Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
the historical point of view) not to find in his poetry any overt criticism
of the knightly class in the “verray, parfit gentil knyght” (I 72) or any sym-
pathy or even much concern for “Jakke Straw and his meynee” (VII
3394). If we look at the circumstances of Chaucer’s life and poetic career,
we shall see that liberal and democratic points of view, congenial as they
may be to us, are not possible for him.
There is no obvious lack of continuity between Chaucer’s experience
of life and the poetry that he writes, and it is not unreasonable to see life
and poetry as of a piece. He shares the hardships and dangers as well as
the pleasures of the military caste on Edward III’s campaign in France in
1359–60, when he was captured by the enemy at Réthel near Rheims,
surely a formative experience for one of some sixteen or seventeen years
of age.6 He begins to fulfil his training and education at court in the
ways of the best French poetry by writing in 1368 a poem celebrating
the life of Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster, the daughter of Henry of
Grosmont and first wife of John of Gaunt. Such a man is unlikely to have
viewed the destruction of the Savoy (the palace of John of Gaunt and
formerly the ancestral home of Blanche herself) by the rebels in 1381
with anything other than sadness and alarm, and something of his dis-
taste is reflected in his reference to “the cherles rebellyng” as part of the
malign influence of Saturn in worldly affairs (I 2459).7 We do not have
to go so far as a recent commentator on the General Prologue in describ-
ing him as a “reactionary,”8 for that is to judge him by a political agenda
of which he may be entirely innocent, but we do have to recognize and
come to terms with the settled aristocratic assumptions and perspectives
out of which he writes.
On the evidence of his poetry Chaucer is an urbane and reflective man
able to pursue a successful diplomatic as well as poetic career at court
and in the outward ambience of courts. The political convulsions of the
reigns of Edward III, Richard II, and (at the very end of his life) Henry
IV, the son of Blanche and John of Gaunt, seem to have left him largely
untouched. We have no reason to regard him as a player of any great con-
sequence on the political stage, but he must have been shrewd enough
not to have placed himself at the hazard of political upheaval. He has a
definite position in the social order of his time and no special incentive
to subvert it. Perhaps he is even a principled upholder of the social order.
But he can hardly be set aside as a special case and isolated from the prej-
udices of his age as if unmoved by them. Chaucer’s poetic career could
not have existed without the patronage of kings, princes, and noblemen
and the audience for poetry that courts make possible. Chaucer’s aristo-
cratic perspective is evident in the narrator of the General Prologue. He is
no obtuse bourgeois as E. Talbot Donaldson infers in his famous essay,9
but is inspired by a simple piety or “ful devout corage” (I 22) that is char-
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 287
acteristic of the great lords of the age such as the Black Prince and John
of Gaunt and displayed to such advantage in the figure of Sir Gawain in
the medieval romance of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight.10 He is a pol-
ished speaker of French and thus somewhat amused by the Prioress’s
French, good for an English nunnery, perhaps, if not for a French court
(I 124–26). As the son of a vintner he has no difficulty in recognizing the
Guildsmen for the social upstarts that they are (I 361–64). These are atti-
tudes he has no great wish or need to conceal. His liking for the Prioress
and contempt for the Guildsmen proceed from an unruffled sense of
superiority in performance and in status. Such attitudes do not sit well
with modern egalitarian values, but they can be comfortably shared with
his own equals, lawyers like the distinguished Serjeant and country gen-
tlemen like the affable Franklin. There is a compatibility or harmony
here between sophisticated poet and narrator and also the implied
reader or audience (in ironic and unironic moments alike) that is essen-
tially quite different from the gap (indeed gulf) that exists between
author and narrator in a great American novel like Adventures of
Huckleberry Finn and that is unmistakeably announced in that novel’s
opening lines:
You don’t know about me, without you have read a book by the
name of The Adventures of Tom Sawyer but that ain’t no matter.
