FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING MOODABIDRI TEMPLES AS PUBLIC PLACES

Pratyush Shankar
Lecturer, Faculty of Architecture
CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India
January 15, 2006

INTRODUCTION
Public places in India have been part and parcel of the religious and commerce related rituals of the
city. Often, the spaces around religious structures have been loosely referred as privatized public
spaces. But such broad generalizations for Indian or Asian medieval city will be erroneous. For
example in terms of urban morphology, traditional temple towns in South India (Chidambaram,
Padmanbhampuram) are very different from the ones in Gujarat and Rajasthan (Dakor, Nathdwara,
Pushkar). There is a need for a more detailed inquiry to discover the nature of public places in
traditional Indian towns1. Many parts of India have experienced certain continuity in social and cultural
practices including those of architecture and it influences the way public and neighborhood spaces are
shaped and used. Well formulated social structure and tradition are guarantors to continuity to
articulated publics spaces in places like Old Delhi (Kostof 1991: 64).

The western notions of public place cannot be used as a direct reference while studying the same in
India. Public places in the post war Europe and North America were often seen to fulfill the charter of
freedom of action with the right to stay inactive along with that of rituals (Kostof 1992:12). Its
interesting how the charter of ritual is of prime concern in Indian cities. One of the ways to better
understand Indian concept of public place, can be by analysing the spaces around religious structures
in towns that have had certain continuity in built form traditions

The built form provides setting for the rituals of life of both religious and secular nature. Our area of
interest lies in discovering the principles of built form organization that eventually creates the stage for
the public life of the place. Traditional study on temple architecture have more or less concentrated on
the object (temple) and its features. But public life happens in the residue or the space that object
creates around itself

1 Traditional Indian town here refers to ones that have had continuity in their built form traditions

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The paper concentrates on looking at the built form characteristics of the Jain temples from the point of
view of its interaction with the negative space or the residue. The premise being that the nature of
temple organization and its interaction with the space around is a reflection of the historical attitude of
the community towards collective values, belief systems and their politics of faith. Construction legacy
of the region from both vernacular and classical traditions are also factors that influence the public
place making characteristics of the temple groups of Moodabidri

ROOT INFLUENCES – IDEALS OF HINDU TEMPLE ARCHITECTURE

The concept of the Hindu temple, provided in various texts starting from the vedic traditions are a good
start point for discovering indicators to the attitude towards the residual and surrounding space. The
assumption here being that the Jain temple building tradition have conceptually continued certain
aspects of the Hindu temple. The nature of these texts apparently is a description of process of making
of a definite objects (temple). Whereas the intention of the canons are to help establish a favorable
relationship with the sacred world2, the methods to achieve it are fairly definite and object oriented.
The vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala, the diagram of the temple, is a yantra. A yantra is a geometrical contrivance
by which any aspect of th Supreme Principles may be bound to any spot for the purpose of worship.
(Kramrisch 1976: 11). Some of these conceptual ideas on temple building need further discussion from
the point of view of our interest

Engagement of the horizontal plane

Bhū, the earth, is considered the main vāstu, it is the underlying stratum of existence. (Kramrisch 1976:
21). The concern here is regarding the engagement of the ground plane. Whatever is left never deserves
an important mention. The space around is actually treated as residue. This is an interesting concept as
it further reinforces the idea objectification of the temple along with its parts -that the temple is a
definite tangible physical artifact. The place making ideals associated with the temple are supposedly
of sacred nature, activated at a mental plane and hence do not deserve a mention in physical terms here

Vertical release from garbhagṛha

The concepts in texts discussing the issues of the superstructure as a vertical release from the

2 Using Niels Gutshcow's terminology that he used to describe the function of square in Bhaktapur, Nepal

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garbhagṛha are important from the point of view of creation of space around this vertical axis. The
space around gets an indirect definition the moment vertical object is placed in empty space. Again a
direct reference is not made, but consequences of the main concept of vertical release does lead to
creation of a surrounding space. But it is important, as the object (temple with its superstructure) can
only be perceived if there is a void around (the surrounding open space). There is no clear mention
about the negative space that is created around the temple.

CONCEPTS OF SPACE
As evident from the discussions above the space around is of prime concern to study place making
concepts in Jain temples. The historical ideas on concept of space can prove to be another area of
investigation for us. Is their such a thing as Indian concept of space? If yes is it a universal concept that
holds good in different time and space? The built form and hence place making traditions in the Indian
sub continents are unique from the point of view of its genesis, evolution and spread.

