shed light on the ghost, and unravel its “ shadow
posed in the “ development scenarios”derives its irresistibility across reality” .
n o t e s _____________________________________ 11 Essentially, “
to hold that a policy measure is 23 See, for example, Ahmed and Laarman (2000),
1 Hereafter, FMP or the Plan. inherently appropriate”(Gasper 1996a: 157). Akhter (2008), Chowdhury (2004), Khan
2 See Khan (2009) for a review of literature on 12 In the preamble (GoB 1995:1). (2008a, 2008b).
Bangladesh’ s forest policy. 13 NFP, Statement 10 (GoB 1995). 24 NFP, Statement 27 (GoB 1995).
3 See, for example, Apthorpe (1986,1996,1997), 14 NFP, Statement 15 (ibid). 25 NFP, Statement 28 (ibid).
Clay and Schaffer (1984), Crush (1995), Fern 15 NFP, Statement 13 (ibid). 26 See FMP (GoB 1994: 6-8, 119-20); NFP, State
andez (2008), Gasper (1996a, 1996b), Gasper 16 NFP, Statement 20 (ibid). ment 29 (GoB 1995).
and Apthorpe (1996), Potter and Wetherell 17 NFP, Statement 18 (ibid); FMP (GoB 1994: 27 Also see Apthorpe (1986).
(1994), Seidel and Vidal (1997), Shore and 13 -14 ).
Wright (1997), Schaffer (1984), Van Dijk (1990), 18 See, the “Forest Working Plan”documents; for
Wood (1985a, 1985b). example, Ahmad (1938) and Cowan (1923). R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________
4 See, for example, Pain (1996), Seidel and Vidal 19 For example, Adnan (2011a, 2011b, 2011c),
(1997) and Shore and Wright (1997). Adnan, S (2011a): “Mechanisms of Land Alienation
Chhauchhuak (2004), Kerkhoff and Sharma of the Indigenous Peoples of the Chittagong
5 For example, Foucault (1975,1977). (2006), Rasul (2005), Roy (1997). Hill Tracts”, Oxford University CSASP Work in
6 Also Clay and Schaffer (1984). 20 Lynn and Jay (1983: 116) cited in Shore and Progress Paper 14 (http://www.southasia.
7 For an obvious example: “ underdevelopment” Wright (1997:10). 0x.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/37364/
as the problem, and “ development”as the 21 See, for example, Ahmad (1938) and Cowan CHT_Land_Study.pdf).
solution. (1923). - (2011b): “Resistance to Land Grabbing by Poor
8 See also Apthorpe (1986). 22 See, for example, Blair (1978, 1982), Jansen Peasants and Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh:
9 ADB Technical Assistance # 1355-Bangladesh. (1986), Khan (1989), Tepper (1976), Van Schen- Implications for the Agrarian Question”
, Oxford
10 UNDP/FAO # BGD/88/025. del (1981), Westergaard (1985), White (1992), University CSASP: Work in Progress Paper 15.
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
T
monetary policy for 2012-13 has he monetary policy statement by ing the weaknesses surfacing in the
Reserve Bank of India (rbi) Gover external sector.
had to be framed at a time when
nor Duwuri Subbarao for 2012-13
the economy is facing multiple assumes critical significance at this junc 1.1 The Inflation Illusion
risks - inflation at an elevated ture for two reasons. First, it sets the tone The real gross domestic product (gdp)
level, a deterioration in the of policy for 2012-13 as a whole and will growth projection is 7.3% for 2012-13,
generate expectations that would be dif that is in alignment with the post-crisis
external sector and fiscal laxity.
ficult to reverse in the short run. Second, trend growth. The post-crisis period was
The r b i ’
s aggression in cutting the policy has been announced at a time characterised by a very tight stance of
the repo rate by 50 bps is that the Indian economy is facing multi monetary policy. If a growth rate of
therefore inexplicable. The ple downside risks, namely, persistent and around 7% was sustained in that tight
sticky inflation at an elevated level, a environment, then with an aggressive
posture taken by the r b i is
weakening external sector in terms of a easing of policy, one should expect the
fraught with the risk of fuelling widening of the current account deficit, growth to be at least equivalent to the
inflation rather than propelling a depreciating currency and declining budgetary projection of 7.6%. With infla
growth, meeting government reserves position, and fiscal laxity pos tion expected to remain sticky around
ing the challenge of managing a huge the current levels, then the policy action
borrowing at a lower cost rather
additional borrowing programme. seems to only trading in inflation for a
than providing a fillip to There seems to be no reason to very modest pickup in growth.
investment demand and of become complacent about any of the The official wholesale price inflation
exacerbating the weaknesses downside risks. The extremely dovish data for every month come in the guise
action of cutting the repo rate by 50 of provisional numbers, followed by
surfacing in the external sector.
basis points (bps) has no doubt pleasantly revised numbers after a lag of about two
surprised the market as much as the ear months, For instance, as of April, only
lier cumulative cuts in cash reserve ratio provisional inflation numbers are avail
( c r r ) by 125 bps. The stock market able for February and March 2012, which
responded favourably immediately after stood respectively at 6.95% and 6.89%.
the announcement. Trades in bench This gives an impression that not only
mark government securities have shown has the inflation rate followed a declin
an easing of rates by above 10-15 bps. ing trend, but it has also ruled below the
This would generate expectations about psychological level of 7% at the end of
further rate cuts though the forward the fiscal year. But an examination of the
guidance indicates that the scope for any track record of the provisional and actual
more easing of policy rate is limited. numbers would reveal that the provi
Combining the intensity of c r r cuts sional inflation data have consistently
and the repo rate cut within a short span created an illusion of inflation being
of about four months ever since a pause milder than what it actually is. This illu
to tightening stance was announced, the sion persists over time, since not much
stand taken by the r b i should be now publicity is given to these changes, and
termed as no less than an “ aggressive people focus on current numbers how
easing”of policy. The hawkish posture ever inaccurate it may be in the light of
reflected in the macroeconomic review revised lagged data. While this illusion
released a day earlier and also in the is not as off the mark as it was in the
The EPWRF team led by K Kanagasabapathy assessments of downside risks in the case of industrial production numbers,
and supported by Anita B Shetty, Vishakha policy statement make the nose-diving the trend shows clearly that there is a
G Tilak, V P Prasanth, R Krishnaswamy, Shruti and dovish policy action on the repo consistent downward bias in provisional
J Pandey, Pallavi Oak and Sharan P Shetty.
inexplicable. inflation numbers.
