Developing a

Creative District
in Port-au-Prince
 Developing a Creative
District in Port-au-Prince

Benjamin Gebhardt
Gen Kawasaki
Sharon Sagues Luján
Cristina Viladomiu Noguer
Acknowledgements
The research team would like to thank Nicola Magri and Ana Maria Saiz from the
Inter-American Development Bank, as well as Greta Seibel from the London School
of Economics, for their guidance and support.
An expression of appreciation for the valuable insights and support of: Koldo Eche-
barria, Pascale Jaunay, Pascale Théard, Rose-May Guignard, André Eugène, Yves
César, Eddy Rémy, Axelle Liautaud, Leah Gordon, Frantz Duval, Jean Max Chauvet,
and our friend Makinson.
We also want to extend our gratitude to the Inter-American Development Bank office
in Haiti for providing us with the opportunity to visit Port-au-Prince and conduct re-
search.

Background on consultancy report

This report has been compiled for the Inter-American Development Bank by a consul-
tancy team from the London School of Economics and Political Science. It constitutes
the Development Management Project of the MSc Development Management.
Glossary of Acronyms
United Nations Education Science and Culture Organization - UNESCO
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development - UNCTAD
World Intellectual Property Organization - WIPO
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development - OECD
Inter-American Development Bank - IDB
Millennium Development Goals - MDGs
Sustainable Development Goals - SDGs
The World Bank - WB
United States Agency for International Development - USAID
Design Organization and Training - DOT
 Contents
Contents
1. Introduction 14
2. Literature Review 15
2.1 The cultural and creative industries 15
2.2 An orange lens to development 16
2.3 Creativity and space 17
3. Methodology 20
4. Haitian Creativity 22
4.1 Creative Haiti: a background assessment 22
4.2 Neighborhoods of interest 24
5. Challenges facing the Haitian Creative Economy 28
5.1 Lack of state capacity 28
5.2 Weak tourism industry 28
5.3 Security concerns 28
5.4 Infrastructure 29
5.5 Transportation 29
5.6 Market access and business education 29
6. Recommendations 32
6.1 Guidelines for All Districts 32
6.2 Location-specific recommendations 34
7. Conclusion 37
8. References 38
9. Appendix 43

10
11
Executive Summary
The purpose of this report is to assess the feasibility of establishing a creative district in Port-
au-Prince, Haiti. While Haiti has long been perceived by the international community as a
country riddled with disaster, poverty and political instability, it is a place rich in culture and
creativity. Notably, its visual arts have been recognized both in the Caribbean region and
world-wide. Accordingly, this report will focus more specifically on whether the IDB should
invest in developing a ‘creative district’ with the dual aim of preserving Haiti’s art and promoting
economic growth.
This report is divided into four main segments. The first section will outline existing academic
debates surrounding the ‘Orange Economy’ and how ‘creativity’ and ‘space’ are linked within
a development context. Section two explains the methodology used in this study. In section
three, we will contextualize the literature within the case of Port-au-Prince, where we identify
specific neighborhoods, sectors, and challenges that are relevant to this project. The final
segment will provide recommendations to the IDB on potential next steps for the development
of a creative district in Port-au-Prince.
Our main findings are that:
1. Port-au-Prince has a huge potential for the establishment of a creative district due
to its artistic history and existing artisan community in the city.
2. ‘Space’ and ‘creativity’ are very closely linked, with certain neighborhoods having a
unique set of skills that enables them to produce pieces that are very distinctive to their
area.
3. The sector faces many challenges, the main ones being the inadequate infrastructure,
minimal political involvement in supporting the creative industries, lack of market access
and business education, and low tourism activity in the country.
This report will provide both general guidelines and district-specific recommendations for the
IDB should it decided to invest in Port-au-Prince’s Orange Economy. We outline two possible
strategies:
1. Should the Bank decided to build up one singular district, we recommend investing in
Village Noailles as it is currently the most developed and organized creative area in the
city. Despite requiring less funding due to pre-existing infrastructure, transportation issues
seem to be the biggest challenge.
2. Should the Bank decide to launch an initiative to upgrade multiple creative districts, we
recommend focusing on Village Noailles, Bel Air and Grand Rue. This should be entail
upgrading infrastructure, promoting business/marketing education, collaborating with the
tourism industry and increasing the connectivity of organizations in the sector.
The team has conducted both desk-research and fieldwork in Port-au-Prince in order to perform
a thorough analysis and to provide a comprehensive set of recommendations.

13
 1. Introduction
This report was prepared to assess the
feasibility of establishing a creative district in
Port-au-Prince, Haiti. The IDB commissioned
this study to analyze how creativity and
space can be ‘married’ to accelerate
Haiti’s economic growth while preserving
and promoting its rich culture. This report
identifies the opportunities and challenges of
establishing said district and assists the IDB
in shaping a strategic plan of action for its
development .
This report will be divided into four sections.
Part I will provide a literature review,
recapping the history, theory and concepts
behind the ‘Orange Economy’ and creative
industries. Based on previous research and
reports from academics and development
institutions, this section will explain the
main theoretical framework behind linking
‘creativity’ to ‘space’ within a development
context.
Part II outlines our methodology of field
interviews and desk research.
Part III analyzes the creative industries within
Haiti, exploring their origins and identifying
different sectors and neighborhoods of
interest in Port-au-Prince. It also identifies
challenges specific to both the industry and
relevant neighborhoods. We will juxtapose
our fieldwork with the theoretical frameworks
explained in Part I to reflect the challenges
on the ground.
Part IV will provide recommendations based
on the desk research and fieldwork, focusing
on both general guidelines for the roll-out
of a potential creative district and district-
specific recommendations for particular
neighborhoods in Port-au-Prince.

