Spanish Socialist Workers' Party

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Spanish: Partido Socialista

Obrero Español [paɾˈtiðo soθjaˈlista oβɾeɾo espaˈɲol] ( listen);
Spanish Socialist W orkers' Party
Partido Socialista Obrero Español
PSOE [peˈsoe] ( listen)) is a social-democratic[8] political party in
Spain. The PSOE has been in government for a longer time than any
other political party in modern democratic Spain: from 1982 to 1996
under Felipe González; from 2004 to 2011 under José Luis Rodríguez
Zapatero, and currently since 2018 underPedro Sánchez.

The PSOE was founded in 1879, which makes it the oldest party
currently active in Spain. The PSOE played a key role during the
Second Spanish Republic, being part of coalition government from
Abbreviation PSOE
1931 to 1933 and from 1936 to 1939, when the Republic was defeated
President Cristina Narbona
by Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War. Historically a Marxist
party, it abandoned Marxism in 1979.[9] The PSOE has historically Secretary-General Pedro Sánchez
had strong ties with the General Union of Workers (UGT), a Spanish Spokesperson in Adriana Lastra
trade union. For decades, UGT membership was a requirement for
Congress
PSOE membership. However, since the 1980s UGT has frequently Spokesperson in Ander Gil
Senate
criticized the economic policies of PSOE, even calling for a general
strike against the PSOE government on 14 December 1988.[10] The Founder Pablo Iglesias Posse
PSOE is a member of the Party of European Socialists, Progressive Founded 2 May 1879
Alliance and the Socialist International.[10] In the European Headquarters C/ Ferraz, 70
Parliament, PSOE's 14 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) 28008 Madrid, Spain
sit in the Socialists and Democrats (S&D) European parliamentary Newspaper El Socialista
group. Student wing Campus Joven
Youth wing Socialist Youth of Spain
Trade union General Union of Workers
Contents Membership (2017) 187,360[1]
Ideology Social democracy[2][3]
Ideology Pro-Europeanism[4][5]
From Marxism to social democracy
Federalism
Political position Centre-left[2]
European Party of European
History
affiliation Socialists
Restoration regime
Second Republic and Civil War International Progressive Alliance
Clandestinity and exile affiliation Socialist International
Modern history (1974–present) European Progressive Alliance of
Parliament group Socialists and Democrats
Electoral performance
Congress of Deputies Colors Red
Senate Anthem "Himno del PSOE"[6]
European Parliament "Anthem of the PSOE"

Terms 0:00
Historical leaders
Congress of 84 / 350
Notable members
Deputies
See also
Senate 62 / 265
Footnotes
 References European 14 / 54
Bibliography Parliament
External links Regional 346 / 1,268
Parliaments
Regional 7 / 19
Ideology Governments
Provincial 391 / 1,040
deputations[7]
From Marxism to social democracy Local Government 20,823 / 67,611
(2015)
PSOE was founded with the purpose
Website
of representing and defending the
www.psoe.es
interests of the working class formed
during the Industrial Revolution in the Politics of Spain
19th century. In its beginnings, PSOE's Political parties
main objective was the defense of Elections
worker's rights and the achievement of
the ideals of socialism, emerging from contemporary philosophy and Marxist politics, by securing
political power for the working class and socialising the means of production in order to establish a
dictatorship of the proletariat in the transition to socialist society. The ideology of the Spanish
Pablo Iglesias
Socialist Worker's Party has evolved throughout the 20th century according to relevant historical
founded the party
back in 1879 events and the evolution of Spanish society.

In 1979, the party abandoned its definitive Marxist theses at the hands of its then secretary general
Felipe González, not before overcoming great tensions and two congresses, the first of which preferred to maintain Marxism. Before
this situation, notable internal leaders like Pablo Castellano or Luis Gómez Llorente founded the internal faction of Left Socialists,
which included the militants who would not renounce Marxism. This allowed for the consolidation of the leftist forces in PSOE.
From this moment, the diverse events both outside and within the party led to projects that resembled those of other European social
democratic parties and acceptance of the defence of the market economy
.