Economic & Political WEEKLY ragCT APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 109
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Table 1 and Graph A illustrates the 6.5% portending a 50 Graph A: Inflation (Y-o-Y): Actual and Provisional (%)
final (actual) and provisional annual bps reduction over a 11 -------------------------------
inflation estimates during August-Janu year-end inflation of
ary 2011-12 for which period the compar 7% for March 2012.
ative figures are available based on the However, the down
new series (base year 2004-05). If the side risks such as the
deviation of the provisional from the current upward pres
actual numbers is purely due to a statistical sure on food and min
discrepancy, the normal expectation is eral prices, the impact
8/2011 9/2011 10/2011 11/2011 12/2011 1/2012 2/2012 3/2012
that these errors or differences would be of an increase in serv
randomly and normally distributed with ices and other indirect taxes, highly vol met out of borrowed funds, in particular
an average of around zero. But this was not atile global crude prices and the over from the r b i through its Liquidity Adjust
the case. The provisional numbers had a hang of suppressed oil inflation make ment Facility ( la f) which was rather
downward bias on an average by 23 bps the projection appear a bit ambitious. passively operated practically without
and for the latest period of November 2011 The r b i itself has admitted to the sticky any prudential limit whatsoever.
to January 2012 the bias had widened to nature of inflation at current levels. A tentative projection of an incremen
a range of 27 to 35 bps. Therefore, there is tal basis, based upon the assumptions of
a high probability to believe that the year- 1.2 Investments Likely the r b i on deposit and credit growth and
end inflation for 2011-12 is not below to Crowd Out Bank Credit investment in s l r in the same propor
7.0%, but is around 7.2% which would As has been acknowledged, there has tion as in 2011-12, and with no net invest
become evident only after two months. been a shift in the composition of bank ment in non-SLR assets, the incremental
The r b i in its recently released mone assets from credit to statutory liquidity credit and investment to deposit ratio
tary policy has projected wholesale price ratio (slr) investments. The c r r cuts thus would work out to 117.8% for 2012-13.
index (wpi) inflation for March 2013 at far seemed to have helped the conduct of This may not be technically feasible
Table 1:Y-o-YInflation: Actual and Provisional (%) government borrowing programme rather without a continued open l a f window
(Provisional (Actual over Difference than increasing the supply of credit. Table 2 supplemented by open market purchases,
over Actual) Actual) (Percentage Points)
shows that between April 2011 and March to support credit and investment growth.
Aug-11 9.78 9.78 0
2012, banks invested in s l r securities to the A continued and passive accommoda
Sep-11 9.72 10 0.28
extent of 33.8% of incremental deposits. tion of the banking system under l a f at
Oct-11 9.73 9.87 0.14
Nov-11 9.11 9.46 0.35
The incremental credit flow also accounted a lower cost is fraught with the risk of
Dec-11 7.47 7.74 0.27 for as much as 96.2% of an increase in expanding liquidity beyond reasonable
Jan-12 6.55 6.89 0.34 aggregate deposits. The incremental limits with attendant risks of adding to
Feb-12 6.95 credit and investment deposit ratio inflationary pressures.
Mar-12 6.89 worked out to a very high 126.8%. This With lower interest rates, deposit
Provisional data for 2004-05 (base year) series is available only
indicates that obviously the incremental accretion might further slow down.
from August 2010.
Source: Compiled by EPWRF. investments and credit by banks were Banks would prefer to invest in govern
Table 2: Projected Bank Credit and Investments (Amount in Rs crore) ment securities in an environment of
Bank Credit Aggregate Deposit Investments (SLR) Non-SLR Total Bank Credit + southward moving interest rates for
Total Investments
trading profits. With tightening of provi
O u tsta n d in g A m ou n t
2010-11 39,42,083 52,07,969 15,01,619 1,93,660 56,37,362 sioning requirements, including capital
2011-12 46,11,630 59,03,660 17,36,640 1,71,520 65,19,790 and liquidity requirements under Basel
Increm ental o v e r 2010-11 6,69,547 6,95,691 2,35,021 -22,140 8,82,428 hi coming into effect shortly, banks
(96.2) (33.8) (126.8)
would be further encouraged to build up
2012-13* 54,04,830 68,48,246 19,16,000 - 73,20,830
Increm ental ov er 2011-12 7,93,200 9,44,586 3,19,270 - 11,12,470 risk-free assets in the form of a govern
(84.0) (33.8) (117.8) ment securities portfolio. The worsening
Figures in brackets are percentage to aggregate deposits. SLR: Statutory Liquidity Ratio. non-performing credit portfolio would
* Projected by EPWRF.
strengthen this tendency.
Table 3: Money Market Activity (Volume and Rates)
Instruments March 2012 February 2012
Daily Average Monthly Range of Daily Average Monthly Range of 1.3 Complacency about External
Volume
(Rs Crore)
Weighted
Average Rate (%)
Weighted Average
Daily Rate (%)
Volume
(Rs Crore)
Weighted Average Weighted Average
Rate (%) Daily Rate (%)
Sector Vulnerability
Call M on ey 14,429 9.05 8.34-11.77 10,321 8.90 8.45-9.15 As the r b i governor has mentioned,
N otice M on ey 3,549 9.52 7.92-13.14 3,121 8.79 7.50-9.20 today’ s situation is no doubt different
Term M on ey @ 300 - 8.40-13.50 289 - 8.00-10.75 from the 1991 crisis period and the coun
CBLO 38,557 8.51 7.05-12.04 32,392 8.41 7.09-8.69
try is much more resilient. But it does not
M arket R epo 11,493 8.71 7.00-10.98 11,698 8.56 8.31-8.65
Range of rates during the month. -: not available.
dilute the real gravity of the situation.
Source: www.rbi.org.in. and www.ccilindia.com Graph B (p 111) juxtaposes the trends in
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
the current account deficit, inflation rate March adequately leveraged Graph B: External Vulnerability - Illustrated
4.70 ----------------------------------------------------------------
and the fiscal deficit of the central gov the situation. However; r b i
ernment during 1986-87 to 1992-93 and credit to government and
during 2006-07 to 2012-13. The similari central government is cash
ty of the situation and the build-up of balances with r b i caused an
vulnerability is rather striking. In some outflow of Rs 48,000 crore
respect, the current situation seems to each during the month. In
be slightly worse. The improvement in addition, the governm ent’ s
some indicators around 1991 was due to market borrowing continued
the International Monetary Fund ( i m f ) in the last month of the fiscal
loan. How resilient India will be in the and absorbed Rs 26,000
current situation to overcome adverse crore while banker’ s depos
trends, only time will tell. its with the r b i took out
Rs 33,650 crore. However,
1.4 In Sum inflows through net for
Overall, given the downside risks, and eign assets by more than
the kind of bullish expectations an Rs 56,000 crore relieved
aggressive easing of policy stature is the system to some extent.
likely to create in financial markets, a
rate cut of 50 bps at this juncture does 2.1 Money Market
appear premature. Despite a 125 bps cut in c r r
in two tranches in 2012, the
2 Money, Forex and Debt Markets liquidity situation in the
The last month of the financial year system remained tight owing
2011-12 proved to be rather stiff one for to advance tax outflows in
financial markets after they recouped in mid-March. The situation
February on the back of optimistic glo worsened further with the
bal developments. March began with a fiscal year approaching a
sudden spurt in oil prices overseas hurt close. Widespread liquidity
ing domestic market sentiments and shortage in the system put
exerting inflationary pressures. How a huge burden on short
ever, encouraging industrial production term money market rates
numbers for January at 6.8% (which in March and overnight
have since proved to be a false signal money market rates moved
later after they were revised to a shock upwards from the begin
ing 1.1%) raised hopes for renewal in ning of the month and weighted average and market repo increased by 10 bps and
investment growth. The surprising 75 bps one-day rates stayed above the repo rate 14bps, respectively, over the review period.