14
Part I
2. Literature Review
Based on previous research from academics
and development institutions, this literature
review will outline the history, theory and
main concepts of the ‘Orange Economy’ and
how ‘creativity’ and ‘space’ are linked within
a development context.
2.1 The cultural and creative
industries
Many international development institutions,
from the UN to bilateral aid agencies, are
exploring the potential that the creative
industries have for promoting development.
However, despite the current excitement
surrounding the concept, it was initially
interpreted as a threat to culture. Adorno and
Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School believed
that the commercialization of culture and
its mass production would result in its
commodification, robbing it of its sanctity
(Pratt, 2014; UNDP/ UNCTAD, 2010).
Though as time passed, the market and the
arts did not destroy each other, and culture
and creativity are now widely accepted as “an
increasing driving force in the international
marketplace” (Van der Pol, 2007, p.1). Since
the 1980s, the debate has shifted from
an ‘idealist’ approach to an ‘instrumental’
one; in the former, the emphasis was on
aesthetics and consumerism, and in the
latter, the importance is on the varieties and
specificities of cultural production (Pratt,
2014, p.508).
By acknowledging culture and creativity as
veritable economic forces, and not merely
subjects of appreciation, policymakers have
discovered the real potential of the creative
industries. As economist Paul Romer
illustrates: “we are not used to thinking of
ideas as economic goods, but they are
surely the most significant ones that we
produce” (cited in Florida, 2012, p.24). When
one looks at the metrics, the magnitude of
the creative industries is too substantial to
ignore. In 2005, 6.1% of the global economy
was generated by this sector and by 2011, the
creative industries generated US$4.3 billion,
having grown more than 130% in nine years
(Buitrago & Duque, 2013). Not only are these
industries important for generating income,
but they are also causing societies to place
a much greater importance on creativity.
Florida (2012), for example, believes that
culture and creativity is so important that
he identifies a ‘Creative Class’ of people,
dedicated to leading not just the economy,
but societal values and ways of life through
creativity.
Evidently, this has drawn the attention of
scholars, governments and international
organizations alike. Vast literature has since
been dedicated to the topic of creative
industries, attempting to understand their
significance, how they work, where they can
be found, and even the most basic question:
what are they?
Defining the creative economy has proven
to be a matter of great irregularity and
contention. In 1986, UNESCO’s Framework
for Cultural Statistics attempted to define a
set of activities organized into nine ‘cultural
categories’ (UNESCO, 1986). UNESCO’s
categories did not gain traction, however, and
the term ‘creative industries’ as understood
today was first used in the 1994 Australian
Creative Nation report and later popularized
in 1998 by the United Kingdom’s Department
of Culture, Media and Sports (UNDP/
UNCTAD, 2010). Subsequently, definitions
by UNESCO, UNCTAD and WIPO, among
many others, proliferated. For this report, we
will employ the IDB’s catchall definition of the
cultural economy and the creative industries
– the ‘Orange Economy’.
The Orange Economy is the group of linked
15
 activities through which ideas are transformed
into cultural goods and services whose value
is determined by intellectual property. The
orange universe includes: i) The Cultural
Economy and the Creative industries which
share the Conventional Cultural Industries;
and ii) creativity supporting activities.
(Buitrago & Duque, 2013, p.40)
This broad definition is practical and includes
areas within the arts and heritage (i.e. the
visual and performing arts, tourism, and
material and immaterial cultural heritage),
the conventional cultural industries (i.e. the
editorial, audiovisual and phonographic goods
and services), and the functional creations,
new media and software (i.e. activities not
traditionally associated with culture that get
their value from symbolism, such as design,
content software and advertising) (Buitrago
and Duque, 2013, p.40). While authors like
Jones (2015) warn against generalizing all
creative industries, the ‘Orange Economy’
definition acknowledges that despite
differences in the production processes and
final products, most creative industries play
a similar role in the economy. Furthermore,
the IDB’s definition is ideal because it
combines other institutions’ definitions of
the creative economy while simultaneously
acknowledging the value of heritage. This
differs from other authors, such as Florida
(2012), who emphasizes that creativity must
be something “new.” This report will not see
heritage and “the new” as mutually exclusive,
but rather as complementary for the Orange
Economy to thrive in a development context.
2.2 An orange lens to
development
Having now established what the cultural
and creative industries are, it is relevant to
understand how, why and to what extent they
can impact economic growth and whether
they can pave a path towards sustainable
growth. The interest shown from institutions
such as the UNDP, the OECD, UNCTAD and
the IDB itself suggests that there may indeed
be ways to achieve development through the
Orange Economy.
Conventional economic theories have
16
not managed to fully amend poverty and
inequality, so development practitioners
have started to look beyond traditional,
tangible economic indicators (Lopez-Claros
& Perotti, 2014). While “international trade
remains the only key indicator to measure
the economic impact of the creative
economy at a universal level”, development
professionals are starting to adopt a “holistic
approach that takes into account the realities
and specificities of countries, recognizing
their cultural differences, identities and real
needs” (UNCTAD/UNDP, 2010, pp.23, 36-
37). In this sense, creativity offers a way
to advance development, “from agriculture
to knowledge on [sic] one step”, adding
high value and high-skilled activities to
an economy (Pratt, 2015, p.507). Culture
and creativity are knowledge capital and
economic resources that have, to a certain
extent, substituted traditional means of
production (Florida, 2012).
But the creative and cultural economies
are appreciated for more than their mere
economic value; they contribute to social
development as well. UNCTAD and the
UNDP (2010) propose that the creative
sectors of developing economies could
facilitate the accomplishment of at least six
specific components of the MDGs. Likewise,
UNESCO’s International Congress published
the Hangzhou Declaration, emphasizing
that culture should be integrated into
all development policies and programs,
considering it “the fourth fundamental
principle of the post-2015 UN development
agenda, in equal measure with human rights,
equality and sustainability” (UNESCO,
2013, p.6). Furthermore, the Declaration
proposes that culture can help strengthen
resilience to disasters, as it restores a
location’s “sense of place and confidence
in the future” (UNESCO, 2013, p.8). The
Orange Economy and the Green Economy
have even been associated, as people are
applying creative solutions to environmental
problems (UNCTAD/UNDP, 2010). Further
beyond the strict economic ambit, UNESCO
and the UNDP’s Creative Economy Report
(2013) explores the impact of the Orange
Economy on cultural expression, collective
identity, and urban planning and architecture.
Additionally, both the IDB’s Institute for
the Future and UNCTAD argue that the
creative economy can encourage wider
democratization and economic participation,
giving voice to different actors through new
channels of communication and amplifying
the power of social networks, ultimately
