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International Journal of
Sociology of Education
Volume 7, Number 3
Hipatia Press
www.hipatiapress.com
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Programas de Orientación a Mujeres para la Inserción en el Mercado
Laboral: De los Fundamentos Epistemológicos a la Transformación
Social - Carmen de la Mata & Bárbara Luque Salas.……………..….....212
New Institutionalism in Everyday – Andrea Jean Bingham……………237
Family Practices in the Construction of Creative Professionals. A

Biographical Perspective – David Pac-Salas & Cecilia Serrano-
Martínez………………………………………………………………………….256
Bullying. Description of the Roles of Victim, Bully, Peer Group, School,

Family and Society – Miguel Urra Canales, Catalina Acosta Oidor,
Verónica Salazar Baena & Edwin Jaime Ruiz.........................................278
Overcoming Disadvantage in Education – Sandra Romero Martín......300

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Programas de Orientación a Mujeres para la Inserción en el

Mercado Laboral: De los Fundamentos Epistemológicos a la
Transformación Social
Carmen de la Mata1
Bárbara Luque Salas1
1) Universidad de Córdoba, Spain
th
Date of publication: October 25 , 2018
Edition period: October 2018-February 2019
To cite this article: De la Mata, C., Luque Salas, B. (2018). Programas de

Orientación a Mujeres para la Inserción en el Mercado Laboral: De los
Fundamentos Epistemológicos a la Transformación Social, International
Journal of Sociology of Education, 7(3), 212-236. doi:
10.17583/rise.2018.3442
To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/rise.2018.3442
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and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY)
RISE – International Journal of Sociology of Education Vol.7 No.3
October 2018 pp. 212-236
Women Orientation Program
for the Insertion in the Labour
Market: From Epistemological
Basics to Social
Transformation
Carmen de la Mata Bárbara Luque Salas
University of Córdoba University of Córdoba
(Received: 12 April 2018; Accepted: 22 May 2018; Published: 25 October

2018)
Abstract
This manuscript shows the importance of the theoretical feminist corpus within
employment orientation itineraries. Since the end of the 90´s orientation programs
are being implemented whose objective is to promote the participation in the labour
market and to drive their professional careers. These performances are put in place
as corrective measures at the obstacles women find at the beginning and during their
careers paths. Those actions are called "With gender perspective" in order to
meaning them and to be distinguished from those who don´t have that compensatory
character. What value does gender perspective add to these insertion itineraries?
These processes training seek social transformation, reducing the labor market
participation gender gap respect to employment, incorporating in an innovative way
the epistemological foundations of feminist critical theory that will be presented
throughout this article.
Keywords: educational counselling, career development, education, gender
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3442
October 2018 pp. 212-236
Programas de Orientación a
Mujeres para la Inserción en el
Mercado Laboral: De los
Fundamentos Epistemológicos
a la Transformación Social
Carmen de la Mata Bárbara Luque Salas
University of Córdoba University of Córdoba
(Recibido: 12 Abril 2018; Aceptado: 22 Mayo 2018; Publicado: 25 Octubre

2018)
Resumen
Este manuscrito presenta la importancia del corpus teórico feminista en la práctica
de la orientación para la mejora de la empleabilidad de las mujeres. Desde finales de
la década de los años 90 del siglo pasado se están implementando programas de
orientación que tienen por objetivo fomentar la participación en el mercado laboral e
impulsar sus carreras profesionales. Estas actuaciones se ponen en marcha como
medidas correctoras ante los obstáculos que las mujeres encuentran en el inicio y el
desarrollo de su trayectoria laboral, y se señalan con la denominación con
perspectiva de género para significarlas y distinguirlas de aquellas que no tienen ese
carácter compensatorio. ¿Qué valor añade la denominación con perspectiva de
género a estos itinerarios de inserción? Estos procesos de formación tutorizada
buscan la transformación social, reduciendo la brecha de participación en el
mercado laboral entre mujeres y hombres con respecto al empleo, incorporando de
manera innovadora los fundamentos epistemológicos de la teoría crítica feminista
que se expondrán a lo largo de este artículo.
Palabras clave: orientación educativa, orientación profesional, género, educación
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3442
214 De La Mata & Luque– Inserción Laboral Género
finales del siglo XX, y como consecuencia del Libro Blanco de la
A Comisión Europea sobre crecimiento, competitividad y empleo

(1993), comienzan a desarrollarse iniciativas que tienen como
objetivo fomentar la creación de puestos de trabajo para las personas
con mayores dificultades: mujeres, menores sin cualificación, colectivos
desfavorecidos o personas en riesgo de exclusión social y personas con
discapacidad. En este escenario muchas entidades públicas y privadas ponen
en marcha programas para abordar las dificultades de las mujeres en su
acceso al mercado laboral y, para ello, se emprenden actuaciones que se
enfocan desde diversas líneas: incrementar el acceso al empleo a través de
medidas de formación, fomentar el acceso a trabajos de mayor cualificación
y a puestos de liderazgo e incentivar la creación de pequeñas empresas o del
propio empleo, entre otras. En esta apuesta por fomentar el acceso al empleo
de las mujeres se comienzan a diseñar programas específicos que incluyen
tutoría individual y grupal, formación, sesiones de apoyo o congresos con
diferentes contenidos (seminarios de empleo, ferias de emprendimiento o
eventos para creación de redes profesionales, desayunos de trabajo, etc.). A
estos programas que se diseñan con el fin de apoyar a las mujeres que tienen
dificultades de empleabilidad relacionadas con desventajas sobrevenidas por
consecuencia de su papel social se les identifica incluyendo en su
denominación con perspectiva de género o con enfoque de género’. Esta
manera de significarlos deriva de su característica esencial: incluir el género
como instrumento de trabajo y análisis para emprender cualquier tipo de
aproximación a la realidad.
Estas iniciativas se ponen en marcha amparadas por el desarrollo que la
epistemología feminista aporta a las distintas disciplinas científicas y con
ello a sus estudios científicos. Los estudios de las mujeres como se
comenzaron denominando o estudios de género tuvieron una evolución muy
significativa a partir de los años 70, gracias a la incorporación de las mujeres
a la educación y a la ciencia como estudiantes, profesoras o científicas
(Flecha, 2005; Barberá y Cala, 2008a). Esta expansión redundó en la praxis
social a través del desarrollo programático de actuaciones dirigidas a
impulsar a las mujeres a posiciones más igualitarias con respecto a los
hombres en la sociedad.
RISE – International Journal of Sociology of Education, 7(3) 215
Marco Teórico
La Categoría Género en Relación con el Empleo
Introducir el género como herramienta de trabajo en los procesos de

inserción laboral facilita un análisis más crítico y descriptivo de la realidad.
La palabra sexo nos remite a lo biológico, y el género, como categoría, nos
hace entender que hay características socialmente atribuidas a las personas
en función de esa biología o genitalidad. El empleo de ambos conceptos
permite una radiografía de la diferente posición que ocupan en la cultura
laboral ambos sexos y mejoras en el ejercicio de la orientación
sociocomunitaria. La falta de equidad entre mujeres y hombres no es natural,
y no tiene relación con los componentes biológicos sino con aspectos
culturales. Introducir esta categoría nos desvela la atribución de
características diferentes y polarizadas con las que se identifica a las
personas: a las mujeres se les han exigido aquellas relacionadas con la
reproducción (el amor, la abnegación, la bondad) y a los hombres, las
relacionadas con la producción (el dinero, la competencia, el interés
económico).
Durante la infancia y la vida adulta se asimilan por socialización
diferenciada: valores, símbolos, creencias y formas de comportamiento
ligadas a estas características que se relacionan con la identidad sexual. Esto
tiene una repercusión en todas las esferas de la vida: biológica, psicológica,
social y laboral, que se relacionan indefectiblemente con el ejercicio de la
carrera profesional. El papel social atribuido a las mujeres se vincula con
funciones reproductivas y se conecta al ámbito privado y del hogar; en
cambio, el rol social del hombre se relaciona con funciones de gestión
pública y de obtención de bienes pecuniarios, teniendo la responsabilidad del
sustento económico de la familia (Carrasco, 1998). Ambas funciones
requieren una gestión de espacios y tiempos diferentes. El espacio de la
familia requiere un uso del tiempo muy distinto del que se necesita para el
desenvolvimiento en el ámbito público, en el que el desarrollo de las tareas
permite una distribución del tiempo diacrónica y discontinua. Sin embargo,
el ‘cuidado’ aboca a quien lo realiza a una utilización del tiempo mucho más
circular y sincrónica, en la que las tareas se superponen. Estas circunstancias
alejan a las mujeres de los requerimientos y de las dinámicas del mercado
laboral y provoca mayores dificultades con respecto a los hombres para el

mantenimiento del trabajo remunerado y/o la búsqueda del empleo.
Los estudios de género, utilizando estos elementos fundamentales en la
teoría feminista, impulsaron un acercamiento a la realidad que maneja dos
aspectos esenciales: la inclusión del género como categoría para el análisis y
la observación del mundo, lo que ofrece una mirada de sospecha que se
rebela contra el discurso androcéntrico. Cuando hablamos de incluir el
género como categoría de análisis es inevitable remitirse a la teoría o sistema
sexo-género y con ello, hacer referencia a cómo, en torno a esta, se
desarrolla un cuerpo de conocimiento que explica una visión de la vida de
las mujeres y de la existencia humana, en general, más acertada. Aunque en
la actualidad se revisan algunos elementos para que no resulten opacos en su
entendimiento de una realidad en la que la variable sexo-género es mucho
más compleja que hace años. Ambos términos han permitido esclarecer y
visibilizar la posición diferenciada que ocupan las mujeres y hombres en la
estructura social. La conjunción de estos dos elementos conduce a una
mirada que se ha denominado con enfoque/perspectiva de género y nos
devuelve cómo ambos sexos se sitúan de forma desigual en la organización
social, siendo los campos de actuación diferentes, con funciones y con
expectativas sociales distintas. Esta perspectiva ha permitido entender el
género como un principio que ordena a las personas según su sexo y a
abordar, a través de él, un análisis de los acontecimientos más
contextualizado. Y, además, explicar los marcos políticos que sustentan y
mantienen la diferencia, mediante un análisis hacia arriba de las instituciones
(Harding, 2012, p. 50) que justifican y perpetúan los desequilibrios en la
carrera laboral de mujeres y hombres.
De este modo, el género desvela cómo la distribución de roles
tradicionales se convierte en un principio que determina la posición que
ocupan las mujeres ante los recursos y explica las consecuencias que esto
tiene en su carrera profesional. La trayectoria laboral de las mujeres
manifiesta dificultades relacionadas con aspectos que derivan de esta
desigualdad. Estudios realizados desde diferentes disciplinas (Ramos,
Barberá y Sarrió, 2003; Gálvez, 2004; Instituto de la Mujer, 2005)
manifiestan la existencia de barreras externas que se asocian a:
- Una mayor resistencia de las empresas y agentes empleadores a la
inclusión de las mujeres en sus plantillas de trabajo por el
menosprecio a la experiencia femenina en el mercado laboral.

- Una menor experiencia de las mujeres en aquellas disciplinas que
tienen que ver con áreas como la gestión, la economía y la
tecnología.
- Dificultades para encontrar recursos y apoyos que permitan la
compatibilización entre el trabajo doméstico y el remunerado.
- Una menor disponibilidad crediticia debido a que las entidades
financiadoras imponen intereses más altos y mayor cantidad de
avales.
Estas barreras se relacionan con una mayor precariedad salarial,
participación discontinua en el mercado de trabajo y segregación laboral, y
condicionan los beneficios sociales que permiten una vida óptima.
Existen barreras que afectan a otros aspectos relacionados con la parte
intrínseca del individuo y con la interiorización del mandato de género, la
educación recibida y la devaluación sistemática que la sociedad hace de lo
femenino o de las tareas asignadas a las mujeres. Distintas autoras (Kantor,
2002; Amoroso y Bosch, 2003; William, 2004; Coria, 2012) destacan
dificultades internas relacionadas con:
- La falta de creencia en sí mismas por la carencia de mujeres que
resulten modelos y referentes en su entorno.
- Una menor disponibilidad para la utilización del dinero familiar y
dificultades para la negociación monetaria.
- Menor calidad de vida por la asunción en solitario de las cargas
domésticas.
- Sentimientos de culpabilidad por el cuestionamiento de los roles
tradicionales ante el desarrollo de la carrera profesional.
Estos últimos obstáculos de carácter interno se relacionan con el poco
valor que se les atribuye a las tareas de cuidado en el sistema económico
donde quedan invisibilizadas y, en consecuencia, tienen una transferencia
nula en el desarrollo de la carrera profesional (Carrasco, 2006). Las mujeres
se enfrentan a dificultades relacionadas con la falta de autoestima,
autoconcepto y a bajas expectativas ante el éxito, por la depreciación de
aquellas capacidades que se adquieren con el ejercicio de las tareas de
sostenimiento de la vida humana.
Los itinerarios de orientación al empleo con perspectiva de género
contemplan estos aspectos y se ocupan, a través de su metodología, de que la
identidad individual y profesional de las mujeres que quieren insertarse en el

mercado laboral no quede desgajada o inservible en uno u otro escenario,
privado o público.
El Enfoque Feminista: Visiones e Influencias en el Proceso de

Orientación
La teoría crítica feminista hace emerger la necesidad de incluir una mirada

que introduzca en el quehacer científico una visión que permita una
construcción menos androcéntrica del conocimiento y menos esencialista de
la ciencia, en un momento en el que se da un debate abierto sobre la
neutralidad, universalidad y objetividad del método científico. Siguiendo a
Blázquez (2012) el paradigma feminista, explica dos temas que resultan
nodales en su desarrollo y a partir de los que se pueden entender las
estrategias que guían la intervención social con perspectiva de género:
- Explica el género como un elemento que interacciona con otras
categorías siendo un organizador clave de la vida social.
- Manifiesta la necesidad de que la generación de este cuerpo de
conocimiento esté comprometido con la mejora de la vida de las
mujeres, es decir, con la acción para hacer más igualitaria la
sociedad.
De esta manera, todas las corrientes feministas proponen en relación con
la producción de conocimiento, introducir una nueva mirada que integre los
elementos sexo y género para generar un conocimiento más acertado y
neutral que produzca mejoras sociales (Bartra, 2012). El considerar el género
como categoría transversal a otras, sitúa el debate en la necesidad de revisar
los marcos de pensamiento para acercar la ciencia al interés de las mujeres y
a los temas que son de su preocupación y, así, romper con esa mirada que se
había mantenido y que explicaba los acontecimientos desde una ciencia
producida por varones situados en las posiciones de poder de la jerarquía
social. Las diferentes aproximaciones feministas proponen una revisión del
objeto científico y de los elementos sobre los que se construye: objetividad,
racionalidad, universalidad y neutralidad. Además, instan a poner en marcha
procedimientos que ofrezcan una investigación comprometida con la mejora
de los intereses de las mujeres y que no solo evite el androcentrismo y el
sexismo, sino que fomente avances en la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres.
Aunque las posturas feministas sean plurales, todas ellas confluyen en

estos dos postulados que constituyen los ejes principales del enfoque. Sin
embargo, a partir de aquí, se producen distintos acercamientos desde los que
debatir sobre el conocimiento, la metodología y el método científico. Estos
han fomentado una producción extensa de elementos sobre los que
reflexionar y en los que se ha fundamentado la intervención con enfoque de
género.
Las teorías del punto de vista. Estas formulaciones hacen una crítica al
marco epistemológico tradicional, explicando que este había desarrollado su
conocimiento ignorando la perspectiva de las mujeres y, por este motivo, la
ciencia y el conocimiento generado por el método científico no ha sido
neutral sino sesgado. Estas teorías desvelan cómo la ciencia se había
construido desde la perspectiva de los hombres y abordan el ‘ser mujer’
como una perspectiva epistemológicamente privilegiada. Las autoras que
defienden estos postulados, Nancy Hartsock (1990), Evelyn Fox Keller
(1985) y Sandra Harding (1996) expresaron que las mujeres por su posición
en la estructura social tienen una visión particular del mundo que no ha sido
expuesta ni escuchada por la ciencia. Las teorías del punto de vista subrayan
que el conocimiento es ‘situado’ en tanto que los sujetos que investigan o
son investigados están ligados a una biografía y a unas coordenadas
histórico-contextuales. Las mujeres, por estar ubicadas en las posiciones
ligadas a las tareas de la reproducción, poseen una ventaja situacional, dada
la experiencia que les brinda la práctica del cuidado y el sostenimiento de la
familia. Blázquez (2012) explica que Nancy Hartsock insiste en que:
No importa la edad, la etnia, la raza sino que lo relevante es que todas

las mujeres hacen trabajo de mujeres al ser las responsables
institucionalmente de producir seres humanos, lo que constituye un
punto de vista desde el que interpretar la realidad. (p.30)
Las representantes de estas teorías explican que el género, ‘ser mujer’, es

un punto de vista más apto que otros. Y con esta idea lo proponen como
coordenada para producir un conocimiento que permita visibilizar, modificar
y mejorar la posición de las mujeres en la estructura social.
El posmodernismo feminista. Este modelo rechaza el anterior privilegio
epistémico y explica que el conocimiento defendido por las teorías del punto
de vista es otra manera de expresar un conocimiento ‘situado’ que no está
exento de sesgo, y argumenta que esta perspectiva no es tal, en tanto que ‘la
mujer’ no existe, pues no hay una mujer única que pueda representar la
perspectiva, lo cual sería una concepción esencialista. El posmodernismo
feminista expone la existencia de infinitas coordenadas (raza, clase social,
cultura) y, en consecuencia, asegura la existencia de una ‘inestabilidad de la
identidad social’ en la que los múltiples puntos de vista existentes y su
variabilidad no permiten un conocimiento situado. Norma Blázquez (2012)
propone una mirada:
Desde el aquí y ahora, porque solo esto conduce a una perspectiva en

