--- AT: Weheliye ---

1AR
 1AR – Weheliye F/L
No link – the aff doesn’t take a stance on what a “human” is, or
who is entitled to a “right.” They’ll say politics is inherently bad,
but (A) their own speech proves that we as people can recognize
and respect the subaltern, and (B) beliefs are the product of
inculcation from social norms, which are contingent.

Perm – do the aff as an act of anti-colonial politics. Weheliye

does not suggest political pessimism—defeating “Man” requires
a politics that combats narrow conceptions of personhood.
Affirm to endorse a right for all subjects.
Dawney et al. ’17 [Leila Dawney, Claire Blencowe, and Patrick Bresnihan.
“Problems of Hope.” 2017, Authority Research Network Press, pgs. 126-7,
https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/sociology/staff/blencowe/arn_press/problems_of_hope
_dawney_blencowe_bresnihan.pdf. 10/12/18] PZ
Amongst the voices in political philosophy and cultural studies that seek to resist the
apolitical pessimism that is implicit in some of the above, is that of anti-colonialism.
Whilst contemporary mainstream European and north American philosophers despair in
the face of abjection and the totalisation of oppression that is experienced
as new, others look to the philosophical and spiritual traditions of peoples
that have been utterly abjected by imperial capitalism since its 16th century
inception. Paul Gilroy, Drucilla Cornell, Alexander Weheliye and others are drawing
inspiration from Sylvia Wynter. She suggests that the alternative to the broken
dreams and cruelty of the modern Euro-American political project is not pessimistic resignation but
rather the forms of life that have always already “flourished beyond the realm of
Man” – that is to say, the cultural practices of healing, resisting, loving and
living of peoples that have been represented and treated as ‘Other’ and even
‘less than fully human’ ever since Europeans set out to conquer and exploit the globe.
As Gilroy argues, an optimistic humanism has always been central to the
cultural and political traditions of the transatlantic black diaspora. Ideas about the
supposed separation of humanity into different sub-species that are more or less human have been used against enslaved and
victims of this
colonised peoples to justify the most grotesque oppressions and exploitations of modern history. The
oppression have always had powerful cause to assert the universal
commonality of humanity. In 1961, in perhaps the canonical text of anti-colonialism, Franz Fanon argued that
the true future of enlightenment and humanism – of freedom, beauty, justice and truth – lies not in “this Europe which never stops
talking of man and yet massacres him at every one of its street corners” but in the experience of colonised peoples who have had to
learn not only of the accomplishments of the European tradition but also of its crimes “the most heinous of which have been
committed at the very heart of man” in the violent dismembering of humanity into supposedly different classes and races.7
People who had suffered the dehumanisation and racism of the European
project were better placed to fulfil its supposed promise of universalism,
creativity and truth. For the sake not only of ‘ourselves’, he argued, but also of Europe and humanity itself, the people
of the ‘Third World’ that were at the time overthrowing colonialism would have to “make a new start, develop a new way of thinking,
 Anti-colonial politics would not mean giving up on
and endeavour to create a new man”.8
the ideals of humanism and dreams of human creativity, but rather the rejection of
narrow conceptions of who or what counts.

Colonialism DA – the alt’s flight from politics reinforces political

violence against colonized peoples – turns the alt.
Islam ’16 [Dr. Monirul Islam is an Ass Professor of English @ Asannagar
Madan Mohan Tarkalankar College. “Posthumanism: Through the
Postcolonial Lense. Critical Posthumanism and Planetary Futures] VR
Once we locate the
Eurocentric turn in posthumanism, the valorization of the nonhuman
other in posthumanism becomes the object of the postcolonial critical gaze . The
valorisation of the nonhuman in itself is not a problem, but if it is done at the
cost of the 'human other'/'the man—animal', it becomes
problematic, and this is a neo-colonial move in posthumanism
that aims to remove the human subaltern groups from the
discursive space. This erasure of human agency may help the
neo-techno-colonizers in the act of exploitation, since their
exploitation will remain invisible. Posthumanist discourse,
therefore, enacts a politics of silencing by dis- placing our gaze
from the 'human other' to the nonhuman other. Sylvia Wynter and Charles W.
Mills, sum up the precise problem with the decentring of man in posthumanism. The problem, they say, is : when some
people have not been con- sidered and treated as humans,
posthumanism serves as an alibi for further denial of humanity
to these same people. They argue that cybernetics may be a step beyond old-fashioned humanism, but the
newly emergent subjects of humanism—colo- nised people, women and minorities
—need to be respected and dignified as humans first. This argument, posthumanists might say, gets entrapped
in liberal humanism's notion of progress . The question is not, as Shu-mei Shih writes, about temporality —
the 'subhumans' are asking for old-fashioned humanism and hence are hope- lessly anachronistic—but about priority within the
same historical moment shared and lived by all. This humanism is not to be conflated with pseudo-emancipatory liberal humanism
(against which Jan Mohamed warns) but a trenchantly political and collective move against 'dehumanization' (Shu-mei Shih 30).8
These appre- hensions become validated once we take a look at its popular form
and the com- plicity of some forms of posthumanism with advanced capitalism . As
the advocates of advanced capitalism seem to be
Rosi Braidotti suggests, "
faster in grasping the creative potential of the posthuman than
some of the well-meaning and progressive neo-humanist
opponents of this system" (The Posthuman 45).
Their theory is bogus, empirics flow aff – the 13th, 14th, and 15th
amendments, civil rights acts, demographic shifts all prove that
policy change can net reduce suffering for minorities. Empirics
outweigh – the only impacts that matter are those that are
experienced by real people – if I win a single counter-example,
vote aff on the perm.

Alt fails –specific policies are the cause of violence. Their

affective politics fails to enact institutional change.
Schrimshaw 12 – Will Schrimshaw, Ph.D. in Philosophy and
Architecture at Newcastle University, is an artist and researcher from
Wakefield based in Liverpool. January 28th, 2012, "Affective Politics and
Exteriority"willschrimshaw.net/subtractions/affective-politics-and-
exteriority/#
The affective turn in recent politics thereby becomes auto-
affective and in remaining bound to an individual’s feelings and
emotions undermines the possibility of its breaking out into
collective action and mobilisation. Yet, referring back to Fisher’s article, it is where this
affective orientation is inscribed into the social circuits of musical use and
sonorous production that it perhaps begins to break out of the ideology of
individualism through tapping into a transpersonal or `machinic’
dimension of affective signals that never find a voice yet remain
expressive and hopefully inch towards efficacy. What is important to express here is that
much of this affective content is inscribed in the use of music as much as its
composition. As little of the Grime and Dancehall that Fisher and Dan Hancox catalogued towards a playlist of the riots
and uprisings expresses in explicitly linguistic and lyrical content the sentiments of political activism, it is in the use of music and
Where music is
sound as a carrier of affects at the point of both playback and composition that its importance lies.2
deployed as a more affective than symbolic force in resistance, its
significance becomes obscure and ambiguous from the perspective
and expectations of symbolic coherence. This noted lack of coherence
and communicable message marks, as Fisher points out, a certain
exhaustion of recognised channels of musical resistance: the
protest song seems worn out, lacklustre, its own
disempowerment, apparent obsolescence and displacement in
pop culture a symptom compounding the apathy and
estrangement that has characterised much of the still fairly
recent discourse on youth and `political engagement’.
Perm – engage the state as a survival strategy. Their scholarship
operates from an ivory tower. The “hieroglyphics of the flesh”
won’t help feed starving black families—food stamps will. Taking
advantage of state institutions does not require placing our faith
in the state for liberation.