encouraging the sharing of social revenue
(Finlev et. al., 2017; UNCTAD/UNDP, 2010).
The varied literature proposes different
policy approaches to enhance the Orange
Economy’s development impact. These
approaches factor in value-chain analysis,
adequate measurement and mapping,
infrastructure and provision of connectivity
and ICTs, copyright legislation, education and
skill development, entrepreneurship, heritage
conservation, and market development,
among many others. (UNCTAD/UNDP, 2010)
Nevertheless, there is a universal emphasis
on tourism and clustering in the literature.
As tourists are the major consumers of
creative goods and services, the literature
increasingly stresses the importance of both
of these sectors to work in synergy towards
‘creative tourism’ (OECD, 2014; UNCTAD/
UNDP, 2010). The OECD’s report on
Tourism and the Creative Economy (2014)
emphasizes the effective coordination
between actors for adequate convergence
between tourism and creative industries,
diversification and experience creation,
measures to promote entrepreneurship, and
networking and clustering platforms (to be
covered in the next section).
However, despite the literature postulating
the inclusive potential of creative industries,
some authors are wary of the Orange
Economy, particularly if policies are not
designed and implemented appropriately.
For example, Florida (2012) recognizes
a main critique of his work which warns of
the possibility of enhancing the privileges
of this identified ‘Creative Class’. UNESCO
and the UNDP (2013) also observes this
caveat, noting the characteristic inequalities
of the creative economy, attributing them to
the concentration of control of distribution
means by transnational corporations from the
Global North, even when ideas and creativity
can be globally sourced. Pratt (2015) also
underlines the tendency of monopolization in
cultural production, while Leung (2016) notes
the potential marginalization of women,
ethnic minorities, and the working class. To
this respect, UNESCO (2013) declares the
importance of “guaranteeing cultural rights,
access to cultural goods and services, free
participation in cultural life, and freedom of
artistic expression” (p.7) in order to avoid
inequality. Additionally, UNESCO and the
UNDP (2013) forewarn that the creative
economy cannot single-handedly solve
poverty or uneven development and that
expectations should remain realistic.
2.3 Creativity and space
The creative industry literature has
established a nexus between place and
creativity: Currid (2010) argues that this
“inextricable link” (p.258) affects the
development course of a specific area while
Pratt (2014) associates creative industries
as an “urban, and predominantly a global
city phenomenon” (p. 9). What forms the link
that fosters this connection? One can apply
Porter’s (2000) economic cluster analysis
to explain this, wherein he establishes that
similar industries concentrate in a physical
location in order to minimize transaction
costs. In the case of the Orange Economy,
where the resources are the skills and the
people, artistic activity clusters in order to
pool knowledge and know-how, as well as to
minimize transactions (Florida, 2012; Pratt,
2014). Relatedly, UNESCO and the UNDP
(2013) understand this clustering in terms of
sharing resources, matching relations and
learning through exchanges of information.
Gong and Hassink (2017) consider, in
addition to the agglomeration economies
of scale, the ‘institutional environment’ and
‘spin-off formation’ as drivers of clustering
activities in creative industries. The former
refers to the platforms and conditions
made available by existing institutions to
promote creative industries, while the latter
indicates the relevance of organizations like
universities and corporations tangentially
getting involved in the creative industries.
Contrastingly, UNCTAD and the UNDP (2010)
propose another, more comprehensive, non-
economic explanation, where they argue
17
 that a country’s creative industry is inherently
linked to its territory, with each area self-
identifying with a unique form of creative
expression. This territorial approach also
sees the potential development benefits of
the Orange Economy, as cultural distinctions
serve as competitive economic advantages
through product differentiation and branding
(UNESCO/UNDP, 2013), linking “traditional
knowledge at one end of the value chain
with the ultimate consumer at the other end”
(Ibid., p.38). As Currid (2010) puts it: “art
matters to places and people alike because,
fundamentally, art matters to us” (p.260).
However, one thing to note is that there
is little research relating specifically to
creative districts in the developing world,
as more emphasis has been put on the
United States and Europe. The literature on
cultural and creative industries of the Global
South is prone to avoid an urban or ‘district-
level’ perspective, tending to remain more
conceptual. In this sense, while UNESCO
and the UNDP (2013) exemplify cases in
developing countries, it recognizes that much
of the literature deals with the experiences
of post-industrialized settings,1 which leads
to policy recommendations that may not
translate to local contexts. The lack of
diversity in the literature is reflective of the way
“the creative economy tends to concentrate
today in great world cities that are already
central places of financial capital, investment
and power” (UNESCO/UNDP, 2013). Leriche
and Daviet (2010), accordingly, question
the differentiation of industrial and art cities
present in other research, explaining that
historically the development of cultural
cities such as Florence, Venice and Bruges,
among others, can be attributed to the
presence of capital arising precisely from
the industries developed there. Thus, wealth
and creativity are related, exacerbating the
inequality potential of creative industries
already mentioned.
Despite the lack of specific literature on the
matter, there are theories that can be applied
to justify investing in the establishment
of creative clusters in the Global South.
1
Multiple examples shown in Florida (2012), Turok
(2009), Evans (2009), Markusen, A. and Gadwa, A.
(2008), Evans (2009), among others.
18
For example, the ‘broken windows’ theory
explains the impact of improving local
conditions on community crime-causation.
As Wilson and Kelling (1982) explain:
Disorder and crime are usually inextricably
linked, in a kind of developmental sequence.
Social psychologists and police officers
tend to agree that if a window in a building
is broken and is left unrepaired, all the rest
of the windows will soon be broken. (...)
One unrepaired broken window is a signal
that no one cares, and so breaking more
windows costs nothing. (...) We suggest
that “untended” behavior also leads to the
breakdown of community controls. (n.p.)
In agreement, UN-Habitat (2003) cites
this theory, stating that “communities
who deteriorate in this respect over time
are observed to suffer increased rates of
violence” (p.75). In a complementary manner,
although he rejects a one-size-fits-all model,
Florida (2012) points towards what he calls
a ‘people climate’, consisting of technology,
talent and tolerance for a creative community
to flourish. Similarly, UNESCO and the UNDP
(2013) encourage a ‘creative field’, where
networks between the creative professionals
and the government, educational sector, and
private sectors are formed.
Nevertheless, there are those who are
skeptical about the effects of clustering and
creative districts. Markusen and Gadwa
(2010) point out that cultural tourism
strategies provide only limited development
benefits. Hence, they hold that “minimal
clustering and dispersion may be a sounder
strategy than concentrated cultural districts
on both equity and efficiency grounds”
(p.388). Evans (2009) further criticizes
clustering and creative districts by stating
that the relevance or scale at which cluster