la que las personas no estén completamente atrapadas
epistémicamente dentro de sus culturas, sino que en cambio pueden
escoger pensar desde otras localizaciones; no hay una correspondencia
estable entre individuo y género. (p.33)
El posmodernismo feminista representado por Haraway (1988) hace una

crítica al concepto hegemónico ‘mujer’ porque entiende que no hay una sola
manera de entenderse de tal modo, sin embargo, no niega el género como
categoría, sino que lo fragmenta en infinitas perspectivas; el género es una
categoría superior transversal a otras.
El empirismo feminista. Esta teoría defendida por Helen Longino (1990)
y Lynn Nelson (1990) propone que la falta de objetividad y la presencia de
sesgos ocurren por errores en el proceso científico y en la disciplina que
requiere el método a seguir. El empirismo explica que la ciencia no es
femenina ni masculina y que sus métodos o técnicas tampoco lo son. Así,
sitúa todas las expectativas de liberar a la ciencia de la perspectiva
situacional en el abordaje de un procedimiento científico riguroso; solo eso
puede generar una ciencia libre del error producido por la organización
sociocultural de género. Propone introducir en el método la socialización del
conocimiento como alternativa para eliminar la desviación impuesta por la
perspectiva o situación particular. La forma de lograr la objetividad consiste
en asegurar la pluralidad de perspectivas, a través de maximizar la
confrontación de subjetividades, la explicitación de los compromisos
derivados de situaciones particulares (del interés político o personal) y la
apertura al criticismo. Estos postulados exponen que es necesario para evitar
los errores que producen las construcciones genéricas que el interés quede
expreso y se acepte la crítica para evitar la mirada única.
En nuestra opinión, las distintas aproximaciones epistemológicas

proponen elementos de reflexión que alumbran la articulación de prácticas
originales en otros campos de trabajo y, concretamente, en la mejora de la
empleabilidad de las mujeres. Estos elementos son:
- La necesidad de que las prácticas que se implementen estén
comprometidas con la transformación social.
- La necesidad de un replanteamiento de los postulados
tradicionales para reequilibrar el valor de ‘lo femenino'. Tal y
como las teorías del punto de vista revelaron, el conocimiento no
había sido neutro al mostrar la ocultación de la perspectiva de las
mujeres.
Una invitación a democratizar el conocimiento para acceder a posturas
que expliquen la realidad más acertadamente. Así, lo propone el empirismo,
que explica que el acceso a conclusiones más idóneas se consigue teniendo
en cuenta todas las subjetividades y opiniones como modo de reducir la
perspectiva interesada. Asimismo, el posmodernismo se propone superar la
categoría género para huir del binarismo mujer/hombre. Tras ‘ser mujer’
otras ‘localizaciones’ son posibles, y establece un acercamiento a la usuaria
que profundice más allá de la posición genérica que ocupa.
Metodología
Los razonamientos científicos en torno al género han permitido un

análisis que invita a utilizar planteamientos metodológicos que fomenten el
empoderamiento de las mujeres y la construcción de unas relaciones más
equilibradas entre mujeres y hombres y en la que lo femenino no esté
devaluado. Estas reflexiones alumbran aspectos de carácter epistemológico,
metodológico e instrumental que permiten esgrimir estrategias en el
desarrollo de programas de orientación significándolos como diferentes a los
ordinarios. Resumiremos a tres las claves utilizadas que consideramos
necesarias para que un itinerario de inserción al empleo tenga perspectiva de
género.
1.- Agentes implicados con los valores feministas que busquen la
transformación social
Con independencia de los objetivos que marcan todos los procesos de
orientación, quienes trabajan desde el enfoque de género se plantean
eliminar desigualdades y fomentar procesos de cambio social entre los

sexos. El valor que incorporan estos itinerarios tiene que ir más allá de
trabajar de manera no sexista o androcéntrica, para introducir mejoras
sociales. La transformación social implica una selección cuidadosa de los
equipos de trabajo o agentes que desarrollan estos programas que tienen que
tener experiencia en la detección del sexismo, pero también ser profesionales
comprometidos con los valores feministas porque se convierten en figuras-
claves en el proceso, debido a la responsabilidad que contraen en la mejora
de la situación de la usuaria.
El trabajo técnico está comprometido por el interés de que la beneficiaria
tome poder en lo personal y en lo social para hacer frente a su proyecto de
inserción laboral. Por ello, las personas expertas en esta perspectiva se
entrenan para detectar el sexismo y acometen un ejercicio de reflexión sobre
sus propias creencias para tomar consciencia de los estereotipos de género
que mantienen que pudieran sesgar su práctica.
Como se ha explicado, muchas mujeres tienen dificultades relacionadas
con barreras internas y externas que se derivan de los mandatos de género en
los que han sido educadas, por ello, la persona que guía la orientación
establece sinergias que sirvan de estímulo al proyecto laboral, y, al tiempo,
generen vínculos para explorar en lo personal y para poder imbricarlo con lo
profesional. Por tanto, es una condición indispensable por parte de la
persona que orienta saber crear un clima de confianza con la usuaria para
hablar abiertamente sobre su proyecto y también de aquellos aspectos
personales y familiares que pueden incidir en la constitución de su empresa o
en el proceso de búsqueda de empleo.
Se necesita un perfil profesional comprometido con el interés feminista
para poder desentrañar, junto a la usuaria, aquellos obstáculos que tengan
origen en su posicionamiento como ‘ser mujer’ y saber darles cauce. Es
ineludible para la realización de la tarea, valorar que la vida de las mujeres y
sus carreras profesionales no transcurren de manera lineal, sino que están
anudadas a otros escenarios y a otros vínculos, en los que son las
responsables de los cuidados de otras personas. Y estas tareas las alejan o
dificultan su acceso y permanencia en el mercado laboral.
En definitiva, los procesos de orientación con perspectiva de género
detectan las dificultades a las que la usuaria pudiera tener que enfrentarse
como consecuencia de su rol social y pone de manifiesto cómo estas pueden
ser un obstáculo en su carrera laboral si no se corrigen. Hay que tener en

cuenta que muchas de las tareas que se realicen en estos itinerarios no
repercutirán en eliminar las dificultades con las que las usuarias se
encuentran. Sin embargo, el compromiso técnico con los postulados de la
epistemología feminista contribuye al empoderamiento de las usuarias
(Ander-Egg, 1990) y a generar condiciones óptimas para su acceso al mundo
laboral.
2.- Diseños que se replantean los postulados tradicionales como
consecuencia de considerar el diferente acceso a los recursos de las mujeres
con respecto a los hombres
La epistemología feminista explica la necesidad de poner en cuestión la
neutralidad de la ciencia y la necesidad de revisar los postulados que esta ha
propuesto, basándose en la idea de que el individuo no es un ser neutro y
deslocalizado y, en consecuencia, ni la ciencia ni las acciones que este
diseña lo son (Habermas, 1986; Steinmetz, 2005). Esto ha marcado los
itinerarios de orientación con perspectiva de género, introduciendo algunas
consideraciones en sus fases. Estos dispositivos no cuestionan los métodos
de orientación tradicionales sino la posibilidad de que la concepción que
subyace a su diseño no se ajuste a la realidad de toda la población, porque
entienden que los agentes sociales y las personas usuarias son individuos con
biografía y sus actuaciones se guían por un interés ligado a la posición
genérica que ocupan en la estructura social. Al igual que se cuestionó la falta
de representación de los intereses de las mujeres en la ciencia, aquí se hace
un replanteamiento metodológico e instrumental que tiene en cuenta que el
sujeto que emprende el proyecto está ubicado en la estructura social y
familiar de una determinada manera que se relaciona con el hecho de ser
mujer.
En la concepción del modelo desde el que orientar se considera de
manera especial acometer el proceso de orientación teniendo en cuenta ‘el
género’ como categoría de análisis, utilizando esta como herramienta de
planificación de los servicios y elaboración de los instrumentos. El momento
en el que se idean y organizan los servicios aborda todo lo que comporta el
planeamiento de las líneas de acción, elaboración de los materiales de
trabajo, la selección de personal que lo ejecutará, la difusión del servicio y la
evaluación del programa llevado a cabo. Y debe acometerse desde un
análisis que permita una respuesta real al diferente acceso a los recursos de
las mujeres con respecto a los hombres y la incidencia que esto tiene en
cómo plantean sus proyectos laborales y las ideas que los sustentan. En el
diseño de estos itinerarios toma un papel primordial la asignación de las
tareas vitales que la sociedad vuelca en las mujeres y que la ubican en
escenarios de responsabilidad que redundan en cómo se utilizan los espacios
y los tiempos. Fundamentado en esta argumentación, estos itinerarios se
diseñan teniendo en cuenta las siguientes consideraciones de género:
Tabla 1
Consideraciones que orientan el diseño de actuaciones para la inserción laboral
con perspectiva de género
FASES DE UN PROCESO DE CONSIDERACIONES

ORIENTACIÓN PARA LA INSERCIÓN METODOLÓGICAS QUE APORTAN LOS
ITINERARIOS DE ORIENTACIÓN A LA
INSERCIÓN
1.- ACOGIDA
Fase de inicio que explica el proceso y en la que Dar especial importancia a una ejecución que
se define el itinerario. imprima confianza a la usuaria y que facilite la
implicación y la motivación que exige el
proceso combinando el asesoramiento técnico y
personal.
2.- RECOGIDA DE INFORMACIÓN Y ANÁLISIS

Fase para analizar y valorar conjuntamente la Subrayar la importancia de las actuaciones
trayectoria profesional y personal y el grado de dirigidas a mejorar la autoestima, la
empleabilidad o maduración de la idea autoeficacia, la negociación y gestión del uso
empresarial. del tiempo familiar y laboral.
3.- DISEÑO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

Dibujo del proceso de orientación teniendo en Reforzar las acciones colaterales que faciliten
cuenta los aspectos detectados en la fase las redes de contactos, la visibilización y la
anterior. identificación de saberes aprendidos para ajustar
la idoneidad del proyecto de trabajo a los
recursos con los que cuenta la usuaria.
4.- DESARROLLO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

Fase de seguimiento para resolver trámites Mediar en la búsqueda de otros profesionales o
puntuales o reorientar cuestiones nuevas que dispositivos de apoyo que puedan promocionar
puedan surgir. o invertir en el proceso.
5.- FINALIZACIÓN Y EVALUACIÓN DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

Valoración de la mejora de la empleabilidad y Utilizar recursos no sexistas en los
definición de nuevos objetivos si fuese contenidos.
necesario.
3.- Utilización de técnicas que contemplan el acercamiento a las usuarias

y la escucha profunda
El empirismo invita a compartir las perspectivas científicas como modo
de evitar enfoques reduccionistas que desvirtúen un análisis congruente de
los acontecimientos. Igualmente, el posmodernismo aboga por ir más allá del
género para que este no se convierta en un cristal opaco que invisibilice
aquellas posturas o posiciones menos reconocidas del ‘ser mujer’. Estos
distintos enfoques ponen de manifiesto la necesidad de huir de la unicidad y
del binarismo en pro de aceptar la pluralidad. En coherencia con estas ideas,
la implementación del proceso de orientación con perspectiva de género se
realiza como un proceso guiado, cuyo desarrollo tiene en cuenta y rescata la
experiencia del sujeto (femenino), y lo hace situando al profesional y a la
usuaria en un plano de igualdad, donde ambos aportan sus perspectivas y
saberes al proyecto. Este modo de compartir el conocimiento y de explicitar
intereses en la construcción del proyecto laboral pone en práctica esta
estrategia porque democratiza el conocimiento y reduce la perspectiva única.
Los itinerarios de orientación utilizan métodos de trabajo que tienen
como objetivo último acceder a las creencias y formas de entender el mundo
que tienen las usuarias. Para ello, imprime a los procedimientos una clave de
acercamiento a la perspectiva del sujeto que se relaciona con el análisis
cualitativo y con técnicas propias de este paradigma. La epistemología
feminista y la mayoría de sus estudios científicos se apropiaron de esta
metodología por priorizar los aspectos subjetivos de la conducta humana,
permitiendo la proximidad a las usuarias (Taylor y Bogdan, 2002).
En estos itinerarios se utiliza como técnica de trabajo la denominada
‘entrevista en profundidad’ definida por uno de sus máximos defensores,
Johnson (2002) como aquella que “persigue un conocimiento a fondo de los
valores personales y experiencia vivida”. En la orientación con perspectiva
de género los primeros contactos entre la persona que orienta y la usuaria se
aborda a través de una entrevista de este tipo. Una vez que estas primeras
citas se resuelven, el resto de las fases se pueden desarrollar combinando las
asesorías para la consulta de temas puntuales o para trabajar contenidos
estructurales a través de la entrevista (autoestima, autoeficacia) que son
necesarios trabajar durante todo el proceso.
Tabla 2
Aspectos que orientan la entrevista en profundidad
ASPECTOS QUE ORIENTAN LA ENTREVISTA EN PROFUNDIDAD
Analizar las razones que ¿Qué importancia tiene el empleo para ti? ¿Cómo crees que se
mueven a buscar un siente la gente que tiene un empleo? Si tener un empleo
empleo. significase pasar menos tiempo con tu familia ¿Cómo te
sentirías? ¿Cómo afrontarías esto? ¿Has pensado en un empleo
por cuenta propia o por cuenta ajena?
Profundizar en los aspectos Para comenzar el proceso de búsqueda de empleo hay que
condicionantes. saber de cuánto tiempo disponemos. ¿Qué haces un día normal
de tu vida? ¿Tienes personas a tu cargo?
¿Qué días podríamos trabajar juntas? ¿Tienes algún apoyo que
te ayude con esta tarea? ¿Cuánto tiempo tienes para dedicarle a
este proyecto? ¿Es real ese tiempo con el que cuentas?
Valorar los recursos ¿Cuál fue tu último empleo? ¿Te gustaba? ¿Qué ocurrió?
propios que tiene la ¿Estarías dispuesta a estudiar de nuevo? ¿Utilizas las redes
usuaria. sociales?
Detectar factores de Actitudes y tiempos de las mujeres para emplearse: datos de

desigualdad que pueden ser convivencia, personas dependientes, recursos de apoyo,
un condicionante para la tiempos disponibles, movilidad, disponibilidad de vehículo,
inserción. intereses, necesidades y expectativas.
Profundizar en las Cuéntame que buscas en un empleo: tener éxito, ayudar a la

expectativas y necesidades familia, ganar un salario, mantener a la familia, realizarte
de la usuaria. profesionalmente, aprender, sentirte útil, tener más dinero,
tomar decisiones propias, dirigir a otras personas.
Motivar y reforzar el A través de la entrevista en profundidad se buscan

proceso y estrategias asimilaciones que refuercen a la usuaria en su proceso,
instrumentales con trabajo transferencias entre las tareas realizadas en el ámbito privado
individual y trabajos de para lograr que los saberes acumulados sean un punto de
grupo una acción tutorial partida en la adquisición de competencias que el mercado de
constante. trabajo les va a requerir.
Elaboración propia a partir de los materiales UNEM (ERGA, 2008)
En las primeras citas es muy importante identificar las relaciones existentes

entre la trayectoria personal de la usuaria y la idea de inserción profesional
que posee, con objeto de identificar las competencias y apoyos que pueden
favorecer el desarrollo del proyecto. Por ello, esta técnica se considera la
más adecuada para esta finalidad, dado que tiene en cuenta al sujeto de
manera integral tratando de comprender a las personas en su marco de

referencia. Se busca un instrumento que en su aplicación tenga en cuenta la
biografía de la persona, su pasado y su presente. A través de estas
entrevistas, estos aspectos que se mencionan sirven de guía a la persona que
orienta sin condicionar, son las beneficiarias las que construyen el proceso
como sujetos de su propia experiencia (Ruiz-Olabuénaga, 2012). La figura
que guía el proceso se sitúa en el mismo plano que la participante
entendiendo sus dificultades, se busca mirar más allá de las creencias propias
para interpretar el punto de vista desde el que las usuarias se encuentran al
iniciar el proyecto.
Esta técnica pone de manifiesto que todas las perspectivas son valiosas.
En este sentido, pluraliza el conocimiento porque es un instrumento que
encuentra su validez en la proximidad que procura al mundo de las personas
participantes (Flick, 2004; Ruiz-Olabuénaga, 2013).
Resultados
Los argumentos teóricos que propone la teoría crítica feminista sugieren la