That book was made by Mr Mark Twain, and he told the truth,
mainly. There was things which he stretched, but mainly he told
the truth.11
of his son, the Squire, by way of contrast, serves “to label him allegori-
cally as Youth as well as Lecher, Pride, and Vainglory, in the same man-
ner as an armorial device would identify him socially as belonging to a
family or household.”14 The distinguished if self-important lawyer is mod-
estly and correctly dressed in “a medlee cote” (I 328), and yet we are to
suppose that the implication here is not of Justice upheld, but of Justice
“betrayed.”15 This is to extend to the legal profession itself a presump-
tion of guilt and not of innocence. The hospitable Franklin, like the poet
Chaucer a Justice of the Peace and a Member of Parliament, is “simply a
showoff.”16 The pilgrims in the highest ranks of society, old and young,
are no longer to be seen as “gentil” or noble but as corrupt and disrep-
utable. Their moral depravity, however, is exceeded if anything by their
lack of intelligence and wit in the telling of tales. The Knight repeatedly
praises Theseus as “this worthy duc” (I 1001, 1025, 1742) and “this duc,
this worthy knyght” (I 2190), and yet we are to believe that he has mis-
read the character of a tyrant.17 The Prioress “fails to comprehend either
the horror or the meaning of her own story,” whilst the Merchant
“intending to tell one kind of tale, unwittingly tells another.”18 The Clerk
of Oxenford may be at home with Aristotle’s collected works (I 293–96),
but “perhaps . . . does not understand the revisions Chaucer made in
Petrarch’s version” of the tale he tells since “some of his comments run
counter to the main thrust.”19 The disturbing questions of providential
justice raised in the Man of Law’s Tale are treated “with all the armchair
complacency of a man who has never himself suffered.”20 The Squire and
the Franklin are simply “beyond their depth,” so that in Arveragus, for
example, who “was of chivalrie the flour,” we have yet another unworthy
“worthy knyght” (V 1088, 1460) for whom “all is for show” and whose wife
is no more than “a piece of property.”21 All such interpretations place an
unsupportable burden upon the theory of the obtuse narrator.22 But it is
no more than a theory, and there is no reason why we should persist in
the face of one improbability after another in believing that the narra-
tor is a dull, un-English man, incapable of irony.
The systematic diminishing of the moral worth and discernment of
individual pilgrims in this way does more than alter our perception of
the tales they tell but effectively destroys the social fabric of the world to
which they belong. The pilgrimage to Canterbury and the hierarchy of
the pilgrims by class and rank attest to a singleness of purpose and belief.
Such a pilgrimage is justified (if at all) by the presence of God in his cre-
ation and the social manifestation of such a presence is the stable hier-
archies of social groups. On this view of the world even knights and
squires, merchants and scholars, lawyers and gentlemen, must be given
their due. Indeed, we may suppose in the terms of the medieval pil-
grimage that God in his inscrutable wisdom has chosen to set worthy
knights above learned parsons and honest plowmen.
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II
The General Prologue is a small masterpiece of medieval art set at the begin-
ning of a huge, fragmentary masterpiece that can only have been the
product of a monumental poetic ambition, understandable in one who
has achieved the finished perfection of Troilus and Criseyde. Had he lived
to complete his design, Chaucer may have set before us in the manner
of his contemporary John Gower a finished work of one hundred and
twenty tales told by thirty pilgrims drawn from the whole range of con-
temporary English society. As Edmund Spenser was set on “overgoing
Ariosto” in a later age so Chaucer may be seen to overgo his admired
Boccaccio whose Decameron (ca. 1337) consists of a hundred tales told by
ten tellers. In the depth and range of the completed tales and in the vari-
ety and interaction of his pilgrim narrators and poetic styles, it may be
said that even in the fragmentary Canterbury Tales Chaucer has gone
beyond the achievement of his Italian precursor. But what is most evident
in the very formation of the idea of the Canterbury Tales is a characteris-
tic medieval love of order and regularity to the point of schematism. The
Summa Theologiae of Aquinas, the Commedia of Dante (an ever-present
influence in the composition of the Troilus), and (less perfectly) the
Confessio Amantis of Gower all testify to the same principle of ordered
composition on a grand or monumental scale. What is true of the
Canterbury Tales in the greatness of its design (an argument for justice in
the face of an inscrutable Providence) is true also of the General Prologue
itself on a smaller scale in the setting of a conspectus of post-feudal
medieval society23 on pilgrimage to the shrine of Saint Thomas à Becket
and hence subject in varying degrees of explicitness to the judgment and
mercy of God. The idea of pilgrimage thus contains in itself judgments
more profound than any merely human or transitory judgments so that
perceptions of human society by Chaucer continually take us beyond par-
ticularized social distinctions to universalized notions of moral judgments
and ultimately to the great questions of spiritual belief. An understand-
ing of the General Prologue requires, therefore, a sense of the interpene-
tration of social, moral, and spiritual values within a specific historical
context. Unsurprisingly, this understanding remains elusive in the
absence of the moral and spiritual consensus (at once English and
Catholic) taken for granted by Chaucer himself.
The structuring of the General Prologue in terms of portraits in a regu-
lar series from the worthy Knight to the hypocritical Pardoner is not in
itself innovative but a product of rhetorical training and artistic emula-
tion.24 Guillaume de Lorris at the beginning of his Roman de la Rose (ca.