models can be sustainable lacks proper
evidence, blaming “fuzzy” conceptual
notions that result in place-making instead of
place developing.
Consequently, proposals have been made
to avoid such negative impacts, primarily
by building on existing cultural expressions
(Evans, 2009), and nurturing neighborhood
cultural clusters through taking into account
nonprofit and corporate cultural providers,
cultural participants and resident artists
(Stern & Seinfert, 2010). By not prioritizing
the existing communities, decision makers
tend to support inadequate policies and
investments: favoring tourists over residents,
failing to integrate artists and the smaller
scale multiplicity of actors and communities
(Markusen & Gadwa, 2010), overinvesting
in large signature buildings that end up as
“white elephants” instead of investing in
street-level activities that are enjoyable
for people (Turok, 2008; Florida, 2012;
Markusen & Gadwa, 2010).
Moreover, many urban policymakers
fall into the paradox of trying to promote
distinctiveness while adopting others’
policies (Turok, 2008). Cities must therefore
capitalize on their own existing strengths and
tailor policies accordingly. Moreover, they
seem to disregard that “image management
is far less important than observable
reality, especially where difficulties exist
that cannot be disguised. Clever marketing
cannot compensate for aspects of a city
that discourage people from visiting,
investing, or moving there” (Turok, 2008,
p.26). Accordingly, Maggiore and Vellecco
(2012) warn against seeing culture merely
as a “product” instead of a synergistic agent
“that provides all the local industries with
production systems, operational contents,
management tools, creative practices,
symbolism and identity” (p.242). Ignoring this
reality prevents sustainable development.
Similarly, Currid (2010) observes “the
uncomfortable sub-narrative of the arts
economic development story” as one
where “the arts may help development but
development does not necessarily help the
arts” (p.259) based on experiences where
the human capital that formed the creative
quality of a district are eventually forced out
of there, emptying its distinctiveness.
19
 Part II
3. Methodology
As previously explained, information
regarding the topic of creative districts as
a means of development in the Global
South has not received enough academic
attention. Thus, while we do conduct desk-
research, this practice alone would not allow
us to gather the necessary information to
provide recommendations and assess the
true potential and feasibility of a creative
district in Port-au-Prince.
Given that this project deals with
neighborhoods and districts that the team
members had never visited, appropriate
understanding of the situation called for
field research. This enabled us to get a
comprehensive view of the actors involved,
local perceptions, disciplines practiced and
their links to their locations, among other
factors. An interviewing method allowed
us to better comprehend such nuances
as it enabled respondents to share their
experiences, opinions and motivations –
for these reasons, interviewing is a favored
method in social sciences (Tracy, 2013). For
the sake of explanation, interviews refer to
“guided question-answer conversations,
or an interchange of views between two
persons conversing about a theme of mutual
interest” (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, p.2).
Additionally, being constrained to a one-
week window for field research and having
limited resources, we opted for key informant
interviews as our methodology. Other
methods, such as census surveys, would
not have been feasible in our time frame.
Kumar (1989) explains that “key informant
interview[ing] involves interviewing a select
group of individuals who are likely to provide
needed information, ideas and insights
[...] on a particular subject” (p.1). Marshall
(1996) adds that key informant interviews
also allowed us to have a high “quality of
20
data [...] in a relatively short period of time”
(p.92). The reader should also note that we
chose to focus on Haiti’s visual arts, following
the previously-explained ‘broken window’
theory, which argues that visible expressions
of creativity have the biggest impact on
neighborhoods.
As recommended by the USAID’s
methodology report on Conducting Key
Informant Interviews in Developing Countries
(1989), we approached interviews with a
guide listing the topics we wanted to discuss
with our key informants, taking into account
their various backgrounds. The interviews
were then conducted through open-ended
questions that followed the guiding topics
but allowed interviewees to speak freely
about their experiences, perspectives and
knowledge. This qualitative method enabled
us to pursue further questioning if a new
topic of interest came up which, as Berger
(1998) explains, can enhance the quality of
the research.
We interviewed informants primarily in
French, with English being used when
informants were fluent and expressed
their willingness to do so. All interviewees
expressed their verbal consent to be
interviewed and most agreed to be recorded.
In cases where no verbal consent was given
for recording, extensive notes were taken.
We acknowledge the possible limitations
of our chosen method, taking into account
that an ‘ideal’ key informant would have
certain characteristics regarding their role
in the community, the access to information
regarding the topic of interest, their willingness
to participate and their impartiality. The last
characteristic was difficult to avoid given that
the roles of the informants made most of
them possible stakeholders in the proposed
development of a creative district. As we
were accompanied by IDB staff and asked
interviewees about their involvement in
the sector, it became inevitable for them to
associate our interest to the possibility of an
investment in their industry. However, when
such biases are known to the interviewers
from the beginning, the analysis of the
information they provide can be assessed
with the necessary precautions (Marshall,
1996).
It is important to underline that while we had
limited time to build contacts and that our
informants were potential stakeholders of a
creative district, we managed to meet and
interview most key figures from the visual
arts industry. We interviewed both producers
and managers within the creative sector; the
former represented by artisans, artists and
designers, and the latter by gallery owners
and representatives from cultural institutions.
Other relevant sectors, such as media and
government, were also interviewed.
The full itinerary can be seen in the Appendix.
21
 Part III
4. Haitian Creativity
This analytical section will contextualize the
existing literature surrounding the Orange
Economy and creative districts with the
case of Haiti. Here, we will identify specific
neighborhoods, sectors and challenges that
are relevant to this project.
4.1 Creative Haiti: a
background assessment
Art is intrinsic in forming a collective memory
and solidarity among people (Calovic, 2015).
In Haiti, culture takes on different forms; arts,
crafts, food and music all play a significant
part in the Haitian Orange Economy. These
different industries constantly intersect and
their origins are deeply rooted in Haiti’s
history, politics and spirituality. However, as
aforementioned, our focus is on visual forms
of art.
It is clear to anyone that travels to Haiti that
the visual arts are profound expressions
of local realities, in part due to their heavy
symbolism and significance in Haiti’s
marginalized communities (Savage, 2010).
Despite the richness of Haitian culture,
Haiti’s creative sector, much like its society in
general, is characterized by huge disparities
in wealth (Maki, 2008). Nonetheless, in Port-
au-Prince, lower classes have managed to
dominate the artistic scene in a city where vast
inequality levels often prevent these artists