necesidad de repensar la perspectiva desde la que se ha acometido la
investigación y, por tanto, a revisar el valor de sus productos. Estas tesis
explican cómo el conocimiento se ha construido desde una visión masculina,
en tanto que ha sido la mirada de los hombres la que ha dado contenido a
qué se considera conocimiento científico sin contemplar a las mujeres, ni
como sujeto ni como objeto de ciencia. Las claves metodológicas que se
presentan muestran cómo estos fundamentos epistémicos subyacen en los
itinerarios con perspectiva de género situando a la discente como sujeto de
su propio aprendizaje y elaboran procesos que respetan qué tiene que decir la
actora sobre el proyecto que va acometer. En estos itinerarios el currículum
oculto, el adquirido por la asunción de las responsabilidades domésticas, es
un elemento esencial. La experiencia en el desarrollo de las tareas de
cuidado y el trabajo de las barreras internas o personales son relevantes para
trabajar competencias que se puedan trasladar al mercado laboral y adquirir
confianza en sí mismas y sus saberes. La perspectiva de la usuaria y el
análisis feminista es lo que fundamenta su diseño.
Tabla 3
Claves de trabajo en itinerarios de inserción laboral con enfoque de género.
Elaboración propia a partir del manual Dispositivos de creación de Empresas:
Protocolo de actuación desde un enfoque de género
CLAVES DE TRABAJO EN ITINERARIOS DE INSERCIÓN LABORAL CON ENFOQUE DE
GÉNERO
FASES EN EL PROCESO DE ORIENTACIÓN PARA LA INSERCIÓN AL EMPLEO
1.- ACOGIDA
Objetivos Claves metodológicas con perspectiva de género
Informar a la usuaria del proceso y Profundización en los aspectos que condicionan la actitud
actuaciones que se ofrecerán: servicios y los tiempos de las mujeres para emplearse relacionados
propios y de otros dispositivos de apoyo. con su papel social.
Conocer las necesidades, motivos y Análisis de las razones que mueven a buscar un empleo:
expectativas ante el proceso y su proyecto. deseo propio o necesidades del entorno.
Acordar con la usuaria el proceso y establecer Búsqueda del compromiso de la usuaria con el proceso.
el cronograma.
2.- RECOGIDA DE INFORMACIÓN Y ANÁLISIS
Valorar las variables de diagnóstico Valoración de la diferente posición que ocupan las
profesional que van a incidir en la mujeres en el acceso a los recursos.
planificación del proceso de orientación. Detección de qué factores de desigualdad pueden ser un
Analizar el perfil para establecer el itinerario. condicionante para la inserción.
Análisis de posibilidades y condicionamientos para
adaptar el itinerario.
3.- DISEÑO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN
Definir el objetivo a alcanzar y secuenciar las
Análisis de la coherencia de las acciones del proceso en
acciones que permitirán su alcance. relación con resultado esperado: prioridades, uso y
Mediar con otros agentes para facilitar el
disponibilidad de los recursos.
acceso a otros contactos. Análisis de las condiciones de movilidad, red de
Tomar decisiones y renovar los compromisos.
contactos, conocimiento del entorno laboral.
Capacitación para la comunicación, asertividad,
iniciativa, autoestima, autoeficacia, búsqueda de recursos,
estrategias de negoción y manejo de soluciones.
4.- DESARROLLO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN
Proporcionar apoyo técnico y personal en el Refuerzo de elementos como: autoconcepto, autoeficacia
reajuste de las acciones y tiempos. o corresponsabilidad.
Fortalecimiento de las estrategias instrumentales.
5. FINALIZACIÓN Y EVALUACIÓN DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN
Evaluar los resultados y el grado de Evaluación del incremento de estrategias logradas a nivel
consecución de los objetivos previstos. personal y sociolaboral.
Valorar las posibilidades de finalización o de Analizar la mejora del posicionamiento en la estructura
redefinición del proceso. social de la usuaria.
Fundación Mujeres (2004), Materiales Unidades de Empleo de Mujeres (Erga,
2008)
Del mismo modo que las teorías del punto de vista Harding (1996)
invitan a hacer una ciencia que se acerque al objeto de estudio, este modelo
de orientación utiliza técnicas y claves que se acercan a la usuaria, y
entiende que una praxis social, que tenga la capacidad de situarse en el
interés de las mujeres y acceder a sus interpretaciones, será más eficaz para
producir cambios sociales. En consonancia con estas reflexiones, los
itinerarios con enfoque de género invitan a cuestionar conceptos como el
trabajo, la cualificación, el riesgo o la innovación empresarial, y métodos de
trabajo, introduciendo en cada fase del proceso claves que mejoran la
actividad realizada con las mujeres y fomentan el cambio social.
Discusión
Los itinerarios de inserción laboral proyectan en su implementación los

elementos teóricos del feminismo, subrayando el valor que han tenido estos
principios en los procedimientos de intervención práctica, esta
argumentación está en consonancia con los trabajos de diversas autorías
(García-Calvente, 2011; López et al. 2011; Denzin y Lincoln, 2013). Estos
principios teóricos se explican en primer lugar, por la utilización como
ventaja de la ubicación de las mujeres en la estructura social para buscar
patrones que no habían sido reconocidos con anterioridad como importantes,
y que, revisados desde una óptica no androcéntrica, aporten otro valor. En la
misma línea, las teorías del punto de vista consideran que la localización de
las mujeres en la estructura social es un punto privilegiado desde el que
acercarse al análisis de la realidad. Autoras como Villariño y Cánnoves,
(2000) y Nieto (2003) explican la importancia del papel social de las mujeres
en el reconocimiento de necesidades y demandas sociales, que no se
descubrirían desde otras perspectivas.
En segundo lugar, por la resignificación que promueven de los
conocimientos aprendidos a través de la asunción de las responsabilidades
familiares y domésticas, tal y como explican distintas autorías (Anker, 1997;
Fundación Mujeres, 2004; Calvo y Álvarez, 2016) y los manuales de uso
elaborados por ellas. En estos itinerarios se trabaja el valor que esta
experiencia tiene de transferible en el proyecto profesional visibilizando la
importancia de las tareas tradicionalmente desarrolladas por las mujeres. Y,
por último, porque requiere de una asesoría comprometida con los valores
que guían la intervención que sea capaz de dar valor a esta ubicación y
fomentar la capacidad de empoderamiento de las usuarias. Ironstone-
Catterall (1998) explica cómo ser expertas de sus propias vidas les da voz.
La transformación de lo aprendido y la instrumentalización de esos saberes
aumenta la capacidad de las mujeres para tomar decisiones sobre su propia
vida, tal y como la literatura científica ha demostrado (Rappaport, 1987;
Romero, 1996; Velaz de Medrano, 2003, 2005).
Conclusiones
Los programas para mejorar la empleabilidad de las mujeres han utilizado la

experiencia teórica acumulada por la comunidad feminista en la
implementación de sus acciones. Fruto del debate, científicas y actoras
sociales, han aplicado los postulados feministas y los métodos de trabajo que
estos emplean, para implementar acciones de intervención social desde las
que hacer una sociedad más igualitaria e impulsar a las mujeres en la
estructura social a posiciones más equilibradas. Estas actuaciones con
enfoque de género han utilizado los postulados de la teoría crítica feminista
de manera original frente a las prácticas tradicionales de orientación para la
inserción al mercado laboral. Sin embargo, en ocasiones, en la inercia de su
desarrollo queda oculto el origen y la fundamentación de estas prácticas. Es
necesario recordar los fundamentos que motivan estas prácticas para que
cumplan los objetivos que las sustentan, de otro modo se corre el riesgo de
que pierdan la fuerza que les imprime su génesis: el compromiso por el
cambio social y por la mejora de un acceso equitativo de las mujeres a los
recursos. Este artículo presenta los elementos del enfoque de la teoría crítica
feminista como constitutivos de los itinerarios de inserción al empleo con
enfoque de género. La finalidad es subrayar el valor de estas acciones y
reconstruir los lazos existentes con los elementos teóricos del feminismo.
En esta tarea, se observa que las actuaciones para la mejora de la
inserción laboral con enfoque de género:
- Rescatan el valor del conocimiento de las usuarias al utilizar sus
experiencias para construir lo profesional mediante la traslación de
las capacidades aprendidas en ámbito personal. Esta clave
metodológica supone una restitución de los saberes de las mujeres
que durante tanto tiempo han sido devaluados.
- Impulsan cambios a nivel personal en las mujeres, que encuentran

en ellas mismas saberes, que tienen un valor como herramienta en el
mercado laboral del que ellas son poseedoras. La práctica social se
sirve de los postulados que aportan las teorías del punto de vista para
que los aspectos que conforman lo femenino tengan un valor en el
mercado económico.
- Consiguen que las usuarias tomen conciencia a lo largo del proceso
de orientación de las dificultades que afrontan por la posición
desigual que mantienen con respecto a los hombres, teniendo esto un
efecto multiplicador en su entorno.
- Promueven un replanteamiento de la actividad orientadora y del
entendimiento del individuo y el entorno al proponer huir de
posiciones binarias y “genéricas”. Y lo hace sin dañar el valor que
tienen las tareas reproductivas en el desarrollo social y en el
mercado económico, invitando a su realización y revalorización.
Es necesario continuar con estas acciones específicas subrayando el
carácter transformador de su práctica y entender su diseño desde la
epistemología feminista, como elemento que asegura un marco mínimo de
estrategias y que facilita un ejercicio coherente de la aplicación de la
perspectiva de género.
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Carmen de la Mata is Professor at University of Córdoba, Spain
Bárbara Luque is Professor at University of Zaragoza, Spain
Contact Address: m02maagm@uco.es

New Institutionalism in Everyday Life
Andrea Jean Bingham1

1) University of Colorado, United States
th
To cite this article: Bingham, A.J. (2018). New Institutionalism in Everyday

Life, International Journal of Sociology of Education, 7(3), 237-255. doi:
10.17583/rise.2018.3532

October 2018 pp. 237-255
New Institutionalism in
Everyday Life
Andrea Jean Bingham
University of Colorado
(Received: 4 June 2018; Accepted: 17 September 2018; Published: 25

October 2018)
Abstract
In this paper, I examine how new institutionalism is similar to, and may expand
upon Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis of human action and social life. I argue that
while Goffman’s dramaturgical lens is useful for examining micro-social
interactions among individuals, the ‘audience,’ and the organization, integrating new
institutionalism as a theoretical framework into Goffman’s framework of
dramaturgical analysis may provide the tools for combined micro-/macro-social
analysis that incorporates the overarching influence of the institution (the ‘theater’)
on micro-social interactions. I examine the potential of combining new
institutionalism with dramaturgical analysis and I provide a brief example using
‘education’ as the institution to demonstrate how new institutional theory may be
used in conjunction with Goffman’s dramaturgical theory.
Keywords: institutional theory, dramaturgical analysis, sociology of education
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3532
October 2018 pp. 237-255
Nuevo Institucionalismo en la
Vida Cotidiana
Andrea Jean Bingham
University of Colorado
(Recibido: 4 Junio 2018; Aceptado: 17 Septiembre 2018; Publicado: 25
Octubre 2018)
Resumen
En este trabajo, examino cómo el nuevo institucionalismo es similar y puede ampliar
el análisis dramatúrgico de Goffman de la acción humana y la vida social.
Argumento que si bien la lente dramatúrgica de Goffman es útil para examinar las
interacciones micro sociales entre los individuos, la "audiencia" y la organización,
integrando el nuevo institucionalismo como marco teórico en el marco del análisis
dramatúrgico de Goffman pueden proporcionar las herramientas para combinar
micro / macro -el análisis social que incorpora la influencia general de la institución
(el "teatro") en las interacciones micro-sociales. Examino el potencial de combinar
la nueva institucionalidad con el análisis dramatúrgico y proporciono un breve
ejemplo usando la 'educación' como la institución para demostrar cómo la nueva
teoría institucional puede ser utilizada junto con la teoría dramatúrgica de Goffman.
Palabras clave: teoría institucional, análisis dramatúrgico, sociología de la

educación
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3532
n 1959, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life was published
I (Goffman, 1959). In this seminal work, Erving Goffman developed

and presented an analysis of social interaction from the perspective
of a theatrical performance. Writing during the heyday of Fordism,
Goffman aimed to identify and classify behaviors at a time during which he
assumed people knew their place in the world and the behaviors expected of
them in different situations. Further, he was able to recognize that people
conveyed certain images depending on the audience for their performance.
These micro-social interactions fit neatly into Goffman’s analysis of
everyday life.
Almost 60 years later, Goffman’s analysis is still useful in analyzing
micro-social interactions within a defined context. However, though
Goffman’s study of the performance of social interaction is still applicable to
those micro-social interactions, Goffman did not write much about the role
of the institution in his analysis. He included the audience and organizations
as influencing factors, but did not expand his analysis to include the
structures within which the actors and organizations operate. I argue that
incorporating another theoretical layer into Goffman’s theory– the lens of
new institutionalism (e.g. March & Olsen, 1983; DiMaggio & Powell, 1991;
Powell & DiMaggio, 2012; Selznick, 1996) – a perspective that is markedly
similar to Goffman’s micro-social examination, but offers the benefit of a
more macro-social perspective.
My purpose here is to examine how new institutionalism is similar to,
and may expand upon Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis of human action
and social life. In so doing, I use the discipline of education as an example to
explore how the integration of these two theories may be used in educational
research. In pursuit of this goal, I first outline the main points of Goffman’s
theory. I then examine new institutionalism, focusing on the sociological
approach to institutions and their role in organizational analysis. Finally, I
explore how new institutional theory may be used in conjunction with
Goffman’s dramaturgical theory and provide a brief example using
‘education’ as the institution. I conclude with a discussion of how
integrating neo-institutionalism into Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis may
further illuminate the connections between individual and organizational
behavior.
240 Bingham– New Institutionalism in Everyday Life
The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life
In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Goffman (1959) employs the

perspective of a theatrical performance, and uses dramaturgical principles to
analyze social interaction. Goffman’s purpose is to
consider the way in which the individual in ordinary work situations

presents himself and his activity to others, the ways in which he
guides and controls the impression they form of him, and the kinds of
things he may or may not do while sustaining his performance before
them. (p. 11)
In other words, he provides a framework for understanding how

individuals engage in social action and why they present themselves – or
perform – as they do. Goffman defines performance as “all the activity of a
given participant on a given occasion which serves to influence in any way
any of the participants” (p. 26). His work relies on the underlying
assumption that every action is a social performance, and that these
performances change depending on the social norms of the situation, the
audience, and the impression the actor wishes to convey. This performance
is designed not only to achieve the goals of the given action, but also to
manage the impression the actor gives to others in the interaction. This idea
of “image management” guides much of Goffman’s work.
Impressions We Give (Off)
Goffman explains that there are two distinct modes of communication:

impressions we give, and impressions we give off. The impressions we give
are those that we purposely convey through the language we use in a given
situation. The key concept in impressions we give is intention. This type of
communication is always intentional. In contrast, impressions we give off
can be either intentional or unintentional. Impressions we give off are the
non-verbal communications and actions that take place in a social
interaction; these impressions we give off may convey a different impression
or message which expresses some aspect of the actor that is not or cannot be
communicated verbally. In Goffman’s analysis, when the impressions we
give and the impressions we give off are in alignment with each other,
symmetry occurs. Conversely, asymmetry occurs when verbal

communications and actions or non-verbal communications convey two
disparate expressions.
Fronts
Another central concept of Goffman’s analysis is the idea of front.

According to Goffman (1959), front can be described as “part of the
individual’s performance, which regularly functions in a general and fixed
fashion to define the situation for those who observe the performance” (p.
32). This is the façade that individuals present to provide the parameters of
situation for the audience. The situation is also defined by the others in the
interaction, regardless of their role, in reaction to the initially projected front.
Generally, the interaction is defined by all parties in a similar way, so that
“open contradictions’” do not occur (p. 20). Goffman refers to this tacit
agreement as a “working consensus” (p. 21). An extension of this is the idea
of dramatic realization, in which actors highlight aspects of the performance
that confirm what they wish to convey.
There are several components of front that help to define a given

situation. First, the setting provides the “scenery” and the “stage
props” that set the scene for the performance. Second, appearance and
manner serve to indicate social status and the expected role of the
actor, respectively. Different routines can employ the same front;
moreover, fronts can become institutionalized, creating established
roles that are selected by actors, not created (p. 38).
Regions and Stages
In creating a front and defining a situation, actors must acknowledge the

audience for the interaction, and adapt their actions accordingly. The
audience is situated in what Goffman calls a region – a “place that is
bounded to some degree by barriers to perception” (p. 109). Goffman
divides regions into front, back, and off “stage,” classified as such by the
position of the actor or team of actors in relation to the audience. On the
front stage, actors and teams are attempting to foster a particular impression.
On the back stage, actors or teams are contradicting the official impression
conveyed on the front stage as a matter of course (p. 114). The off stage
presents yet another region, in which the audience may be ‘segregated’ so as
to allow distinct performances curated for distinct audiences. These concepts
provide a perspective from which to interpret the actions of individuals and
teams in context. In each region, both actors and audiences are easily
identified and categorized, enabling the practice of impression management.
When Goffman published The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life,
individual efforts were seen as leading to organizational rationality. Further,
organizations were embedded in local context and relied on local actors. The
institutions in which individuals and organizations operated relied on those
individuals to make rational choices in their own interest or to act out of a
sense of obligation (Selznick, 1949). In schools, for example, teachers could
be relied on to conform to traditional teaching practices in the interest of
maintaining professional respect, and fulfilling their obligation to provide all
students with an education. Additionally, schools were more subject to local
control, and operated in response to local needs, rather than being shaped by
larger institutional priorities. This view of institutions – the “old
institutionalism”– represented a view which allowed for the
compartmentalization of different parts of life (e.g. work and leisure).
However, as time progressed and theories evolved, social theorists began to
recognize that individual’s actions did not necessarily fit neatly into the
categories of social obligation or rational choice. During this time, “new
institutionalism” arose to better account for complexity in individual life,
and to provide a lens of analysis for how institutions shaped the actors
within, and vice versa.
The New Institutionalism
During the time that Goffman wrote The Presentation of Self in Everyday
Life¸ the theoretical lens now known as “old institutionalism” was the
prevailing perspective in institutional theory. Old institutionalism
emphasized how informal interaction “deviated from and constrained aspects
of formal structure’ and subverted ‘the organization’s intended, rational
mission by parochial interests’” (DiMaggio & Powell, 1991, p. 13). Further,
this old institutionalism stressed the importance of local communities and
face-to-face interaction in organizations. The institutional environment was
seen as neither playing a large role in the organization nor influencing

individual behavior within the organization. Rather, the individual actors
enabled and constrained the institutional structure.
Within the old institutional perspective, micro-social interactions were of
vital importance. People were easily categorized within diverse
organizational environments and the “the preservation of custom and
precedent” (Selznick, 1949, as cited in DiMaggio & Powell, p. 14) ensured
“symbolic and functional consistency” within institutions. Roles were clear
and individuals had an idea of how they were to act in different
organizational contexts. In this way, the old institutionalism fit well with
Goffman’s analysis – the focus was on individual actions and how those
actions shaped larger societal processes. Requirements for teachers, for
example, were more bottom-up than top-down – the local took precedent
over the larger institution.
Many years after Goffman published The Presentation of Self in
Everyday Life, a revived interest in the study of institutions developed in
reaction to what DiMaggio and Powell (1991) call “the behavioral
revolution,” in which institutions were viewed as “merely the sum of
individual properties” (p. 2). In contrast with the old institutionalism, this
“new institutionalism” stresses the taken-for-granted, routine nature of
human action, and sees individuals as “constituted by institutions,” rather
than the other way around.
New institutionalism varies by discipline; however, these newly
formulated approaches to institutions were responses to simplistic accounts
of social processes and were united by “a common conviction that
institutional arrangements and social processes matter” (DiMaggio &
Powell, 1991, p. 3). In this paper, I focus on new institutionalism in
sociology and organizational analysis. As DiMaggio and Powell (1991)
explained,
[The sociological] perspective emphasizes the ways in which action is

