Perjury Chart: Trump Associates’ Lies, False, or Misleading Statements on Russia

to Federal Authorities

By Ryan Goodman
co-editor-in-chief, Just Security

It is a federal offense to intentionally make false statements to Congress, the FBI, and other
federal authorities. It is also a crime to encourage others to do so (that is, in technical terms, to
“suborn perjury”). It is also a crime to engage in a conspiracy to lie to federal authorities. A
conspiracy can involve a tacit or explicit agreement to commit the criminal activity.

Possible Lies and False Statements to Contradictory Information

Federal Authorities

1. Jeff Sessions
(1) probably lied to Congress about his communications with Russian government officials
and (2) possibly lied to Congress about his knowledge of other campaign members’ contacts
with Russian government officials (starting Jan. 2017)

Sessions stated that he did not communicate
with members of the Russian government
during the campaign, at least not on
campaign-related topics. He also stated that
he had no knowledge of other campaign
members’ contacts with Russians.
January 10, 2017:
During Jeff Sessions’ confirmation hearing,
Sen. Al Franken asked Sessions: If there was
any evidence that anyone affiliated with the
Trump campaign communicated with the
Russian government in the course of this
campaign, what would you do?
In response, Sessions stated: “I'm not aware
of any of those activities. I have been called a
surrogate at a time or two in that campaign
and I didn't have — did not have
communications with the Russians, and I'm
unable to comment on it.”
January 17, 2018:
Senator Patrick Leahy asked Sessions in a
written questionnaire, “Several of the
President-Elect’s nominees or senior advisers
have Russian ties. Have you been in contact
with anyone connected to any part of the
(1) Sessions’ contacts with Russian
government and content of those
communications
While Sessions initially stated that he did not
communicate with the Russian government
during the campaign, it was then discovered
that he met with Russian Ambassador Sergey
Kislyak at least three times. Sessions then
claimed he meant he did not discuss any
campaign-related topics in his meetings with
the Russian ambassador. It was then reported
that Kislyak had told Russian colleagues at
the time that he did discuss the campaign
with Sessions. Sessions never squarely
refuted that fact. Instead, he later told
Congress that he did not discuss “the details
of the campaign” with Kislyak. But Sessions’
initial statements, even if read in the light
most favorable to him—that he had no
communications with the Russian
government about the campaign prior to the
election—was apparently false.
(2) Sessions’ awareness of Trump campaign
members’ and associates’ contacts with
Russian officials and Russian nationals
Sessions chaired the national security team
for the Trump campaign, which included

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Russian government about the 2016 election,
either before or after Election Day?”
Sessions responded with one word: “No.”
In subsequent congressional hearings,
Sessions maintained that he was unaware of
any Trump campaign members or surrogates
having contacts with Russians.
On June 13, 2017, Sen. Kamala Harris and
Sessions had the following exchange:
“HARRIS: Are you aware of any
communications with other Trump campaign
officials and associates that they had with
Russian officials or any Russian nationals?
SESSIONS: I don’t recall that.”
On Oct. 18, 2017, Franken and Sessions had
the following exchange:
“FRANKEN: [Y]ou don’t believe that
surrogates from the Trump campaign had
communications with the Russians? Is that
what you’re saying?
SESSIONS: I did not and I’m not aware of
anyone else that did, and I don’t believe it
happened.
FRANKEN: And you don’t believe it now?
SESSIONS: I don’t believe it happened.”
2. Jared Kushner (part 1)
made material omissions on his security clearance forms (January-June 2017)
On January 18, 2017, Jared Kushner, the
president’s son-in-law and adviser, submitted
his SF-86 security clearance form, which
required him to disclose “close and/or
continuing contact with a foreign national
within the last seven (7) years” as well as any
contact with a representative of a foreign
government.
Kushner’s initial submission omitted any
mention of contacts with foreign nationals. In
April 2017, Kushner’s lawyer told the New
George Papadopoulos and Carter Page.
Papadopoulos kept members of the campaign
informed of his frequent contacts with
Russian agents, and Carter Page emailed the
campaign from his trip to Moscow informing
colleagues of “outreach I’ve received from a
few Russian legislators and senior members
of the Presidential administration here.”
However, the available public record does not
name Sessions in describing the
Papadopoulos or Page correspondence.
Sessions has a strong defense on the more
general question of whether he knew Page
had communications with Russian nationals.
By the time Sessions appeared before the
Senate in January 2017, it was widely
reported that Page had made the trip to
Russia, and Page had given multiple
interviews to that effect. Sessions was
naturally not denying something that was
open and common knowledge.
The public record indicates that Kushner
omitted several contacts with foreign
nationals during the course of the
presidential campaign and transition.
Examples include:
On April 27, 2016: Senator Jeff Sessions and
Kushner reportedly met with Kislyak in a
small gathering at the Mayflower Hotel in
Washington, D.C., where candidate Trump
made his first foreign policy speech. Kushner
played a significant role in the planning and
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York Times that Kushner’s SF-86 had been
submitted “prematurely” and that Kushner
would be supplementing his submission.
After mid-January 2017, Kushner filed four
addendums to his SF-86.
Kushner did not list the Trump Tower
meeting with Russian agent, Natalia
Veselnitskaya, until June 21, 2017. He told
Congress, in a written statement, that the
reason he did not include it in his initial or
prior amended forms because he forgot the
meeting and hadn’t read the emails he
received setting up the meeting: “I did not
remember the meeting and certainly did not
remember it as one with anyone who had to
be included on an SF-86. When documents
reviewed for production in connection with
committee requests reminded me that
meeting had occurred, and because of the
language in the email chain that I then read
for the first time, I included that meeting on a
supplement.”
Kushner’s lawyer states that the meeting was
included “out of an abundance of caution”
after correspondence relating to the meeting
was discovered while reviewing Kushner’s
emails. Kushner told Congress, he added
Veselnitskaya in his amended form, “even
though my attorneys were unable to conclude
that the Russian lawyer was a representative
of any foreign country and thus fell outside
the scope of the form.”
execution of the event. Kushner also
reportedly was in multiple phone calls with
the Russian ambassador. Kushner told
Congress, “on November 9, the day after the
election, I could not even remember the name
of the Russian Ambassador.”
On June 9, 2016: Kushner, Donald Trump
Jr., and Paul Manafort met with Russian
lawyer and lobbyist, Natalia Veselnitskaya at
Trump Tower in New York. Rob Goldstone,
who arranged the meeting, presented
Veselnitskaya as a “Russian government
attorney” in his email exchanges with Trump
Jr. In addition to Goldstone and
Veselnitskaya, the Russian delegation also
included: Ike Kaveladze, a dual Georgian-
American citizen and businessman; Rinat
Akhmetshin, a Russian-American lobbyist
with widely reported ties to Russian
intelligence; and Anatoli Samochornov, an
American citizen who served as
Veselnitskaya’s translator.
In December 2016: Kushner, along with
incoming national security advisor, Michael
Flynn, met with Kislyak. During the meeting,
Kushner reportedly discussed the possibility
of establishing a backchannel between
members of the Trump transition team and
Moscow, using Russian diplomatic facilities
and thus bypassing U.S. intelligence services.
In December 2016: Kushner met with Sergey
Gorkov, the President of U.S.-sanctioned VBE
bank. Kushner admitted to Congress that
Kislyak asked him to meet with Gorkov
because the banker was “someone with a
direct line to the Russian President who could
give insight into how Putin was viewing the
new administration and best ways to work
together.”
On December 15, 2016: Kushner and Flynn
secretly met with UAE Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and George
Nader in Trump Tower. The Crown Prince
breached standard protocol by failing to
notify the Obama administration of his visit
to the United States.
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3. Michael Flynn
lied to the FBI about communications with the Russian ambassador (Jan. 24, 2017)