1237) presents a series of portraits or figures painted in gold and azure
along the length of the crenellated wall of an enclosed garden. These
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The focus on the military and religious orders in the first two groups is
an indication on Chaucer’s part that the traditional division of medieval
society into three estates remains as the basis of his own perception of
the social classes, and the fact that he gives priority to those who fight is
a sympathetic reflection of his own courtly background.30 The claim of
the Prioress to the status of a great lady is evident in her entourage of
four, precisely twice the number of that of the worthy Knight. The limits
of gentility are no less precisely articulated in the use of the word vava-
sour as the final word in the portrait of the Franklin (I 360), for the word
is the marker of an ancient and settled gentility, albeit of a secondary and
perhaps also provincial character.31
The commoners are similarly subdivided by Chaucer into three groups:
3. The third group of five portraits is, as “ye knowe wel,” a grouping
of churls.
The traditional medieval classification of the estates is evident here also
in the linking of the Parson, a “good man . . . of religioun” (I 477), and
the Plowman, “A trewe swynkere and a good was he” (I 531), and in the
placing of them in the midst of the higher and lower groups. The iden-
tification of the Guildsmen as haberdasher, carpenter, weaver, dyer, and
weaver of tapestries sets a limit to their social status, since for all their
material prosperity they belong to guilds of the second rank. 32 In the
grouping of five figures in a single portrait there is perhaps a suggestion
that the commoners are to be defined as much by their weight of num-
bers as by their status as individuals. There are in the Middle Ages, as at
all periods, many more of them than there are gentles, although the com-
position of Chaucer’s pilgrims is determined by social significance rather
than by numerical proportions.
There are, then, no fewer than twenty-two full-length portraits of the
Canterbury pilgrims. We may well believe that there are twenty-nine of
them in total, although there are in fact thirty. The narrator or pilgrim
Chaucer is indeed a distinct addition to that number. He is fittingly a ret-
icent member of the company and places himself with due courtesy and
without evident fear of misconstruction at the end of the list of churls (I
542–44), thus promoting a sense of the inclusiveness of the society of pil-
grims as a whole in the sight of God. Indeed, only a man without affec-
tation and of ease of manner could so readily have insinuated himself
among so diverse a band of people. Unobtrusive courtesy is the secret of
such social success, and such unobtrusiveness is the mark of the poet’s
art no less than of the character of the pilgrim narrator.33
Although it is possible to make too much of Chaucer the pilgrim as an
artistic medium, we are given sufficient indications of his nature as to
harmonize him with the pilgrimage of which he himself comes to form
a part. There are three related ideas that are introduced with the narra-
tor into the narrative of the pilgrimage and that permanently shape our
sense of his presence. The first is the established fact of his religious devo-
tion, for he is already determined upon a pilgrimage of his own before
he meets his fellow pilgrims, and is ensconced in the Tabard Inn when
they arrive and join him there (I 19–27). All the pilgrims, indeed, have
come together by the accident of their common purpose (“by aventure,”
I 25). The pilgrim Chaucer, then, is properly one of the fellowship who
shares the aspirations, values, and beliefs of a true pilgrim, and not
merely a reporter or interested spectator. The proper outcome of the pil-
grimage matters to him and is of direct, personal concern. At the same
time he is fully appreciative of the material comforts of the hostelry (I
28–29) and makes no pretence of holiness in the manner of a Papelardie,
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 294
III
as an obedient and faithful servant of his lord, the worthy Knight. The
class of gentles as a whole is unified by the subtle discrimination of dress,
and even embraces in this way the Clerk of Oxenford who has higher
things on his mind than the propriety of appearance.
When we turn to the commons, we find by contrast a certain vulgarity
in the flaunting of material prosperity, most notably perhaps in the osten-
tatious headgear of the Wife of Bath (I 453–55). Elegant coverchiefs, so
beruffled as to suggest heaviness of weight, were fashionable in the 1380s,
and are at once a statement of the Wife of Bath’s marital and legal status
and of her economic status and wealth.41 At the same time the foot-man-
tle, a kind of petticoat or overskirt tied about the hips, that she wears to
protect her gown when on horseback (I 472), is eminently practical but
not the kind of thing that a lady would wear.42 The Wife of Bath clearly
belongs to the same world of trade as the Guildsmen and is at one with
them in her vanity and desire to be taken note of in company. She is eager
to be first in the procession to the altar to make offerings at Mass (I
449–52), for a procession, an important part of medieval social display, is
precisely the place where one’s consequence in society will be formally
acknowledged.