However it is important to note that a mere physical analysis and understanding of the space is not
enough. For example different communities can perceive the same physical space differently (mental
space). Separation between inner and outer space identified respectively with spiritual and material, is
a rather modern conception (Panikker 1991: 10).

The ideas on concepts of space can be looked in to more depth in context with Jain philosophies and
practices. The concepts of pañcamahābhūtas are important indicators that can be understood to discover
the attitude towards space. The understanding of ākāśa in Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism can
provide a good start point

In Hindu concept of space is seen bounded between the earth and the sky. Space is not a void- it is an
substance, subtle, quintessential substance perceptible sensorially (Kramrisch 1991:101-2). The
concept of ākāśa in Jain philosophies is slightly different. “ākāśa is not an element but it is the space
that allows dharma (medium of motion), adharma (medium of rest), pudgala (matter) and jīva to remain
itself”.(Mirasdar 1994: 122) So ākāśa is perceived here more as a space that only accommodates like a
container and is not treated as an element like in Hinduism. This is an important departure in Jain
concepts of pañcamahābhūtas, from Hinduism which treats ākāśa as an element

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Similarly the idea of space in Buddhist philosophy is linked with that of motion. (Pingle 1994: 97 ). It
is interesting to note here the importance given to the ritual of pradakṣiṇa in sacred spaces in
Buddhism. Figure 1 shows the plan of Likir monastery in Ladakh with the layer of pattern created by
movement of the believers (Shankar 2005: 86). The organization of the monastery complex, which is
that of segregated units connected with open spaces supports the idea of movement and is very close
reflection of the philosophical concept of ākāśa in Buddhist texts

Figure 1: Plan of Likir Monastery, Ladakh showing ritual movement pattern and built

So does the concept of ākāśa in Jain philosophy which is different from that in Hinduism, influence the
organization principles in their temple complexes? It is important to understand the spatial organization
principles of Jain temples in India to do so. The hypothesis can be partially tested by a detailed
morphological study of the Jain temples at Moodabidri

The concept and practice of pradakṣiṇa or pilgrimage could be another factor that can influence open
spaces. Pradakṣiṇa has often been considered as means of linking historical, social and spatial
heterogeneity in certain town of the sub-continents (Gutschow 1979: 62). It was beyond the scope of

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this study to document and correlate pradakṣiṇa with physical space

BELIEF SYSTEM
The rejection and hence negation of the caste system in early Jainism, is another important aspect of the
belief structure that should affect the nature of public open spaces. Space in and around the temple
complex are the staging ground for public life of the place. The fact that caste specific control of the
temple premise is non existent, itself is a very important democratic gesture within the community. As
we will see in the study of the temples further that this attitude results in more accessible, open and
clear gestures of public places which avoids the multiplicity approach towards spaces as is the case
with spaces in religious complexes in Hindu temples. Principles of multiplicity in spaces are used in
varying degree and form in Indian cities and especially in sacred Hindu towns (Benares, Pushkar and
Chidambaram are good examples of such towns), which adds lot of life and orderly chaos to our cities.
But the same principle also becomes a tool by certain community groups to control and privatize the
space3

The social political setup ensures that historically there is an element of immediacy between the Jain
community and the sacred space which has been molded and controlled by them There are no
middlemen or agents of God in between (community and space), as theoretically the relationship
between the two is direct and not subject to varied interpretation

THE TEMPLES AT MOODABIDRI

Relationship between land, water, institutions and houses
The relationship of the sacred built form with the landscape is important from the point of view of the
experiential qualities of the place. Figure 2 shows the regional topographical features of the
Moodabidri temple region. The layers of water and wet area, green cover and settlement are shown in
different colors. It is very clear that the relationship between the Basadi street and the natural features is
a special one. Basadi street lies between two rivulets (wet areas).It is difficult to predict that this
gesture of location of street was formally based on any special consideration or is only incidental .

3 Here word privatize refers to control of space by a small group and not necessarily in an economic sense

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 Figure 2 : The Moodabidri settlement in the regional landscape

Whatever the reason be for the genesis of the morphology, one thing is clear that the sacred public
realm does not formally engage the landscape which could lead to certain of special places that
recognize and celebrate the landscape. An example here of the Hindu temple towns and settlement will
help. Although no rigorous studies have been done to document the morphological relationship of the
settlement with natural features, a glance at towns of Chidambaram, Barkur, Pushlar and Dakor does
amply demonstrate as to how natural features (especially water elements) are engaged in the overall
settlement plan. Hindu towns seem to celebrate the presence of water by way of special gestures such
as step wells, steps, ghats and sacred grooves

It is interesting to note that in spite of a very special location of the Basadi streets between two water
bodies, the response to it it very measured and subtle, expressed only by the presence of a small tank at
the beginning of the street. The public realm does not extend or culminate near water bodies or
grooves.