from getting a fair share in the art market.
In some of the city’s poorer neighborhoods,
art has the power to transform social places,
redefine their image and status, and change
the perception of marginalized communities
(Ćalović, 2015).
22
4.1.1 History of Haiti’s creative
economy
Haiti’s cultural sector is unique because of its
distinct blend of African, French and Spanish
influences. As in other colonies, centuries of
slavery and colonial rule meant that African
slaves brought with them and established a
strong belief system, which has since blended
into a particular culture and identity (Hayes,
2001). After a successful slave revolt, Haiti
achieved its independence from France
in 1804, becoming the first and only slave
colony to overthrow their colonial power.
Since then, Haitian politics has been marked
by violence, instability and corruption at the
expense of its population (Ibid.).
Throughout this unique history, the visual arts
have documented Haiti’s identity, portraying
themes such as politics, spirituality, and
hope. Among the most important themes
present in Haitian art is Vodou, which blends
West African and Roman Catholic traditions
(Consentino, 1993). Hector Hyppolite was
the first artist to portray Vodou in painting,
and his symbolism has since inspired other
artists and sectors, such as metalworker
Georges Liautaud and Vodou flagmaker
Oleyand (Alexis, 2010). While popular
understandings negatively associate Vodou
with the likes of sorcery, black magic, and
possession, the syncretic religion is widely
depicted in Haitian art (Ibid.).
4.1.2 Origins of the Haitian visual
arts industry
While the visual arts in Haiti predate the
Revolution, the industry did not take its
modern form until the establishment of
the Centre d’Art catalyzed the ‘Haitian
Renaissance’ (Haffner, 2017). Haitian art
developed alongside a booming tourism
industry during this ‘golden age,’ which
lasted until the country’s politico-economic
growth deteriorated in the 1990s (Jaunay,
2018). The Centre d’Art was created by
DeWitt Peters, an American artist, who saw
huge potential in Haiti’s art industry (Ibid.).
The center became a location where artists
from different socioeconomic backgrounds
could come and learn various skills, with
popular artists having the opportunity to
exhibit and market their work (Alexis, 2010).
Today, the Centre d’Art still operates in a
similar manner, providing training spaces
and organizing workshops for artists across
various disciplines.
Haitian elites have historically preferred the
aesthetics of European fine arts. Popular
art (i.e. that of informally trained artists) had
thus been depreciated for generations, with
the international community portraying it
as ‘primitive’, ‘naive’ and amateur (Gordon,
2017). This changed in the 1940s, when
Haiti’s lower classes began asserting
themselves within the artistic community,
becoming both the producers and the
objects of representation (Ibid.). In the five
years following the creation of the Centre
d’Art, international expositions came to
Port-au-Prince, exposing Haiti to global art
movements. This launched the nation’s art
into ‘modernity;’ the international exposure
prompted Haitian artists to adopt various
formal techniques, increasing the products’
value and allowing the art market to thrive.
Local collectors then became proud of
Haitian popular art, and the industry peaked
in the 1970s. Amidst the fall of the Duvalier
regime in the late 1980s, the Haitian art
industry depreciated once more due to
severe political instability (Alexis, 2010).
Today, there are 12 prominent galleries in
Port-au-Prince, owned by collectors from
Haiti’s upper classes. However, despite the
fact that around 10% of the economically
active population (around 400,000 people)
(UNESCO, 2011) are involved in the arts and
crafts sector, Haitian elites still show very little
interest in popular art unless it comes from
a few number of renowned artists (Jaunay,
2018).
4.1.3 Where creativity thrives:
informal and low-income
neighborhoods
Although the relatively wealthy district of
Pétion-Ville has most of the city’s galleries,
Port-au-Prince has artistic and creative hubs
dispersed throughout numerous low-income
or “slum” neighborhoods that are organized
by and centered around traditional Vodou
temples. The city’s creative clusters and
artistic styles are unique from one another,
often dependent upon the specific skill
that a neighborhood has to offer (Gordon,
2017). Artists in these clusters sometimes
lack access to formal, professional training
and thus employ a ‘neighborhood-based
apprenticeship’ system to propagate their
art. While traditional art circles tend to
classify this informal process as ‘outsider’ or
‘naive,’ many of Haiti’s masterpieces have
been produced in Port-au-Prince’s slums
(Gordon, 2017).
The influential art that comes from Port-au-
Prince’s low-income neighborhoods can
be explained by the network approaches
to art innovation theory. This theory states
that artists in low-income (or ‘peripheral’)
neighborhoods are able to generate new
ideas and forms of art because they are
less in touch with the formal artistic methods
(Collins, 1998). However, such art usually
only stands a chance at being highly valued
when international art collectors take notice.
Sculptor André Eugène is an example
of a peripheral artist that penetrated the
international market. His provocative pieces
made out of junk and scrap metal are now
exposed in exhibitions worldwide and
are considered among Haiti’s top works.
Once he had managed to penetrate the
global market with the help of international
curators, his style became recognized
and appreciated. However, Eugène is an
exceptional case– most artists from these
informal and peripheral neighborhoods lack
appropriate channels and networks that
would allow them to connect with global
audiences (Pattriota, 2016).
So, what options are there for Haitian artists
that do not manage to gain international
acclaim from curators? There are local
23
 cooperatives that act as mediators through
which artisans from informal settlements
can access resources and markets (Caves, The Ghetto Biennale
2000). The Comité Artisanal Haïtien is one
of the largest of said cooperatives. It is The Ghetto Biennale is a cross-cultural arts
composed of around 180 members, festival hosted in Grand Rue. The festival was
typically rural artists, that sell their created by Atis Rezistans to provide a platform
products in the Comite’s shop for “slum artists” to advertize and sell their crafts,
in downtown Port-au-Prince. and bypass exploitative middlemen. It was conceived
Intermediary organizations, in 2004 when several Haitian artists were invited to
such as the Centre d’Art and the participate in an exhibition in Miami. Despite sending
Artisans Business Network, their artwork for exhibition, most of them were denied a
support artists in accessing U.S. visa and could not attend. These limitations inspired
markets and facilitate the artists to reclaim their space in the art world (Savage,
the commercialization of 2010). The inaugural festival took place in 2009 and
products. Other networks, has taken place every other year since. It was originally
such as Fondasyon Konesans curated by André Eugène, the leader of Atis Rezistans, and
Ak Libète (Fokal) and the Leah Gordon, among others. In talks with both of them,
AfricanAmericA Foundation they expressed how the provocative name of “Ghetto
are also involved in several civil Biennale” is meant to bring sellers and curators to the
society projects in the art sector heart of Haitian art and the informal neighborhood,
with the aim of gaining local and rather than vice versa (Gordon, 2017; Eugène, 2018).
international exposure (Jaunay, While the project has shown promise and growth
2018). in recent years, it comes with many challenges,
including insecurity, reputational issues and
lack of infrastructure.
4.2 Neighborhoods of
interest