structured and order made possible by shared systems of rules that
both constrain the inclination and capacity of actors to optimize as
well as privilege some groups whose interests are secured by
prevailing rewards and sanctions. (p. 11)
This perspective provides the most suitable institutional lens for an

update to Goffman’s theory.
Definitions and Assumptions
Before exploring new institutionalist theories in depth, it is important to first

define what is meant by institution. Jepperson (1991) broadly defines an
institution as “an organized, established, procedure” (p. 143). More
specifically, an institution represents “a social order or pattern that has
attained a certain state or property…a social pattern that reveals a particular
reproduction process” (p. 145). Under this definition, it is difficult to
imagine individuals or organizations operating entirely outside institutions.
It is also important to note some of the major assumptions of new
institutionalism. Immergut (1998) describes the three main assumptions of
new institutional theory as being “that preferences or interests expressed in
action should not be conflated with ‘true’ preferences, that methods for
aggregating interests inevitably distort, [and] that institutional configurations
may privilege particular sets of interests and may need to be reform” (p. 8).
Similarly, DiMaggio and Powell (1991) explain that neo-institutionalism in
sociology and organizational theory is comprised of
a rejection of rational-actor models, an interest in institutions as

independent variables, a turn toward cognitive and cultural
explanations, and an interest in properties of supraindividual units of
analysis that cannot be reduced to aggregations or direct consequences
of individuals’ attributes or motives. (p. 8)
In contrast with old institutionalism, new institutionalism focuses on non-

local context; the environment “penetrate[s] the organization, creating the
lenses through which actors view the world and the very categories of
structure, action, and thought” (p. 13). In neo-institutionalism, organizational
forms and the structures and rules within them are institutionalized.
Core Concepts in Neo-Institutionalism
Several fundamental concepts are important to explore in pursuit of weaving

together new institutional theory and Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis;
namely, the concepts of institutional myths, institutional isomorphism, and
institutional logics.
Institutional myths. Meyer and Rowan (1991) assert that
“organizations… dramatically reflect the myths of their institutional
environments instead of the demands of their work activities” (p. 41). In
other words, there is a chasm between the formal structures of the
organization and the daily work activities therein. Institutionalized myths,
such as professions (occupations that are controlled by inspection and social
rules), programs (ideologies that define appropriate functions), and
technologies (taken-for-granted technical procedures), become ceremonial
for organizations. By adhering to institutionalized myths, organizations
demonstrate legitimacy, rationality, and collective values, while also
increasing their survival prospects. However, in conforming to
institutionalized rules, organizations may have to sacrifice efficiency.
Therefore, organizations create a gap between formal structures and
institutionalized rules though the act of decoupling or the logic of
confidence. These devices give organizations the opportunity to resolve
conflict between rules and efficiency.
Decoupling and the logic of confidence. Meyer and Rowan (1991) detail
the properties of organizations that represent the decoupling process as
follows:
(1) Activities are performed beyond the purview of managers. (2)

Goals are made ambiguous or vacuous. (3) Integration is avoided,
program implementation is neglected, and inspection and evaluation
are ceremonialized. (4) Human relations are made very important. (p.
57)
Through decoupling, organizations are able to retain the benefits of

formal structure, while responding to everyday issues in a manner
appropriate for the situation. As such, “organizations in an industry tend to
be similar in formal structure – reflecting their common institutional origins
– but may show much diversity in actual practice” (p. 58). Organizations
present a front that is in alignment with institutional norms and expectations,
but may not always be operationalizing that front in everyday practice.
Though the concept of decoupling portrays organizations as somewhat
chaotic, in reality, the daily activities are often orderly (Meyer & Rowan,
1991, p. 58). “The confidence and good faith of their internal participants
and their external constituents” allows the organizations to appear legitimate

and useful (p. 58) while this “logic of confidence” allows organizations to
resolve the conflicts between formal structure and efficiency (Meyer &
Rowan, 1991).
Institutional isomorphism. According to Hawley (1968, as cited in
DiMaggio & Powell, 1991), isomorphism is a “constraining process” that
forces units that face the same set of environmental factors to resemble each
other (p. 66). DiMaggio and Powell (1991), in their examination of
institutional isomorphism, delineate the notion that organizations come to
resemble each other, due to external pressures. The homogenization of
organizations comes about as a result of individuals within the organization
attempting to deal with uncertainty in a rational manner.
Expanding on Meyer and Rowan’s (1991) work, DiMaggio and Powell
(1991) explain that once organizations in the same category of business
become an organizational field, outside forces emerge that push them toward
homogeneity. These forces result in institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio &
Powell, 2000). There are three types of institutional isomorphism: coercive,
in which the organization is coerced by law or politics; mimetic, in which
the organizations imitate each other to reduce uncertainty; and normative, in
which organizations copy others in pursuit of legitimacy (DiMaggio &
Powell, 1991; 2000).
Institutional logics. Friedland and Alford (1991) posit that institutions
such as capitalism, religion, and bureaucracy each operate from a central
logic that informs the principles of a given organization, and provides
orienting practices and symbols, around which individuals can develop a
sense of identity. Further, these practices and symbols can be manipulated
and elaborated upon by both the organizations and the individuals subject to
the logics. This suggests that both rational choice and structuralist
perspectives (staples of old institutionalism) should be rejected in favor of
the view that institutions influence organizations and individuals, while also
being shaped by them.
In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Goffman (1959) views
individuals’ actions as something akin to ceremonial performances. These
performances act as “an expressive rejuvenation and reaffirmation of the
moral values of the community” (p. 45). In other words, individuals are
“trained” in a sense to act in ways that represent the official values of the
society in which the action occurs. This is certainly true for educators, for
example, who are tasked with providing academic instruction alongside
emotional development, and citizenship education (Labaree, 1997).
Organizations, including schools, under the purview of neo-institutional
theory, often behave in the same way. Given that society, both at the
institutional level and at the individual level, has shifted and become more
complicated, and common, official moral values are difficult to identify,
Goffman’s dramaturgical theory of everyday social interactions may benefit
from the addition of a neo-institutional perspective – one which is suitable to
analyzing lives and organizations that are less compartmentalized. As such,
marrying new institutionalism and Goffman’s lens of analysis may better
account for the complexity of everyday life. In the next section, I examine
how the core concepts of neo-institutionalism mirror some of the
components of Goffman’s theory of social interaction. In turn, I explore how
Goffman’s analysis may be expanded upon by integrating new institutional
theory into his metaphorical theater.
The New Institutionalism in Everyday Life
Goffman (1959) uses the metaphor of a theater to analyze social interaction.

Within this theater, he examines actors’ performances in both front stage and
back stage encounters and posits that their actions differ depending on the
audience, and what type of impression the actors wish to convey. Through
this dramaturgical metaphor, Goffman is able to present a compelling
account of human action and impression management. However, Goffman
never mentions the theater itself as a unit of analysis. This begs the question:
what role might the theater in which the actors and audience exist play in
social interaction? To explore this question, it is helpful to think of the
theater in more literal terms – as an institution.
Goffman’s purpose in writing The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life
was to consider
the way in which the individual in ordinary work situations presents

himself and his activity to others, the ways in which he guides and
controls the impression they form of him, and the kinds of things he
may or may not do while sustaining his performance before them. (p.
11)
The same can be said of new institutionalism. There are many similarities
between Goffman’s work and the work of the new institutional theorists.
Goffman’s notions of front, image management, region, and front stage and
back stage performances mirror several components of neo-institutionalism;
namely, institutional myths and ceremonies, institutional isomorphism, and
institutional logics.
Friedland and Alford (1991) conceive of institutions as
“supraorganizational patterns of activity through which humans conduct
their material life in time and space, and symbolic systems through which
they categorize that activity and infuse it with meaning” (p. 232). These
institutions each have a central logic – a set of guiding practices and
symbolic constructions – that gives actors within in the institutions a sense
of identity. Further, these organizing principles can be manipulated and
expounded upon by individuals. Thus, institutional logics both shape
individual action and are shaped by it. These institutional logics are similar
to the guiding principles of the regions in which actors operate; each “stage”
– front, back, and off – has its own guiding principles and set of symbols.
However, Goffman’s regions are more akin to organizations with specific
organizational rules that, from a new institutionalist lens, are shaped by
institutional logics. Using neo-institutionalism in conjunction with
Goffman’s stages and regions thus offers a third level of analysis, useful for
explicating individual motivations, organizational influence, and the
institutional logics which informs them all.
Goffman’s notion of front – the part of the performance which serves to
define the situation for observers – functions much like institutional myths
and ceremonies. As Goffman (1959) notes,
A given social front tends to become institutionalized in terms of the
abstract stereotyped expectations to which it gives rise, and tends to take on
a meaning and stability apart from the specific tasks which happen at the
time to be performed in its name. The front becomes a ‘collective
representation’ and a fact in its own right. (p. 37)
The concept front, in other words, plays a role in constructing the formal
structure, while not necessarily conforming to it. Further, a front can help to
maintain stability in the same way that institutional myths do. Thus,
institutional myths and the front that serves to define a social situation are
related concepts that, taken together, could serve to analyze both micro- and
macro-social interactions and could build upon Goffman’s dramaturgical

foundation.
Goffman’s distinction between impressions we give and impressions we
give off, and more specifically, the symmetry and asymmetry of the actions
therein, closely resemble Meyer and Rowan’s (1991) concept of decoupling.
Particularly, their discussion of decoupling and the logic of confidence
presents an argument similar to Goffman’s, but extended to include behavior
in institutions. According to Meyer and Rowan (1991), organizations try to
maintain alignment between structures and activities. However, this is
difficult. As such, daily activities are decoupled from the rules of the
organization. In this way, decoupling helps organizations to maintain
legitimacy, while also allowing for a certain amount of inconsistency, or
reactionary practices, in daily activities. This has been seen over and over in
education, as leaders and teacher “decouple” their practices from formal
rules (e.g. Deal & Celotti, 1980; Driscoll, 1995; Malen, Ogawa, & Kranz,
1990; Meyer & Rowan, 1977). Just as people employ front stage
performances to reconcile the discrepancies between what they are actually
doing or what they actually believe, and the impression they wish to convey
to others, decoupling allows organizations and the actors therein to separate
the explicit institutional rules and their daily actions. Within institutions,
individuals often perform acts of decoupling in order to reconcile competing
expectations, and institutional rules by which individuals cannot, or do not
wish to abide (Meyer & Rowan, 1991). This decoupling is similar to
Goffman’s delineation of front and back stage behavior; however, new
institutionalism extends some of Goffman’s ideas to behavior within
institutions. In other words, neo-institutionalism supports Goffman’s notions
of image management and performance, but allows for the complicated
nature of operating within modern institutions.
In both neo-institutionalism and Goffman’s theory of social interaction,
there is a reservoir of hidden background knowledge that is not made
explicit. This is most easily seen in Goffman’s analysis of front stage and
back stage performances. As noted previously, actors adjust their
performances depending on the audience for which they are performing. The
front stage is where individual actors or a team communicate the particular
impression they wish to convey. In the back stage, actors and teams behave
differently, intentionally contradicting that which they portrayed on the front
stage. This notion is similar to the maintenance of institutional myths by

actors within an organization. As Goffman writes, “if members of a team
must cooperate to maintain a given definition of the situation before their
audience, they will hardly be in a position to maintain that particular
impression before one another” (Goffman, 1959, p. 88). Actors’
performances back stage, much like the internal workings of an organization
in pursuit of efficiency, do not match the public image they wish to convey.
Finally, the concept of institutional myths in the new institutionalism
seems a natural extension of the concept of idealization in dramaturgical
analysis. Idealization is a process of expressing ideal standards, while
concealing any action that does not align with those standards (Goffman,
1959, p. 50). In Goffman’s analysis, this stands true for both the individual,
and the organization. As Goffman notes,
Often we find that if the principal ideal aims of an organization are to

be achieved, then it will be necessary at times to by-pass momentarily
other ideals of the organization, while maintaining the impression that
the other ideals are still in force. In such cases, a sacrifice is made not
for the most visible ideal but rather for the most legitimately important
one. (Goffman, 1959, p. 54)
Neo-institutionalism and the idea of institutional myths seem to expand

upon this. Organizations seek legitimacy through the expressed maintenance
of institutional structures. On the surface, both individuals and organizations
maintain a front that legitimizes their actions; however, there can be, and
often is, a gap between what is expressed, and what actually happens. It
would seem that both individuals and organizations are subject to similar
forces.
An Example: Education as Theater
Using education as an example institution demonstrates how new

institutionalism in conjunction with Goffman’s theories may be used to
illuminate the complex actions in a well-known context – the school. New
institutionalism has been used to understand school change (e.g. Burch,
2007), but there has been little application of Goffman’s theoretical analysis
in educational research. In this section, I provide some context of the current
educational climate and discussion how these to theories may be applied

together to understand educational change.
School practices have been shown over and over to be very difficult to
change (Tyack & Tobin, 1994). The organization of schools and general
teacher practices have changed relatively little in the past 100 years (Tyack
& Cuban, 1995; Tyack & Tobin, 1994). Indeed, most substantive
educational reforms eventually regress to the norm (Tyack & Cuban, 1995).
There are several reasons for this. First, it is hard to alter the general cultural
understanding of what schools should look like (Tyack & Tobin, 1994).
Teachers and parents have generally experienced “traditional” schooling and
teaching practices, and are thus resistant to substantive changes because
those changes do not represent what they see as being the true purpose and
process of schooling. This has been demonstrated consistently in research on
change more generally (e.g. Meyer & Rowan, 1977)
In new institutional terms, schools are subject to institutional
isomorphism—a “constraining process” that forces organizations that face
the same set of environmental factors to resemble each other (DiMaggio &
Powell 1991, p. 66). The organizational homogenization is seen as a result of
individuals within the organization trying to deal with ambiguity and
uncertainty in a rational manner. Education as an institution also has
institutional logics – specific guiding principles and symbolic constructions;
namely, that all children should receive an education, and that that education
should confer academic knowledge, as well as democratic and social
knowledge to those students (Labaree, 1997). Additionally, in the current
educational context, accountability, competition, and standardization present
another layer of institutional logic to which schools are accountable
(Bingham, 2017). Leaders’, teachers’, and students’ experiences and
practices are indelibly shaped by how these policy priorities intersect and are
interpreted on the ground. These institutional logics shape how individuals
within the school organization behave and how they shape their identities;
however, the individuals within a school – administrators, teachers, and
students – also shape how those goals are interpreted and enacted in practice
(Weatherly & Lipsky, 1977).
Complicating the issue is the fact that although all the actors in the school
may be presenting the same front, these actors may also be presenting
distinct performances in pursuit of giving the impression that they are
upholding the current institutional logics of education. For example, teachers

may act as if they are complying with institutional logics (e.g. state
standards, standardized assessments) during professional development or
classroom observations (the front stage), but still maintain their original
teaching styles and objectives in everyday activities – intentionally or not
(e.g. Cohen, 1990). They manage this through decoupling, or asymmetry
between the impressions they give and the impressions they give off.
Additionally, in the teacher’s lounge (the back stage), for example, teachers
may present yet another version of their teaching selves to their colleagues.
In short, teachers may often engage in “audience segregation” to present
different teaching philosophies and behaviors to different audiences and
manage the impressions that they wish to give (or give off).
Finally, in looking at how the institution of education affects the daily
activities in the school from a macro-lens, Goffman’s concept of idealization
can be expanded to include the “theater” as a unit of analysis. New reforms
may be introduced into schools (idealized practices), but on the ground,
teachers and administrators may simply conceal any behaviors that do not
align with this idealized view for practice. Administrators attempt to
maintain legitimacy and compliance, by projecting the view that they are
exemplifying institutional ideals. At the macro-level, institutional myths and
ceremonies are perpetuated to legitimate school practices and ensure
survival; however, at the micro-social level, the interactions among actors in
the school represent a complex mix of impression management,
performance, and decoupling. Though the use of Goffman’s perspective
alone might shed some light on this complicated tangle of social
interactions, only through the addition of a macro-level institutional lens
would a researcher be able to pull back far enough to see the larger factors at
play.
Conclusion
Goffman’s theatrical metaphor serves him well in his analysis of everyday

social interactions and processes. Actors perform differently depending on
the audience, the impression they wish to convey, and the expected social
norms and moral values. However, as noted in DiMaggio and Powell (1991),
it is difficult to find places in which individuals are interacting outside of an
organization or beyond the purview of an institution. It can be reasonably

assumed then that institutional structure may also play a role in how actors
perform in context. For this reason, exploring the presentation of self
through new institutionalism allows for micro- and macro-analyses of
individuals’ performances. Moreover, neo-institutionalism aligns well with
many of Goffman’s major premises; indeed, it appears that many of the
ideas of new institutionalism grew out of some of Goffman’s work. Thus,
including the “theater” in the analysis of social interaction may provide a
useful, and compatible, perspective. As Friedland and Alford note (1991),
categories of knowledge contribute to and yet depend on the power of

the institutions which make them possible. Without understanding the
historical and institutional specificity of the primary categories of
analysis, social scientists run the risk of only elaborating the
rationality of the institutions they study, and as a result become actors
in their reproduction. (p. 260)
The same might be said about the analysis of individual performances.