According to Michael Flynn’s plea agreement, As part of his plea deal, Flynn’s Statement of
he admitted to lying to the FBI about the Offense documents his intentional false
content of his communications with Kislyak statements to the FBI regarding his
in his interview with investigators on January communications with Kislyak.
24, 2017. Flynn falsely stated to the FBI
investigators that “he did not ask Russia’s
Ambassador...to refrain from escalating the
situation in response to sanctions that the
United States had imposed against Russia”
for the 2016 election interference. Flynn also
falsely stated that he did not remember a
follow-up conversation in which the Russian
ambassador told him that “Russia had chosen
to moderate its response to those sanctions as
a result of Flynn’s request.”

The Special Counsel’s “Statement-of-Offense”

also states that Flynn falsely told
investigators he had not contacted members
of foreign governments, including Russia,
during the presidential transition to learn
about their country’s response to a U.N.
Security Council Resolution critical of Israeli
settlements, nor that he advocated or
attempted to influence their position. Flynn
also falsely stated that the Russian
ambassador never described to him Russia’s
response regarding the resolution.

4. George Papadopoulos
lied to the FBI about his Russian contacts (Jan. 27, 2017)

In his interview with the FBI, George
Papadopoulos, a foreign policy advisor for the
Trump campaign, omitted his efforts to
facilitate a meeting between Moscow and
campaign officials.
As part of his plea deal, Papadopoulos’
Statement of Offense, and other filings by the
Special Counsel, document his intentional
false statements to the FBI.

Papadopoulos told investigators that his

interactions with Professor Joseph Mifsud, a
suspected Russian government agent,
occurred before he joined the campaign.
These interactions included the professor
disclosing that the Russians had “dirt” on
Hillary Clinton in the form of “thousands of
emails.”

