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Faith Begay
Professor William H. Durham
Conservation and Development Dilemmas in the Amazon
Final Paper
10/11/10

A Model To Be Followed: How Education Leads To Cultural Preservation

Introduction

The Kayapó are a Brazilian Indian tribe along the Xingu River in the northeastern

part of Brazil. The division of the Kayapó that this paper will address is the Gorotire

Kayapó witch consist of about 2,500 people. The Kayapó have a rich and vibrant culture

that needs to be preserved. The Gorotire have a unique way of preserving this culture that

other indigenous tribes in the Amazon Basin should consider following. This group was

able to gain control of mining operations on their land and use this profit to their

advantage. This paper will argue that through revenue gained from resource extraction,

the Kayapó are able to provide some members with a Brazilian education that supplies

them with the tools necessary to advocate for their group, which in turn preserves their

culture.

Hypotheses

There are three hypotheses this paper will test. The first hypothesis is: 1.) Sending

some members of the Kayapó to receive a Brazilian education harms the Kayapó way of

life. One may think that by showing some members of the tribe the outside Brazilian

world and educating them in “Western” subjects will cause them to lose their traditional

way of life. The second hypothesis will explore the opposite. 2.) Mastery in Portuguese

and knowledge of the Brazilian world as a result of a Brazilian education helps members

of the Gorotire advocate for their group. Could it be that a Brazilian education actually

helps the Kayapó preserve their culture and traditional way of life? This hypothesis is

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going to explore the possibility that having a Brazilian education can give Kayapó the

tools and skills necessary to effectively advocate for their tribe. The last hypothesis is

partially connected to the second hypothesis. 3.) The ability to advocate for their tribe

allows them to ensure cultural preservation. This hypothesis investigates the prospect that

having the ability to advocate for tribal interests can protect Kayapó people, culture and

their way of life by not letting it get over run by outside interests like hydroelectric dams,

for example.

Background: Gold Mine

Gold mining was beginning to encroach on Kayapó land. The miners were

disturbing the rivers, traditional hunting paths and the land. For example, “the Cumaru

gold mine attracted up to 20,000 miners, and mercury and silt pollution rapidly made

water in Kayapó villages downstream of the mine unfit for fishing and drinking.”

(Martin, 1998: 4) Because of this, the

Kayapó were not in favor of the mining

and put up a tough militant resistance,

however, the miners continued to come.

The Kayapó feared for their land and way

of life, and began to communicate with the Brazilian government for demarcation of their

land. The Brazilian government was not responding the Kayapó’s request so in response

they blocked off a major airstrip on the Cumaru Gold Mine, which occupied part of their

land. Finally, the Brazilian government gave in and declared a reserve of “…3.26 million

hectares. All external resource-extracting activities were made subject to the approval of

the Kayapó and were required to turn over 5% of their profits to the Kayapó village

chiefs.” (Martin, 1998: 3) Maria Bonita is a mining town located inside Kayapó territory.

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The Kayapó announced they would allow the mining town to exist in their territory if

there were no women, alcohol, or guns. Maria Bonita is run by four Gorotire warriors and

the Kayapó keep a close eye on every aspect of the mining production. Each day after the

miners are done mining they must check in

with the Kayapó and report any gold they

found that day. The inspectors search the

miners and all their belongings before they

are permitted to go home. Most miners

comply with these rules and do not try to smuggle anything past the Kayapó because of

their fierce reputation for torturing or killing outsiders that do not comply. About forty

million dollars a year comes into mining areas on Kayapó land and since the Kayapó

receive five percent they receive about two million a year. These figures were derived

from Turner’s Disappearing World The Kayapó.

The Kayapó use this two million dollars a year to buy planes to patrol their land,

build a medical center, and most importantly provide members of their group with a

Brazilian education. Usually only sons of chiefs or distinguished members of the group

are given this opportunity, however, this system of educating these men in Portuguese

and teaching them how the country of Brazil operates has given them the experience and

tools necessary to advocate for their people. In Brazil they are taught subjects such as

administration, bookkeeping and mathematics, for example. Some boys leave as early as

twelve years old.