Currently, PSOE defines itself as "social democratic, centre-left and progressive". It is grouped with other self-styled socialists, social
democrats and labour parties in theParty of European Socialists.

Federalism
During the Second Republic the matter of the conception of the State was open within the party: two different views connected in
discourse to the interests of the working class competed against each other, a centralist view as well as a federal one.[11] The late
years of the Francoist dictatorship was a period in which PSOE defended the right to "self-determination of the peoples of Spain", in
what it was a reflection of both an ideologic and a pragmatist approach.[12] Ultimately, the party, while sticking to a preference for a
federal system, gradually ceased to mention the notion of self-determination during the Spanish transition to democracy.[13]
Postulates coming from peripheral nationalisms that have been assumed by elements of the party, bringing an understanding of
Catalonia, the Basque Coutry and Galicia as nations and thus, deserving of a different treatment than the rest of regions, have been
heavily criticised by other party elements, as according to the later, they would undermine the principle of territorial equality among
the autonomous communities.[14]

History

Restoration regime
PSOE was founded by Pablo Iglesias on 2 May 1879 in the Casa Labra tavern in
Tetuán Street near the Puerta del Sol at the centre of Madrid.[15] Iglesias was a
typesetter who had become in contact in the past with the Spanish section of the
International Working Men's Association and with Paul Lafargue.[16] The first
program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people, on 20
July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade
union, the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) was chiefly restricted to the
Pablo Iglesias addressing the
Madrid-Biscay-Asturias triangle up until the 1910s.[17] The obtaining of a seat at the workers during a 1905 demonstration
Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the 1910 legislative election, in which the PSOE in Madrid.
candidates presented within the broad Republican–Socialist Conjunction, became a
development of great symbolical transcendence, and gave the party more publicity at
the national level.[18]

Besteiro, Anguiano, Saborit
and Largo Caballero in the
prison of Cartagena (1918).
The party and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917, in the
context of the events of the 1917 Crisis during the conservative government of Eduardo
Dato. The strike was crushed by the army with the result of further undermining of the
constitutional order;[19] the members of the organizing committee (Julián Besteiro,
Francisco Largo Caballero, Daniel Anguiano and Andrés Saborit), were accused of sedition
and sentenced to life imprisonment.[20] Sent to the prison of Cartagena,[20] they were
released a year later, after being elected to the Cortes in the 1918 general election. During
the 1919−1921 "Crisis of the Internationals" the party experienced tensions between the
members endorsing the Socialist International and the advocates for joining the Third
International. Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Komintern, namely the
Spanish Communist Party in 1920,[21] and the Spanish Communist Workers' Party in
1921,[22] broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create the Communist Party of
Spain (PCE).
The party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and
1940.[23]

After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced the later at the presidency of the PSOE and the UGT
.

During the 1923–1930 dictatorship of Primo de Rivera corporativist PSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage into limited
collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such as Indalecio Prieto and Fernando de los
Ríos, who instead vouched for a closer collaboration with republican forces.[24] The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence
emerge among the "corporativists"; it was personified in Francisco Largo Caballero, who began to endorse the rapport with bourgeois
republicans, and Julián Besteiro, who still showed great distrust towards the later.[25] The opposition of Besteiro to participate in the
"Revolutionary Committee" led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931.[26] He was
replaced as president of the party byRemigio Cabello.[27]

Second Republic and Civil War

After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the
provisional government: Indalecio Prieto (Finance), Fernando de los Ríos (Education) and Francisco Largo Caballero (Labour). The
socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the"Social-Azañist Biennium"(1931–1933).