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5. K.T. McFarland
probably lied to Congress about knowledge of Flynn’s phone calls with the Russian
ambassador (July 2017)
K.T. McFarland, who served as a senior
official on the Trump Transition Team and
deputy national security advisor under Flynn,
appeared before the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations in July 2017 for her
nomination as ambassador to Singapore.
During the confirmation process, Sen. Cory
Booker (D-N.J.) asked whether she had ever
spoken to Flynn, before President Trump
took office, about his contacts with Kislyak.
In response to Booker’s question, McFarland
stated: “I am not aware of any of the issues or
events described above.”
6. Michael Caputo
probably lied to Congress about his contacts with Russians (July 13, 2017)
Michael Caputo, a senior Trump campaign
communications adviser, told reporters in a
press conference immediately following his
closed-door testimony with the House
Intelligence Committee in July 2017, “I spent
my time in front of the committee detailing
the fact that I had no contact with Russians,
that I never heard of anyone with the Trump
campaign talking with Russians.”
Shortly after the Obama White House
notified Russia about the sanctions it was
imposing, Kislyak contacted Flynn. Flynn
then consulted with McFarland, who was
with other senior members of the transition
team at Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s resort in
Florida. Flynn discussed with McFarland
“what, if anything, to communicate to the
Russian Ambassador about the U.S.
Sanctions,” according to Flynn’s guilty plea.
Immediately following their discussion, Flynn
called Kislyak. Shortly after the call with the
Russian ambassador, Flynn orally briefed
McFarland “to report on the substance of his
call with the Russian Ambassador, including
their discussion of the U.S. Sanctions,” Flynn
admitted in federal court.
McFarland’s email communications, which
were sent to other transition team officials,
and obtained by the New York Times,
corroborate the account in Flynn’s statement
in federal court. In her email to Thomas
Bossert, who also served on the transition
team, she said, “General Flynn is talking to
the Russian ambassador this evening” and
that “key will be Russia’s response over the
next few days.”
After Flynn’s guilty plea on December 1, 2017,
and the publication of the Times report on
Dec. 4, McFarland withdrew her name from
consideration for ambassador to Singapore.
In May 2016, Caputo, who has had deep
business ties to Russia and is described as a
protégé of Roger Stone, arranged for Stone to
meet in Sunny Isles, Florida, with a Russian
national, “Henry Greenberg” (a.k.a. Henry
Oknyansky) who said he could provide
damaging information to the campaign about
Hillary Clinton. “How crazy is the Russian?”
Caputo texted Stone after the meeting.
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“Caputo said that he was asked during a
session with the committee in July whether
he’d ever been offered information about the
Clinton campaign by a Russian, and he either
answered “no” or that he could not recall,”
the Washington Post reported.
7. Jared Kushner (part 2)
(1) probably lied to Congress about his knowledge of the reason for the June 9 Russia meeting
in Trump Tower and (2) possibly made false statements about proposing a backchannel to
Russia (July 24, 2017)
(1) Advance knowledge of June 9 Trump
Tower meeting
In his written statement submitted to
Congress, Kushner stated that he did not read
the email exchange between Donald Trump
Jr. and Rob Goldstone before the meeting
and denied that he knew what the June 9
meeting was going to be about.
(2) Backchannel to Russia
In his written testimony, Kushner denied
attempting to create “a secret backchannel”
during a meeting with Kislyak and Flynn on
December 1, 2016 at Trump Tower. He
stated: “I did not suggest an ongoing secret
form of communication for then or for when
the administration took office. I did not raise
the possibility of using the embassy or any
other Russian facility for any purpose other
than this one possible conversation in the
transition period. We did not discuss
sanctions.”
Caputo’s attorney sent a letter amending his
client’s testimony in June 2018 following
Caputo’s interview with Special Counsel
Mueller, where he was confronted with text
messages between Stone and himself about
the Greenberg meeting.
(1) Advance knowledge of June 9 Trump
Tower meeting
According to the House Intelligence
Committee Majority’s report, Trump Jr.,
Kushner, and Manafort attended the meeting
“where they expected to receive…derogatory
information on candidate Clinton from
Russian sources.” The email exchange, which
Trump Jr. forwarded to Kushner, used the
subject line: “Russia - Clinton - private and
confidential.”
For more on this see: “House Intel
Committee Findings Contradict Kushner’s
Testimony.”
President Trump’s personal attorney, Rudy
Giuliani, told CNN that a preparatory
meeting took place on June 7, 2016 and
involved Trump campaign officials including
Kushner, Trump Jr., Paul Manafort, Rick
Gates, and Michael Cohen. Gates and Cohen
are cooperating with Mueller’s investigation.
Giuliani’s statements on this have shifted,
and he is generally sloppy with the facts,
either intentionally to sow confusion or
unintentionally.
(2) Backchannel to Russia
According to the Washington Post and New
York Times, Kislyak told his superiors that
Kushner proposed the possibility of setting
up a secret communications channel between
the Trump transition team and Moscow,
using Russian diplomatic facilities that would
bypass U.S. intelligence agencies.
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8. Michael Cohen
lied to Congress about the Moscow Trump Tower Project (Aug. 28, 2017)

President Trump’s long-time personal lawyer
and fixer, Michael Cohen, lied to Congress
about a deal for a Trump Tower in Moscow,
which he was working to arrange in 2015 and
2016. According to descriptions by the
Special Counsel in court documents, Cohen’s
lies included making false representations
that “the Moscow Project ended in January
2016 and was not discussed extensively with
others in the Company,” including other
Trump family members. Cohen also lied
about taking steps to arrange for him, and
possibly Trump, travelling to Russia during
the campaign, and about the responses he
received from Russian officials after he
reached out to the Kremlin by email.
As part of his plea deal, Cohen’s Criminal
Information outlines his intentional false
statements to the FBI.
Importantly, in a separate court filing, Cohen
stated: “in the weeks during which his then-
counsel prepared his written response to the
Congressional Committees, Michael
remained in close and regular contact with
White House-based staff and legal counsel to
Client-1 [Donald Trump].” The Special
Counsel’s Sentencing Memorandum, in Dec.
2018, stated: “Cohen provided relevant and
useful information concerning his contacts
with persons connected to the White House
during the 2017-2018 time period,” and
“Cohen described the circumstances of
preparing and circulating his response to the
congressional inquiries, while continuing to
accept responsibility for the false statements
contained within it.”