The contrast between the material preoccupations of the prosperous
bourgeois and the simplicity of life of the humble Parson could hardly
be more marked or more profound. Indeed, the lengthy portrait of the
Parson that runs to fifty-two lines (I 477–528) has no reference to dress
or equipment whatsoever save for the staff in his hand on his visits by
foot to his flock in the remotest parts of his parish (I 491–95). It is a
“noble ensample” (I 496) of holiness of living that is emphatically stated
at the beginning of the portrait (I 477–79), in the middle (I 505–506),
and at the end (I 525–28). Such holiness is entirely expressed by
Chaucer in terms of the inwardness of virtue and its corresponding out-
ward acts, and it leaves no space for the mere appearance of virtue. We
are left with the impression that the Parson has no time for the niceties
of dress, but less obviously so than the Clerk of Oxenford in whom it is
possible to imagine a kind of academic affectation in the threadbare
coat. The portrait of the Plowman in its briefer compass (I 529–41) is in
a way a pendant to that of the Parson and shows the example of a life of
“parfit charitee” (I 532) in the laboring estate as well as in the religious
estate, and is surely reinforced in the mind of a contemporary audience
by the example of honest labor in Langland’s representation of Piers
the Plowman. The sobriety and humility of the Plowman’s lifestyle is
identified by the simple reference to the “tabard” (I 541) that he wears
without specification of its color. Although the low social status of the
Plowman is thus unambiguously identified, there are in him none of the
marks of destitution or extreme poverty. He is both a humble and a pros-
perous peasant.43
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 298
Thus we can place the Miller, Reeve, Manciple, Cook, and Plowman in
due order, although it is not an order precisely followed in the General
Prologue. The portrait of the Cook is set directly after that of his masters
the Guildsmen (I 379–87) so as to emphasize and at the same time sub-
vert their social aspirations, but the true social level of the Cook is seen
in the dramatic interchange with the Manciple in the Manciple’s Prologue
(IX 1–104). The Plowman is promoted above his rank so that Chaucer
can draw attention to the ideal harmony between the clerical and labor-
ing estates in much the same fashion as Langland focuses on the social
contract between plowman, lady, and knight in Piers Plowman, B.6.3–58
(the plowing of the half acre). The Miller possesses a certain eminence
within his social class and takes precedence over a college servant like
the Manciple. Such a status seems to be confirmed by the wearing of the
blue hood,45 and also perhaps by the miller of the Reeve’s Tale who is inor-
dinately proud of “his estaat of yomanrye” (I 3949) and eager to preserve
it. The portrait of the Manciple is placed between that of the Miller and
the Reeve (I 567–86), although in the list of names at lines 542–44 that
of the Manciple is placed fifth and last. The order in the list of names
seems to be exact in terms of social precedence, and the setting of the
portrait of the Manciple between those of Miller and Reeve is to be
explained by some other principle of social organization. The explana-
tion is perhaps that the interest of social harmony requires that such pro-
fessional antagonists as miller and carpenter be kept apart in the same
way as it requires a parson and a plowman to be brought together.
Indeed, when it comes to the journey itself, the Miller and the Reeve are
at the furthest possible remove, the loud-mouthed Miller leading the way
with his “baggepipe” (I 565–66) and the watchful and suspicious Reeve
“evere . . . the hyndreste of oure route” (I 622).
Departures from the social classification of the pilgrims, although few,
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IV
There is usually not much choice as to the social class to which one
belongs, and as often as not the accident of birth is apt to be decisive.
Hence a humane and generous view of life will look to matters of pro-
founder import than those of social class. Human beings are distin-
guished among other living species by the possession of a rational soul,
and hence are what they are by the choices they make. As the Clerk of
Oxenford will understand from his reading of Aristotle’s Nicomachean
Ethics, moral virtue is a habit or state of character concerned with choice,
lying in a mean in regard to us as determined by reason and as under-
stood by a wise man.48 A human identity is thus more truly moral than
social, and in consequence Chaucer attaches a greater significance to the
moral identity than to the social identity of his pilgrims. Hence the first
in the list of pilgrims is the Knight, a man of proven moral excellence
and most worthy of admiration, and the last is the Pardoner, a hypocrite
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 300
midst of the commons we find the true man of religion and the honest
laborer, and an optimistic view of the soundness of society as a whole if
not of the entirety of its constituent parts. But when we come to the lower
group of commoners, we have crossed the line that divides honesty or
perhaps mere obedience to the law from material acquisitiveness. The
Miller, the Manciple, and the Reeve have long since learned the tricks of
their trade and are experts in sharp practice; the Miller “Wel koude . . .
stelen corn and tollen thries” (I 562), the Manciple “Algate . . . wayted
so in his achaat / That he was ay biforn and in good staat” (I 571–72),
and the Reeve is far too clever in his accounting to be detected in his
fraudulence by any accountant: “Ther was noon auditour koude on him
wynne” (I 594). In life’s battle of wits, the lawyer and the gentleman must
often yield the victory to their servants. Thus the Manciple’s “lewed
mannes wit” surpasses “The wisdom of an heep of lerned men” (I
574–75), and the Reeve can satisfy himself and his lord at the same time
(I 610–12). There is a kind of complicity here between lord and servant,
for the one can hardly function without the help of the other. It does not
pay to inquire too closely into deals that work, and the well-being of soci-
ety depends upon a measure of acquiescence. The world is unlikely to
be changed or improved by too strict a reckoning of material accounts.