Avocation

In 1987 the Brazilian government proposed a plan to build a sequence of hydroelectric

dams along the Xingu River. These dams threatened to flood Kayapó territory and force

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the Kayapó and other indigenous tribes to relocate. They would destroy traditional

hunting grounds as well as various fish, animal and plant ecosystems. The first

hydroelectric dam was near the town of Altamira and

its construction rested on a $500 million loan from

the World Bank. The Kayapó were strongly opposed

to this plan and began to put their skills learned from

their Brazilian education to use. The most prominent

leader in this endeavor was Payakan, who had

received a Brazilian education as a young man. He was fluent in Portuguese and was

familiar with the Brazilian way of life and political system. He persuaded the

hydroelectric company that ran the Tucurui Dam to let him and his tribe inspect the dam

and see what damage this dam has caused so they could decide what effects subsequent

dams the government was trying to build would have. They saw major water overflow in

areas that destroyed large expanses of forest and fish species. In the film Out of The

Forest one Kayapó elder is devastated by the site of dead tree stumps poking out of the

water; the only evidence of a once flourishing forest. In 1989 after witnessing the

devastation caused by the Tucurui Dam,

the Kayapó decided to organize a protest

in the Brazilian town of Altamira, the site

of one of the proposed dams. Six hundred

Kayapó and forty other indigenous groups

made the trek out of the forest to show

their opposition to the dam in the meeting at Altamira. The knowledge learned from the

Brazilian education made possible by gold mine revenues proved to be valuable.

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Brazilian officials and the press were also present at this meeting to hear what the

Kayapó and other indigenous people had to say. Various Kayapó leaders went to the

podium and told of the devastating effects this dam will have on their people and way of

life. Payakan who has been educated in the Brazilian education system said, “We say to

others they should respect our forest, as we would respect our own brother. Do not abuse

one of our kin. We furthermore declare, do not build this dam on the Xingu River!”

(Turner, 1987: Disappearing World) In a very diplomatic way Payakan’s uncle, Raoni,

said, “So my work is to bring about an understanding between us and you whites so you

clearly understand the likely consequences of your acts.” (Turner, 1987: Disappearing

World) The Kayapó were able to raise enough attention and effectively show the harmful

effects the dam would have on their land and people by articulating their thoughts to the

Brazilian government. This resulted in the $500 million loan from the World Bank being

denied.

Kayapó Culture and Way of Life Preserved

Kayapó villages are constructed with the men’s house or ngá (Posey, 1979: 10) in

the middle and the rest of the homes forming a circle around it. Young boys are removed

from their family’s home at age eight and placed in the men’s house, which acts as a kind

of boarding school for the boys. This is where they are taught to hunt, use bows and

arrows, and learn everything needed in order to become adequate Kayapó men. These

young boys and all other unmarried men occupy the men’s house. Only when a man

marries a woman is he allowed to leave the men’s house and move in with his wife’s

family.

The Kayapó have a unique way of dividing the tribe into age groups. The age

groups are as follows:

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Male Category Name Age Range %Population

(a) infant until fully able to walk 0-3 13.3%

(b)child to time of puberty 2-11 23.2%

(c) post-puberty, formal introduction 11-18 0.3%

into men’s house until full initiation
as adults

(d) sociological adulthood; initiation 15-21 6.7%

of regular sexual relations

(e) men with children 18-34 30.1%

(f) older men with many children 30-73 16.4%

or grandchildren

Female Category Name Age Range %Population

(a) infant to first signs of secondary 0-7 25.1%

sexual characteristics

(b) to time of first menstruation 7-3 20.3%

(c) to birth of first child 11-18 8.1%

(d) women with children 12-42 30.1%

(e) older women with many

children or grandchildren 28-78 16.4%

(Posey 1979:13)

These age groups are an ancient Kayapó social structure of Kayapó life and determine

what work each person will do. For example, boys of age two to eleven are in charge of

carrying palm leaves for the bottom of the huts. Both men and women always work

together in their age groups.

One of the important traditions the Kayapó still take part in to this day is “The

Attack on the Fish”. This is a traditional way of hunting that all Kayapó boys are taught

growing up in the men’s house. The Kayapó use bundles of vines to beat the surface of

the water to create a sound that deprives the water of oxygen. This drives the fish to the

surface where eager Kayapó are waiting to shoot them with their arrows. The Kayapó are

very in tune with nature and have a deep-rooted respect for the forest and its occupants.

“Each time the Indians opened a beehive they would return a part of the brood comb to

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the hive, carefully closing the nest so the colony could re-establish itself.” (Posey, 2002:

55)

Another important ritual is the Kayapó naming ceremony. The naming ceremony

is a huge honor and production. The family of the child or children being named must

prepare food for the entire village for the day of the ceremony. This involves days of

hunting, gathering, gardening and an enormous amount of cooking in preparation for the

ceremony. The naming ceremony involves days of dancing and singing in the Kayapó

language. This ceremony is held in high regards by the people and must follow certain

procedures as illustrated by Fisher “the ornaments that may be used are specifically

defined, as are the order of the proceedings, the sequence of dances, positions of the

dancers, and point of origin within the village at which the dance sequence originates and

ends.” (Fisher, 2003:120)

The Shaman or “Wayanga” is an integral part in Kayapó life. “They are the wise

men of the tribe, not only because of their abilities to manipulate natural forces, but also

because of their wealth of cultural

knowledge.” (Posey, 2002: 48) The

Shamans have an immense knowledge of

plants and herbs that can be used for

medicinal purposes to cure diseases and

illnesses. They are thought to also possess

a kind of mystical knowledge that others who have not had the out of body experience

and training necessary to become a Shaman can understand.