The other notable aspect of the settlement is the lack of clustering of residential fabric around the
temple. The community is around the temple but it is not physically surrounding it. Historically no
agglomeration has happened around the temple precinct in the from of either residence or commerce.
The local community does not control the faith or religious activity. They are not the link between the
great teacher and the people even if they are the sponsors. This is an important departure as compared
to Hindu temple town settlements where the pattern is to agglomerate around a center. Commerce and

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residence are important features of Hindu temple precincts. Build-up to the main shrines, hierarchy in
spaces and climax are important features in Hindu temple town. The morphology of these towns
reflects this multiplicity and apparent disorder4.

The street organization leading to the main temples is most interesting in Moodabidri, from the point of
view of its simplicity and clear expression. Basadi street is the most important street as it connects the
five most important temples of the place, but still their is no build up towards a center, neither any
hierarchy expressed within the street nor any strong gestures in form to suggest its importance. Scales5
and symbols are used to indicate the importance of the place in a very subtle manner. See figure 3,
which shows a very linear relationship between the street and the temples.

This seems to be a very simple organization but in settlement terms it is not very easy to achieve. The
community has resisted the temptation to draw any reference from hierarchical public spaces like that
of Indian Hindu temple towns (Pieper 1979: 65) as a result, the Basadi street of Moodabidri have a very
linear spatial texture. The settlement does not have a strong center, which why it is very interesting.
Concentric intent with a center occupied by government of religious institutions has been seen as a
general condition in most of the pre-industrial city (Kostof 1991: 182).

Figure 3: The non-hierarchical public open spcae

Is it possible that the teaching and practice in Jainism are so clear and unambiguous that there seem to
be no apparent need to use or manipulate public space to emphasize a center or culmination point? This
4 Disorder is only of visual nature, but the inner structure that controls has order
5 Size of the open space between Parshwanath and Vikram Shetty temples gets slightly increased to emphasize their
relative importance

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could be an interesting possibilities from the point of view of the politics of the place making as well.
Are public places in traditional Indian cities a reflection of the structure that already exists or is it
manipulated to create an illusion of something that the society is missing and searching for?

Fore court as void

The Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi (Sri Ara Mallimunisuvrutha Swamy Temple) at
Moodababidri are very important from the point of view of their overall organization and their
placement in space. The two temples have a very interesting feature of a foreground before the main
temple complex. See figure 4 showing the two temples with the foreground shaded. This addition of the
open space is interesting from the point of view of recognizing the void as an important condition
before the temple. As discussed earlier the concept of space in Jainism recognizes the universal spatial
value (that of a space as a container) of it. The negative space is not elemental but a void, as it creates
the condition for existence of the main temple. There is clarity in expression of the void like a clear
fore court that is not surrounded by any other building form6. The foreground is not defined by any
architectural means, seemingly free flowing space and definitely not leftover or accidental. See figure 5
which shows a section of this condition

Figure 4: The foreground of Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi

Again we see a pattern here of purposefully not creating dramatic, spatially gripping conditions before
6 The clear expression of the open space in front of the temple is quite in contrast with the fore courts of Hindu temples
which are often formed by contained and formalised by shops or residence

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or around the temple. Moreover the nature of space co-relates to the philosophical concept of space in
pañcamahābhūtas. It could be interesting to see if this concept of space will hold good in other Jain
temple complexes of India

Figure 5 section showing the foreground in front of Derma Shetty Basadi temple
The entrance structure
In terms of spatial quality, the entrance building of all the temple complex play a very significant role.
Looking at figure 6 and 7 one can very easily conclude that it is the entrance building that sets the tone
in defining the spaces by its orientation, type and form. The contribution of the entrance building in
creating a sense of place for public activity is more than the main shrine which might be true for many
other regional temples as well. It is not for utility alone as its primarily function is that of space
definition and creation of certain kind of space on both side. Its size does not change much from small
to large temples in terms of its proportions and nor does it become more elaborate or complex as a plan.
In fact this approach towards the entrance structure is more or less similar to the one in of South
Karnataka and Kerala Hindu temples. Barkur temples have similar entrance buildings.