The poet Chaucer is amused rather than indignant at this state of affairs.
Thus the superior cunning of the Manciple to his learned masters is “of
God a ful fair grace” (I 573). On the other hand there is an unhealthy
moral gap separating the Miller and the Reeve as we discover from their
respective tales; the one is crude and bawdy, but also transparent and at
times exceedingly funny, whereas the other is vengeful and malignant.
The Miller, Manciple, and Reeve are rightly placed in the lowest ranks of
the pilgrims, but we are reminded also that there is more than one order
of classification that operates in life.
If moral values and judgments are to have any bearing upon reality or
claim upon us, it is necessary that they be metaphysically grounded,
whether in a Platonic Idea of the Good or an Aristotelian First Mover or
a Christian God. Chaucer—the master poet, that is, not the surrogate
narrator—begins the General Prologue not with a set of moral precepts but
with the setting of a pilgrimage linked to the cyclical pattern of the nat-
ural world. In these celebrated opening lines Chaucer writes with all the
assurance of a European maestro at the height of his powers. The open-
ing verse paragraph moves with clarity and ease from the showers of April
to the shrine of Saint Thomas à Becket. In the smooth but varied flow of
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 304
witness the corruption of these spiritual values. It is the worst kind of cor-
ruption when spiritual goods are bought and sold, a sin of irreligion that
treats God and divine things with irreverence and contempt.58 Thus the
Summoner is ignorant of more than the Latin that he repeats in parrot-
like fashion (I 637–46) but knows well enough that “Purs is the
ercedekenes helle” (I 658), and the Pardoner is at his best when it comes
to the singing of “an offertorie” (I 710) and to the prospect of winning
money. Indeed, the portrait of the Pardoner and the sequence of portraits
as a whole conclude on this sustained note of ecclesiastical corruption (I
711–14). Chaucer speaks plainly and at length here since he has no inten-
tion that hypocrisy be mistaken for holiness. In the same way and for the
same reason, he does not allow the last word to the Summoner:
the self, that is, suicides and spendthrifts, in the second round (Inf.,
XI.40–45, XIII.1–XIV.3); and those guilty of violence against God, nature,
and art, that is, blasphemers, sodomites, and usurers, in the third round
(Inf., XI.46–51, 94–111, XIV.4–XVII.78). Such an order of priorities is
hard for a secular world like ours to grasp, but it is shared by Chaucer
and, no less significantly, understood by the Pardoner, who explains in
his impassioned (if hypocritical) denunciation of sins that God’s law in
the Ten Commandments sets false swearing above murder:
be preoccupied at the end of the pilgrimage with the questions that are
raised in systematic form in the Parson’s Tale.62
Perhaps in the final analysis Chaucer’s humanity derives from his
awareness that it is not he who makes the judgments that count, but God.
Thus he withholds judgment on the final destiny of Troilus at the end of
Troilus and Criseyde: “And forth he wente, shortly for to telle, / Ther as
Mercurye sorted hym to dwelle” (V, 1826–27). The younger Chaucer (the
author of the Parliament of Fowls) would no doubt (along with Dante)
have set Troilus in the second circle of hell.63 The mature Chaucer has
learned enough about human judgments to withhold judgment. Chaucer
is neither a preacher nor a prophet (far less is he a social or political com-
mentator). He is a great poet who knows that each individual human
being must find his or her own way to God or, as we might say, to justice
and peace. For whatever reason, all the people assembled at the Tabard
in Southwark are bound on pilgrimage to Canterbury. When all uncer-
tainties and failings have been allowed for, allowance has also to be made
for that salient fact. We have no sense that any of the pilgrims have
embarked on pilgrimage through compulsion, although no doubt the
pressures of conformity in medieval society will encourage rather than
discourage the making of pilgrimages. Perhaps the experience of pil-
grimage will prove to be a transforming experience in the lives of at least
some Canterbury pilgrims. Not even the Pardoner, unlike Langland’s
Pardoner (PPl, B.5.639–42), is a lost soul, for even when his hypocrisy
has been exposed by the Host, he is restored to the fellowship of the pil-
grims through the intervention of the Knight (VI 960–68). It would be
strange indeed if the creator of the fictional pilgrimage to Canterbury
were himself to think that pilgrimages were either unnecessary or inef-
ficacious. The pilgrimage remains a pregnant image of the life of indi-
viduals in the world, whatever utopian aspirations we may possess for
human society. The present world is indeed “a thurghfare ful of wo, /
And we been pilgrymes, passynge to and fro” (I 2847–48).
3. ParsT, X 764. References to Chaucer’s texts are from The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry
D. Benson, 3rd edn. (Boston, 1987).
4. John Dryden, “Preface to Fables Ancient and Modern,” in The Poems of John Dryden, ed.
James Kinsley, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1958), 4:1444–63, at 1455 (line 422).