4.2.1 Grand Rue

Located in the heart of downtown Port-au-
Prince, Grand Rue has been described as
a “caribbean junkyard gone cyberpunk” (The
Lonely Planet, 2017). In Grand Rue, the
collective Atis Rezistans, a subaltern arts
cooperative, create sculptures made out of
recycled metal, skulls and car tyres found in
the area.
Grand Rue’s artistic tradition originated with
wood-carving; artisans used to produce
wooden sculptures and sell them to tourists
all across the Caribbean. In the 1990s, Celeur
Jean-Hérard, alongside current leader of
Atis Rezistans, André Eugène, started
experimenting with other locally discarded
materials from cars (Gordon, 2017). The
result was the emergence of a new art
style, comprised of sculptures with a heavy
Vodou influence. Since then, Atis Rezistans
has brought a huge sense of pride and
recognition to the Grand Rue neighborhood.
The area also hosts the Ghetto Biennale,
a cross-cultural arts festival known to the
region.
4.2.2 Village Noailles
Village Noailles in Croix-des-Bouquets is
another creative hub located 11km east
of Port-au-Prince. The district produces
steel figures made out of recycled oil
drums. Haitian iron work dates back to the
revolutionary period, wherein artists would
make weapons to support the revolutionaries
(Stebick, 1978).
However, the the iron work that we see today
has been inspired by more recent artists
like Georges Liautaud, a blacksmith who
made crosses for the Croix-des-Bouquets
cemetery in the 1950s (Consentino, 1993).
Since then, the crosses have evolved into

24
different forms, with iron carvings depicting access markets. While USAID has recently
many themes, from nature to Vodou symbols. funded the creation of an art center (‘BelArt’)
From conversations with the president of in the neighborhood, the building is relatively
the Association des Artistes et Artisans de underutilized (The Caribbean Journal,
la Croix-des-Bouquets (ADAAC), we found 2013). The center ended up being a “white
that artisans in Village Noailles organize elephant” type of investment, meaning that
themselves around the cooperative and it focused on a single building instead of a
divide up large orders to facilitate production. more extensive improvement of conditions
The cooperative has 400 members spread as aforementioned in the literature (Turok,
across 95 atéliers (Jaunay, 2018). 2008). The main challenge facing the artists
as they try to develop the industry is the
neighborhood’s reputation as a no-go-zone
4.2.3 Bel Air – the rest of Port-au-Prince avoids entering
the district because of the notorious crime
Bel Air is one of the foremost arts regions
levels (Guignard, 2018).
in Port-au-Prince. Situated downtown, the
district was once a vibrant middle-class
area home to artists, civil servants and
academics (Norwegian Church Aid, 2014). “We are lucky
While most of these groups gradually left the
neighborhood, artists largely remain.
in Haiti, and not a
lot of countries are like
Artists in Bel Air are known for their Vodou
flags. Known as ‘dwapos’ in creole, these that, to have different areas
colorful sequin crafts were first created that are linked to the know-
by Vodou priests in the 1980s (Indigo Arts how. We already have this
Gallery, 2017). The flags carry a strong
spiritual significance and are used in cartography, this map, that
Vodou rituals and ceremonies. While the can be developed”
artists organize themselves around the
Coordination des Artistes et Artisans du Bel (Théard, 2018).
Air (CAABEL), the association has
been static due to the various Interview
challenges the neighborhood
faces.
with Pascale
Théard
Despite its history as a
creative hub, Bel Air is Pascale Théard is the owner of a luxury atélier of
now an impoverished Haitian-inspired fashion and arts. She had previously
neighborhood that cooperated with the government in upgrading Village
is severely affected Noailles. The project entailed standardizing and designing
by gang violence, the different atéliers’ signs, cleaning the town, adding public
crime and economic amenities and ultimately providing an organizational structure
deprivation. It lacks to the district. The early stages of the project were successful
basic infrastructure –the amenities added were popular in the town and were not
and services, stolen or harmed. The project, however, was left unfinished due
and most of its to various coordination issues with the local mayors, the Ministry
population remains of Transport and Public Works, and the Ministry of Planning and
isolated from the External Cooperation. She has kept her plans, though, and
rest of the city. It expressed a willingness to share them with the Bank and
does, nevertheless, cooperate in developing Village Noailles in the future.
remain an artistic hub,
“The community – they like the solar panels so
but the artists live in poor
much that they take care of the security
conditions and struggle to
themselves.” (Théard, 2018).