After the November 1933 general election, which marked a win for the right-of-centre forces, in a climate of increasing polarization
and growing unemployment along a desire to mend the mistake of not having sided along the republicans in the election against the
united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric.[28] Indalecio Prieto had also participated in the increasingly
aggressive rhetoric, having already condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 largely anarchist uprising by the
government, that has been cheered on by the CEDA parliamentary fraction
leaders.[29] The Socialist Youth of Spain (JSE) also engaged into a shrilling
revolutionary rhetoric, while Besteiro firmly opposed the insurrectionary drift of the
militancy.[30]

The formation of a new cabinet

including CEDA ministers in
October 1934 was perceived among
the Left as a reaction,[31] with the
CEDA party being PSOE entered the provisional
indistinguishable from government of the Second Republic
in 1931 with Indalecio Prieto,
contemporary Fascism to most
Fernando de los Ríos and Largo
workers,[32] while CEDA leader
Caballero as ministers.
Workers arrested by civil guards and Gil-Robles had vouched for the
assault guards during the 1934
establishment of a corporative state
Asturian revolutionary strike.
already in the 1933 electoral campaign.[33] Having the UGT called for a general
strike in the country for 5 October, the strike developed into a full-blown
insurrection (the "Revolution of 1934") in the mining region of Asturias, which was vocally supported by socialists such as Largo
Caballero and Prieto. After the end of the revolt, whose repression was entrusted to Generals Franco and Goded, most PSOE and
UGT leaders were jailed.[34]

A growing rift between Prieto and Largo Caballero (with disparate views of politics,
albeit sharing a general pragmatist approach) formed in 1935 while Besteiro's clout
on the party took several steps back.[35] Followers of Indalecio Prieto would
ultimately become "estranged from the party left".[36] PSOE formed part of the
broad left-wing Popular Front electoral coalition that stood for election in 1936 and
achieved a victory in seats over the right.

In September 1936, a few months into the 1936–1939 Spanish Civil War, a cabinet
presided by Largo Caballero was formed (he also held the functions of Minister of Largo Caballero visiting thesiege of
War). Later in November, Largo Caballero got to integrate some CNT ministers in the Alcázar in September 1936.
his government. The left socialist caballeristas were revolutionary in rhetoric
(although ultimately they displayed moderate reformist policies in practice while in
government);[36] the May Events of 1937 in Barcelona destabilised the government, which was replaced by a new cabinet presided
by the also socialist Juan Negrín.

Clandestinity and exile

With the PSOE reduced to clandestinity during the Francoist dictatorship, its
members were persecuted, with many leaders, members and supporters being
imprisoned or exiled and even executed.[n 1] The party was legalized again in 1977,
during the Spanish Transition.

Disputes between the followers of Indalecio Prieto (who had exiled to Mexico) and
Juan Negrín over the political strategy of the Republican government in Exile soon
arose. Negrín, whose 1937–1939 spell at the government in wartime was seen
negatively by large elements of both caballerista and prietista extraction, had Rodolfo Llopis led the PSOE in exile
for nearly three decades.
become vilified.[37] The party was re-organized along new lines in 1944 in the 1st
Congress in Exile that took place in Toulouse and in which Rodolfo Llopis became
the party's new Secretary General.[38]
The PSOE congresses in exile during the post-war period were marked by strong anti-communist positions, as a reflection of how the
exiles remembered the last events of the Civil War (which featured bitter strifes with the communists) and in line with the stance of
other parties of the Socialist International during the Cold War, neglecting any kind of rapprochement with the PCE.[39] The relative
void left in Spain by the PSOE, with a Toulouse-based direction lacking in dynamism and innovation, was filled by the PCE and
other new clandestine organizations such as the Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU), the Popular Liberation Front (FELIPE),
or, later, the Tierno Galván's Socialist Party of the Interior.[40] The Toulouse executive board became increasingly detached from the
party in Spain in the 1960s an unsurmountable chasm between the former and the party in the interior was already defined by
1972.[41]

Modern history (1974–present)

Its 25th Congress was held in Toulouse in August 1972. In 1974 at its 26th Congress in Suresnes, Felipe González was elected
Secretary General, replacing Llopis. González was from the "reform" wing of the party, and his victory signaled a defeat for the
historic and veteran wing of the Party. The direction of the party shifted from the exiles to the young people in Spain who had not
fought the war.[10]

Llopis led a schism to form the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (historic). González
showed intentions to move the party away from its Marxist and socialist
background, turning PSOE into a social-democratic party, similar to those of the rest
of western Europe. In 1977 PSOE became the unofficial opposition leading party
with 29.2% of the vote and 118 seats in the Parliament (which until then it had been
the Communists, leading more aggressively among a larger representation of
underground parties since the last free popular vote during the Civil War on
Republican territory) in what was still a pluralistic party election but heading
towards a de facto two-party system. Their standing was further boosted in 1978
when the 6 deputies of thePopular Socialist Partyagreed to merge with the party.