5. Dryden, Preface, 4:1454 (line 394), and 4:1453 (lines 373–75).
6. See Sydney Armitage-Smith, John of Gaunt (London, 1904), 16–18, and Martin M.
Crow and Clair C. Olson, eds., Chaucer Life-Records (Oxford, 1966), 23–28.
7. For an account of the systematic spoliation of the splendid tapestries, furnishings,
plate, and ornaments of the Savoy in the late afternoon of Thursday, June 13, 1381, see
Charles Oman, The Great Revolt of 1381, reissued with a new introduction and notes by
Edmund B. Fryde (Oxford, 1969), 57–58, 194–95 (translation of the “Anonimalle
Chronicle”).
8. Alcuin Blamires, “Chaucer the Reactionary: Ideology and the General Prologue to
The Canterbury Tales,” Review of English Studies, n.s. 51 (2000): 523–39.
9. E. Talbot Donaldson, “Chaucer the Pilgrim,” PMLA 69 (1954): 928–36, reprinted
in his Speaking of Chaucer (London, 1970), 1–12.
10. For the piety of the Black Prince, see the Chandos Herald’s Life of the Black Prince:
“La Vie du Prince Noir” by Chandos Herald, ed. Diana B. Tyson (Tübingen, 1975), 85–92,
1260–73, 1427–32, 3172–87, 3502–508, and 4176–78. The piety of his younger brother, John
of Gaunt, is evidenced in his will of 1398, in which he provides for a period of forty days
unburied and unembalmed before burial; see Anthony Goodman, John of Gaunt: The Exercise
of Princely Power in Fourteenth-Century Europe (Harlow, 1992), 366–67. Sir Gawain’s quest of
the Green Chapel is above all a vindication of the “pité þat passez alle poyntez” (line 654),
that is, the piety that stands as part of justice as the highest of the moral virtues and there-
fore specified by the Gawain-poet as the fifth and concluding virtue of the fifth and con-
cluding group of virtues. All references to SGGK are from Sir Gawain and the Green Knight,
ed. J. R. R. Tolkien and E. V. Gordon, 2nd edn. rev. Norman Davis (Oxford, 1967).
11. Mark Twain, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, ed. Emory Elliott (Oxford, 1999), 3.
12. See J. R. R. Tolkien, “Chaucer as Philologist: The Reeve’s Tale,” Transactions of the
Philological Society (1934): 1–70.
13. Terry Jones, Chaucer’s Knight: The Portrait of a Medieval Mercenary (London, 1980),
140.
14. Laura F. Hodges, Chaucer and Costume: The Secular Pilgrims in the General Prologue
(Cambridge, 2000), 57. Despite such reservations, I consider this to be a groundbreaking
study worthy of close attention.
15. Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 121.
16. Edward I. Condren, Chaucer and the Energy of Creation: The Design and Organization
of the Canterbury Tales (Gainesville, Fla., 1999), 152.
17. Jones, Chaucer’s Knight, 175, 192–202.
18. Condren, Chaucer and the Energy of Creation, 125, 219.
19. Condren, Chaucer and the Energy of Creation, 124–25.
20. Helen Cooper, The Canterbury Tales, 2nd edn. (Oxford, 1996), 132.
21. Condren, Chaucer and the Energy of Creation, 125, 163.
22. Condren, Chaucer and the Energy of Creation, refers to the “wide-eyed credulity of the
Narrator” (185) and describes him as “perhaps the least knowledgeable” of all the pilgrims
(190).
23. On the modification of feudal society known as bastard feudalism, see the seminal
article by K. B. McFarlane, “Bastard Feudalism,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research
20 (1945): 161–80.
24. See J. V. Cunningham, “Convention as Structure: The Prologue to the Canterbury
Tales,” Tradition and Poetic Structure (1960): 59–75, repr. in Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. J. A. Burrow
(Harmondsworth, 1969), 218–32; and also his article “The Literary Form of the Prologue
to the Canterbury Tales,” Modern Philology 49 (1951–52): 172–81.
25. Reference is to Guillaume de Lorris, Le Roman de la Rose, ed. Félix Lecoy, 3 vols.
(Paris, 1965–70).
26. See Boccaccio, Teseida, ed. A. Limentani, in Tutte le opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed.
Vittore Branca, 12 vols. incomplete (Verona, 1964–), 2:229–664, at 475; and trans. N. R.
Havely, Chaucer’s Boccaccio (Cambridge, 1980), 103–52, at 130.