cut in c r r encouraged market participants of 8.50%. Towards the end of March, Following heightened dependence over
to hope for more softening measures from call rates hardened significantly and short-term money market instruments in
the r b i . Still, dismal advance tax pay crossed 9% levels and touched their March, the daily trading activity in the
ments by corporates for the last quarter high of 11.77% on 30 March. During overnight segment galloped 40% com
of 2011-12 once again underpinned mar March, the weighted average call money pared to the previous month. The daily
ket sentiments. In the second half of the rates hardened by 15 bps to 9.05% com traded turnover in notice and the term-
month, the budget announcement did pared to the previous month. money segment also increased by 14%
not change the cynical outlook about the Similarly, the notice money market and 4%, respectively during March over
domestic economic prospects. Moreover, displayed a sharp rise in its daily rates and February. The volumes in the c b l o market
the proposed General Anti-Avoidance the weighted average rates increased by also increased by 19% over the period
Rule ( g a a r ) in the budget alarmed for a substantial 72 bps to 9.52% in a period while, owing to a sharp rise in the
eign investors and they began to unwind of one month. Renewed uncertainty over weighted average rates, the market repo
their exposures in the Indian market monetary easing and crucial liquidity segments showed a marginal decline in
fearing tax liability for capital gains. stress kept the rates in collateralised its daily turnover (Table 3, p 110).
Overall, the system faced a liquidity instruments like collateralised borrow As per the latest available data from the
outflow of around Rs 94,000 crore in ing and lending obligations ( c b l o s ) and r b i , the issuance of certificates of deposit
March. Bank credit expanded by around market repo more volatile and they ruled ( c d s ) by scheduled commercial banks
Rs 3 lakh crore while an increase in the in an upper range during the same period. increased during the fortnight ending
same amount of aggregate deposits during Weighted average daily rates of c b l o 24 February 2012 and amounted to
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
Rs 38,800 crore. The outstanding amount during the month and ended at 72.74 account deficit has also gone up on the
crossed Rs 4 lakh crore in February after points on 30 March. back of higher oil prices this fiscal year.
a span of three fortnights. However, Despite Fitch downgrading the out These twin deficits, combined with
c p s issued by corporates amounted to look of u k ’s sovereign rating to negative, high inflation, have drastically affected
Rs 31,420 crore for the fortnight ending the pound sterling advanced by 1.4% investors’appetite for Indian assets,
15 February 2012 but the outstanding against the dollar while, rising hopes of especially equities. Thus, domestic equi
amount declined by more than Rs 44,000 recovery in the euro area kept the euro ty markets turned bearish and the b s e
crore to Rs 1.05 lakh crore for the same positive versus dollar. Asian currencies Sensex lost 348 points in one month.
fortnight. The discount rates for c d s exhibited mixed performances, while Following all these negative develop
ranged between 9.30% and 10.65% while most of them depreciated against the ments, the Indian rupee depreciated by
c p s rates ruled between 7.15% and 12.30% dollar, hurt by rising crude oil prices. a harsh 4% against the us dollar during
in the respective review periods. This was also reflected in the 67 bps fall March over February.
According to the trading platform - in the j p Morgan Asian dollar index (a The rupee-dollar exchange rate began
Fixed Income Money Market and Deriva spot index of emerging Asia’ s most actively the month on a very negative note hurt
tives Association ( f i m m d a ) - c d s recorded traded currency pairs valued against the with rising crude oil prices hovering above
a twofold rise in the average daily trad us dollar) in March (Table 5). $125 per barrel. Fearing a tardy growth
ed volume during March over February. On the domestic front, market partici of the Indian economy on the back of a
However, the daily trading activity pants welcomed the liquidity-boosting massive setback to the Congress Party in
in c p s declined 27% during the same 75-bps c r r cut. The focus on the inflation crucial state elections, the rupee depre
review period. data, especially after the recent spikes in ciated continuously for five days in a row
The passive approach of the r b i to global crude oil prices, prompted the showing a 3.27% fall and slid below
inject funds through its l a f repo win central bank to withhold key policy rate Rs 50.57 versus the dollar on 7 March.
dow resulted in banks borrowing more cuts in March. Budget 2012-13, keenly Persistent dollar demand from oil
than Rs 1.55 lakh crore on a daily aver awaited by local and foreign investors importers coupled with weak local share
age basis in March. The r b i injected the alike, which was announced on 16 March market also weighed on the rupee.
highest ever Rs 2.02 lakh crore on 30 also had some adverse impact as the Thereafter, the local currency suddenly
March. In addition, it conducted addi finance minister proposed g a a r which bounced back from 9 March, propelled by
tional repo on 30 and 31 March. Further dampened the senti
Table 5: Foreign Exchange Market: Select Indicators
more, r b i continued with its purchase of ments of portfolio inves Month Rs/$ Reference Appreciation (+)/ Fll Flows BSESensex USDollar Index
securities in its o m o window and tors. After pouring Rate (Last Friday Depreciation (-) (Equity+Debt) (Month-end (Month-end
of the Month) of Rs/$ (in %) (in $ million) Closing) Closing)#
released Rs 35,600 crore in March. record funds in past Oct-2011 48.82 0.21 634 17,705 70.52
Despite all this, borrowers also availed three months, the over Nov-2011 52.17 -6.41 -586 16,123 72.37
Table 4: RBI's Market Operations (Amount in Rs crore) seas investors turned Dec-2011 53.26 -2.05 4,195 15,455 73.33
Month/Year OMO LAF Net (Average Daily cautious in Indian equity Jan-2012 49.68 7.20 5,087 17,194 72.60
(NetPurchase(+)/Sale(-)) Injection (+)/Absorption(-))
Oct-2011 6 50,708 and debt markets and Feb-2012 49.07 1.26 7,164 17,753 72.14
Nov-2011 9,446 91,719 invested just $387 mil Mar-2012 51.16 -4.09 387 17,404 72.74
#: Nominal Major Currencies Dollar Index.
Dec-2011 33,687 1,12,599 lion in March, compared Source: www.rbi.org.in,www.bseindia.com,www.sebi.gov.in,www.federalreserve.gov.
Jan-2012 34,772 1,28,471 to $7,164 million invested
Feb-2012 20,690 1,33,547 in February. Investors Table 6:Average DailyTurnover inthe Foreign Exchange Market* ($ billion)
Mar-2012 Month Merchant Interbank Spot Forward Total
35,600 1,55,162 have also been worried Sep-2011 15.1 -(11.2) 44.8 -(3.8) 29.6 -(2.3) 30.3 -(9.0) 59.8 -(5.8)
Source: RBI's W e e k ly S ta tis tic a l S u p p le m e n t.
about the loss of the Oct-2011 12.6 -(16.7) 40.0 -(10.6) 26.7 -(9.8) 25.9 -04.4) 52.6 -02.1)
of the marginal standing facility ( m s f ) growth momentum as Nov-2011 12.3 -(2.2) 41.0 (2.5) 26.6 -(0.3) 26.7 (3.07) 53.3 (1.4)
during several days in March and bor well, with the investment Dec-2011 11.2 -(8.4) 35.6 -(13.2) 22.8 -(14.2) 24.0 -(10.0) 46.8 -02.1)
rowed more than Rs 24,000 crore in climate weakening due Jan-2012 9.9-(11.9) 38.7 (8.6) 22.8 -(0.3) 25.8 (7.4) 48.6 (3.7)
aggregate (Table 4). to policy uncertainty Feb-2012 11.1 (12.5) 41.3 (6.8) 25.8 (13.4) 26.6 (3.1) 52.4 (7.9)
and a widening fiscal *:Figures Includes trading in FCV/INR and FCY/FCY.
in brackets are percentage change over the previous month.