In their 27th congress in May 1979, González resigned because the party would not
abandon its Marxist character. In September of that year, the extraordinary 28th
congress was called in which González was re-elected when the party agreed to Felipe González during a speech in
move away from Marxism. European social-democratic parties supported González's 1977
stand, and the Social Democratic Party of Germany granted them money. PSOE
party symbol was changed from the anvil with the book to the social-democratic
rose in the fist, as used by the French Socialist Party. In the referendum of 1978, PSOE supported the Spanish Constitution, which
was approved. In the 1979 Spanish general election PSOE gained 30.5% of the vote and 121 seats, remaining the main opposition
party. On 28 October 1982 Spanish general election, PSOE was victorious, with 48.1% of the vote (10,127,392 total). Felipe
González became Prime Minister of Spainon 2 December, a position he held until May 1996.

Though the party had opposed NATO, after reaching the government most party leaders supported keeping Spain inside the
organisation. The González administration organised a referendum on the question in 1986, calling for a favourable vote, and won.
The administration was criticised for avoiding the official names of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and NATO, using the
unofficial Atlantic Alliance terms. A symbol of this U-turn is Javier Solana who campaigned against NATO but ended up years later
as its Secretary General.

PSOE supported the United States in the Gulf War (1991). PSOE won the 1986, 1989 and 1993 general elections. Under the
Gonzalez Administration, public expenditure on education, health, and pensions rose in total by 4.1 points of the country's GDP
between 1982 and 1992.[42]

Economic crisis and state terrorism (GAL) against the violent separatist group ETA eroded the popularity of Felipe González, and in
1996, PSOE lost the elections to the conservative People's Party (PP). Between 1996 and 2001 PSOE weathered a crisis, with
Gonzalez resigning in 1997. PSOE suffered a heavy defeat in 2000 (34.7%). PSOE remained as the ruling party in the autonomous
communities of Andalusia, Extremadura, Castilla-La Mancha and Asturias.

In 2000, a new general secretary, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (also known as ZP), was elected, renewing the party. Later, PSOE
won the municipal elections of 2003.

PSOE strongly opposed theIraq War, which was supported by the Aznar government.

On 13 November 2003 PSOE (Socialists' Party of Catalonia, PSC) increased its vote total
but scored second in the regional election in Catalonia, after Convergence and Union. After
a period of negotiations, the party formed a pact with Republican Left of Catalonia,
Initiative for Catalonia Greens and the United and Alternative Left, and governed in
Catalonia until 2010.

On 14 March 2004, PSOE won the 2004 Spanish general election with almost 43% of the
José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero votes, following the 11-M terrorist (11 March) attacks, and maintained their lead in the
during the 2010 Progressive
elections to the European Parliament.
Governance Conference
In 2005, PSOE called for a "Yes" vote on the European Constitution. PSOE also favoured
the negotiations between the government and ETA during the 2006 cease-fire, which had a
de facto end with the Barajas Airport terrorist attack.

On 9 March 2008 PSOE won the2008 general electionsagain with José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero remaining Prime Minister of Spain.
The Socialists increased their share of seats in theCongress of Deputies from 164 to 169 after the latest election.