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 312
27. On the number of Chaucer’s pilgrims, see Caroline D. Eckhardt, “The Number
of Chaucer’s Pilgrims: A Review and Reappraisal,” Yearbook of English Studies 5 (1975):
1–18, and Leger Brosnahan, “The Authenticity of And Preestes Thre,” Chaucer Review 16
(1982): 293–310. Brosnahan observes that “[t]he number twenty-nine . . . is also con-
firmed by being a precise number just one short of a round thirty to be completed by
Chaucer the Pilgrim, just as the nineteen ladies of the Legend of Good Women are
rounded out to twenty by Alceste” (294) (see LGW, Prol. F 241–46, 282–90, 300–307; G
173–93, 224–33). I do not accept the argument, however, that “and preestes thre” (I
164) is inauthentic.
28. See MED, s.vv. gentil n. 1. (a) and (b), communes n. 1a. (a), and cherl n. 1. (a).
29. See John Russell, Book of Nurture, lines 1025–40, 1065–72, in Manners and Meals in
Olden Time, ed. Frederick J. Furnivall, EETS os 32 (London, 1868), 115–239.
30. See Jill Mann, Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire (Cambridge, 1973), and my arti-
cle, “The Universality of the Portraits in the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales,” English
Studies 58 (1977): 481–93.
31. See MED, s.v. vavasour n. (a) ‘a feudal tenant holding land of some other vassal, a
sub-vassal, a liegeman; also, a member of the land-holding nobility, presumably ranking
below a baron,’ and Roy J. Pearcy, “Chaucer’s Franklin and the Literary Vavasour,” Chaucer
Review 8 (1973): 33–59.
32. On the relative status of the craft guilds in the fourteenth century, see my article,
“The Design of the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales,” English Studies 59 (1978):
481–98, at 492–94.
33. Cp. Donaldson, “Chaucer the Pilgrim”: “To have got on so well in so changeable a
world Chaucer must have got on well with the people in it, and it is doubtful that one may
get on with people merely by pretending to like them: one’s heart has to be in it” (Speaking
of Chaucer, 11).
34. Here it may be noted that Donaldson’s interpretation of the pilgrim as an obtuse
bourgeois has by no means won universal acceptance. It is challenged by H. Marshall
Leicester, Jr., “The Art of Impersonation: A General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales,”
PMLA 95 (1980): 213–24, and reexamined by Barbara Nolan, “‘A Poet Ther Was’:
Chaucer’s Voices in the General Prologue to The Canterbury Tales,” PMLA 101 (1986):
154–69. Leicester’s argument is restated and to some extent developed in his The
Disenchanted Self: Representing the Subject in the Canterbury Tales (Berkeley, 1990); 1–13,
383–417.
35. Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 111, 235.
36. On the influence of Langland on GP, see Nevill Coghill, “Two Notes on Piers
Plowman: II: Chaucer’s Debt to Langland,” Medium Ævum 4 (1935): 89–94, and Helen
Cooper, “Langland’s and Chaucer’s Prologues,” Yearbook of Langland Studies 1 (1987):
71–81.
37. See MED, s.v. gipsere n.: ‘a pouch, often richly ornamented, which hangs from a gir-
dle or sash’; OF gibeciere, gipsiere; and Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 143.
38. See MED, s.v. anelas n. (a); OF alenaz; The Alliterative Morte Arthure, ed. Valerie
Krishna (New York, 1976), 179; and Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 150–51.
39. See Chrétien de Troyes, Le Chevalier de la Charrete, ed. M. Roques (Paris, 1972), lines
268–320.
40. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 152–55.
41. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 168–72, and Color Plate VII.
42. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 178–79.
43. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 218–24.
44. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 204–205.
45. See Hodges, Chaucer and Costume, 205.
46. The word tale here may have the sense of ‘an ordered list,’ as in Pearl: “As John þise
stone in writ con nemme, / I knew þe name after his tale” (lines 997–98; Pearl, ed. E. V.
Gordon [Oxford, 1953], 36); see MED, s.v. tale n. 7. (g).
47. See, for example, The Rambler 180 (Saturday, 7 December 1751), 5:186: “If, instead
of wandering after the meteors of philosophy which fill the world with splendour for a
while, and then sink and are forgotten, the candidates of learning fixed their eyes upon
02_37_4_Final PROOF 5/8/03 8:17 PM Page 313
the permanent lustre of moral and religious truth, they would find a more certain direc-
tion to happiness” (The Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson, ed. Walter Jackson Bate
and A. B. Strauss, vols. 3–5 [New Haven, 1969]).
48. Aristotle, Ethics, II 6 1106b 36–1107a 2. Reference to the Ethica Nicomachea is to the
translation of W. D. Ross, rev. J. O. Urmson, in vol. 9 of The Works of Aristotle, 12
vols.(London, 1975). See also Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics,
trans. C. I. Litzinger (Notre Dame, Ind., 1993), 322–23.