By extending Goffman’s analysis to include insights from neo-
institutionalism, researchers and theorists may be able to avoid this fate.
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Andrea Bingham is Professor at University of Colorado, United

States
Contact Address: andreajbingham@gmail.com

Family Practices in the Construction of Creative Professionals.

A Biographical Perspective
David Pac-Salas1
Cecilia Serrano-Martínez2
1) Universidad de Zaragoza, Spain
2) Universidad de La Rioja, Spain
th
To cite this article: Pac-Salas, D., Serrano-Martínez, C. (2018). Family

Practices in the Construction of Creative Professionals. A Biographical
Perspective, International Journal of Sociology of Education, 7(3), 256-277.
doi: 10.17583/rise.2018.3631

October 2018 pp. 256-277
Family Practices in the
Construction of Creative
Professionals. A Biographical
Perspective
David Pac-Salas Cecilia Serrano-Martínez
University of Zaragoza University of La Rioja
(Received: 16 July 2018; Accepted: 21 September 2018; Published: 25

October 2018)
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyse the relationships between family configurations
and creative occupations. For this purpose, a biographical perspective was taken
through the reconstruction of the life histories of sixteen creative professionals in
Spain. We have followed two lines of approach, namely Florida’s classification of
occupations (2002), which distinguishes between a creative class and a super-
creative core, and Lahire’s conception of family configuration (1995). The main
results reveal the importance of practices that are carried out on a daily basis by the
family network (both internally and externally): reading and writing, cultural
consumption (theatre, music, exhibitions, etc.), types of leisure (travelling) and
forms of authority that lead the way to self-control and domestic family order. We
have shown with this study the importance of the transmission of family culture in
the construction of people who have creative occupations and the relationship that
exists between the family educational capital and the educational level attained by
the offspring.
Keywords: creativity, creative professionals, family configurations, reading and

writing culture, authority.
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3631
October 2018 pp. 256-
Prácticas Familiares en la
Construcción de Profesionales
Creativos. Una Perspectiva
Biográfica
David Pac-Salas Cecilia Serrano-Martínez
University of Zaragoza University of La Rioja
(Recibido: 16 Julio 2018; Aceptado: 21 Septiembre 2018; Publicado: 25
Octubre 2018)
Resumen
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las relaciones entre configuraciones
familiares y ocupaciones creativas. Para llevar a cabo esta propuesta utilizamos una
perspectiva biográfica para la reconstrucción de las historias de vida de dieciséis
profesionales creativos en España. Hemos seguido dos líneas de aproximación, la
clasificación de las ocupaciones de Florida (2002) con la distinción entre clase
creativa y núcleo supercreativo, la configuración familiar de Lahire (1995). Los
principales resultados muestran la importancia de las prácticas educativas básicas en
la red familiar (tanto interna como externa): lectura y escritura, consumo cultural
(teatro, música, exposiciones, etc.), tipos de ocio (viajes) y formas de autoridad, el
autocontrol y el orden familiar doméstico. Mostramos la importancia de la
transmisión de la cultura familiar en la construcción de las personas que tienen
ocupaciones creativas y la relación que existe entre el capital educativo familiar y el
nivel conseguido por los descendientes.
Palabras clave: creatividad, profesionales creativos, configuración familiar,

cultura lectora y escritora, autoridad.
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3631
256 Pac-Salas & Serrano-Martínez–Creative Professionals
he constant changes that take place and the high degree of
T uncertainty that exists in advanced capitalist societies are examples

of forces that lead to the generation of problems and challenges
which need to be resolved and faced through creativity (Alonso &
Fernández, 2013). Today, the discourse on creativity is acquiring ever
greater relevance. Over the last few decades creativity-related matters have
risen in prominence and importance in academic and political spheres, as
well as in the media. For example, for Florida (2011, p. 279) “the
fundamental right to fully develop and make use of one’s creative talent”
should form an integral part of the new social contract.
What is creativity? We take as our starting point the assumption, which
while not adventurous does have important implications, that creativity has
to do with the appearance of something new and therefore unplanned,
instigated by the activity of some class of individual or collective agent, a
definition which distinguishes it clearly from innovation, which is always
planned and has specific predetermined goals.
In specific terms, the aim of this paper is to analyse the relationships
between family configurations and creative occupations. We will answer the
following question: what influences does a particular family configuration
have on the educational path followed by those subjects who have creative
occupations? According to our hypothesis, it should be possible to recognise
some of the aspects connected with the characteristics of creative jobs in the
biographies of creative professionals. In other words, we are dealing with
people who throughout their lives have valued concepts such as autonomy,
freedom, imagination, innovation, etc. Likewise, we would expect to find in
their biographies an exploration of subjects in which artistic creativity finds
its maximum expression: music, drawing, the plastic arts, etc.
The paper is structured in the following manner. An initial section
analyses the research background with special emphasis on two principal
aspects: firstly Florida’s theory (2010) concerning the creative classes and its
limitations and criticisms, and secondly the importance of the concept of
family configuration (Lahire, 1995). The methodology used in the
preparation of the paper is then described. In brief, the life histories of
creative professionals were built up from a qualitative perspective. The third
section describes the main results of the research undertaken. After
reconstruction of the life histories of all the subjects had been concluded
these were then compared and contrasted. The analysis undertaken in this
study considers the life histories of the study participants through theoretical
reflection and from a dialectic perspective, both theoretical and empirical.
Finally, we present the conclusions of the study and comment in particular
on its strengths and limitations.
Background
In recent years the concept of creativity has been examined from a number
of perspectives. Depending on the discipline in question, several discourses
can be found related to the understanding of what is meant by creativity.
Various authors have considered the notion of creativity from the social
science point of view. This is the case of Sawyer (2011) who differentiates
between individual and sociocultural creativity, of Joas (2005) who supports
a model of creative action, and of Csikszentmihály (1990) who attempts to
define and measure creativity. However, the question of creativity has been a
subject of interest for a number of years with contributions from numerous
authors including Milgram (1990), Runco (1990), Rickards (1988), Arieti
(1976) and Koestler (1989). One author who placed special emphasis on the
study of creativity and education was Amabile (1983).
As for the question of creative occupations, Florida (2010) does not
speak of a creative class as an economic class in terms of possessions,
capital or means of production. For Florida, the creative class neither
possesses nor controls ownership of means of production in the physical
sense. As Florida argues (2010, p. 116), the possessions of the creative class
come from its creative capacity and are intangible because they are, quite
literally, in their heads. The process of identification of the creative class is
an ongoing one and is given by the type of work the members of that class
carry out. Tasks are undertaken in such works which consist of the creation
of new and significant forms. According to Florida’s definition, the creative
class comprises two components: a) a super-creative core: scientists and
engineers, university professors, poets and writers, entertainers, actors,
designers and architects, and leading thinkers in modern society; and b)
creative professionals; hi-tech sectors, financial services, legal and health
professions, and company management. So, in Florida’s approach the social
classes are explained as principally occupational groupings.
With respect to creativity studies in Spain, the first work on the creative
classes from an economic perspective was undertaken in the doctoral thesis
of Casares (2010). Meanwhile, one of the first studies made from a
sociological point of view was that of Navarro and Mateos (2010), who
based their attempts to describe location patterns of the creative class in
Spanish municipalities on fundamentally the occupation variable. Finally,
there has been a spate of publications in recent years on the creative
economy from a local standpoint and from a general geographical
perspective. These include, amongst others, Boix et al. (2012), Sánchez
Moral and Arellano (2012) and Méndez et al. (2012).
In our particular case, we have been working on the subject of creativity
for a number of years. Inspired by the works of Florida (2002), we
constructed creativity indices for Spain’s autonomous communities and
provinces. This was done by combining the indices of technology, talent and
tolerance, which were in turn composed of another three subindices.
Technology included R&D, innovation and hi-tech, while the components of
talent included the volume of the creative classes and the number of
graduates and researchers. Finally, tolerance was measured, as in the United
States (Florida, 2002), according to the amount of foreigners, bohemians and
homosexuals. In this respect, we did not follow the methods of analysis used
in Europe (Florida and Tinagli, 2004) which included attitudes towards
minorities, self-expression and the index of values. According to the data we
have obtained in our research into creativity (Báez et al., 2014 and Bergua et
al., 2016), 20.23% of occupations in Spain in 2001 could be described as
creative. In other words, the use of creativity is required in the performance
of tasks in one out of every five occupations. Among the main creative
occupations we determined two types of activity: tasks pertaining to the
running and management of companies and activities related to professions
associated with university qualifications. The first group, activities involving
company management, accounts for almost 4 of every 10 creative jobs in
Spain, and the second group more than 55% of occupations. For occupations
with university qualifications, teaching-related work accounts for 2 out of
every 10 jobs, while professions in the scientific-technological field are
responsible for 1 in every 10. The other most relevant occupations are found
with professionals connected to the natural sciences and health,
corresponding to 11.6% of creative professions. Writers and artists entail
3.3% of these occupations. If we consider the so-called super-creative

occupations, top place in the ranking goes to secondary school and
university teachers who account for almost half of these super-creative
occupations (21.9%).
In this study, we analyse the role of the family in the biographies of
individuals who have creative occupations. Though different research
studies have been undertaken on the importance of family models in
education (Carbonero, 1997; Navarro Ardoy, 2006), more useful in our
particular case is the concept of family configuration as proposed by Lahire
(1995). This concept, central to Lahire’s theoretical approach, entails
conceiving family structures or dynamics not as the result of a family model
or idea which the actors set in motion, but rather as the product of the
interaction of the actions of the family members. Wall and Gouveia (2014)
use the concept of family configuration to analyze changes in the Portuguese
context (noting the need to incorporate the bonds of friendship in order to
understand the familiar approach, transcending of the relatives).
From our perspective, the means by which family culture is transmitted is
a highly relevant aspect in the construction of people with creative
occupations. It has been shown that, in advanced societies, family education
strategies have an ever-growing importance in the biographies of
individuals. To analyse this we have introduced Bourdieu’s concept of
capital (2000, p. 131), namely that “capital is accumulated labour (in its
materialised form or in its ‘incorporated’ embodied form)”. And for this,
capital is not reduced to its economic form but can appear in its different
forms: economic, cultural, social and symbolic. In short, family
configurations are not treated as a family model in which the young are
entered but rather they are “the product of the interaction of the actions of all
its members”. The reconstruction of the life history of each of our study
participants should not be limited to the family members but should include
the external agents of socialisation who have been shown to be fundamental
in the production of the practices of the creative subjects analysed. This
entails, as described by Martín Criado (2000), “moving on from the
language of variables, typical in statistical descriptions, to the study of the
specific interweaving of relationships and interdependencies” or, as he also
described it, “a set of relationships between some and other elements”.
However, cultural transmission is not an automatic process (Lahire,
1995). To be precise, what we have worked on, from a contextual

perspective, is the transition from an abstract modelling of family factors
(parental education level, socio-professional category, number of children,
etc.) to the study of family configurations, taking into account all the
different interdependencies. So, family factors do not impact mechanically
on behaviour, but rather family configurations “are the result of the
interdependency of a series of processes” (Martín Criado, 2000, p. 75). For
Lahire (1995, p. 18-27), there are five factors in family configurations that
affect relationships between family and school. Firstly, the family approach
to reading and writing. Familiarity with reading and writing practices has an
effect on scholarly success as well as influencing other aptitudes (control of
time, attention to order, the ability to deliberate using oral language).
Secondly, there is a need for particular economic conditions to be in place
(with a certain degree of stability) for the fostering of a family culture of
reading and writing and the morals of perseverance. In addition, domestic
social order is required. In other words, good behaviour is encouraged as
well as respect for authority, rules and order. The fourth factor highlighted
by Lahire (1995) concerns the forms of authority. In this aspect, the
similarity between school authority (based on obedience to disciplinary
regulations) and family authority is essential. Finally, we have educational
intervention models (family educational investment - in time and effort -
must be accompanied by affective involvement of the children in the
culture). Nonetheless, this set of relationships and existing interdependencies
should be taken as a whole.
A further clarification needs to be made. None of the different members
of the family configuration occupies an identical position to any other.
However, following Lahire (1995) and Martín Criado (2000), we must
highlight the following aspects: a) conditions of availability of parental time,
resources, etc., for the task of socialisation, b) the extent to which the
influences that are received are concordant or divergent; and c) the
economics of affective relationships within families.
Methods
Instruments
We noted a few problems in the quantitative approach that we employed in

other studies (Baez et al., 2014; Bergua et al., 2016). One of these was to the
difficulty in answering questions concerning the emergence of creativity.
Another concerned the excessive value given to numbers as opposed to the
potentiality of a qualitative approach which was not reflected in these
previous analyses. However, the quantitative perspective did allow us an etic
viewpoint with which we were able to construct a map of creativity in Spain
according to the previously described indices of Florida (2002); it is true that
this approach did not fully answer questions related to the actual
construction of a creative professional. So, instead of questioning the notion
of creativity we resolved to make use of a qualitative approach to recover it.
The reason for choosing this technique was because we consider it to be the
most accurate means of knowing the different profiles and biographies of
creative professionals. The aim was to find out how the creative professional
is constructed. We understand that such a construction is carried out by
combining different influences (family, social, cultural, etc.) that are
embodied in a particular lifestyle and that generate the possibility of
activating creativity. However, we also assume that the different types of
capital as a whole and each on their own generate a certain diversity and
heterogeneity which make a fertile soil for the emergence of creativity1. In
our opinion, it seems that Florida wanted to make reference to this
heterogeneity when he used the toleration index. As he was not successful in
his attempt to use tolerance as a measure of creativity, we propose another
way of analysing creativity using other methodologies.
It was our opinion that the best way of obtaining information about
tolerance, understood as the merger of the different types of capital that
generate the diversity and heterogeneity which gives rise to greater
creativity, was through personal in-depth interviews which concentrated on
the biography of the creative professionals. For the selection of profiles, we
followed the classification of creative professions used by Florida (2002),
which distinguished between a super-creative core (architecture and
engineering, social, physical and life sciences, education, teaching and
lecturing, and art, design, entertainment, sports and mass media) and a
creative group (positions of top management in companies and financial
institutions, the legal sector, health and other specialist professions, top-level
sales and sales management). We therefore developed a qualitative focus
following a contextual perspective in order to establish a contextual
framework of discovery.
Participants
The qualitative technique that we employed involved in-depth interviews to

construct biographical accounts of the paths taken by creative professionals
as life histories. The field work was carried out between March and June of
2012. A total of 16 life histories were elaborated of creative professionals
from different autonomous communities in Spain (9 from Aragon, 2 from
Galicia, 2 from the Basque country, 2 from Madrid and 1 from Catalonia)
following a series of 48 interviews (3 per subject). The profiles of the 16
interviewees were as follows:
 Profile 1: Medium and large-sized company management and
organisation. Male, over 40 years of age (bachelor and no children)
(salaried employee, senior position).
 Profile 2: Professional in publicity or marketing. Female, below 40
years of age (married with 1 small child in nursery school) (self-
employed).
 Profile 3: Professor and researcher in the ‘hard sciences’ and in the
public sphere (University, Research Institutions, Spanish National
Research Council, etc.). Male, over 40 years of age (married with
two daughters) (government employee).
 Profile 4: Artist (writer). Female, below 40 years of age (living with
partner, no children) (salaried employee).
 Profile 5: Writers and artists (designer). Male, over 40 years of age
(54) (married with two children) (self-employed).
 Profile 6: Doctors and veterinary surgeons. Female, below 40 years
of age (married, no children) (resident physician, salaried
employee).
 Profile 7: Law (lawyer, judge, etc.). Male, over 40 years of age
(bachelor, no children) (self-employed).
 Profile 8: Engineer. Female, below 40 years of age (separated from

partner and recently entered into new relationship in Mexico, no
children) (salaried employee, senior position).
 Profile 9: Architect or town planner. Female, over 40 years of age
(divorced 3 years previously, 2 boys aged 12 and 11 and one
daughter aged 7) (salaried employee working for the council of a
medium-sized city in Catalonia).
 Profile 10: Economists, sociologists, historians, philosophers,
philologists, psychologists and similar. (Entrepreneur-Historian).
Female, below 40 years of age (married, no children) (self-
employed).
 Profile 11: Technical architect, IT specialist, architectural engineer.
Female, over 40 years of age (married, with children) (entrepreneur,
partner in architect centre).
 Profile 12: Mathematician, physicist, chemist, Masters qualified
engineer, Masters qualified architect, etc. (scientist, chemical
engineer). Male, below 40 years of age (married with one daughter)
(government employee).
 Profile 13: Doctor, veterinary surgeon, pharmacist (family doctor).
Male, over 40 years of age (married with two children) (government
employee).
 Profile 14: Secondary and university teachers (secondary school
teacher). Female, below 40 years of age (married with one daughter)
(government employee).
 Profile 15: Management of specialist areas and departments, etc.
(company manager, biologist and salesperson.) Male, below 40
years of age (married with 2 children) (salaried entrepreneur).
 Profile 16: Lawyers, district attorneys, judges, magistrates (lawyer).
Female, below 40 years of age (married with two children) (self-
employed).
Following is a summary of the information provided above. The subjects
are comprised of 9 females and 7 males, of which 9 are younger than 40 and
7 older, 2 are single, 11 married, 1 living with their partner, 1 separated and
1 divorced, 9 have children and 7 do not. In terms of type of employment, 9
are salaried employees, 5 are self-employed and 2 are entrepreneurs. With
these interviews we were able to satisfy the criterion of theoretical
saturation. That is to say, our sampling was concluded when we had

obtained a significant data density for each analysis category (Trinidad, et al,
2006).
It should nonetheless be noted that the study does have some limitations.
Though we concluded an analysis of the specific practices as narrated in the
different family configurations with the elements connected with creativity,
we nevertheless need to address creativity beyond the narratives in order to
focus on the ‘black box” of creativity. That is, an in vivo observation of
family practices would enable us to better understand some of the
contradictions that have appeared in the study. However, this study provides
a new way to understand the field of family sociology. This topic “has the
potential to expand to meet the realities of 21st-century family experience”
(Farrel, et, al. 2012, p.297)
Analysis of the Research. Family Influences on the Education of the