However, after waning popularity throughout their second term, mainly due to their
handling of the worsening economic climate in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008
Global Financial Crisis, PSOE were defeated in the general elections of November
2011 by the conservative People's Party. Shortly after, an extraordinary congress was
held, in which Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, former Deputy to Zapatero and Minister of
the Interior, was elected Secretary General defeating Carme Chacón, the other
candidate, who stood for the Zapatero platform. This victory caused huge internal
divisions and weakened the party's external image.
PSOE leading figures during the38th
In 2013, PSOE held a political conference which introduced a completely new federal congress in which Alfredo
platform, widely seen as a move to the left in a desperate attempt to steal votes from Pérez Rubalcaba (center) was
elected Secretary General.
parties such as United Left, whose popularity rose steadily due to the general
discontent with the two-party system and spending cuts. That platform was the basis
for the European Parliament electionmanifesto, promoted as a solid alternative to the conservative plan for Europe. The expectations
inside the party, which chose Elena Valenciano as their election candidate, were really optimistic; however, the social democrats
suffered another huge defeat due to the appearance of new parties such as Podemos which managed to gain the support of left-wing
voters; PSOE won 14 seats. Shortly thereafter, Rubalcaba resigned as Secretary General and an Extraordinary Congress was
convoked. This congress was the first to use a primary election system with three candidates: Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina and
José Antonio Pérez-Tapias. Pedro Sánchez was elected with 49 percent of the vote of the affiliates and therefore became Secretary
General on 27 July.

In 2015 municipal elections were held, where the PSOE won 25% of the vote, one of its worst results in the history of democracy,
together with the fall of the Popular Party, which won 27% of votes, it meant the end of the two-party system in Spain in favor of
new parties. The PSOE lost 943 councilors but passes govern 2-7 communities through pacts left.

On 20 December, the 2015 general election was held, which produced a parliament broken into four major parties. PSOE, due to the
large increase for parties like Podemos (left) and Citizens (centre-right), got about 20% of the vote, its worst result since democracy
was restored. Parliament was so fragmented, no government could be formed, and six months later new elections were held. The
2016 elections resulted in the PSOE losing five seats despite gaining 0.6% of the vote (still the party's second-worst popular vote total
since the restoration of democracy, after 2015), leaving the party with 85 seats in Parliament, their lowest total since the restoration of
democracy and the fewest since theelections of 1933 in Republican Spain left the party with 59 seats in the 473-member parliament.

With the exception of the 2015 Andalusian elections, most elections held during the
leadership of Sánchez were negative for the PSOE. In addition, the policy of pacts
conducted by Sánchez after the general elections of 2016, based on Sánchez's
outright refusal to facilitate a PP government, caused a faction within the party
critical of Sánchez to rise in prominence. This faction was led by President of
Andalusia Susana Díaz.

On September 28, 2016, the Secretary of Federal Policy, Antonio Pradas, went to the Pedro Sánchez (who led the party
party's headquarters and presented the en bloc resignation of 17 members of the through its crisis in 2016), after
winning the 2017 primary election for
Federal Executive and the demands of those who resigned for the party to be run by
Secretary-General, singingThe
an interim manager and to pressure Pedro Sánchez to resign as secretary general.
Internationale.
The Executive later lost two more members in the en bloc resignation, bringing the
total number of resignations to 19. Resigning executives included the president of
the party, Micaela Navarro, the former Minister Carme Chacón, the President of Valencia Ximo Puig and the President of Castilla–La
Mancha Emiliano García-Page. This launched the 2016 PSOE crisis.

On the afternoon of 1 October 2016, after holding a tense Federal Committee meeting, Pedro Sánchez resigned as party General
Secretary, forcing an extraordinary party congress to choose a new General Secretary. That night it was reported that an interim
manager would be chosen, confirmed to be the President ofAsturias Javier Fernández Fernández. Sánchez announced his intention to
run for General Secretary of the party, as Susana Díaz (one of the leaders of the anti-Sánchez faction of the party) and Patxi López
also did.

At the 39th federal congress in June 2017, Díaz received 48.3% of endorsements, outpacing both Sánchez (43.0% of endorsements)
and López (8.7% of endorsements), but Sánchez won an absolute majority of the party's popular vote, at 50.3% (Díaz received 39.9%
and López 9.8%). Both Díaz and López withdrew before the delegate vote, returning Sánchez as the General Secretary of the PSOE
and ending the crisis.