25
 Bel Air
Marché
de Fer

Mupanah

Grand Rue

Parc De
Martissant

Port-au-Prince
 Village
Noailles

Village
Grand Rue Bel Air Noailles
 5. Challenges facing the Haitian Creative
Economy
5.1 Lack of state capacity
Haiti’s Orange Economy struggles with the
same lack of state capacity that hinders the
rest of the country’s economic sectors. The
Fund for Peace (2017) ranks Haiti as the
world’s 11th most fragile state. What is more,
important indicators such as state legitimacy,
provision of public services, state legitimacy
and economic inequality, are actually
worsening as compared to previous years.
Added to this, corruption is notably present
in Haiti (Transparency International, 2017),
and has been a major obstacle to business
operations and has undermined investor
confidence (US Department of Commerce,
2016). Bribery is common within government
and public institutions, which makes the
planning, implementation and maintenance
of projects extremely challenging –in the
creative sector included.
There is a lack of continuity within the
Ministry of Culture and Communications
(MCC), the principal agency devoted to the
Orange Economy. The MCC changes its
minister once per year, on average, making
long-term (and even short-term) projects
challenging to initiate and complete (Jaunay,
2018). Besides the problem with high
turnover, the MCC has a low budget and an
inefficient allocation of funds; with a budget
of around US$20 million, 70% of funds
cover the costs of its own functioning and
only 30% is aimed at running projects and
events, with Carnival as the main recipient
(Ibid.). Our interviewees were aware of this
institutional incapacity, often criticizing the
state budget and the lack of transparency
within the Ministry. Additionally, the overlap
between the Ministry of Tourism and Creative
Industries, the Ministry of Commerce and
Industry, the Ministry of Social Affairs and
the MCC exacerbates issues, with artisans
not knowing who to contact regarding their
sector (Ibid.).
Case in point is the attempt by the ADAAC
28
to create and patent a ‘Village Noailles’ logo
that they had designed. While patenting is a
rather simple process, the MCC has failed
to get back to the ADAAC for years because
they lack the resources or knowledge to get
it done. Thus, administrative procedures
tend to be be extremely long, leading to lost
business opportunities. Additionally, existing
legal structures are not supportive of the
cultural sector, with the lack of intellectual
property being problematic for many artisans
(Jaunay, 2018).
5.2 Weak tourism industry
Tourism in the Caribbean reached 30 million
people in 2015, and has been growing
steadily since 2011 (CTO, 2017). Despite
this, in Haiti’s latest figures, the island only
received around 516,000 tourists, comprising
just 9% of national GDP (The World Bank,
2017). Part of the industry relies on cruise
ships, which brings between 4,000 to 6,000
passengers to the north coast on a weekly
basis (Cruise Timetables, 2017). Most of
the tourists are from the Haitian diaspora,
coming mainly from the United States.
However, Haiti’s reputation as an unstable
and disaster-ridden country has contributed
to an irregular and weak tourism industry in
comparison to its Caribbean counterparts
(The World Bank, 2017). Although the
country is perceived as a hotbed for crime
and insecurity, the crime rate is much lower
in reality (Kolbe, et al 2013). In order to make
Port-au-Prince more attractive as a tourist
destination, one would have to change the
image of Haiti internationally.
5.3 Security concerns
Of the neighborhoods we identified as
candidates for creative districts, Bel Air
and Grand Rue may demand additional
security precautions. This is mainly due to
the presence of street-level crime as well as
general poverty and the proliferation of litter
and waste.
Naturally, crime and insecurity are factors
that could negatively affect the performance
and appeal of a creative district and may
potentially deter people from visiting the
area. The geographic location of the creative
district and its perceived safety will thus
heavily influence the flux of visitors and its
desirability (Kolbe, 2013). However, this
does not mean that the IDB should not roll
out projects in such neighborhoods.
The ‘broken-windows’ approach could
improve neighborhood conditions –it
has worked in Village Noailles, where
investments in lamps, bins and benches
prompted the population to feel ownership
over their community (Théard, 2018). While
the dynamics may be different, it would be
wrong to assume that such initiatives would
not be possible in neighborhoods such as
Bel Air and Grand Rue, especially with the
former being historically known as an artistic
hub.
5.4 Infrastructure
The artists from the Village Noailles, Bel Air
and Grand Rue, voiced concern over poor
infrastructure in their respective districts. Per
our interview with Pascale Théard, ADAAC
President Jean Eddy Rémy and personal
observations, Village Noailles primarily
lacks supporting businesses (like cafes/
restaurants), paved roads, public toilets, a
security detail and a small hotel for guests
that do not want to make the long round-trip
journey between Croix-des-Bouquets and
Port-au-Prince. The village does, however,
have a small headquarters for the ADAAC
and is in a relatively safe and clean location.
Bel Air and Grand Rue, on the other hand,
need an infrastructure overhaul. While the
districts do have the foundations of artists’
associations, small art galleries, and paved
roads, the arts districts do not have adequate
security, trash collection, and supporting
businesses. Overall, these two districts face
all of the infrastructure challenges typical of
slums, and much will have to be changed
before these regions will be viable tourist
areas.
5.5 Transportation
Traveling from site to site in Port-au-Prince
is challenging given the informality of traffic.
With only three traffic lights in the city, there
is constant congestion that makes traveling
even short distances time consuming. While
transportation is not the foremost obstacle
for artistic hubs located in the city center, it
remains the principal problem for the region’s
most developed district, Village Noailles. The
site is an hour’s drive, at least, from central
Port-au-Prince. Though the actual distance
between Noailles and Port-au-Prince is
small, the road is only partially paved and is