9. Donald Trump Jr.

(1) probably lied to Congress about receiving offers of assistance from other foreign
governments; (2) probably lied about candidate Trump’s advance knowledge of the June 9
Trump Tower meeting; (3) made a false statement about whether any of the Russian members
of the June 9 meeting requested a follow-up; (4) possibly made false statements about the
Trump Tower in Moscow deal (Sept. 7, 2017)

(1) Assistance from other foreign (1) Assistance from other foreign
governments governments

In his Senate testimony, Donald Trump Jr.
was asked whether other foreign
governments or foreign nationals offered
assistance to the campaign. He denied it. The
exchanges included the following:
“Q: We’ve talked a lot about Russia. So I have
some broader questions about other foreign
governments. Did other foreign governments
offer or provide assistance to the Trump
campaign?
A. None that I'm aware of.
Q: Did other foreign nationals offer or
provide assistance to the Trump Campaign?
On Aug. 3, 2016, according to a detailed
report by the New York Times, Trump Jr.
met with George Nader, who purported to
represent foreign governments seeking to
offer assistance to the Trump campaign. The
meeting also included Erik Prince and Joel
Zamel, an Australian-born Israeli expert in
social media manipulation, whose company
reportedly employs former intelligence
officers. Nader reportedly told Trump Jr. that
the Crown Princes of the United Arab
Emirates and Saudi Arabia were eager to help
Trump win the presidency. According to the
Times, “two people familiar with the meetings
said that Trump campaign officials did not
appear bothered by the idea of cooperation

7

A: No.
Q: Did you directly or indirectly seek
foreign government or foreign nationals
assistance for the Trump campaign?
A: No.
Q: Are you aware of anyone else seeking
foreign government or foreign nationals
assistance for the Trump campaign?
A: I’m not.
Q: Did you ever tell anyone that you or the
Trump campaign would be receptive to offers
of assistance from foreign governments or
foreign nationals?
A: No.”
(2) Donald J. Trump’s advance knowledge of
the June 9 Trump Tower meeting
In his interview before the Senate Judiciary
Committee, Trump Jr. was asked, “Did you
inform your father about the meeting or the
underlying offer prior to the meeting?” He
replied: “No, I did not.” He also said his
father had not been “aware” of the meeting
until the summer of 2017 when it was
reported in the press.
(3) Follow-up to June 9 meeting
Trump Jr. was twice asked whether there was
any follow-up to the June 9 meeting:
“Q: Did any attendee request additional
meetings or communications with you or any
member of the Trump campaign?
A: No, they did not.
Q: There was, in your view, no follow-up at all
from this meeting?
A: Correct.”
(4) Trump Tower in Moscow deal
with foreigners,” and Trump Jr. “responded
approvingly” to the proposal. Following the
Aug. 3 meeting, “Nader was quickly embraced
as a close ally by Trump campaign advisers.”
In May 2018, Trump Jr.’s lawyer
acknowledged the meeting took place. He
stated that his client “recalls a meeting [prior
to the 2016 election] with Erik Prince, George
Nader and another individual who may be
Joel Zamel. They pitched Mr. Trump Jr. on a
social media platform or marketing strategy.
He was not interested and that was the end of
it.”
Nader is cooperating with the Special
Counsel, including seven interviews with
federal prosecutors.
(2) Donald J. Trump’s advance knowledge of
the June 9 Trump Tower meeting
Trump campaign associates Stephen Bannon
and Sam Nunberg have each said they believe
then-candidate Trump was told of the
meeting in advance. In July 2018, CNN
reported that former Trump attorney and
fixer, Michael Cohen, was prepared to allege
that Trump had been informed in advance of
the June 9, 2016 Trump Tower meeting.
(Michael Cohen’s attorney, Lanny Davis,
admitted to being an anonymous source for
the CNN report and walked back his
statement in support of the story. CNN did
not retract the story and stated, “We stand by
our story, which had more than one source,
and are confident in our reporting of it.”)
In a letter to Sen. Chuck Grassley, chairman
of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sen. Chris
Coons (D-DE) raised concerns that Trump Jr.
lied in his interview with congressional staff.
(3) Follow-up to June 9 meeting
Senate Judiciary documents flatly contradict
Trump Jr.’s denial of a requested follow-up to
the Trump Tower meeting (see section below
on Veselnitskaya’s testimony). That said,
there is no publicly available evidence that
Trump Jr. knew about the requested follow-
8

When asked about the Trump Tower deal,
involving Michael Cohen and Felix Sater, that
began in 2015, Trump Jr. downplayed his
knowledge of the Moscow Project, saying he
was only “peripherally aware” that something
was being pursued, that he knew “very little”
about the deal Cohen was pursuing, and that
he “wasn’t involved” in it. Trump Jr. also said
he believed Sater worked with Cohen on the
deal “in 2015.”
up, which could mean that he did not
knowingly or intentionally make a false
statement.
(4) Trump Tower in Moscow deal
According to Michael Cohen’s plea
documents, the Cohen-Sater Moscow Project
was discussed multiple times within the
Trump Organization. This includes with
Trump himself and his family members who
worked there. The court documents read:

“COHEN discussed the status and progress of

the Moscow Project with [Donald J. Trump]
on more than the three occasions COHEN
claimed to the Committee, and he briefed
family members of [Donald J. Trump] within
the Company about the project.”

The Special Counsel also stated that Cohen

falsely represented to Congress that “the
Moscow Project ended in January 2016 and
was not discussed extensively with others in
the Company.”

Following the release of the plea agreement,

the Wall Street Journal reported:
“Investigators obtained emails about the
project from late 2015 and January 2016,
according to people familiar with the matter,
in which Mr. Cohen communicated with or
copied Mr. Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr.,
and his daughter, Ivanka Trump, both of
whom were executives at Trump
Organization.”