In June 2018, General Secretary Sánchez presented a motion of no confidence to parliament against the PP government of Prime
Minister Mariano Rajoy after the National Court found that the PP profited from the illegal kickbacks-for-contracts scheme of the
Gürtel case, confirming the existence of an illegal accounting and financing structure that ran in parallel with the party's official one
since 1989 and ruling that the PP helped establish "a genuine and effective system of institutional corruption through the
manipulation of central, autonomous and local public procurement." The PSOE's motion passed with the support of Unidos Podemos,
Republican Left of Catalonia, Catalan European Democratic Party, Basque Nationalist Party, Coalició Compromís, EH Bildu and
New Canaries, bringing down the Rajoy government. The PP voted against the proposal, joined by Citizens, Navarrese People's
Union and Asturias Forum. Canarian Coalition abstained.

After Rajoy's government fell, Pedro Sánchez became Prime Minister of Spain on 1 June 2018, in a minority government. Sánchez
said he planned to form a government that would eventually dissolve the Cortes Generales and call for a general election, but he did
not specify when he would do it,[43] while also saying that, before calling for an election, he intended take a series of measures like
increasing unemployment benefits and proposing a law of equal pay between the sexes.[44] However, he also said he would uphold
the 2018 budget approved by the Rajoy government, a condition the right-leaning Basque Nationalist Party imposed to vote for the
motion of no-confidence.[45] He also said he would "reinstate dialogue" with theCatalan independence movement.[45]

Sánchez took office on 2 June 2018 in the presence of former Prime Minister Rajoy, President of the CongressAna Pastor, as well as
King Felipe VI.[46] Spanish media noted that Sánchez swore office on the Spanish Constitution instead of swearing on a Bible, nor
did he wear a crucifix, for the first time in modern Spanish history.[47] After being sworn in, Sánchez announced that he would only
propose measures that had considerable parliamentary support, and reaffirmed the government's compliance with the EU deficit
requirements.[48]
Electoral performance

Congress of Deputies
 Congress of Deputies
Election Seats Vote % Status Leader
0 / 404 Pablo Iglesias
1907 N/A
Posse
1 / 404 Pablo Iglesias
1910 with CRS – Opposition
Posse
1 / 408 Pablo Iglesias
1914 with CRS – Opposition
Posse
1 / 409 Pablo Iglesias
1916 with CRS – Opposition
Posse
6 / 409 Pablo Iglesias
1918 with AI – Opposition
Posse
6 / 409 Pablo Iglesias
1919 with CRS – Opposition
Posse
4 / 409 Pablo Iglesias
1920 Opposition
Posse
7 / 409 Pablo Iglesias
1923 Opposition
Posse

Government
116 / 470 Francisco Largo
1931 21.4 Opposition (from Caballero
Sep 1933)

59 / 473 Francisco Largo

1933 19.4 Opposition
Caballero
Opposition
99 / 473
1936 with FP 16.4 Government Indalecio Prieto
(from Sep 1936)

118 / 350
1977 5,371,866 (#2) 29.32 Opposition Felipe González

121 / 350
1979 5,469,813 (#2) 30.40 Opposition Felipe González

202 / 350
1982 10,127,392 (# 1) 48.11 Government Felipe González

184 / 350
1986 8,901,718 (# 1) 44.06 Government Felipe González

175 / 350
1989 8,115,568 (# 1) 39.60 Government Felipe González

159 / 350
1993 9,150,083 (# 1) 38.78 Government Felipe González

141 / 350
1996 9,425,678 (#2) 37.63 Opposition Felipe González
 2000 125 / 350 7,918,752 (#2) 34.16 Opposition Joaquín Almunia

José Luis
164 / 350
2004 11,026,163 (# 1) 42.59 Government Rodríguez
Zapatero
José Luis
169 / 350
2008 11,289,335 (# 1) 43.87 Government Rodríguez
Zapatero
110 / 350 Alfredo Pérez
2011 7,003,511 (#2) 28.76 Opposition
Rubalcaba
90 / 350
2015 5,545,315 (#2) 22.00 Opposition Pedro Sánchez