Study Participants
This section will analyse the role that family influences have had on the
education of the study participants, as well as those elements that are
connected with the educational system and the creativity therein generated.
Table 1.
Family Education Capital of the study participants
Male parent Female parent Family
education capital education capital education
capital
Executive Director Industrial labourer Housewife Low
(m) Black market
employment
Publicist (f) Banker Housewife Medium
Scientist (m) Veterinary surgeon Pharmacist University level
Writer (f) Automobile company Government Medium

employee
Artist (m) Professional military Housewife Medium
man
Doctor (f) Electrician Exact sciences teacher University level
Airport management
(engineer)
Lawyer (m) Certified accountant Primary school University level
teacher
Engineer (f) Masters qualified Nurse University level
engineer
Architect (f) Secondary school Minimum education Low
level education level
Entrepreneur- Pharmacist Doctor (left the University level
Historian (f) profession when first
daughter was born)
Architect (f) Personnel manager in Housewife Medium
food company
Scientist (m) Secondary school Nursing assistant University level
teacher
Doctor (m) Farmer Farmer and Low

Housewife
Teacher (f) Automobile industry Salesperson Medium
Manager (m) Pastry chef Teacher University level
Lawyer (f) Agricultural and cattle Housewife Low

farmer
Source: compiled by the authors
We first analysed those creative subjects whose institutionalised family

education capital can be described as being of university level (one or both
parents with a university education). In this group we find the female
engineer, male lawyer, male scientist, female doctor, female historian, male
biochemist and male doctor. This question serves to confirm the relationship
between family education capital and the educational level attained by the
corresponding offspring and, as will be observed subsequently, the transfer
from parent to child of the value of education and of meritocracy. The
education of the parents is found, for the most part, in a context of Spanish
Catholicism, a system characterised by a curriculum based on selective and
elitist goals (García Gracia, 2003, p. 96).
Secondly, we analysed those creative subjects whose institutionalised
family education capital could be described as being sub-university level
(neither parent with a university education). In this group we find the
architects, the male artist, the male publicist, the female writer, the executive
director, the female lawyer, the male doctor and the female secondary school
teacher. As we will see subsequently, the family cultural practices with
respect to education are very revealing in these family configurations.
With respect to the education of the offspring we were able to distinguish
three types of intergenerational strategy: reproduction, reconversion and
upward mobility. The strategy depends on the aim. If the idea is to maintain
the resources that the family has, this is called a reproduction strategy. When
the desire is to change a particular resource for another of a different nature,
then a reconversion strategy is followed. Finally, if new resources are
acquired with the objective of achieving a higher social position, then an
upward mobility strategy is undertaken. These ideal strategy types are
combined in real life giving rise to mixed or diversified strategies
(Echevarría, 2005).
We also considered it important to analyse the mechanisms of mobility
which are used in the class, group, family or individual strategies for the
transmission or improvement of position in the stratification system. Such
mechanisms include inheritance, marriage, the educational institutions, the
family education, the labour markets and social influences and networks.
Table 2
Intergenerational educational strategies
Intergenerational educational
strategies
Executive director (m) Upward mobility
Publicist (f) Upward mobility
Scientist (m) Reproduction
Writer (f) Reconversion
Artist (m) Reconversion
Doctor (f) Reproduction
Lawyer (m) Reproduction
Engineer (f) Reproduction
Architect (f) Upward mobility
Entrepreneur-Historian (f) Reproduction
Architect (f) Upward mobility
Scientist (m) Reproduction
Doctor (m) Upward mobility
Teacher (f) Reconversion
Manager (m) Reproduction
Lawyer (f) Upward mobility
Source: compiled by the authors
With respect to the reproduction strategies (corresponding to the female

engineer, male lawyer, male scientist, female doctor, female historian, male
scientist and male biochemist), we can see how in families with high family
education capital there is a reproduction of this capital. That is, there is a
resulting reproduction of creative class (parents to offspring). We also find
among our subjects capital reconversion strategies (corresponding to the
female writer, female artist and the female teacher), which change a
particular resource (internalised educational capital) for another of a
different nature (institutionalised educational capital). Finally, we have the
upward mobility strategies (corresponding to the two female architects, male
executive director, male doctor, female publicist and female lawyer) where
qualifications rise from simple school leaving certificates to university
degrees. In order to explain the divergence of educational paths in families
with low family educational capital, the effect of the family configuration
(Lahire, 2013; Martin Criado, 2000) allows us to tackle the complexity of

this phenomenon.
Concerning the decision as to which courses/subjects are to be studied,
this is taken by the parents during the first years of schooling as it is they
who choose the school to enrol the child. This can have a decisive effect on
how their children think, on their thought processes. Parental influence on
the early stages of education is direct, though rather than an influence it may
be better described as a decision taken from within the family which is
related to the values that the parents want their children to attain in the
education system. As far as the role that parents have in the educational
achievements of their children is concerned, Feinstein et al. (2008, p. 24)
state that there exists an intergenerational transmission that is centred on
educational success. In the same way, they explain, through their ecological
model, that the key factors in infancy include the family, the pre-school
environment, neighbours and peer groups. They include a conceptual model
which shows the effects of the education that the parents exert on their
children in terms of their academic performance. So, the influence of the
parents is not only related to the choice of school. It is also important to
evaluate the educational role that the parents played during their children’s
early years.
No. Really, the answer is no. Or rather, it was more than that I think;
what they said to you was a sort of psychological punishment. I mean,
they would say “the fact is you’ve disappointed me”. And for your
dad to tell you that you’ve let him down is like “Oh my God, where
have I failed him?” So, it wasn’t the sort of “you’re grounded”
punishment (female engineer).
Once adolescence is underway, the influence of a close-at-hand family

environment becomes less intense. During this vital period, the influence of
the individual’s group of friends or classmates, or in other words the peer
group influence, begins to gain in importance. One example of this
disengagement from the family core is that adolescence is the time when the
child’s own opinion about the choice of school itinerary begins to have more
weight. As for higher education, whether this is in vocational training or is
university-based, there is no common pattern as to the possible influences of
the parents on the choice made. Some of the participants in the study felt
themselves attracted to a particular type of university degree from an early

age, as was the case of the female architect. According to Winnicott (1971,
p. 150), adolescents “must make a jump to a false maturity”. Winnicott adds
that in cases when parental figures abdicate their responsibilities in the
upbringing of their offspring at adolescence the children would be losing
their most important asset, namely the “freedom to have ideas and to act on
impulse”. However, some narratives of the study participants indicate that
the interest in a particular academic area grew as a result of the influence of
a teacher who gave classes in that subject, or because they found the content
relatively easy or as a consequence of some specific guidance or advice.
I had a teacher in Spanish Language and Literature in my final year

who was also my class tutor. I used to say to myself “I want to be like
him. I like the way he acts and everything” (secondary school
teacher).
I’ll never forget a woman teacher we had for the final year of biology
who then left the school. She gave us really good guidance in our
studies, I mean in terms of advising us about how to prepare for
university” (male doctor).
The hobbies that they had in the family home from an early age, such as
reading and art, were determining factors in the subject choices made by the
female historian and the female philologist. Allowing himself to be led by
instinct or what could almost be described as fate was what most influenced
the chemist. As we can see, the choice of studies is fundamentally
underscored by intrinsic (personal motivation, sensations) and extrinsic
(hobbies learnt, teacher admiration) criteria.
As for the contextual aspects that are reflected in the life histories of our
participants, specifically in those experienced in the primary and secondary
socialisation processes, one of the first aspects is the existence of books in
the family home. There is considerable empirical evidence about the
relationship between the presence of books in the family and the educational
achievements of the children in that family. The fact that a household
contains books however does not necessarily mean that they are read, and it
is the role of the parents that is vital as far as family reading habits are
concerned.
Of the activities that the participants engage in in their free time, the one
that most stands out is reading. This is an activity that for them has become a
habit acquired when they were little and which continues to thrive. One of
the incentives that helped inculcate this habit was the presence of books in
the family home. At school too there were activities allotted exclusively to
the practice of reading. Such is the value that they attach to this activity that,
to a greater or lesser extent, they try to read every day or, at the very least,
on a weekly basis. When the reading is not directly work related, they try to
find more relaxed times of the day like before going to bed.
There have always been lots of books in my house. I always remember

from when I was a little girl seeing the room that my father used as a
study full of books (female lawyer).
In many cases expressions were used by the study participants referring

to the fact that they had “many books” or that “there are more books than
anything else”. As also noted by Lahire (2005), another fundamental aspect
in this influence is that of observation in a family context; the fact that they
could continually see their parents, siblings, etc., reading. In the case of the
female doctor, not only were both parents avid readers but also her
godparents. The parents also enjoyed another hobby that is very interesting
in terms of the construction of a creative spirit: travelling. For her part, the
female writer highlighted the presence of books, attending cultural events,
light opera, theatre, cinema, etc., in her biography and in that of other
members of her family, in particular her brother.
In my family, in general, everybody reads quite a lot. Then, I have a

special relationship with my godparents who’ve been like second
parents to me, (…) they’re people who read an awful lot … she
studied Hispanic language and Culture and is a Spanish Language and
Literature teacher in the same college as my mother and he’s an
engineer and for many years was a company manager … They’re
people, you know, who have always instilled that sort of thing in us.
Travelling is also very important in my family (female doctor).
What they always used to do was to take us out a lot, and to places a
bit unusual for children. They would take us to see light opera, to the
theatre, we went to the cinema a lot, to eat out (…) My brother is an
actor in the theatre. And, I reckon, some of that love of art and of
culture and books and so on, has come from our parents, from both
mum and dad … they’ve always tried to instil in us a love for reading
and for being, how can I explain it, connected with life, if you know
what I mean (female writer).
In her narration, the female architect reported there were few books in the
family home. In her biography it is rather glimpses of the importance of
magazines that we find. In this case, the magazines (home decor, space
design, etc.) are strongly related to her current profession. Also of great
influence were the games she used to play as a child with her friends
(particularly games involving spatial organisation, etc.). Also important was
the figure of her grandfather in relation to spatial reorganisation in the
construction of the family restaurant.
Well, this, yes… I remember that from when I was just a little girl…
You know, magazines and books about spaces and that, I used to like
a lot (…) I would spend the whole weekend doing charcoal drawings.
I wanted tempera paint, tempera that was it… I suppose it was a bit of
wanting to experiment and try out new things (female architect).
The biography of the female publicist is a clear example of the

importance of the extensive social network of the family. As opposed to the
order that she found in her home, she would find things were less tidy and
somewhat more chaotic in the house of her parents’ friends. The customs of
different people, their arrangement of spaces, their choice of presence of
books, music, etc., help us to understand the diversity of ways of life.
Birthday parties were normally held, well, at home, Schoolmates

would then come to your house or we would go to theirs. Then, my
parents used to have a lot of friends and I remember that we went out
a lot to the houses of German friends of my parents who used to do
barbecues (…) I was struck by some of their customs… For example,
listening to classical music, because in my house we played flamenco,
Spanish music, but I hadn’t listened, like that, to classical music in a
more, I’m not sure how to describe it, scholarly way perhaps. And
there were other types of music that we would listen to there as well
(female publicist).
In his narrative, the scientist places particular emphasis on a writing

ritual. He was at a boarding school and every weekend the pupils used to
have to write a letter to their parents. In other studies (Lahire, 1995; Martín
Criado, 2000), these writing practices have been shown to have a positive
influence on a student’s academic results.
We boarders would write the letter… we would be obliged to write the

letter to our parents each weekend and they would come to see us on
the occasional Saturday afternoon and we’d go home in the school
holidays (male scientist).
To conclude this section, we focussed on two aspects that are related and
are extremely relevant in terms of the relationship between the family and
the school world: the form of family authority and domestic moral order.
The question of authority is of great important in our opinion. A lot of
importance is also given in families to the domestic moral order, that is
whether our child behaves properly and respects the teacher’s authority
(Lahire, 1995, p. 23). Cases were told to us of strict teachers, and of others
who were more approachable and who inspired greater trust. The
recollections of teachers that have stayed in the mind of our study
participants are related to the learning abilities that they acquired from them,
regardless of their emotional intensity.
He was a guy with extreme right-wing ideas, but he loved biology and
transmitted that love to us. He may well have been the strictest teacher
I’ve ever had in my life and he’s the only one whose face and name I
can remember. He was strict but fair and it was very clear how much
he adored biology. You could say it was his fault, or thanks to him,
that I ended up studying biology (manager, biologist).
As far as strategies to ensure the maintenance of authority is concerned,

in some cases, as with the female doctor, rather than speaking about
punishments there is more talk of restrictions and obeying established rules.
In some cases, responsibility in family educational practices was passed on
to the children themselves in the educational sphere. The children were thus
left to their own ends. The interviews reveal that on occasions an excess of
freedom and a lack of control on the part of the parents can, as also
suggested by Lahire (1995), lead to the responsibility for studying and

advancement in their school activities being left to the children.
I don’t know if I would call it punishment. My parents weren’t into

punishing as such. I think they were more restrictive than punishers
(…) Then, if I wanted to do something and wanted to go out with my
friends somewhere and they wouldn’t let me, I’d argue and quarrel
and fall out with them. But as for actually punishing me, I wouldn’t
call it that (female doctor).
I was the youngest and they didn’t give a damn about me. It was
unbelievable, you know, and I remember at a school celebration we
had when I was around 16 and we had to perform a dance and I was
the only one (…), they just didn’t care in the slightest about me and
they didn’t come (entrepreneur, historian).
With respect to the interest that parents have in the upbringing and
education of their children, Coleman (2011, p. 739) suggests that there are
three dimensions in which it is possible to observe the potential conflicts that
are generated between society and family. The first of these is the
confrontation that exists between the family’s “values, orientations, customs,
language, rules and culture” and the social order, making this a cultural
conflict. Secondly, we have an educational conflict, in that on the one hand
the family is interested in using its own resources to educate their children,
while on the other society seeks to avail itself of the resources of the family.
Thirdly, there is a generational conflict, as parents are interested in investing
their resources in themselves, whereas the social order attempts to use up the
parents’ resources for the next generation.
Conclusions
An analysis has been undertaken in this paper of the influence of different

family configurations in the social construction of professionals who use
creativity in their fields of work. A biographical approach was used for this
purpose through 16 life histories of creative Spanish professionals, following
the methods of Florida (2002) and Lahire (1995). The main conclusions are
concerned with the extent that family influences affect the selection of
course studies as well as the effect that the transmission of family culture
itself has on the choices made with respect to a particular professional
profile. We have therefore answered the question as to whether there exists
some type of relationship between family educational capital and the
educational level attained by the offspring or, in this particular study, by
these creative professionals. We have also seen the influence that a specific
family configuration has on the educational pathway followed by our
subjects with creative occupations.
With respect to the question of family influences on education, it should
be noted that parental values are important to the extent that it is the parents
who choose the school itinerary in the early years of education. So, primary
socialisation is of fundamental importance in the construction of educational
patterns and models. In the same way, the choices made by the study
participants about the courses they would take were influenced in many
cases by the hobbies and pastimes of their parents. The importance was also
observed of the educational institutions and the family education in
intergenerational strategies.
Different family cultural capitals are transmitted from different practices.
On the one hand, a key aspect is the practice of reading, both in the family
and at school. Existing books and daily reading practices at home, as well as
activities related to reading at school, together with space layout, the
presence of books, etc. On the other hand, the enjoyment and pleasure for
activities related to art (attending exhibitions), music (concerts, playing
instruments, etc.), cultural activities (cinema, theatre, etc.), as well as
pleasure for travel helps to create an ecosystem where diversity and
heterogeneity is part of the lives of future creative professionals.
We have shown with this study the importance of the transmission of
family culture in the construction of people who have creative occupations.
The cases that have been analysed reveal diverse family educational
strategies which have a significant impact on the life histories of the study
participants. Another key point of this study is the confirmation of the
relationship that exists between the family educational capital and the
educational level attained by the offspring. Paternal authority has a
fundamental effect on the relationship between parents and offspring, as
does the value that the parents attach to meritocracy and the extent to which
they transfer this value to the education of their children. In most cases, at
least one of the parents in our study held a university degree. This aspect has
influenced the educational dynamics that have subsequently guided these
creative professionals in that, in an analysis of intergenerational educational
strategies, it was found that most of them have followed a strategy of
reproduction (seven cases) or upward mobility (six cases).
Acknowledgements
This article is a result of the research ''Creative classes in Spain: Composition, development
and creativity'' financed by the Ministry of Economy and Science (ref. CSO2010-17139).
Also, authors appreciate the funding received from the Risk Society Studies Group through
the Diputación General de Aragón.
Notes
1 Freud goes further (Arieti, 1976: 22-26) when suggesting that creativity, like neurosis,
arises from conflicts. In his opinion, the creative person is a sexually frustrated type who
sublimates the conflict. There is nothing in the lives of our subjects which could lead us to
think of the construction of the creative professional in these terms.
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Bullying. Description of the Roles of Victim, Bully, Peer Group,

School, Family and Society
Miguel Urra Canales1

Catalina Acosta Oidor1
Verónica Salazar Baena1
Edwin Jaime Ruiz1
1) Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia
th
To cite this article: Urra Canales, M., Acosta Oidor, C., Salazar Baena, V.,
Jaime Ruiz, E. (2018). Bullying. Description of the Roles of Victim, Bully,
Peer Group, School, Family and Society, International Journal of Sociology
of Education, 7(3), 278-299. doi: 10.17583/rise.2018.3547

October 2018 pp. 278-299
Bullying. Description of the

Roles of Victim, Bully, Peer
Group, School, Family and
Society
Miguel Urra Canales Catalina Acosta Oidor
University of Santo Tomás University of Santo Tomás
Verónica Salazar Baena Edwin Jaime Ruiz