49. See Aristotle, Ethics, V 8 1135a 15–23, V 8 1136a 1–5, V 9 1137a 4–9; and Aquinas,
Commentary, 1035–36, 1048, 1074. See also Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 1a 2ae 107.4, ed. T.
Gilby et al., 61 vols. (London, 1964–81).
50. Aristotle, Rhetoric, I 1 1355b 12–14: “it is not the function of medicine simply to
make a man quite healthy, but to put him as far as may be on the road to health; it is pos-
sible to give excellent treatment even to those who can never enjoy sound health.”
Reference is to Rhetorica, trans. W. Rhys Roberts, vol. 11 in The Works of Aristotle (Oxford,
1924).
51. Matthew Arnold, “The Study of Poetry” (1880), repr. in Essays in Criticism (London,
1908), 1–55, at 29.
52. See James A. Hart, “‘The Droghte of March’: A Common Misunderstanding,” Texas
Studies in Literature and Language 4 (1962–63): 525–29. The pattern of a cold, dry March
and a warm, wet April is a classic English pattern, and a poet like Spenser (Chaucer’s suc-
cessor in many ways) has grasped the essence of it in markedly similar terms; see The
Shepheardes Calender, Aprill (lines 5–8), in Spenser’s Minor Poems, ed. E. de Sélincourt
(Oxford, 1910), 36, 42. If there is a drought in England, we expect it in the autumn, not
the spring, a medieval expectation confirmed for us by Chaucer’s Staffordshire contem-
porary, the poet of SGGK (lines 521–24).
53. Wynnere and Wastoure, ed. Stephanie Trigg, EETS os 297 (Oxford, 1990).
54. E. Talbot Donaldson, Chaucer’s Poetry (New York, 1958), 876: “It is a comment on
Chaucer’s ‘naturalism’ that England suffers no drought in March; Chaucer’s drought is a
metaphorical one, taken from a rhetorical tradition that goes back to classic literature, and
to the Mediterranean countries where March is a dry month.”
55. Thus in his review of Jones’s Chaucer’s Knight, J. A. Burrow writes: “Yet Mr Jones is
absolutely right, I think, to reject as too bland and insipid the conventional account of the
Knight” (“The Imparfit Knight,” TLS [February 15, 1980], 163).
56. The attribution by Chaucer to the Knight as teller of his tale of a metaphor drawn
from plowing may not in such circumstances seem incongruous: “I have, God woot, a large
feeld to ere, / And wayke been the oxen in my plough” (I 886–87).
57. Reference is to Everyman and Medieval Miracle Plays, ed. A. C. Cawley (London,
1974). For other but by no means all references to “reckoning,” see Everyman, lines 45–46,
66–71, 99–100, 331–35, 864–66, 895–98, and 914–17.
58. See Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, vol. 40, trans. Thomas F. O’Meara and Michael J.
Duffy (London, 1968), 2a 2ae 100.1: “Et ideo aliquis, vendendo vel emendo rem spiri-
tualem, irreverentiam exhibet Deo et rebus divinis. Propter quod, peccat peccato irreli-
giositatis.” (And so, by buying or selling a spiritual thing a man treats God and divine
matters with irreverence, and consequently commits a sin of irreligion.)
59. See Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 2a 2ae 81.6.
60. Aquinas is characteristically clear on this point: “Unde peccatum quod est circa ipsam
substantiam hominis, sicut homicidium est gravius peccato quod est circa res exteriores, sicut
furtum; et adhuc est gravius peccatum quod immediate contra Deum committitur, sicut infi-
delitas, blasphemia et hujusmodi.” (Hence, sins which affect the very being of a man such as
homicide are worse than sins which affect an exterior good, e.g. theft; and more serious still
are those sins which are immediately against God, as infidelity, blasphemy, etc.) (Summa
Theologiae, vol. 25, trans. John Fearon [London, 1969], 1a 2ae 73.3).
61. The matter on the seven deadly sins, abbreviated and adapted, is inserted in the
second section of the treatise on penance, that is, on confession. ParsT is a treatise or man-
ual on penance, not a sermon, and it is described as “this tretice” (X 957) and “this litel
tretys” (X 1081).
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62. On the relationship between GP and ParsT, see the article by David Raybin, “‘Manye
been the weyes’: The Flower, Its Roots, and the Ending of The Canterbury Tales,” in Closure
in The Canterbury Tales: The Role of The Parson’s Tale, ed. David Raybin and Linda Tarte
Holley (Kalamazoo, Mich., 2000), 11–43.
63. Chaucer places Troilus in the temple of Venus in a list of lovers ruined by love that
includes the names of six of the damned in the second circle of hell, namely, Dido,
Cleopatra, Helen, Achilles, Paris, and Tristan, in addition to the names mentioned in his
principal source, Boccaccio’s Teseida. See PF 288–94, Dante’s Inf., V.61–67, and Tes., VII.62.