Opposition
85 / 350
2016 5,443,846 (#2) 22.63 Government Pedro Sánchez
(from Jun 2018)

Senate
 Senate
Election Seats Leader
54 / 207
1977 Felipe González

69 / 208
1979 Felipe González

134 / 208
1982 Felipe González

124 / 208
1986 Felipe González

107 / 208
1989 Felipe González

96 / 208
1993 Felipe González

81 / 208
1996 Felipe González

60 / 208
2000 Joaquín Almunia

89 / 208
2004 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero

96 / 208
2008 José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero

54 / 208
2011 Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba

47 / 208
2015 Pedro Sánchez

43 / 208
2016 Pedro Sánchez

European Parliament
 European Parliament
Election Seats Vote %
28 / 60
1987 7,522,706 (# 1) 39.06

27 / 60
1989 6,275,552 (# 1) 39.57

22 / 64
1994 5,719,707 (#2) 30.79

24 / 64
1999 7,477,823 (#2) 35.33

25 / 54
2004 6,741,112 (# 1) 43.46

23 / 54
2009 6,141,784 (#2) 38.78

14 / 54
2014 3,614,232 (#2) 23.01

Terms
Baron: unofficial term for the party's regional leaders. They can be very powerful, especially if they run an
autonomous community. There have been conflicts between barons and the central directorate in the past. Some
barons were Pasqual Maragall (Catalonia), who didn't run for re-election in 2006;Juan Carlos Rodríguez Ibarra
(Extremadura), who didn't run for re-election in 2007;Manuel Chaves (Andalucia), who renounced Andalucia's
presidency in 2009 to assume Third Vice Presidency of the Spanish Government;José Montilla (Catalonia), now
opposition leader. The term barón is more colloquial than official, representing the great power regional leaders have
in the party, but it has been falling out of usesince 2008.
Compañero ("companion", "comrade"): a term of address among Socialists, analogous to the English comrade and
the Russian tovarisch.
Currents: there have been several internal groups within PSOE, based on personal or ideologicalfinities.
af Some of
them have ended with separation from PSOE. The failed trial ofprimary elections for PSOE candidates was an
attempt to conciliate currents. Examples of currents are "Guerristas" (followers ofAlfonso Guerra), "Renovadores"
(renewers, right wing of the Party) or Izquierda Socialista (Socialist Left).

Historical leaders

President Term Secretary-General Term Prime Ministers of

Term
Spain
1879– Ramón Lamoneda 1936–1944
Pablo Iglesias
1925 Francisco Largo 1936–
Rodolfo Llopis 1944–1972 Caballero 1937
1925–
Julián Besteiro In exile 1972–1974
1931 1937–
Juan Negrín López
1939
1931– Felipe González 1974–1997
Remigio Cabello
1932 1982–
Joaquín Almunia 1997–2000 Felipe González
1996
Francisco Largo 1932–
José Luis Rodríguez
Caballero 1935 2000–2012 José Luis Rodríguez 2004–
Zapatero
Zapatero 2011
1935–
Indalecio Prieto Alfredo Pérez
1948 2012–2014 Pedro Sánchez 2018–
Rubalcaba
1948–
Trifón Gómez 2014–2016;
1955 Pedro Sánchez
2017–
Vacant 1955–
 Vacant 1955–
1964
1964–
Pascual Tomás
1967
1967–
Ramón Rubial
1970
1970–
In exile
1976
1976–
Ramón Rubial
1999
1999–
Manuel Chaves
2012
2012–
José Antonio Griñán
2014
2014–
Micaela Navarro
2016
Cristina Narbona 2017–

Notable members

See also
Politics of Spain
List of political parties in Spain

Footnotes
1. Among others, the aging and ill Julián Besteiro, who preferred to stay in Spain over exile, died in a Francoist prison
in 1940. Julián Zugazagoitia, government minister in 1937–1938, was captured in exile by theGestapo, handed over
to Spain and executed in 1940.