10. Roger Stone

(1) probably lied to Congress about how and when he learned of Wikileaks’ possession of
Podesta’s emails; (2) probably lied in denying advanced knowledge of any content of
Wikileaks’ documents on Hillary Clinton (3) probably lied about his communications with
Wikileaks; (4) probably lied about his contacts with Russians; and (5) made false and
misleading statements about his communications and relationship to the campaign (Sept. 26,
2017)

(1) Podesta emails (1) Podesta emails

In his written testimony before the House The Special Counsel’s draft Statement of
Intelligence Committee, Roger Stone, denied Offense for Jerome Corsi, a close Stone
that his tweet on Aug. 21 (saying “Trust me, it associate, contradicts Stone’s testimony. In

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will soon the Podesta’s time in the barrel.
#CrookedHillary”) meant he had
foreknowledge that Wikileaks possessed
Podesta’s emails and planned to release
them.
Importantly, Stone said, “The Tweet is also
based on a comprehensive, early August
opposition research briefing provided to me
by investigative journalist, Dr. Jerome Corsi,
which I then asked him to memorialize in a
memo that he sent me on August 31st.”
(2) Content of Wikileaks documents
In his written testimony, Stone said, “The
charge that … I had advanced knowledge of
the source or actual content of the WikiLeaks
disclosures regarding Hillary Clinton … are
entirely false.”
Stone also said he learned that Wikileaks was
in possession of Clinton DNC emails in June
2016 after Assange made a public
announcement.
(3) Wikileaks/Assange communications
In his written testimony, Stone said “I have
never said or written that I had any direct
communication with Julian Assange and have
always clarified in numerous interviews and
speeches that my communication with
WikiLeaks was through the aforementioned
journalist.”
(4) Russian contacts
In his written testimony, Stone stated that he
“never had any communication with any
Russians or individuals fronting for Russians,
in connection with the 2016 presidential
election” He also suggested that he did not
know Guccifer 2.0 was Russian.
(5) Relationship to Trump Campaign
In his written testimony, Stone said “I
performed consulting work for the campaign
for five months and the consulting
relationship ended in August 2015.”
late July, Stone emailed Corsi asking him to
get information from Assange on what
documents Wikileaks possessed. Corsi replied
on Aug. 2 informing Stone that Wikileaks had
Podesta documents and would release them
in October.
In emails on Oct. 3-4 2016 between Stone,
then-campaign chairman Stephen Bannon,
and Breitbart Washington editor Matthew
Boyle, Stone held himself out to members of
the Trump campaign as a conduit to
Wikileaks, and suggested he knew of
Assange’s plans and reasons for making
decisions about timing. Boyle emailed
Bannon saying, “Well clearly he knows what
Assange has.”
Stone’s statement that he relied on a research
briefing by Corsi appears to be a cover story
that Stone conspired with Corsi to create. On
Aug. 30, 2016 (nine days after Stone’s tweet
referring to Podesta), Stone asked Corsi for
help in creating an “alternative explanation”
for the tweet after the fact, according to an
interview Corsi gave to the Wall Street
Journal in Nov. 2018. Corsi also told the
Journal what he told the Mueller grand jury:
“What I testified to the grand jury, was I
believed I was creating a cover story for
Roger, because Roger wanted to explain this
tweet … the special counsel knew this. They
can virtually tell my keystrokes on that
computer.” Corsi made similar admissions in
multiple media interviews in Nov. 2018. For
example, he said, “I was given immunity by
the Mueller prosecutors in order to make this
testimony because my lawyer didn’t want me
to be held for suborning perjury because
Roger used that memo in his testimony, the
House Intelligence Committee sworn
testimony. And I did not object to it.”
In spring of 2016, Stone reportedly told a
confidant that he had contact with Assange
earlier that year. Stone’s confidant told the
Washington Post that Stone said he learned
from Assange that Wikileaks had obtained
emails that would torment senior Democrats
such as John Podesta. The conversation
occurred before any public reports that
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hackers had obtained emails of the
Democratic National Committee, let alone
documents related to Podesta.

Other statements Stone made shortly before

and after Wikileaks’ release of the Podesta
emails indicate he had advanced knowledge
(see, for example, [23] in Renato Mariotti’s
analysis).

(2) Content of Wikileaks documents

As discussed above in (1), the Special

Counsel’s draft Statement of Offense for
Jerome Corsi includes email text from Corsi
to Stone on Aug. 2 informing Stone that
Wikileaks had Podesta documents.
Importantly, Corsi also states that Wikileaks
will release documents suggesting Hillary
Clinton has health problems, which Wikileaks
subsequently does in September and October
2016. (See Bob Bauer and my article for more
analysis.)

As mentioned in (1), in spring of 2016, Stone

reportedly told a confidant that he had
contact with Assange earlier that year, and
learned from Assange that Wikileaks had
obtained emails that would torment senior
Democrats such as John Podesta.

On Sept. 18, 2016, Stone emailed a specific

document request to Randy Credico, a New
York radio personality who had interviewed
Assange. “Please ask Assange for any State or
HRC e-mail from August 10 to August 30--
particularly on August 20, 2011,” Stone
wrote. Credico initially replied that the
information would be on Wikileaks website if
it existed. Stone responded, “Why do we
assume WikiLeaks has released everything
they have???” Credico then asked for a “little
bit of time,” and wrote a few hours later,
“That batch probably coming out in the next
drop...I can’t ask them favors every other day.
I asked one of his lawyers.” Credico was
presumably referring to prior requests to
Wikileaks. Credico would later say that he
never passed on the request to Assange or his
lawyers, but got tired of Stone “bothering”
him.

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Note: The very existence of the emails
between Stone and Credico raises legal
problems for Stone. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-
Calif.) told the Wall Street Journal that the
emails had not been disclosed to Congress.
Schiff said: “If there is such a document, then
it would mean that his testimony was either
deliberately incomplete or deliberately false.”
Stone’s lawyer, Grant Smith, said the emails
had not been turned over because they were
“not encompassed within the scope of the
committee’s request.” This statement
suggests that Stone knowingly and
deliberately decided not to provide the emails
to Congress.