The most important departure of the Jain temples of the region is in the manner in which temple space
is organized inside the boundary walls within the premises. The temples unlike lot of Hindu temples of
the region do not transform as complexes even if they are important. The number of other elements
apart from the main shrine and entrance building are bare minimum. Living quarters, store rooms, guest
rooms, etc. are not part of the temples premise. There is less ingression of other activities in Jain
temples which is in contrast with the Hindu temples of the region, that may have caretaker staying
inside the complex, and lot of other ancillary activities happening through out the day. The Hindu
temples are extension of the life of the city, where the social hierarchy in the city is extended and

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reinforced in the temples7. The Jain temple make a departure at this point as the temples are very clear
in spatial conception – that of the boundary and a main shrine in the center. See figure 8 and 9. The
spaces do not seemed to be privatized by a certain section of a community, they appear to be very
accessible, neutral and more supportive of public activities. As discussed before the non-hierarchical
Jain community is not faced with pressure of social politics as in the case of Hindu community. The
community control of the Hindu temple has been an integral aspect of Indian psyche. Moreover the
religious rituals in Jain do not call for presence of many paraphernalia in the temple compound

Figure 6 & 7: Entrance as place making structures of Derma Shetty and Vikram Shetty(right) temples

Figure 8 & 9 : The minimum structures in Leppad Basadi (left) as compared to a 'complex' situation
Ammanavra Basadi

7 This also adds lot of character to the inside the Hindu temple , making it chaotic, colorful and full of surprises very
much like the city outside.

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In Moodabadri we can derive two main categories of temple types in terms of their space making
principles

The original type

Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi (Sri Ara Mallimunisuvrutha Swamy Temple)
These two examples are very important from the point of view of place making principles. The idea of
the foreground as a void is very interesting and unique in these two examples. Inside the temple
complex bare minimum structures are built. The void around the temple is left as it is, even though the
temple is bounded by a wall. The negative space is an important feature around the main shrine. The
entrance structure is used in a very simple and proportionate manner8 to divide spaces both inside as
well as outside

First transformations
Parshwwnath, Vikram Shetty Basadi, Ammanarva and Tribhuvan Tilak Chudamani Temple
The foreground is not preferred but a slightly enlarged chowk is formed in front of the temples. The
temple complex inside gets some more structures apart from the main shrine and the entrance structure
becomes slightly more elaborate and higher

It will be interesting to see how does the aspects of place making around these temple complex
correlate with the socio-political history of Jainism in the region. It is clear that Moodabidri Jain temple
groups are important from the point of view of their expression of public place, which shows some
unique attitude towards landscape, public realm(streets) and the overall temple organization

Bibliography
Books:
Kramrisch, Stella., 1976, The Hindu Temple, Volume 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Kostof, Spiro., 1991, The City Shaped, Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History, Thames and
Hudson, London
Kostof, Spiro., 1992, The City Assembled, The Elements of Urban Form Through history, Thames and
Hudson, London

8 A very low single floor structure form the entrance building

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Edited volumes:
Panikker, R, 1991, “There is no outer space without inner space” In: Vatsyayan Kapila
(ed.).“Concepts of space; ancient and modern” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi,
pp.-6-36
Kramrisch, Stella, 1991, “Space in Indian Cosmogony and Architecture” In: Vatsyayan Kapila
(ed.).“Concepts of space; ancient and modern” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi,
pp. 101-115
Mirasdar, Mangala, 1995, “The concepts of great element in Jain cosmology”In: Vatsyayan Kapila
(ed.).“Prakriti, The Integral Vision” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp. 121-
126
Pingle, Pratibha, 1995, “The Mahabhutas: The Buddhist Approach”: Vatsyayan Kapila (ed.).“Prakriti,
The Integral Vision” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp. 97-106

Articles:
Gutschow, Niels.,1979-80, “Function of square in Bhaktapur”. AARP: Art and archeology research
papers No- 15-17, pp. 57-64
Pieper, Jan.,1979-80, “The spatial structure of Suchindram”. AARP: Art and archeology research
papers No- 15-17, pp. 65-77
Shankar, Pratyush., October 2006, “The Monastery of Likir, Ladakh”. A+D, Architecture plus design.,
pp-81-86

Illustration Credits:
Figure 1 drawn by Anar Memon for her undergraduate thesis which was guided by the author
Figure 2 and 3 drawn by Dhaval Limachia using google earth images
All other drawings are part of the Related study Program guided by the author and drawn by students of
2001 batch of Faculty of Architecture, CEPT University Ahmedabad. However new layers of
information has been added by Dhaval Limbachia

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