References
1. Anabel Díez: El PSOE fija el censo provisional en 187.360 militantes.(http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2017/04/18/a
ctualidad/1492533676_586452.html)El País, 18/04/2017.
2. PSOE. Ideology: Social democracy. Political Position: Centre-left (http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/docs/round6/
survey/ESS6_appendix_a3_e02_0.pdf)- European Social Survey
3. Nordsieck, Wolfram (2016). "Spain" (http://www.parties-and-elections.eu/spain.html). Parties and Elections in
Europe. Retrieved 30 August 2018.
4. Gibbons 1999, p. 48: «This was in line with the PSOE's strongly pro-European policies
»
5. Campoy-Cubillo 2012, p. 163: «The Saharawi cause was embraced not only by the Europeanist PSOE
»
6. https://www.abc.es/espana/20150521/abci-himno-psoe-201505191330.html
7. Diputaciones provinciales 1979 - 2015.(http://www.historiaelectoral.com/diputacions83.html)
 8. The PSOE is described as a social-democratic party by numerous sources:
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Retrieved 14 July 2013.
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Consensus (https://books.google.com/books?id=oD7bKbo0FYEC&pg=PT71) . CRC Press. p. 71. ISBN 978-1-
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Planet (https://books.google.com/books?id=-vSlx-_Z408C&pg=P A218). Rowman & Littlefield. p. 218.ISBN 978-
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11. Molina Jiménez 2013, p. 259.
12. Quiroga Fernández de Soto 2008, p. 100.
13. Quiroga Fernández de Soto 2008, p. 101.
14. Quiroga Fernández de Soto 2008, p. 108.
15. Vadillo 2007, p. 32; Álvarez Junco 2018, pp. 414–415
16. Álvarez Junco 2018, pp. 414–415.
17. Tuñón de Lara 1990, p. 239.
18. Robles Egea 2015.
19. Romero Salvadó 2010, pp. 79-80.
20. Casanova & Gil Andrés 2014, p. 63.
21. Heywood 2002, p. 56.
22. Heywood 2002, p. 25.
23. Kowalski, Werner. Geschichte der sozialistischen arbeiter-internationale: 1923 – 19 (https://books.google.com/book
s?id=83QdPwAACAAJ). Berlin: Dt. Verl. d. Wissenschaften, 1985. p.325
24. Egido León 2011, pp. 29–30.
25. Juliá 1983, p. 44.
26. Heywood 2002, p. 117.
27. Heywood 2002, p. 119.
28. Preston 1978, pp. 94–95.
29. Preston 1978, p. 101.
30. Preston 1978, pp. 102–105.
31. Gil Pecharromán 2015, p. 14.
32. Preston 1978, p. 100.
33. Preston 1978, pp. 92–93.
34. Preston 1978, pp. 129; 132–132.
35. Preston 1978, p. 133.
36. Graham 1988, p. 177.
37. Hoyos Puente 2016, pp. 316–317.
38. Hoyos Puente 2016, p. 318.
39. Bueno Aguado 2016, pp. 334–335.
40. Bueno Aguado 2016, pp. 335–336.
41. Heywood 1987, pp. 198-199.
42. Regimes, Politics, and Markets: Democratization and Economic Change in ... – José María Maravall – Google Books
(https://books.google.com/books?id=qd7enfJ_PMUC&pg=P A183&dq=mauroy+government+pensions&hl=en&sa=X&
ei=JzljUZm6HsWY1AXlioDAAQ&ved=0CFwQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=mauroy%20government%20pensions&f=fals
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43. http://www.abc.es/espana/abci-sanchez-llega-poder-sin-concretar-cuando-convocara-elecciones-
201806010320_noticia.html
44. http://www.eleconomista.es/economia/noticias/9179627/06/18/Sanchez-prioriza-la-agenda-social-y-renuncia-a-
realizar-reformas-en-profundidad.html
45. http://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20180531/443963185308/pedro-sanchez-rajoy-dimita-mocion-de-censura.html
46. https://www.boe.es/boe/dias/2018/06/02/pdfs/BOE-A-2018-7400.pdf
47. https://www.eldiario.es/politica/Pedro-Sanchez-presidente-presencia-Rajoy_0_777972264.html
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External links
Official site

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