(3) Wikileaks/Assange communications

Stone has reportedly amended his

congressional testimony for statements he
made about the extent of his interactions with
Wikileaks.

Stone communicated directly with Wikileaks

via Twitter private messages on Oct. 13, 2016
and Nov. 9, 2016.

There may be other communications between

Stone and Wikileaks/Assange. In an email to
Trump adviser, Sam Nunberg on Aug. 4,
2016, Stone wrote: “I dined with my new pal
Julian Assange last night.” It is unclear
whether Stone meant he had an online
meeting with Assange, since it appears he did
not leave the United States, and Assange
remained in the Ecuadorian Embassy in
London. In a video recording of Stone’s
speech to a local Republican Party group in
Florida on August 8, 2016, Stone stated, “I
have actually communicated with Assange. I
believe the next tranche of his documents to
pertain to the Clinton foundation but there’s
no telling what the October surprise may be.”

As mentioned above [see (1)], in spring of

2016, Stone reportedly told a confidant that
he had contact with Assange earlier that year.

Finally. NBC News reported that “Mueller’s

investigators have reviewed messages to

12
members of the Trump team in which Stone
and Corsi seem to take credit for the release
of Democratic emails, said a person with
direct knowledge of the emails.” However,
NBC News relies on a single unnamed source
for this report.

(4) Russian contacts

Stone has reportedly amended his

congressional testimony for statements he
made about Russian contacts.

First, from at least Aug. 14-Sept. 9, 2016,

Stone communicated with the Russian
intelligence front Guccifer 2.0. Stone
contends that he did not know that Guccifer
2.0 was Russian. However, by late July 2016,
it was widely reported that the U.S.
government had identified the Russian
government as responsible for the DNC
hacking and that Guccifer 2.0 was part of the
Russian operation.

Second, Michael Caputo, senior Trump

campaign communications adviser, asked
Stone to meet with “Henry Greenberg” (a.k.a.
Henry Oknyansky), who promised derogatory
information on Clinton. “How crazy is the
Russian?” Caputo texted Stone after the
meeting (See entry under Michael Caputo).

Note: The very existence of the text messages

between Stone and Caputo may raise legal
problems for Stone if he did not turn them
over to Congress.

(5) Relationship to Trump Campaign

Stone has reportedly amended his

congressional testimony on statements he
made about communications with the Trump
campaign.

First, it is widely reported that Stone

continued to consult for the campaign after
August 2015. Second, Caputo apparently
asked Stone to meet with a Russian national
on behalf of the campaign in May 2016 (See
entry above under Michael Caputo). Third, in
Oct. 2016, Stone told a reporter that he sent

13

11. Carter Page
probably lied to Congress about his contacts with Russian officials (Nov. 2, 2017)
In his testimony before the House
Intelligence Committee, Carter Page stated
that, in his trip to Moscow during the
campaign, it was “absolutely” true that he
“had no meetings, no serious discussions with
anyone high up or in any official capacity; it’s
just kind of man on the street.” He
maintained that position until Rep. Adam
Schiff confronted him with emails, which he
had not disclosed to the Committee, that Page
sent to the Trump Campaign. In one email,
Page wrote, “In a private conversation,
Dvorkovich [the Deputy Prime Minister of
Russia] expressed strong support for Mr.
Trump and a desire to work together toward
devising better solutions in response to the
long memos to Trump once or twice a week.
Fourth, Stone reportedly met with deputy
campaign chairman Rick Gates during the
campaign. Gates joined the campaign in
March 2016 (long after Aug. 2015).
Fifth and perhaps most important, Special
Counsel Mueller appears to believe Stone was
acting in direct communication on campaign
related matters on behalf of the Trump
Campaign at the most relevant times. The
special counsel’s draft Statement of Offense
for Jerome Corsi states that Corsi
“understood [Stone] to be in regular contact
with senior members of the Trump
Campaign, including with then-candidate
Donald J. Trump” when Stone “asked Corsi to
get in touch with [Wikileaks] about materials
it possessed relevant to the presidential
campaign” in July 2016. Similarly, the Special
Counsel’s indictment of Russian military
intelligence officers states that Stone was “in
regular contact with senior members of the
presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump”
when he communicated privately with the
Russian intelligence front Guccifer 2.0 in
August of 2016. After the release of the
Russia indictment, Stone said, “I certainly
acknowledge that I was in touch with Trump
campaign officials,” contradicting his earlier
public statements.
A memorandum issued by Rep. Schiff and
fellow Democratic members of the House
Intelligence Committee states that the FBI
possesses evidence from “multiple
independent sources” that “contradicts Page's
November 2, 2017 testimony to the
Committee, in which he initially denied any
such meetings and then was forced to admit
speaking with Dvorkovich and meeting with
Rosneft's Sechin-tied investor relations chief,
Andrey Baranov.” The memorandum says
that FBI obtained information through FISA
surveillance as well that “contradict[s] his
sworn testimony to our Committee."
The testimony shows that Page initially
14
vast range of current international problems.”
In other email, Page wrote, “I'll send you guys
a readout soon regarding some incredible
insights and outreach I've received from a few
Russian legislators and senior members of
the Presidential administration here." Page
then said he learned of Russian legislators’
views from public information like listening
to speeches and reading newspapers in
Russia. But he later admitted to Rep. Adam
Schiff (D-Calif.) that he met with members of
the Russian Duma, though he added, “Duma
was, again, just in passing, a few people when
we were shaking hands.”
denied significant meetings and changed his
statements when confronted with
documentary evidence that contradicted him.
The documents also contradict Page’s
testimony as to whether he had a private
conversation with Dvorkovich and whether
he had meetings or communications of
substance with other senior members of the
Russian Presidential administration and
Duma.