2.2 Forex Market deficit. The current Source: RBI's W e e k ly S ta tis tic a l S u p p le m e n t, various issues.
The United Sates (us) dollar strength
Table 7: Details of Central Government Market Borrowings (Amount in Rs crore)
ened against most currencies from the Date of Auction Nomenclature of Loan Notified Amount Bid-Cover Ratio Devolvement on YTMat Cut-off Cutt-off Price
beginning of March as rising us Treas Primary Dealers Price (in %) (Rs)
ury yields backed by signs of a strength 09-Mar-12 8.24% 2018 R 3,000 2.29 nil 8.34 99.51
ening economy enhanced its safe haven 8.79% 2021 R 6,000 1.86 nil 8.27 103.42
8.83% 2041 R 3,000 2.68 nil 8.62 102.22
appeal. Following an overall recovery in
Total fo r March 2012 12,000 2.17 nil 8.37 102.14
the us currency, the us dollar index
Total fo r February 2012 49,000 2.08 nil 8.33 103.2
[Nominal Major Currencies Dollar Index
R: Reissue.
(March 1973=100)] improved by 60 bps Source: RBI press releases.
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
Table 8: Secondary Market Outright Trades in Government Papers - NDSand NDS-OMDeals (Amount in Rs crore)
Descriptions March 2012 Previous Month Three Months Ago Six Months Ago
Last Week (30) First Week (2) Total for the Month (February 2012) (December 2011) (September 2011)
AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM
1 Treasury Bills 14,047 10,730 40,438 17,780 35,227 27,761
A 91-Day Bills 4,290 8.99 5,487 9.02 21,206 8.94 9,462 8.84 13,588 8.54 21,065 8.31
B 182-Day Bills 2,937 8.90 3,128 8.78 7,731 8.81 763 8.81 9,918 8.51 2,787 8.35
C 364-Day Bills 6,820 8.59 2,115 8.74 11,501 8.64 7,555 8.53 11,721 8.41 3,909 8.348
2 GOI D ated Securities 43,655 8.60 18,168 8.27 1,51,957 8.44 3,08,879 8.26 4,42,147 8.58 2,45,522 8.35
Year o f (No o f
M aturity Securities)
2012 (4) 1,739 9.77 186 9.09 3,788 9.46 965 8.77 3,805 8.62 1,003 8.32
2013 (2) 70 8.07 136 8.09 520 8.16 80 8.37 822 8.27
2014 (8) 5 8.24 200 8.08 850 8.16 105 8.06 265 8.23 266 8.26
2015 (6) 264 8.34 65 8.23 471 8.30 486 8.13 984 8.44 1,067 8.32
2016 (3) 291 8.61 241 8.32 990 8.42 1,460 8.24 976 8.42 997 8.33
2017 (4) 401 8.60 22 8.32 1,963 8.43 687 8.23 2,304 8.51 5,405 8.33
2018 (5) 2,101 8.58 938 8.35 7,534 8.47 18,020 8.25 41,070 8.47 12,051 8.34
2019 (2) 6 8.72 0 8.43 7 8.67 17 8.29 130 8.46 25 8.34
2020 (4) 1,519 8.69 50 8.29 4,140 8.66 13,429 8.42 7,805 9.59 1,590 8.97
2021 (4) 29,865 8.54 9,813 8.21 1,02,738 8.39 1,48,850 8.19 1,99,127 8.50 1,74,377 8.32
2022 (3) 159 8.58 57 8.37 1,120 8.44 571 8.29 9,490 8.55 42,386 8.41
2023 (2) 1 8.58 2 8.51 0 8.41 1 8.65
2024 (1) 5,714 8.56 5,818 8.30 22,486 8.39 1,11,538 8.30 1,52,133 8.63
2027 (3) 378 8.63 71 8.51 885 8.57 2,088 8.49 3,938 8.86 4,218 8.57
2028 (2) 0 8.60 17 8.60 1 8.62 1 8.51
2030 (1) 730 8.71 398 8.59 2,028 8.64 7,387 8.57 11,096 8.75
2032 (2) 7 8.55 21 8.48 79 8.55 436 8.52 113 8.65 231 8.58
2034 (1) 1 8.15 3 8.57 6 8.45 1 8.55 2 8.49 4 8.51
2035 (1) 2 8.57 2 8.57 0 8.46 2 8.92
2040 (1) 93 8.67 166 8.57 690 8.60 418 8.55 4,514 8.94 1,076 8.63
2041 (1) 311 8.69 113 8.59 1,988 8.63 1,895 8.56 4,315 8.74
3 State G ovt S ecu rities 1,478 8.74 879 8.61 4,364 8.67 4,659 8.69 2,337 9.15 2,328 8.57
G rand total (1 to 3) 48,967 1,25,431 3,31,022 4,86,660 2,04,295 3,05,738
(-) Means no trading YTM= Yield to maturity in per cent per annum. NDS = Negotiated Dealing System. OM = Order Matching Segment
(1) Yields are weighted yields, weighted by the amounts of each transaction. (2) Trading in 2026,2036 to 2039 are negligible.
Source: Compiled by EPWRF; base data from RBI and CCIL.
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
their dominance in the futures segment no further o m o was anticipated. But, calendar also notified a higher aggregate
and garnered 96% of the market share ahead of tight liquidity conditions the amount of borrowing for each auction
as in earlier months. The turnover in r b i conducted one more o m o auction on throughout the first half of 2012-13.
other three products remained negligible. 30 March purchasing securities worth Total traded volume on the n d s and
Among the exchanges trading in cur Rs 4,528 crore though the aggregate n d s - o m during the period had declined
rency derivatives products, the National ceiling was worth Rs 10,000 crore. Prev by 50% to Rs 1,56,922 crore over the
Stock Exchange (nse) witnessed similar alent tight liquidity conditions however month. Overall yield increased by 17 bps
trading activity as recorded in the pushed cut-off yields up in each segment to 8.44% over the month. The top five
previous month but sustained its domi of the primary market, viz, central gov securities contributed 89% towards total
nance with a 53% market share. How ernment securities, State Development turnover. Those securities were 8.79%
ever, the Multi-Commodity Exchange Loans (sdls) and tb s. 2021, 9.15% 2024, 7.83% 2018, 8.19%
(m cx-sx) reported a 20% jump in its In March, the one and the last auction 2020 and 8.97% 2030. About 67% or
trading and contributed 46% towards for 2011-12 was scheduled on April 9, Rs 1,01,284 crore of turnover had come
the total currency derivatives turnover, reissuing three securities, namely, the from the 8.79% 2021-10-year bench
influenced by the recent Bombay High 8.24% 2018, 8.79% 2021 - the 10-year mark security alone (Table 8, p 113 and
Court judgment favouring m cx - s x over benchmark security - and 8.83% 2041 for Tables 9 and 10).