(Received: 12 June 2018; Accepted: 20 September 2018; Published: 25

October 2018)
Abstract
This research defines, through an extensive literature review, the roles played by the
victim, bully, peer group, school, family and society in the dynamics of bullying.
Finally, we conclude that the complexity and diversity of the actors should lead us to
rethink the traditional definitions of school bullying, to stake out the focus of
research projects and to reconstruct prevention and action policies..
Keywords: bullying, school bullying, roles
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3547
October 2018 pp. 278-
Acoso Escolar. Descripción de

los Roles de Víctima, Acosador,
Grupo de Iguales, Escuela,
Familia y Sociedad.
Miguel Urra Canales Catalina Acosta Oidor
Verónica Salazar Baena Edwin Jaime Ruiz

(Recibido: 12 Junio 2018; Aceptado: 20 Septiembre 2018; Publicado: 25

Octubre 2018)
Resumen
Esta investigación define, a través de una amplia revisión bibliográfica, los roles
desempeñados por la víctima, el acosador, el grupo de pares, la escuela, la familia y
la sociedad en la dinámica del acoso escolar. Finalmente, concluimos que la
complejidad y diversidad de los actores debería llevarnos a repensar las definiciones
tradicionales de acoso escolar, a reenfocar los proyectos de investigación y a
reconstruir las políticas de prevención y acción.
Palabras clave: acoso, acoso escolar, roles
2018 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3575
DOI: 10.17583/rise.2018.3631
278 Urra, Acosta, Salazar & Jaime Martínez–Bullying and Roles
he Universal Declaration of the Rights of Boys and Girls gathers the
T right of all children to enjoy an educational system and to develop

as people in healthy and safe conditions. Bullying at school would at
the same time violate these two fundamental rights.
Bullying, understood as those "physical or psychological actions, with
the intention of doing harm and repeated over time, which are directed
towards a defenseless student" (Urra, 2017) is a structural problem in all the
educational systems of the world. Thousands of children suffer every day
mistreatment, insults, threats, coercion, beatings and humiliation. Many
times, research focuses on a school, a region or a country but, since it is a
problem of large dimensions and common to all school systems, it is
necessary to approach it from a macro and sociological perspective.
However, this global perspective should not separate us from each specific
case, but rather, should help us to understand it better, so before raising the
perspective to a general level, it is worth remembering what a child can feel
at the particular (Tettner, 2005):
If my lunchbox spoke,
It would tell you how sad it gets every time we have to eat alone at
school.
If my ears spoke,
They would tell you what torment they feel when someone makes fun
of me.
If my shoes talked,
They would tell you how fast they run when we want to get to a safe
place.
If my glasses spoke,
They would tell you about all the things I see and do not say anything
about.
If my watch spoke,
It would tell you that when I'm late for classes it's because I'm scared.
If my notebooks spoke,
They would tell you that my best thoughts are not there.
If my school report card spoke,
It would tell you that with so much pain I can not have better grades.
If your heart listens when mine wants to talk to you ...
These lines should reach the heart of the researcher who is reading them
and invite them to try to understand in depth this phenomenon, which, as has
already been pointed out, is of growing importance in school environments.
Consulting SCOPUS, between 1990 and June 1, 2018, exactly 3,084 articles
on bullying have been published, with a strong rebound since 2008.
Precisely, in 2018, it has been detected that 8% of the articles that address
bullying are doing it from a role perspective. For example, from the social
status of the aggressors (Longobardi, et. al. 2018), the role of the school
(Hall & Chapman, 2018), the role of teachers (Nappa, et. al 2018), the role
of the family (Zhu, et al., 2018). One of the most interesting (Goldbach, et.
al., 2018), even investigates the multiplicity of roles (for example, being
attacked and aggressor at the same time).
This research starts from the fact that bullying, as a social fact, transcends
the individual and does not occur only between two people, a harasser and a
harassed person. On the contrary, it takes place in a role play in which we
could identify, at least, the victim, the harasser, the peer group, the school,
the family and society.
With this approach, the objective of this article is to describe each of
these roles and show some conclusions that may help to better understand
the phenomenon of bullying.
Results and Findings
Before analyzing the different roles one by one, it is convenient to see what
specific weight each one has within the bullying. An approximation could be
the following:
Table 1
Role distribution
Role Male Female Total

Neutral 14.7 31.2 22.5
Witnesses 26.4 22.4 24.5
Aggressors 4.4. 1.7 3.1
Víctims 32.0 33.8 32.9
Aggressors-Victims 22.6 10.9 17.0
TOTAL (N=5217) 100 100 100
Source: Smith, Singer, Hoel, & Cooper, (2003)
Victims
A survey of teachers and students in the United Kingdom indicates that both,
when defining bullying, refer to the victim as a person who is physically and
psychologically harmed, and who suffers fear because he is continually
intimidated (Naylor, 2006). It is difficult to establish a single profile of the
victims, but we can delve into certain characteristics that people who suffer
bullying usually have.
Age
Surveys show that the most prevalent age of bullying is 10 to 13 years, that
is, preadolescence. These same surveys indicate that at 18 years of age, cases
of bullying are almost nil (Eslea & Rees, 2001).
However, another series of studies, which use qualitative techniques in
addition to the direct survey of students, do not find significant differences
in the incidence of bullying with respect to age. That is, there would be cases
at all ages (Johnson, 2002).
The investigations that try to reconcile the two visions previously
exposed, maintain the critical age in the 10-13 years, but they add an
important nuance: the self-report of bullying (those students that when
answering the surveys are considered harassed) diminishes with the age;
while the reports of teachers or classmates do not behave in the same way,
remaining practically the same throughout all the school stages (Salmivalli,
2002).
Gender
Both boys and girls are victims of bullying, and even with more similar
forms of aggression. However, in this section we will refer to another fact:
gender conflicts in victims of bullying.
Various studies indicate that children who deviate from the "codes of
masculinity" (they cry, show weakness ...) are more prone to suffer
aggressions. Likewise, it is observed that homosexual students are attacked
more frequently. There is even the sad case that homophobic bullying is
more tolerated in general terms (Phoenix, Frosh & Pattman, 2003).
Sociological profile
The different researches carried out indicate that bullying appears in all
social strata.
For example, in South Africa (a country with a marked inequality of
access to education), a study revealed that cases of bullying appeared equally
in schools with predominantly white students, than in schools with mostly
black students; and bullying was found in schools with upper class students
as well as in schools with students from less favored classes (Eisenberg,
Neumark-Sztainer & Perry, 2003). In this sense, other researchs do show
that the fact of belonging to an ethnic minority places the students most
likely to be attacked, but also more likely to become aggressors (Fleschler,
Tortolero & Markham, 2006).
Also, in Finland a large survey on school bullying was conducted, and
the results indicated that cases appeared in both cities and smaller towns.
This same survey, however, did conclude that living with a single parent,
either the father or the mother, slightly increased the chances of becoming a
victim, but also the possibilities of becoming an aggressor (Nordhagen,
Nielsen, Stigum & Köhler, 2005).
Psychological profile
A survey of teachers and students can show us in a very basic way the
psychological profile of victims of bullying: people who seem frightened,
people who seem vulnerable and sad people (Fox & Boulton, 2005).
Deepening a little more, the research revealed that students who suffer
bullying value their stay at school more negatively. In addition, it has also
been shown that students who are victims of bullying often get worse grades
than the rest of their classmates (Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer & Perry,
2003).
Already on a more concrete level, it is demonstrated that victims of
bullying suffer more psychological problems than their peers, as can be seen
in the following table:
Table 2
Proportion of psychological problems between victims and the common students.
Problem Víctims No víctims P R2

Some recurrent psychosomatic problem 31,5% 19,7% <0,001 1,6
Carelessness in appearance 13,6% 4,6% <0,001 3,0
Anxiety 12,7% 4,4% <0,001 2,9
Depression 6,8% 1,9% <0,001 3,6
Loneliness 14,5% 4,8% <0,001 3,0
Dependence 14,2% 5,3% <0,001 2,8
Passivity 8,9% 4% <0,001 2,2
Restless 18,6% 7,4% <0,001 2,5
Need for special education 15,1% 5,8% <0,001 2,6
Source: Nordhagen, Nielsen, Stigum & Köhler (2005).
Physical profile
The different theories about "first impressions" give great importance to the
physical aspect, since it is our "facade", what stands out at sight, what is first
seen. In other words, we could say that the physical aspect is what first
differentiates us from the rest of the people around us and, unfortunately,
those students who are "different" are the target of a multitude of harassing
behaviors. For example, students who are overweight, have a disability or
use orthodontics.
In this sense, it has been found, for example, that research shows that
boys and girls who wear glasses or suffer from a visual disorder have higher
rates of bullying (Honwood, Waylen & Herrick, 2005).
Response to abuses
According to several researches carried out with large samples and diverse
quantitative and qualitative methodologies (Lawrence & Adams, 2006;

Salmivalli, 2002; Mahady, Craig & Pepler, 2000), we could distinguish two
large groups of victims. The first, would be formed by victims with low
aggressiveness: before the harassment show anxiety and insecurity. They
neither provoke the harasser nor try to resist the aggressions, they usually
cry and "give up". The second, the victims would form with high
aggressiveness: before the harassment, they show opposition and sometimes
they try to repel the aggressions.
It is known that fear, guilt or shame leads victims to hide their situation
and try to adapt to it. For this reason, it would be important to study the
"practical response" made by the victims. For example, if they report the
case themselves to the teachers, or confess their situation to their family and
friends; and if they do not, it should be ascertained what factors would
facilitate the reporting of the facts.
Causal attribution.
An important variable when analyzing bullying is the causal attribution
made by the victims; In other words, why do they think they are being
bullied.
Table 3
Causal attribution of those who are bullied.
("If you have been intimidated on occasion, why do you think they did it?")
Because I am the weakest 36,5%

For bothering me 34,8%
Because I'm different from them 30,4%
I do not know 30,4%
For making a joke 9,6%
Because I provoked them 6,1%
Because I deserve it 1,8%
Source: Avilés (2006)
As you can see, the answers are diverse, but three major groups stand out:
feeling weak or feeling different, those who think that bullying is occurring
to annoy them or those who do not know how to attribute a cause. This last
group is especially dramatic, since this "not knowing" generates greater

stress and frustration in the victim, which prevents him from building
patterns of defensive behavior.
Future perspectives
Each case is different, and it is not possible to generalize about how some
victims and others will evolve over time. However, research points to certain
trends.
Longitudinal studies show that victims of severe bullying in school suffer
sequelae throughout their lives: in addition to low self-esteem, they have
difficulties making friends and being successful in their professional and
social lives. As a significant fact, one of these investigations showed that
46% of the people who suffered this severe harassment, has ever considered
suicide (Lynch, 2004)
Another series of longitudinal studies, carried out from a gender
perspective, showed that women who suffered bullying were more likely to
be prone to depression when they were adults. In the same way, males who
were victims of bullying, had in their adult stage more difficulties to
establish romantic relationships (Lawrence & Adams, 2006).
To conclude this section, to say that a certain relationship has also been
found between being a victim of bullying and then being a victim of
workplace bullying in adult professional life (Smith, Singer, Hoel & Cooper,
2003)
The Bully
Age
The aggressor may be elder than the victim, or have the same age. In the
literature review, no studies have been found that show school bullying from
younger to elder.
Gender
In the case of male aggressors, their behaviors are often associated with
"masculinity codes". Because of this, traditional studies show that boys tend
to practice harassment in a more direct, more physical way, while girls
harass in a more subtle, more psychological way. For example, experts refer
to an increase in cyberbullying among girls because new technologies are

perfect for spreading rumors, recordings and denigrating messages (Long,
2006).
However, the most recent research seems to indicate that more and more
girls are exercising more direct forms of violence and aggression.
Sociological profile
Some studies have come to show that children, who bully their peers, largely
come from a family where you can also find aggressors. In this sense, in
studies based on life stories, three generations of bullies have even been
found (Lawrence &Adams, 2006).
Regarding the social status of the aggressors, suffice it to say that we find
cases of bullying in both the most elite schools and the humblest schools.
Psychological profile
At the time of defining psychologically the students who harass their peers,
we would find two profiles.
On the one hand, some studies have found a correlation between feeling
low self-esteem or depressive symptoms, and ending up becoming an
aggressor (Karstadt & Woods, 1999). In a similar vein, other studies have
concluded that boys and girls who have family problems also end up as
aggressors (Roland, 2002).
On the other hand, there are studies that emphasize that the aggressor
enjoys good self-esteem, and even exercises the leadership of a group
(Sutton, Smith & Swettenham 1999; Patterson, 2005).
Causal attribution.
In the first place, it is important to observe the causal self-report offered by
the bullies, that is, why they believe they carry out acts of harassment in
school.
Table 4
Causal attribution of the bullys.
("If you have participated in situations of intimidation towards your classmates, why
did you do it?)
Because they provoked me 64%

For annoying 15,2%
Because I`m bullied too 12,8%
Because they were weaker 4,8%
Because they are different 4%
Note: In the case of aggressors who have been previously victims of harassment, the
majority response, with 35.3%, is " Because I`m bullied too ".
Source: Avilés, (2006)
In addition to these self-reported data by the stalkers, the experts describe

three aspects for which the stalker performs his bullying actions (Lawrence
& Adams, 2006): a) Receive material rewards: the victims end up giving
their money , your lunch, your toys ... etc. b) receives immaterial rewards: he
feels power and a superior position and c) feels some impunity, since he
usually chooses those comrades who will not confess the abuse before the
professors.
Other researchs imply that the feeling of power is the main reinforcer of
the harasser, that is why they choose victims that they consider weak and
submissive, "dominable" (Patterson, 2005).
Bullying actions
A detailed list of harassment actions could be the following: to call him by
nicknames, not to speak to him, to laugh at him when he makes a mistake, to
insult him, to accuse him of things he has not said or done, to tell lies about
him, mess with him for his way of being, make fun of his physical
appearance, not let him play with the group, make gestures of mockery or
contempt towards him, scream or yell at him, criticize everything he does,
imitate him to mock, hate him no reason, change the meaning of what he
says, hit him with punching / punching / kicking, not letting him talk, hiding
things, making a fool of him, having a mania, messing with him to make him
cry, telling others not to be with him or do not talk to him, mess with him
because of his way of speaking, mess with him for being different or stealing
his things (Oñate & Piñuel, 2006).
In addition to these behaviors, new technologies have opened a new field
for harassment, which is known as "cyberbullying" (Stover, 2006). This
electronic harassment occurs through messages or calls from mobile phones,
through email, through chats or instant messaging services, or through the
dissemination of videos or photographs on web pages. Three surveys,
conducted in 2006 in England and Sweden, spoke respectively of 6.6%, 9%
and 5% of students victims of some type of harassment through electronic
means. In addition, these investigations show that both victims and cyber-
aggressors are usually also habitual victims and aggressors (Smith, 2006).
Another survey, conducted in 2003 in the United States, accounted for up to
42% of minors victims of cyberbullying.
These studies also highlight the specific dangers that this new type of
bullying poses to traditional forms: a) It can occur both inside and outside
the school, b) the victim cannot defend himself, and cannot flee or hide, c)
harassers can hide behind the anonymity and d) the audience of
cyberbullying is very broad (this takes on special relevance when spreading
rumors, or showing compromising photographs or videos).
This form of aggression must be taken into account when legislating
about bullying or when planning preventive actions. For example, in the
United States, in 2007, when Facebook and Twitter were barely taking their
first steps, twelve states had already initiated measures to criminalize cyber-
bullying.
The Peer Group.
In the previous sections we have studied the victim and the aggressor.
However, school mistreatment always occurs in a context, within a group of
equals that either may take sides with the aggressor or may defend the
victim.
To refer to this group, the different articles use the English term
"bystander", which we could translate as "witness" or, in a more colloquial
way, as "voyeur". The role played by these "witnesses" is fundamental, since
if they participate in the harassment they lead to the exclusion of the victim,
but if they defend the victim it is very likely that the aggressions will
disappear.
In view of the great importance of the group of comrades, there have
been many studies on their behavior, being defined the three positions that
can be taken: the group that reinforces the harassment, the group that
defends the harassed and the group that ignores the situation.
As for the first, the group that reinforces the harassment, a series of
characteristics have been identified that are usually related to the students
who take sides with the harasser (Lodge & Frydenberg, 2005): They
maintain a friendship with the aggressor , have low self-esteem, give their
friends low emotional support, establish friendships with a high degree of
stress and dissatisfaction, have low self-control, their strategies to deal with
embarrassing situations are ineffective or express less altruistic feelings and
actions. As for the reasons to support the aggressor, we would find the
following (Rigby & Johnson, 2005): It is the safest option (not to look for
problems and follow the game to the strongest), admiration towards the
aggressor (assaulting a partner is considered fun) or hostility toward the
victim ("he deserves it").
Regarding the second group, which defends the victim, a series of
characteristics have been identified that are usually related to the students
who take sides with the victim (Rigby & Johnson, 2005): They maintain a
friendship with the victim, their strategies to deal with difficult situations are
effective, have good self-esteem, express altruistic feelings or give strong
emotional support in their friendship relationships. A study in Australia
asked four hundred students about whether they would defend a victim of
bullying in cases of verbal or physical harassment, and the results were as
follows:
Table 5
Acting in a case of verbal harassment (N=400)
Probably would not

Probably would act Not sure what
act to defend the
to defend the victim would do
victim
Primary boys 54% 26% 21%
Primary girls 66% 26% 8%
High school boys 30% 36% 34%
High school girls 39% 40% 21%
Source: Rigby & Johnson (2006)
Table 6
Acting in a case of physical harassment (N=400)
Probably would not

Probably would act Not sure what
act to defend the
to defend the victim would do
victim
Primary boys 41% 37% 22%
Primary girls 53% 32% 15%
High school boys 31% 31% 28%
High school girls 33% 42% 25%
Source: Rigby & Johnson (2006)
As for the reasons to help the victim, we would find the following (Rigby
& Johnson, 2006): Negative moral judgment on the aggression (it is not
good to abuse others), identification with the victim (well for having
suffered assaults previously, either in solidarity with the victim, or because
"I would not like to see myself in the same situation"), reciprocity (if I help,
win a new friend) or self-fulfillment (feeling happy for helping others,
feeling good person).
In Spain, the Report on School Violence, prepared in 1999 by the
Ombudsman, asked the students: "What do you do when you continuously
get in with a partner?" And the answers were the following:
Table 7
Attitudes of Spanish students in a case of bullying.
They help the victim, if they have friendship with her 44%
They help the victim, even if they have no friendship with her. 32,6%
They warn an adult 10%
They do not do anything 18,5%
They do not do anything, but they think something should be done 14%
They also attack the victim 1,5%
Source: Informe Sobre Violencia Escolar. (DDP, 1999)
Finally, a series of characteristics that tend to be related to students who

ignore harassment situations have been identified (Lodge & Frydenberg,
2005): They have a high level of self-control, they do not usually know the
people attacked and when they observe situations of abuse, then refer
feelings of sadness, disgust, anger, guilt, confusion and "not knowing what
to do".
As for the reasons for ignoring the situation, we would find the following
(Rigby & Johnson, 2005): They do not consider it their problem, fear of the
consequences (both to be attacked directly, and to be rejected by the group ),
holding the victim responsible ("he must learn to defend himself" or
"something he has done"), they consider that his intervention would only
make things worse ("if we do not pay attention to him, the aggressor will
stop") and there are even those who say that they enjoy the show, enjoy
being spectators.
Causal attribution.
In previous points, the causal attribution of victims and aggressors has been
addressed, but it is also important to know the point of view of the peer
group.
Table 8
Causal attribution of those who contemplate abuse.
("Why do you think some children intimidate others?)
For annoying 61,7%

Because they are stronger 30,6%
Because they mess with them, provoke them 21,3%
Source: Avilés, (2006)
As can be seen, a quarter of students see bullying as a joke or a game.