12. Alex van der Zwaan

lied to the FBI about his contacts with Rick Gates and a Ukrainian national with active ties to
Russian intelligence (Nov. 3, 2017)

Alex van der Zwaan, a lawyer and son-in-law As part of his plea deal, Alex van der Zwaan’s
of a Russian billionaire, admitted that he lied Criminal Information documents his
to the FBI about his contacts with Rick Gates intentional false statements to the FBI.
and Konstantin Kilimnik, a Kiev-based
operative whom the FBI assessed had active
ties to Russian intelligence during this period,
according to Special Counsel court
documents.

13. Natalia Veselnitskaya

(1) probably lied to Congress about her connections to Russia’s Prosecutor General Yuri
Chaika and (2) probably lied about attempted follow-up to the Trump Tower meeting (Nov.
20, 2017)

(1) In written responses to Senate Judiciary
Committee questions, Veselnitskaya denies
she was working with or connected to
Russia’s Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika and
said Robert Goldstone “could either confuse
everything, or intentionally make everything
look intriguing so that the meeting could take
place.”
(2) In her written responses, Veselnitskaya
denies there was any attempted follow up to
the June 9 Trump Tower meeting.
The Committee asked, “Did you or any other
meeting attendees request additional
meetings or communications with Donald
Trump, Jr., or any member of the Trump
campaign, the Trump administration, or the
(1) See the information below concerning Rob
Goldstone’s testimony on Russia’s Prosecutor
General Yuri Chaika.
(2) Senate Judiciary documents flatly
contradict Veselnitskaya’s denial of a
requested follow-up to the Trump Tower
meeting. The documents include email and
text communications after Nov. 8, 2016
among the Russian delegates to the Trump
Tower meeting and between the Russians and
a Trump assistant trying to set up a follow-up
meeting during the presidential transition.
Representative Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) told
CNN that Veselnitskaya had reached out to
the Trump transition team following the
November 2016 election. With support from

15
Trump Organization?”
Veselnitskaya responded: “No.”
14. Paul Manafort
lied to federal authorities about his ties to Kremlin-link Ukrainian political parties (starting
Nov. 23, 2016, later dates include Feb. 10, 2017)
Paul Manafort lied to federal authorities
about his connections to, and work as an
agent on behalf of, Kremlin-linked Ukrainian
parties.
15. Rick Gates
lied to federal authorities about his ties to Kremlin-link Ukrainian political parties (starting
Nov. 23, 2016, later dates include Feb. 10, 2017)
Rick Gates lied to federal authorities about
his connections and work as an agent on
behalf of Kremlin-linked Ukrainian parties.
Rick Gates also lied to the FBI in stating that
a meeting with Manafort, Rep. Dana
Rohrabacher (R-Calif.), and a lobbyist, did
not include Ukraine as a topic.
16. Erik Prince
(1) probably lied to Congress about his secret Seychelles meeting with a Russian and (2)
probably lied about his relationship to the Trump campaign (Nov. 30, 2017)
(1) Backchannel to Russia
In his testimony before the House
Intelligence Committee, Erik Prince, founder
of the private security firm Blackwater,
admitted to meeting Kirill Dmitriev, a
confidant and close ally of Putin and CEO of a
Russian sovereign wealth fund, in the
Seychelles. In his testimony, Prince denied
three things: that the meeting was pre-
planned (he says it was a chance encounter);
that he was acting as an official or unofficial
surrogate for the Trump transition team; and
that the purpose of the meeting had anything
to do with setting up a backchannel with
Moscow.
Aras Agalarov, Veselnitskaya requested a
follow-on meeting to discuss her efforts to
repeal the Magnitsky Act.
The special prosecutor’s indictment of Paul
Manafort, plea documents, and other filings
document his intentional false statements.
Manafort continued to lie to the federal
investigators after entering a cooperation
agreement, according to court filings by the
special counsel.
The special prosecutor’s indictment of Rick
Gates, plea documents, and other filings
document his intentional false statements.
(1) Backchannel to Russia
According to several news reports, the secret
meeting in the Seychelles on Jan. 11, 2017,
was an effort to create a backchannel between
the incoming Trump administration and
Moscow. The meeting was facilitated by
George Nader, an adviser to Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan of the UAE.
The meeting reportedly included Prince,
Dmitriev, Nader, and the UAE Crown Prince.
The UAE agreed to facilitate the meeting in
part to explore whether Russia could be
persuaded to curtail its relationship with
Iran, according to U.S., European and Arab
16