s e b i relating to the equity trading issue. Rs 12,000 crore. The auction secured a During the month, in all, 20 states
The United Stock Exchange (use) also bid cover of 2.17 times the notified issued s d l s for an aggregate amount of
reflected revival in trading and reported amount in aggregate and overall, the Rs 21,261 crore with a higher bid cover
a 29% increase in turnover but man yield moved up marginally by 2 bps to at 1.77 times and also higher overall
aged to garner just 1% of market share 8.37% (Table 7, p 112). cut-off and weighted yields. Andhra
during March. Higher than expected gross borrow Pradesh, Haryana, Kerala, Bihar, Jam
ing for 2012-13, kept secondary market mu and Kashmir and Nagaland issued
2.3 Central Government Securities yields firmed up in the first half of state loans twice while Gujarat and
The borrowing programme for the new March. In the second half also, yields Punjab tapped the market thrice. Except
financial year began on 3 April with remained firm against the
Table 10:Yield Spreads (Weighted Average) - Central Government
devolvement for two securities out of backdrop of a front loaded Securities (basis points)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
four set for a Rs 18,000 crore auction. borrowing programme Yield March 2012________ Previous Three Six Months
o m o auctions were conducted twice, on during the first half of SPreac*inkPs___________ Last Week First Week Entire Month Month Months AgoAgo
1 Y ear-5 Year 53 - 34_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 7 14 6
2 March and 9 March, purchasing gov 2012-13, to the extent of
5 Year-10 Year -2 5 1_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 6 4 8
ernment securities worth Rs 10,776 crore 64%, announced b y r b i
10 Year-15 Year 5 14 13_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 20 31 16
and Rs 11,554 crore, respectively. With in consultation with the 1 Year-10 Year 51 - 34_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 13 18 14
completion of the borrowing programme, central government. The Source: As in Table 8.
Table 9: Predominantly Traded Government Securities (Amount in Rs crore)
Descriptions March 2012 Previous Month Three Months Ago Six Months Ago
Last Week (30) First Week (2) Total forthe Month (February 2012) (December 2011) (September 2011)
AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM
GOI Dated Securities
6.85 2012 375 11.46 27 8.97 745 10.41 236 8.74 2,235 8.67 639 8.35
7.17 2015 164 8.25 60 8.22 340 8.25 486 8.13 824 8.44 991 8.28
7.59 2016 180 8.31 470 8.32 1,379 8.24 964 8.42 970 8.31
7.99 2017 399 8.61 20 8.33 1,714 8.44 575 8.23 1,011 8.50 2,477 8.36
8.07 2017 0 8.41 0 8.40 191 8.35 72 8.21 1,103 8.54 2,802 8.32
7.83 2018 2,100 8.58 638 8.31 6,578 8.47 17,245 8.24 41,023 8.47 12,041 8.34
8.19 2020 1,349 8.58 50 8.29 3,480 8.47 11,842 8.25
7.80 2021 556 8.68 108 8.31 1,144 8.56 1,228 8.26 19,154 8.49 1,74,374 8.32
8.79 2021 29,309 8.54 9,705 8.21 1,01,284 8.39 1,47,521 8.19 1,39,600 8.55
8.08 2022 10 8.59 37 8.37 73 8.39 152 8.30 5,370 8.53 9,931 8.40
8.13 2022 143 8.58 20 8.36 1,041 8.44 419 8.29 4,105 8.58 32,390 8.41
9.15 2024 5,714 8.56 5,818 8.30 22,486 8.39 1,11,538 8.30 1,52,133 8.63
8.26 2027 25 8.67 28 8.52 109 8.54 486 8.48 722 8.87 562 8.57
8.28 2027 353 8.63 37 8.50 757 8.57 1,590 8.50 3,197 8.86 3,656 8.57
8.97 2030 730 8.71 398 8.59 2,028 8.64 7,387 8.57 11,096 8.75
8.28 2032 7 8.55 21 8.47 39 8.50 424 8.52 113 8.65 218 8.58
8.30 2040 93 8.67 166 8.57 690 8.60 418 8.55 4,514 8.94 1,076 8.63
8.83 2041 311 8.69 113 8.59 1,988 8.63 1,895 8.56 4,315 8.74
Total (All Securities) 43,655 8.60 18,168 8.27 1,51,957 8.44 3,08,879 8.26 4,42,147 8.58 2,45,522 8.35
(-) means no trading YTM = Yield to maturity in percentage per annum. (1) Yields are weighted yields, weighted by the amounts of each transaction.
Source: As in Table 8.
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
Table 11: Details of State Government Borrowings (Amount in Rs crore) In contrast to dated securities, due to
Date of Auction Number of Total Amount Bid-Cover YTMat Cut-Off Weighted Average demand for short-term securities in the
Participating States Accepted Ratio Price (%) Yield (%)
06-Mar-12 10 11,067 1.72 8.95 8.90 market, the traded volume of t b s across
13-Mar-12 5 2,610 2.88 8.98 8.95 maturities jumped up more than twice at
20-Mar-12 5 1,216 2.26 9.03 9.01 Rs 40,438 crore over the last month. The
29-Mar-12 12 6,368 1.21 9.17 9.07 major contribution in this leap was from
Total for M arch 2012 32 21,261 1.74 9.02 8.96 182-day t b s , followed by 91-day t b s . The
Total for February 2012 16 15,088 1.44 8.74 8.71 yield hardened for 91-day and 364-day
Source: RBI press releases.
maturities to 8.94% and 8.64%, respec
Table 12: Auctions of Treasury Bills (Amount in Rs crore) tively, while it remained unchanged for
Date of Auction Bids Bid-Cover Cut-off Weighted Cut-off Weighted 182-day t b s at 8.81%.
Accepted Ratio Yield (%) Average Yield Price (Rs) Average Price
(%) (Rs)
A: 91-Day Treasury Bills 2.5 Corporate Bonds Market
29-Feb-12 8,000 2.15 9.06 9.06 97.79 97.79 The amount raised by privately placed
07-Mar-12 8,000 3.26 9.06 9.02 97.79 97.80
issues on the n s e plunged by 64% dur
14-Mar-12 8,000 3.68 8.98 8.94 97.81 97.82
ing the period to Rs 7,672 crore. A total
21-Mar-12 8,000 3.12 8.98 8.98 97.81 97.81
of 45 issues struck the market against
28-Mar-12 8,000 2.56 9.02 8.98 97.80 97.81
69 in February. Central government
Total for M arch 2012 40,000 2.95 9.02 9.00 97.80 97.81
97.83
undertakings dominated the issuance
Total for February 2012 44,000 2.00 8.94 8.91 97.82
B: 182-Day Treasury Bills volume, raising Rs 4,976 crore with
29-Feb-12 4,000 2.57 8.75 8.73 95.82 95.83 coupons ranging from 9.25% to 9.72%.