As shown from these examples the Kayapó way of life is still very intact. The

Gorotire still structure their homes in the traditional way with the men’s house in the

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middle. They still follow the age groups system, fish traditionally, take part in traditional

naming ceremonies and Shamans remain an essential part of Kayapó life. When asked if

the Gorotire are losing their culture one Kayapó man says:

“We don’t lust over money, we don’t lust over Brazilian things. We still go to the

forest and hunt animals. We all still go fishing. Our wives still go to the gardens

to get food for our children. We do everything just as before.” (Turner, 1987:

Disappearing World)

Findings

It has been proven that the Kayapó way of life is very well preserved and thriving

even after some members were introduced to a Brazilian education. Therefore, hypothesis

number one that states: “sending some members of the Kayapó to receive a Brazilian

education harms the Kayapó way of life” is dismissed.

Hypothesis number two that states: “the mastery in Portuguese and knowledge of

the Brazilian world as a result of a Brazilian education helps members of the Gorotire

advocate for their group” has been proven to be true. Because Raoni and Payakan had

knowledge of the Brazilian world and were fluent in Portuguese as a result of a Brazilian

education they knew how the Brazilian world worked and were able to set up a

diplomatic meeting at Altamira. Payakan was able to persuade hydroelectric operators to

investigate the damage the Tucurui Dam had on the forest and then use that knowledge to

set up a case against the building of subsequent dams on Kayapó land. Because of their

education they were able to communicate their thoughts and concerns to the Brazilian

government at Altamira. If these men had not had a Brazilian education they would not

have a clue as to what they should do to stop this dam. They would not understand the

importance of diplomacy, initiating meetings and would not be able to effectively

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communicate their ideas to the press and Brazilian government in Portuguese. Without a

Brazilian education they would have probably turned to militant attacks, which would

most likely have proven to be useless.

Hypothesis number three that states: “the ability to advocate for their tribe allows

them to ensure cultural preservation” has proven to also be true. If the Kayapó had not

been able to effectively advocate for their people at Altamira the $500 million loan from

the World Bank may have went through. The dams would have been built and valuable

fishing locations and hunting paths the Kayapó have used for centuries would have been

destroyed. The natural ecosystem of plants and fish would have been ruined because of

flooding; which would have resulted in loss of traditional hunting and fishing methods

like “The Attack on the Fish”. Valuable medicinal plants that the Shaman utilized would

have also been wiped out and part of the Kayapó culture would be in jeopardy of being

lost. Therefore, by being able to effectively advocate for the Kayapó people, the Kayapó

were able to shut down the building of the dam and in turn protect their culture and way

of life.

Conclusions And Recommendations

The Kayapó people are a fierce people that have a vibrant culture. They have been

constantly attacked by outside interests in the form of gold mines and hydroelectric dams.

After not being able to fight off the gold miners the Kayapó were able to make the best of

a bad situation by demanding a percentage of the profits in the gold mine. By using these

profits to send some of their members to receive a Brazilian education the Kayapó were

able to create leaders who were able to effectively advocate for the Kayapó people using

the tools and skills they learned in Brazil. By being able to effectively advocate for their

tribe the Kayapó have been able to halt the building of hydroelectric dams on their land;

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which resulted in preservation of traditional ecosystems, fishing locations, hunting trails,

medicinal plants and, as a whole, their way of life. This model of using revenue gained

from resource extraction to provide members of their group with a “Western” education

is a good model for other indigenous groups to follow. It gives indigenous leaders the

expertise and knowledge to successfully advocate for their group, and avocation leads to

preserving the vibrant and exceptional cultures of the indigenous groups of the Amazon.

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Bibliography

Fisher, William H. "Name Rituals and Acts of Feeling Among the Kayapó." Thesis.

2003. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (2003): 1-117. Print.

Horak, Martin. "Transforming the traditional: indigenous Amazonian resource regimes

and resource capture by external actors - the case of Brazil's Kayapó." Journal of

Environment & Development 7.1 (1998): 32+. Academic OneFile. Web. 11 Oct.

2010.

Out of the Forest. Dir. Terry Turner. Granada Television [production Company, 1991.

Posey, Darrell A. Ethnoentomology Of The Gorotire Kayapó Of Central Brazil. Georgia:

Universal Microfilms International, 1979. Print.

Posey, Darrell Addison, and Kristina Plenderleith. Kayapó Ethnoecology and Culture.

London: Routledge, 2002. Print.

The Kayapó: Disappearing World. Dir. Terry Turner. Granada Television [production

Company, 1987.

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