(2) Relationship to Trump Campaign
When asked by Rep. Tom Rooney (R-Fl.)
whether Prince had any “formal
communications or contact” with the
campaign beyond submitting a series of
policy position papers to Stephen Bannon,
Prince stated that this characterization of his
role was “correct.” The exchange also
included Prince suggesting that his other
support for Trump came in the form of “Yard
sign in my yard.”
Prince was also asked by Rep. Eric Swalwell
(R-Ca.) about any contacts with Donald
Trump Jr. during the campaign. Prince
omitted the Aug. 3, 2016 Trump Tower
meeting referring instead only to having met
Trump Jr. at “a campaign event.”
17. Robert Goldstone
probably lied to Congress about his email to Donald Trump Jr. (Dec. 15, 2017)
In his June 3, 2106 email to Donald Trump
Jr., Robert Goldstone said, “the Crown
prosecutor of Russia ... offered to provide the
Trump campaign with some official
documents and information that would
incriminate Hillary … part of Russia and its
government's support for Mr. Trump.”
It was widely reported that the reference to
Crown Prosecutor meant Russia’s Prosecutor
General Yuri Chaika. However, in his
interview with the Senate Judiciary
Committee, Goldstone testified that his
reference to the “Crown Prosecutor” meant
the lawyer Veselnitskaya herself and he had
no specific knowledge of any Russian
government efforts to support Trump.
officials.
According to people familiar with the
Seychelles meeting, Prince presented himself
as an unofficial envoy for Trump. Not only
was that the impression made during the
Seychelles meeting, but “for weeks afterward,
the UAE believed that Prince had the blessing
of the new administration to act as its
unofficial representative,” according to the
Washington Post.
Nader is cooperating with the Special
Counsel, including having seven interviews
with the prosecutors, and he appears to have
documentary evidence of planning the
meeting in advance with Prince.
(2) (2) Relationship to Trump Campaign
Regarding his role during the campaign and
contacts with Donald Trump Jr., Prince’s
testimony, in response to Rep. Rooney and
Rep. Swalwell, directly conflicts with the New
York Times report detailing the Aug. 3, 2016
Trump Tower meeting with Nader, Trump
Jr., and Zamel.
Public reports and Veselnitskaya’s own
admissions to NBC News later strongly
indicate that Goldstone was referring to
Russia’s General Prosecutor Chaika. The New
York Times reported:
“Interviews and records show that in the
months before the meeting, Ms.
Veselnitskaya had discussed the allegations
with one of Russia’s most powerful officials,
the prosecutor general, Yuri Y. Chaika. And
the memo she brought with her closely
followed a document that Mr. Chaika’s office
had given to an American congressman [Rep.
Dana Rohrabacher (R-Ca.)] two months
earlier, incorporating some paragraphs
verbatim. The coordination between the
Trump Tower visitor and the Russian
prosecutor general undercuts Ms.
Veselnitskaya’s account.”
17

18. Samuel Patten
Gave false and misleading testimony related to (1) working, in partnership with a Russian
national, as an agent of a Kremlin-linked Ukrainian political party and (2) funneling, in
partnership with a Russian national, money of a Ukrainian oligarch to the Presidential
Inauguration Committee (Jan. 2018)
Samuel Patten, who has close professional
ties to Paul Manafort and Konstantin
Kilimnik, pleaded guilty to working in
coordination with a Russian national both in
serving as an unregistered agent of a
Kremlin-linked Ukrainian political party
(Jan. 2015-2017) and in funneling money
from a Ukrainian oligarch to the Presidential
Inauguration Committee. Patten admitted to
making false and misleading statements to
the Senate Intelligence Committee in its
Russia investigation to avoid disclosure of
both of these activities.
19. Jerome Corsi
probably lied to the FBI about his efforts with Roger Stone to communicate with
Wikileaks/Assange (Sept. 6, 2018)
Jerome Corsi, a close associate of Roger
Stone, told the FBI that he declined a request
from Stone to contact Assange to learn about
and acquire documents that Wikileaks
possessed but had not yet released. Corsi also
told the FBI that he never provided Stone
information regarding Wikileaks’ documents
including what Wikileaks possessed and what
it might do with those materials.
Veselnitskaya also admitted that she was a
Russian government “informant” and worked
closely with Chaika when confronted by NBC
with email correspondence leaked to the
news organization.
The Justice Department’s National Security
Division’s plea agreement and Statement of
the Offense for Samuel Patten document his
false and misleading statements to Congress.
Note: Members of the special counsel’s team
were present at Patten’s hearing.
Patten may have committed other acts of
lying to Congress. Senate intelligence
Chairman Richard Burr and Vice Chairman
Mark Warner said they made a criminal
referral of Patten to the Justice Department,
but noted “the charge, and resultant plea, do
not appear to directly involve our referral.”
The Special Counsel’s draft Statement of
Offense, which Corsi recently released to the
media, shows that Mueller’s team concluded
that Corsi lied in making these statements to
the FBI based, in part, on emails and other
documents in the FBI’s possession. Corsi
admitted to making false statements in media
interviews following the release of the
document, though he claimed that he came
up with the idea himself that Wikileaks
possessed Podesta’s emails as a result of his
own “forensic analysis” of the DNC email
system. Among other problems with that
explanation, as journalist Natasha Bertrand
has noted, is that Podesta had no role at the
DNC. Also it would not explain Corsi’s
advanced knowledge of the specific content of
Wikileaks documents related to Clinton’s
18
health.

Corsi has also admitted to the grand jury that

he was involved in Stone’s use of a cover story
in Stone’s congressional testimony. As
described in more detail below (see entry
above for Stone (1)), Corsi told the Wall
Street Journal: “What I testified to the grand
jury, was I believed I was creating a cover
story for Roger, because Roger wanted to
explain this tweet … the special counsel knew
this. They can virtually tell my keystrokes on
that computer.” Corsi made similar
admissions in multiple media interviews in
Nov 2018. For example, he said, “I was given
immunity by the Mueller prosecutors in order
to make this testimony because my lawyer
didn’t want me to be held for suborning
perjury because Roger used that memo in his
testimony, the House Intelligence committee
sworn testimony. And I did not object to it.”

19