14-Mar-12 4,000 3.11 8.66 8.64 95.86 95.87 Three central government undertakings,
28-Mar-12 4,000 3.06 8.66 8.64 95.86 95.87 namely, n t p c , n h p c and Power Finance
Total for March 2012 12,000 2.91 8.69 8.67 95.85 95.86 Corporation tapped the market. The
Total for February 2012 12,000 2.70 8.69 8.66 95.85 95.86 highest coupons were paid by cor
C: 364-Day Treasury Bills porates in a narrow range of 11.50% to
07-Mar-12 4,000 4.93 8.45 8.42 92.23 92.25
12% (Table 13).
21-Mar-12 4,000 4.85 8.40 8.40 92.27 92.27
The Rural Electrification Corporation
Total for March 2012 8,000 4.89 8.42 8.41 92.25 92.26
tapped the market through a public
Total for February 2012 8,000 4.43 8.51 8.49 92.18 92.19
Source: RBI's press releases. issue of tax free, secured, redeemable,
non-convertible bonds for an amount of
Table 13: Details of Private Placement in Corporate Bonds
Rs 1,500 crore with the option to retain
Institutional Category No of Issues Volume in Range of Range of Maturity in
RsCrore Coupon Rates (in %) Years over-subscription up to an aggregate
Banks/FIs 6 2,309 9.50-11.00 3 to 10 amount Rs 3,000 crore. This issue
Central un derta k in gs 34 4,976 9.25-9.72 3 to 20 opened on 6 March and closed on 12
C orp ora tes 5 387 11.50-12.00 1.1 to 10 March. These bonds were divided into
Total for M arch 2012 45 7,672 9.25-12.00 1.1 to 20 two series, series one with 10-year
Total for February 2012 69 21,332 9.00-11.60 1 to 10
maturity and 7.93% coupon, and second
Source: www.nseindia.com.
series with 15-year maturity and 8.12%
Punjab, which witnessed a lower cut-off crore with higher yield at 8.84%, coupon.
yield in the second auction, all other over February. A public issue by Muthoot Finance for
states witnessed increased cut-off an aggregate amount of Rs 500 crore
yields in successive auctions. Absence 2.4 Treasury Bills opened on 2 March and closed on 17
of the central government in primary A continuous build-up of pressure on March. These are secured, non-converti
auctions after the initial few days in the yields of 91-day treasury bills ( t b s ) was ble debentures. For these bonds, four
month provided the added space for witnessed during the month. For 182- different maturities were available, for
states during the month. Cut-off yields day maturity, the overall yield remained two-year maturity the coupon was 13%,
ranged from 8.92% to 9.49%. The flat while it dropped in the case of 364- for three-year and five-year maturities
accepted amount was the lowest at Rs 5 day maturities. The total amount raised the coupon offered was 13.25% and for a
crore for Nagaland while the highest though 91-day t b s was worth Rs 40,000 maturity of 5.6 years, 13.43% coupon
amount was raised by Maharashtra crore during the month, whereas the was offered.
for Rs 2,424 crore. In the auction on issuance amount remained the same for Turnover in the secondary market was
29 March, state loans of three states, 182-day and 364-day t b s at Rs 12,000 recorded at Rs 53,440 crore during the
namely, Bihar, Manipur and Sikkim and Rs 8,000 crore each, respectively. month, fim m d a reported turnover worth
remained unsold (Table 11). Turnover The bid cover improved across maturi Rs 25,316 crore closely followed by the n s e
of s d l s had gone up by 69% to Rs 7,379 ties, over the period (Table 12). reporting turnover worth Rs 24,667 crore.
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EPW Research Foundation
The point-to-point inflation rate based on wholesale price index for March 2012 eased to 6.9% from 9.7% a year ago. But the index of manufactured food products hardened from 2.4% to 5.9% and the overall
food index, including primary food articles, also hardened from 6.8% to 8.5%. Inflation rates of minerals and fuel and power continued to rule high at elevated two-digit levels. The overall inflation rate on a
monthly average basis for 2011-12 stood relatively high at 8.8%, though it had moderated from 9.6% in 2010-11.
Macroeconomic Indicators ________________________________________ ________ ___________
Variation (%): Point-to-Point
Index Numbers of Wholesale Prices*
Weights March Over Full Financial Year
(Base Year: 2004-05 = 100)A
2012 Month 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05@ 2003-04@
All Commodities 100.0 159.8 0.9 6.9 9.7 10.4 1.6 7.7 6.7 5.7 5.4 5.4
Primary Articles __ 20.1 206.3 2.4 9.6 13.4 22.2 5.4 9.6 12.8 4.3 1.7 1.7
Food Articles __ 14.3 196.8 2.3 9.9 9.4 20.6 8.0 5.6 13.2 5.0 3.8 3.8
Non-Food Articles __ 4.3 189.1 1.3 -1.2 27.3 20.4 0.6 16.3 10.6 -3.5 -7.0 -7.0
Minerals __ 1.5 343.0 4.1 28.6 15.2 37.9 -2.8 28.2 13.8 18.5 - -
Fuel & Power 14.9 174.0 0.5 10.4 12.5 13.8 -3.4 7.4 1.1 17.3 10.4 10.4
Manufactured Products __ 65.0 142.2 0.4 4.9 7.4 5.3 1.7 7.1 6.3 3.5 5.0 5.0
Food Products ___ 10.0 153.7 0.2 5.9 2.4 15.1 6.3 8.4 4.3 2.4 1.9 1.9
Food Index (computed) ___ 24.3 179.1 1.6 8.5 6.8 18.5 7.3 6.7 9.6 3.9 3.0 3.0
All Commodities (Monthly average basis) 100.0 155.9 - 8.8 9.6 3.8 8.1 4.7 6.6 4.5 3.7 3.7
A The date of first release of data based on 2004-05 series wef 14 September 2010. @ Full fiscal year variation is based on 1993-94.
* Consequent upon the decision o f the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) held on 24January2012, weekly releaseof Wholesale Price Index (WPI) for the commodities/items under the Groups "Primary Articles" and
"Fuel and Power" is discontinued with immediate effect. WPI shall, henceforth, be released on a monthly basis only. The last Weekly WPI forthe week ending 14January 2012.
Variation (%): Point-to-Point
Cost of Living Indices Latest Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Month 2012 Month 2011 2010 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06
Industrial Workers (IW) (2001=100) 1992 0.5 7.6 8.8 7.6 8.8 8.8 14.9 8.0 7.9 6.7 5.3
Agricultural Labourers (AL) (1986-87=100) 6212 0.5 6.3 8.6 6.2 9.0 9.1 15.8 9.5 7.9 9.5 5.3
Note:Superscript numeral denotes month to which figure relates, e q, superscript 2 stands for February.