However, 92% identify some causes related to the spirit of causing harm
(disturbing and using force)
The School
When we talk about school, we do it as an institution. That is to say that, for

the purposes of this study, when we speak of "school" we do so in reference
to both primary schools, as well as secondary schools.
Institutional role
The school is the place where bullying behaviors manifest themselves. On
the one hand, schools and institutes are the physical scenario where bullying
occurs and, on the other hand, their internal organization plays an active role
in the dynamics of abuse. In this way, we could talk about the school as a
scenario of abuse and the school as an active agent of abuse.
Regarding the school as a scenario, the most common places where
abuses occur can be listed:
 Round trip to school. Both those who walk, as those who are
made on the school bus.
 Dinning room.
 Playground.
 The classroom.
 The bathrooms.
 The changing rooms.
 The halls.
 Sports courts, gym or pool.

 The car parks of the institutes.
 The streets near the school (especially at the time of departure or
entry to classes).
Regarding the school as an active agent, it is important to take into

account the following aspects:
 School management: the principals mark the guidelines to be
followed in their centers in all aspects, and also in those related
to bullying. The center's management can choose to train
teachers about bullying, form working groups on the school
climate or arrange for special attention to be given to students
who may suffer aggression, for example. (Charach, Pepler &
Ziegler, 1995)
 Relationship between students and the professional team of the
school: it is demonstrated that there are fewer cases of bullying
in those centers where there is a close relationship and
cooperation between professionals and students. It is also very
important that the center's staff does not offer students violent
models (Olweus, 1987).
 Anti-bullying policies that are adopted: logically, if the school
takes part in a series of antibullying policies, the harassment will
tend to diminish.
 Supervision of spaces where abuses usually occur: previously,
we have cited those spaces in which aggressions usually occur.
The investigations show that the supervision of these spaces by
an adult, reduces considerably the rates of harassment. In
addition, if the staff monitoring these spaces has received
specific training on bullying and conflict resolution, the rates
decrease much more (Murphy, Hutchinson & Bailey, 1983).
 General organization of the center: finally, we must mention the
global form in which the school is organized, to the objectives
that are set. If the center's global policies opt for coexistence,
respect and intercooperation in learning, it will be more difficult
for situations of bullying to appear. If, on the other hand, the
center follows very competitive principles, or individualism
prevails, it is easier for aggressive behaviors to appear.
The Teaching Staff
The studies coincide in underlining the great importance of the role of

teachers in cases of bullying. Faced with an aggression, the role of the
faculty can be played in different ways, which positively or negatively
influence both the victim and the aggressor (Yoon & Kerber, 2003):
 No intervention. Ignore the facts.
 Allow those involved to solve the problem among themselves,
for example by apologizing the aggressor.
 Discuss the problem with the rest of the class.
 Take measures against the aggressor, imposing a punishment.
 Inform the center's management and the parents of those
involved.
85% of teachers say they intervene in cases of bullying (Yoon & Kerber,
2003). However, the perceptions of the students are not so optimistic, and
reduce that percentage to only 35%. This may be due to something that
several researches indicate: teachers usually intervene and pay more
attention in cases of physical or verbal harassment, since they are more
direct actions, but they do not act so often in cases of social exclusion.
The Family
Several studies (Smokowski & Kopasz, 2005; Rodki & Hodges, 2003)
inquire about the role of the families of the students who are victims of the
harassment, but also about the families of the aggressors.
As for the families of the victims, they seem to have a tendency towards
overprotection of their sons and daughters. On the one hand, overprotection
can be a risk factor to be a victim of school bullying; since an overprotected
child will have fewer tools to cope with and avoid harassment. On the other
hand, victims of bullying also have some family overprotection once the
harassment situation is brought to an end, as the parents will support their
children by all means so that the abuses do not happen again. Thus, an
excess of family protection can be at the same time the cause and
consequence of bullying.
As for the families of the aggressors, the studies seem to indicate that
they may not pay due attention to their children. This fact often has nothing
to do with lack of care, but with a style of too permissive relationship. For
example, when they learn about the abuses their children commit, they
consider it "children's things" and even, in the case of their sons, they can
see it as something normal. The studies carried out also point out that
aggressors often learn at home that violence can be useful in some cases.
Society / Media / Politicians
The school is not a separate entity from society, but represents and reflects
society itself. This affirmation has a great relation with the cases of school
bullying since, in the end, the victims of bullying are often marked socially.
For example, in a homophobic and hostile to immigration society, it is not
surprising that immigrant students and homosexual students are also
excluded by their schoolmates.
On the other hand, in addition to tolerance towards difference, society
manifests more or less tolerance to cases of bullying. When studying the
prevalence by countries, we will find some where bullying is even
considered beneficial for the development of minors. This tolerance or social
intolerance in the face of bullying is faithfully reflected in the media.
A study of the Spanish press (Márquez & Jáuregui, 2005) would show us
four significant attitudes:
 Political discourse of denial of the conflict. Examples: "the
counselor denies that there is violence in the classrooms and
speaks of disciplinary conflicts" or in a case of harassment
affirming that "it is a case of aggression and an isolated case".
 Reclaiming speech of teachers. More means, more support, more
training, creation of specialized bodies ... etc.
 Speech committed by the specialists.
 Absence of students. Taboo and silence on the part of the peer
group.
Finally, note the great importance of the involvement of the political
class in the fight against bullying. As we will see when studying the
situation of some countries, until there is a serious event, the suicide of a
victim or the murder of an aggressor, the necessary attention is not devoted
to bullying.
Conclusions
The main conclusion of this research is to confirm that bullying is a

phenomenon that transcends the individual and does not occur only between
two people, a bully and the victim. As we can see, the peer group, the
school, the family and society in general also play an important role. This
statement involves three new lines of work.
The first of these would be an invitation to construct a definition of
bullying according to this complex reality, including in it the other actors
that are not only the victim and the bully. Linked to this, we would find a
second line, which would be to conduct research on bullying from this
complex perspective of multiple roles playing at the same time (from case
studies, to surveys or macro analysis). Finally, also to recommend taking
into account this diversity of roles when it comes to building policies, plans,
programs and projects for the prevention and intervention in cases of
bullying.
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Miguel Urra Canales is Professor at University of Santo Tomás, Colombia
Catalina Acosta Oidor is Professor at University of Santo Tomás,

Colombia
Verónica Salazar Baena is Professor at University of Santo Tomás,

Colombia
Edwin Jaime Ruiz is Professor at University of Santo Tomás, Colombia
Contact Address: dec.sociologia@usantotomas.edu.co

Overcoming Disadvantage in Education
Sandra Romero Martín1
1) University of Zaragoza, Spain
Date of publication: October 25th, 2018

Edition period: October 2018 – February 2019
To cite this article: Romero Martín, S. (2018). Overcoming Disadvantage in

Education [Review of the Book]. International Journal of Sociology of
Education, 7(3), 300-302. doi: 10.17583/rise.2018.3807
RISE – International Journal of Sociology of Education Vol 7 No.3
October 2018 pp. 300-302
Reviews
Gorard, S. & See, B.H. (2013). Overcoming Disadvantage in Education.
New York: Routledge
tephen Gorard, profesor de educación y políticas públicas y
S miembro del Wolfson Research Institute, y la investigadora Beng

Huat See, ambos de la Universidad de Durham, presentan una obra
que, desde una visión crítica y utilizando el modelo de causalidad en las
relaciones sociales, trata de mostrar las limitaciones de los estudios
académicos actuales, buscando promover intervenciones educativas más
equitativas orientadas a los colectivos en situaciones desfavorecidas.
Tomando como punto de partida la premisa de que la mejora de los
resultados educativos del alumnado, sobre todo del que se encuentran en
entornos más desfavorecidos, es uno de los retos fundamentales de
responsables políticos y académicos, señalan que muchas de las
investigaciones educativas realizadas carecen del rigor y calidad suficiente
para basar las decisiones políticas en base a éstas. Defienden la necesidad de
trascender los análisis parciales y situar el foco en las bases de las
desigualdades educativas, señalando además algunas de las áreas de estudio
que consideran de vital importancia para el diseño de intervenciones más
efectivas. Para ello, los autores plantean tres elementos. En primer lugar, en
lo referente a las preguntas de investigación, critican su planteamiento
erróneo, así como la incorrecta elección de fuentes, en ocasiones sesgadas.
Por otra parte, a partir de evidencias primarias y secundarias, señalan la
carencia de modelos de análisis pertinentes y efectivos sobre las causas de
las desventajas educativas. Por último, tratan de identificar las principales
variables indicativas de dichas desventajas, distinguiendo entre causas fijas
(como es el caso de la historia familiar) y causas modificables (como la
influencia de profesorado y compañeros o la segregación por características
económicas entre las escuelas), siendo estas últimas las que pueden verse
influenciadas por las intervenciones educativas.
En cuanto a la estructura de la obra, en el primer capítulo se utiliza el

modelo de causalidad en las ciencias sociales para revelar las relaciones
causa-efecto entre los determinantes generadores de desventajas, mostrando
su carácter medible y secuencial y señalando cuáles de ellos son susceptibles
de ser modificados en pro de la reducción de dichas desventajas.
Posteriormente, en el segundo y tercer capítulo, los autores valoran el nivel
de calidad de los datos existentes, haciendo referencia a la falta de rigor y
sistematización en las definiciones y formas de medida del concepto de
desventaja educativa, y señalando su uso arbitrario en muchas
investigaciones, lo que genera errores y sesgos en la información obtenida.
En los capítulos cuatro a once, se recogen algunas de las investigaciones más
relevantes sobre desventajas educativas para, a partir de éstas, señalar los
desafíos metodológicos más importantes. Ponen su atención en elementos
clave, como la estratificación entre escuelas y en el interior de estas, el
impacto del personal docente y de la comunidad o el papel de los padres y
madres, destacando especialmente el cuarto capítulo, centrado en la atención
a la diversidad en el ámbito educativo. Por su parte, el último capítulo
enfatiza los enfoques que, según los autores, pueden resultar más
significativos para generar conocimiento científico basado en evidencias.
Gorard y See explican que, a partir de su modelo, se descubre la relación
entre diversidad escolar y mayor rendimiento del alumnado desfavorecido,
lo que apunta a una relación causal entre segregación y vulnerabilidad. Bajo
este argumento, consideran que la diversidad debe ser promovida desde las
propias escuelas públicas. Además, se muestran de nuevo críticos frente a
anteriores investigaciones, que han negado las relaciones causales entre
variables como la participación de padres y madres, o el nivel de calidad de
centros y equipos docentes, y la desventaja educativa. Para los autores, los
centros educativos deben cumplir el imperativo de representar la diversidad
de las comunidades amplias en las que se encuentran, compensando de este
modo la segregación socioeconómica que se observa dentro de los barrios
que componen dichas comunidades, y generando un escenario que
represente para el alumnado “el tipo de sociedad que deseamos tener, en
lugar de reflejar las desigualdades de la sociedad que realmente tenemos”.
Se muestran partidarios por tanto de un mayor control en la composición

escolar para garantizar la diversidad, señalándola como la tarea educativa de
mayor importancia a desarrollar por los gobiernos centrales y locales, que
tendría la potencial capacidad de poner fin al ciclo de la pobreza, eliminando
la segregación entre barrios y aumentando el éxito educativo del alumnado
más desfavorecido.
Si bien podrían considerarse ciertas limitaciones, como el tono
excesivamente crítico de algunos de sus planteamientos (como su rechazo de
manera generalizada a los constructos existentes, que puede dificultar el uso
práctico de sus recomendaciones), o su escueto abordaje de ejemplos de
análisis de datos eficaz (que podría haber sido un argumento efectivo a favor
de los cambios metodológicos defendidos), lo cierto es que la obra ofrece
reflexiones y sugerencias innovadoras para la superación de las desventajas
educativas, a tener en cuenta tanto por responsables políticos como por
académicos, retando a los investigadores a conservar su visión auto-crítica y
depurar la construcción de sus metodologías de investigación.
Sandra Romero Martín, Universidad de Zaragoza

sandraromero@unizar.es

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International Journal of

New Institutionalism in Everyday – Andrea Jean Bingham……………237

Family Practices in the Construction of Creative Professionals. A

Bullying. Description of the Roles of Victim, Bully, Peer Group, School,

Overcoming Disadvantage in Education – Sandra Romero Martín......300

Programas de Orientación a Mujeres para la Inserción en el

To cite this article: De la Mata, C., Luque Salas, B. (2018). Programas de

To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/rise.2018.3442

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

(Received: 12 April 2018; Accepted: 22 May 2018; Published: 25 October

Keywords: educational counselling, career development, education, gender

2018 Hipatia Press

(Recibido: 12 Abril 2018; Aceptado: 22 Mayo 2018; Publicado: 25 Octubre

Palabras clave: orientación educativa, orientación profesional, género, educación

2018 Hipatia Press

finales del siglo XX, y como consecuencia del Libro Blanco de la

A Comisión Europea sobre crecimiento, competitividad y empleo

La Categoría Género en Relación con el Empleo

Introducir el género como herramienta de trabajo en los procesos de

laboral y provoca mayores dificultades con respecto a los hombres para el

menosprecio a la experiencia femenina en el mercado laboral.

identidad individual y profesional de las mujeres que quieren insertarse en el

El Enfoque Feminista: Visiones e Influencias en el Proceso de

La teoría crítica feminista hace emerger la necesidad de incluir una mirada

Aunque las posturas feministas sean plurales, todas ellas confluyen en

No importa la edad, la etnia, la raza sino que lo relevante es que todas

Las representantes de estas teorías explican que el género, ‘ser mujer’, es

Desde el aquí y ahora, porque solo esto conduce a una perspectiva en

El posmodernismo feminista representado por Haraway (1988) hace una

En nuestra opinión, las distintas aproximaciones epistemológicas

Los razonamientos científicos en torno al género han permitido un

eliminar desigualdades y fomentar procesos de cambio social entre los

ser un obstáculo en su carrera laboral si no se corrigen. Hay que tener en

FASES DE UN PROCESO DE CONSIDERACIONES

2.- RECOGIDA DE INFORMACIÓN Y ANÁLISIS

3.- DISEÑO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

4.- DESARROLLO DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

5.- FINALIZACIÓN Y EVALUACIÓN DEL ITINERARIO PERSONALIZADO DE INSERCIÓN

3.- Utilización de técnicas que contemplan el acercamiento a las usuarias

Detectar factores de Actitudes y tiempos de las mujeres para emplearse: datos de

Profundizar en las Cuéntame que buscas en un empleo: tener éxito, ayudar a la

Motivar y reforzar el A través de la entrevista en profundidad se buscan

En las primeras citas es muy importante identificar las relaciones existentes

manera integral tratando de comprender a las personas en su marco de

Los argumentos teóricos que propone la teoría crítica feminista sugieren la

Los itinerarios de inserción laboral proyectan en su implementación los

Los programas para mejorar la empleabilidad de las mujeres han utilizado la

- Impulsan cambios a nivel personal en las mujeres, que encuentran

Adán, C. (2006). Feminismo y conocimiento: de la experiencia de las

Batra, E. (2012). Acerca de la investigación y la metodología feminista. En

Fox-Keller, E. (1985). Reflection in gender and science. New Haven: Yale

Kantor, P. (2002). Gender, microenterprise success and cultural context: the

Monereo y J.L Pozo (Coords). La práctica del asesoramiento

Carmen de la Mata is Professor at University of Córdoba, Spain

Bárbara Luque is Professor at University of Zaragoza, Spain

Contact Address: m02maagm@uco.es

New Institutionalism in Everyday Life

Andrea Jean Bingham1

To cite this article: Bingham, A.J. (2018). New Institutionalism in Everyday

To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/rise.2018.3532

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

(Received: 4 June 2018; Accepted: 17 September 2018; Published: 25

Keywords: institutional theory, dramaturgical analysis, sociology of education