Variation
Money and Banking (Rs crare) 23 March Over Month Over Year Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
2012 2011 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09
Money Supply (M,) 7347530 121260(1.7) 843980(13.0) 843410(13.0) 900840(16.1) 896790(16.0) 807920(16.8) 776930(19.3)
Currency with Public 1031310 15330(1.5) 112090(12.2) 119480(13.1) 151730(19.8) 146700 (19.1) 102043 (15.3) 97040(17.1)
Deposits Money with Banks 6314410 105190(1.7) 733580(13.1) 725790(13.0) 749430(15.5) 750230(15.5) 707606(17.2) 683375 (19.9)
of which: Demand Deposits 700210 32870(4.9) -17710(-2.5) -22640(-3.1) -50(-0.0) -310 (-0.0) 129281 (22.0) 10316(1.8)
Time Deposits 5614200 72320(1.3) 751290(15.4) 748430(15.4) 749480(18.2) 750540(18.2) 578325 (16.4) 673059 (23.5)
Net Bank Credit to Government 2348210 21610(0.9) 444520(23.4) 364320(18.4) 234500(14.0) 313580(18.8) 391853 (30.7) 377815(42.0)
Bank Credit to Commercial Sector 4950280 223460(4.7) 714050(16.9) 713610(16.8) 744830(21.3) 744000 (21.3) 476516(15.8) 435904(16.9)
Net Foreign Exchange Assets 1514260 52300(3.6) 126290(9.1) 120920(8.7) 106510(8.3) 111880(8.7) 367718 (-5.2) 57053 (4.4)
Banking Sector's Net Non-Monetary Liabilities 1479340 176510(13.5) 442390(42.7) 356810(31.8) 186310(21.9) 274130 (32.2) -9050 (-1.1) 94672 (12.4)
of which: RBI 591490 53920(10.0) 228570(63.0) 223140(60.6) 61280(20.3) 66710(22.1) -86316 (-22.3) 177709 (84.5)
Reserve Money (6 April 2012)* 1387500 -18570(-1.3) 124290(9.8) -39740(-2.8) -113610(-8.3) 50420(3.7) 220240(19.0) 168582(17.1)
Net RBI Credit to Centre 484400 -20850(-) 208040(-) -44280(-) -117670(-) 134650 180680 151589
Scheduled Commercial Banks (23 March 2012)
Aggregate Deposits 5903660 88190(1.5) 695690(13.4) 695690(13.4) 715140(15.9) 715143(15.9) 658716 (17.2) 637170(19.9)
Demand 622800 26360(4.4) -18900(-2.9) -18900(-2.9) -3900(-0.6) -3905 (-0.6) 122525(23.4) -1224 (-0.2)
Time 5280860 61840(1.2) 714590(15.6) 714590(15.6) 719050(18.7) 719048(18.7) 536191 (16.2) 638395 (23.9)
Investments (for SLRpurposes) 1736640 -8290(-0.5) 235020(15.7) 235020(15.7) 116870(8.4) 116867(8.4) 218342 (18.7) 194694(20.0)
Bank Credit 4611630 204110(4.6) 669550(17.0) 669550(17.0) 697290(21.5) 697294(21.5) 469239 (16.9) 413635 (17.5)
Non-Food Credit 4530330 206020(4.8) 652530(16.8) 652530(16.8) 681500(21.3) 681500(21.3) 466961 (17.1) 411825 (17.8)
Commercial Investments 171520 -3760(-2.1) 23920(16.2) 23919(16.2) 29529(25.0) 28872 (24.5) 11654(11.0) 10911 (11.4)
Total Bank Assistance to Comml Sector 4701850 202260(4.5) 676450(16.8) 676449(16.8) 711029(21.5) 710372 (21.4) 478615 (16.9) 422736 (17.5)
Note: Government Balances as on 31 March 2011 are after closure of accounts.
* The value of column 2011-12 correspond to 2012-13 and those of 2010-11 correspond to 2011-12 and 2009-10 to 2010-11; Government Balances as on 31 March 2012 are before closure of accounts.
Index Numbers of Industrial Production February* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year Averages
(Base 2004-05=100) Weights 2012 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07
General Index 100.00 174.9(4.1) 168.7(3.5) 163.0(8.1) 165.4(8.2) 152.9(5.3) 145.2(2.5) 141.7(15.5) 122.6(12.9)
Mining 14.157 134.8(2.1) 1I26.5-(2.1) 129.2(5.8) 131.0(5.2) 124.5(7.9) 115.4(2.6) 112.5(4.6) 107.6(5.2)
Manufacturing 75.527 186.5(4.0) 179.3(3.7) 172.9(8.7) 175.6(8.9) 161.3(4.8) 153.8(2.5) 150.1(18.4) 126.8(15.0)
Electricity 10.316 145.1(8.0) 148.4(8.7) 136.5(5.4) 138.0(5.6) 130.8(6.1) 123.3(2.8) 120.0(6.4) 112.8(7.3)
* Indices for the month are Quick Estimates.
Fiscal Year So Far 2011-12 End of Fiscal Year
Capital Market 2009-10
13 April 2012 Month Ago Year Ago Trougfi Peak Trough Peak 2011-12 2010-11
BSE Sensitive Index (1978-79=100) 17095(-13.2) 17814 19697(10.5) 17095 17597 15175 19702 17404(-9.8) 19445(10.9) 17528(80.5)
BSE-100 (1983-84=100) 9050(-11.8) 9401 10262(8.7) 9050 9296 7805 10262 9164(-8.6) 10096(8.6) 9300(88.2)
BSE-200 (1989-90=100) 2132(-12.2) 2212 2427(8.4) 2132 2190 1824 2427 2158(-8.8) 2379(8.1) 2200(92.9)
S&P CNX Nifty (3 Nov 1995=1000) 5207(-11.9) 5430 5912(11.1) 5207 5359 4544 5912 5296(-8.5) 5834(11.1) 5249(73.8)
Skindia GDR Index (2 Jan 1995=1000) 2368(-26.5) 2457 3222(11.2) 2311 2405 1875 3441 2316(-26.5) 3151(9.3) 2883(134.2)
Net Fit Investment in (US $ Mn Equities) - period end 110530(7.4) 109587 102943(31.8) - - - 110465(9.1) 101454(31.5) 77159(43.1)
February* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Foreign Trade 2012 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05
Exports: Rs crore 121040 1274840(27.0) 1003785(33.2) 1118823(32.3) 845534(0.6) 840754(28.2) 655863(14.7) 571779(25.3) 456418(21.6) 375340(27.9)
US$mn 24618 267410(21.4) 220241(39.0) 245868(37.5) 17875K-3.5) 185295(13.6) 163132(29.0) 126361(22.6) 103091(23.4) 83536(30.8)
Imports: Rs crore 195595 2069643(35.3) 1529295(24.4) 1596869(17.1) 1363736(-0.8) 1374434(35.8) 1012312(20.4) 840506(27.3) 660409(31.8) 501065(39.5)
US$mn 39782 434160(29.4) 335502(29.7) 350695(21.6) 2883731-5.0) 303696(20.7) 251654(35.5) 185749(24.5) 149166(33.8) 111517(42.7)
Non-POL US$ mn 27122 301599(24.9) 241491(33.9) 249006(23.7) 201237(-4.2) 210029(22.2) 171940(33.5) 128790(22.4) 105233(37.1) 76772(33.2)
Balance o f Trade: Rs crore -74555 -794803 -525510 -478047 -518202 -533680 -356449 -268727 -203991 -125725
US $mn -15164 -166750 -115261 -104827 -109621 -118401 -88522 -59388 -46075 -27981
* Provisional figures._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Foreign Exchange Reserves (excluding Variation Over
gold but including revaluationeffects) 6April 8 April 31 Mar Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
2012 2011 2011 Month Ago Year Ago 2012-13 2011-12 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08
Rs crore 1343070 1243121 1353370 27400 99950 -10300 -2163 108086 73038 -57826 33975 359500
US$mn 263088 282271 264538 60 -19183 -1450 3372 -14361 19208 18264 -57821 107324
Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year. (-) not relevant.
[Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates, as also the thematic notes and Special Statistics series, are available on our website: http://www.epwrf.in].
Secondary M arket Transactions in Government Securities and the Forex M arket - Weeks Ending April 6/13,2012
1 Settlement Volume of Government Securities (G-Sec) Transactions
Week Ended 13 April 2012 6 April 2012 15 April 2011 2012-13* 2011-12**
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue
in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore)
Outright Trades 10821 92366 2748 29368 3255 27644 13569 121734 6883 60043
Repo Trades 664 74810 313 37083 295 37518 976 111843 863 136833
Total 11485 167177 3061 66450 3550 65161 14545 233577 7746 196876
Daily Avg Outright 2164 18473 1374 14684 1085 9215 1938 17391 983 8578
Daily Avg Repo 111 12468 104 12361 74 9379 122 13980 96 15204
2 Type-wise Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions (FV in RsCrore)________________________ 3 Top 2Traded Central Government Dated Securities
Outright Repo Outright Repo Outright Repo Week Ending 13April 2012
Central Government 78286 25485 20619 9783 23285 26637 Security Description Value %Valueto
State Government 2585 668 2557 492 646 183 (Rscr) Total
Treasury Bills 11495 48657 6191 26808 3713 10698 9.15% GS2024 41722 53.29
Total 92366 74810 29368 37083 27644 37518 8.79% GS2021 24842 31.73
4 Category-wise Outright Activity -Market Share (%) 5 Category-wise CBLOActivity - Market Share (%)
Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side BuySide Sell Side BuySide Sell Side
Foreign Banks 24.34 26.84 30.65 34.65 26.90 32.44 1.01 21.24 1.22 12.15
Primary Dealers 23.94 28.11 19.57 27.31 14.54 30.94 0.03 4.42 0.02 4.84
Public Sector Banks 21.68 20.05 14.66 11.21 27.10 12.41 12.82 36.01 10.27 29.95
Private Sector Banks 15.86 15.30 12.53 20.57 15.96 1.44 16.40 4.17 14.31
16.57
Cooperative Banks 5.08 4.90 1.14 1.20 2.58 1.56 3.45
1.86 2.55 1.50
Others 3.76 1.67 12.43 1.85 21.10
0.05 13.00 0.05 0.87 0.41
66.5U 2.27 61.84 7.48
Mutual Funds 3.26 2.99 3.34 2.47 8.21 4.92
l/.y/ 0.00 16.66 0.00
Ins Cos 1.61 1.50 3.34 2.47 3.48 0.71 A £3
4.03 1 AA1\
Z .50 L 6.73
FIs 0.48 0.27 1.05 0.12 0.38 0.09
6 Intercategory-wise - Market Share (in %) 7 Market Share in Outright Settlement Volumes (%)
Reverse Repo Reverse Repo Reverse Repo 13Apr 2012 6 Apr2012 15Apr 2011
RepoTrades Trades RepoTrades Trades RepoTrades Trades Top 5 29.08 31.48 29.21
Public Sector Banks 13.42 4.19 14.89 22.03 3.33 6.41 Top 10 46.75 49.98 44.10
Ins Cos 12.56 0.00 19.68 0.00 11.74 0.00 Top 15 57.58 63.59 56.07
Mutual Funds 52.24 0.00 47.03 0.00 62.91 0.00 Top 20 65.80 72.03 64.75
Private Sector Banks 9.73 14.03 8.43 10.48 10.78 27.76 8 Per Cent Share in Activity: Forex
Foreign Banks 7.17 43.96 5.85 45.21 8.25 28.63 13Anr 2012 6 Apr 2012 15Apr 2011
Primary Dealers 4.44 37.77 2.55 22.03 2.75 31.83 Top 5 31.78 34.06 32.41
Cooperative Banks 0.43 0.06 1.54 0.25 0.24 5.37 Top 10 52.94 55.25 55.56
Others 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Top 15 68.59 69.57 72.50
FIs 0.01 0.00 0.03 0.00 0.00 0.00 Top 20 78.91 79.91 83.56
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STATISTICS
Secondary M arket Transactions in G overnm ent Securities and th e Forex M a rk e t - M arch 2012
1 Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions (Amount in Rscrore) 2 Netting Factor (Rs crore) 3 Instrument-wise Break-up of Securities Transactions (Rscrore)
Outright Repo Daily Average (Outright) Daily Average (Repo) a Securities b Funds a O utright Trades b Repo
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Gross Net N etting Gross Net N etting Treasury
Central Govt Treasury State Central Govt State
of Trades of Trades ofTrades ofTrades F acto r(%) F acto r(%) Dated Bills Govts Dated Bills Govts
Mar-2012 25947 229346 2615 279377 1297 11467 105 11175 793499 305636 6 1 .4 8 804876 173454 7 8 .4 5 193341 30549 5457 143565 132578 3234
Mar-2011 28271 203244 2489 393484 1285 9238 96 15134 1002699 453668 5 4 .7 6 1011143 248513 75.42 323122 69732 630
176078 22204 4962
2011-12* 412266 3488203 29806 3763877 1732 14656 102 12934 11011992 4139464 62.41 10996999 2191680 8 0 .0 7 3099108 345237 43859 2186877 1554121 22878
2010-11* 332540 2870952 27409 4099284 1346 11623 93 13943 11078385 4883399 5 5 .9 2 11233653 2561298 7 7 .2 0 25 5 2 1 8 1 275095 43677 3253965 832632 12688
IS B N : 9 7 8 -8 1 -8 0 6 4 -2 1 0 -4 PB IS B N : 9 7 8 -9 3 -8 0 0 3 6 -3 1 -1 PB IS B N : 8 1 -8 0 6 4 -1 18 -X HB
Price:? 300 US$14 UK£10 Price:? 120 US$5.50 UKC4.25 Price:? 500 US$22.95 UK£16
MANAGEMENT
Edited By
Ranjan Ba&u •Sukta Bhaduri
ISBN : 8 1 -8 9 8 4 6 -0 5 -1 PB IS B N : 8 1 -8 0 6 4 -1 3 7 -6 HB IS B N : 8 1 -8 0 6 4 -1 2 4 -4 PB
Price:? 180 Price: ? 250 Price: ? 200
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Price:? 400 US$17.50 UK£11.50 P ric e : ? 220 $ 9 .9 0 £ 6 .7 0 Price:? 200
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April 28, 2012 Regd No MH/MR/West-238/2012-14
Posted at Patrika Channel Sorting Office, Mumbai 400 001 on every Monday-Ttiesday. Registered with the RNI Under No 14089/66
TATA
120
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