heavily congested as it an important route
leading to the border with the Dominican
Republic. In our interview with Jean Eddy
Rémy and other stakeholders in Village
Noailles, poor transportation infrastructure
was cited as a major obstacle to increasing
tourism and sales.
5.6 Market access and
business education
There are disproportionately few
marketplaces for Haitian handicrafts and
visual arts relative to the number of active
artists. Existing marketplaces are either
informal or too narrow in scope (Jaunay,
2018). The domestic market is further
hampered by a lack of tourism, a low demand
among domestic elites and informality in the
sales process (World Bank, 2017; Derks
et. al., 2006). We observed three main
distribution channels currently used by
Haitian artists:
1. Informal word of mouth and social
media deal brokerage: this is
commonplace among the artists in the
associations of Bel Air and the Village
Noailles. Nearly every artist that we
interviewed relies on finding their own
sales channels, typically resorting to
Whatsapp and Facebook. Generally,
artists sell directly to members of the
Haitian diaspora in North America.
29
 2. Cooperatives, associations and
foundations: in Port-au-Prince, there
are a several cooperatives and
collectives that help artists market and
promote their work. Nonetheless, such
organizations operate informally and
do not publish/market their products
at a competitive level. Furthermore,
there is no formal professional
association and the distribution
channels of these groups are limited
(Jaunay, 2018). Organizations such as
the Comité Artisanal Haïtien purchase
crafts in bulk from local artisans and
cooperatives, typically selling the
works for under US$50.
3. Professional galleries, agents and
showcases: there are a handful
of world renowned artists that sell
high-profile pieces through fine-arts
galleries (Jaunay, 2018). The Galerie
Nader, for instance, is one of the
few within this category, where we
observed some pieces were priced at
over US$100,000. Similar institutions
effectively market and sell the
country’s fine art at a high value, yet
do little to harness the market power
of the common artisan.
The first two marketplaces are very informal,
undervalued and lack coherent structure.
This informality is caused by two fundamental
shortfalls: a lack of marketing strategies and
business acumen.
Our main observation is that the majority
of artisans and cooperatives do not have
digital marketplaces to conduct online sales,
and are therefore missing out on regional
and international business opportunities.
This is primarily because of the high cost
of postage and the lack of online banking
systems available to artisans (Jaunay,
2018). Consequently, artisans do not
seem to actively seek clientele by creating
marketspaces outside of the production area,
opting to wait until visitors come in person.
The lack of business acumen and
professional training available to creative
professionals is also problematic. They
generally identify themselves only as artists
30
and not as business people, and they lack
the ability to capitalize on their products.
Moreover, local cooperatives lack business
strategies and act merely as coordinators
for large events and orders. Thus, small and
medium-size artisan groups live off local
markets with very little business education
and marketing knowledge. This prompts the
production of suboptimal quality goods and
low profitability, as artists often lack access
to proper production methods and market
information (Jaunay, 2018).
Sources informed us that a lack of investment
on research centers and art preservation has
posed challenges to preserve, catalogue and
promote Haitian art. Part of Haiti’s problem
with preserving art stems from government
and political disinterest (Douglas & Prézau,
2008). Thus, Haitian visual art tends not to
be catalogued, and has reduced its exposure
and visibility in the international market.
We encountered this issue when initially
researching Haitian arts.
Coordination between actors and lack of
clustering
In analysing different neighborhoods
and organizations, we noticed a lack of
communication and joint ventures between
actors that have a great deal of overlap in
interests. This prevents the formation of a
‘creative field’ and strong cluster between
Orange Economy actors (UNESCO/
UNDP, 2013). For example, there is little
collaboration between the Centre d’Art
and the cooperatives in Bel Air and Village
Noailles, despite the fact that some of the
artists in these regions were trained by
the Center. We also did not hear of any
partnership between creative hubs and
local colleges/universities. While all of the
prominent actors in the industry know of
one another, they did not report significant
collaboration.
31
 Part IV
6. Recommendations
The following section offers both general
and district-specific recommendations for
the IDB should it decide to invest in Port-
au-Prince’s Orange Economy. Under our
general guidelines, we provide overarching
suggestions that could be implemented in
any creative district in the city, in the event
that the Bank decides to upgrade several
Orange districts. Under our location-
specific guidelines, we provide tailored
recommendations for three of the city’s
prominent creative districts should the Bank
decide to focus on one geographic location.
6.1 Guidelines for All
Districts
6.1.1 Supporting local infrastructure
and security/sanitation
A creative district should not simply be
a cluster of production and sales points
where consumers can come to observe and
purchase art; it should be the center of a
healthy local economy that connects many
sectors. A healthy creative district will focus
on benefiting all locals (Markusen & Gadwa,
2010) and will host a series of non-artistic
companies that develop symbiotically with
the Orange Economy (OECD, 2014). In
any Haitian creative district, the IDB should
invest in infrastructure that can help attract
people for reasons beyond artwork and
simultaneously spur the local economy,
such as formal cafes, restaurants and small
hotels. As seen in each district, there is very
little for visitors to do apart from touring the
workshops and purchasing goods. Thus,
providing additional infrastructure would
draw visitors to the district and encourage
them to spend money in local restaurants
and shops.
32
In order for the creative district to be an
attractive destination for art shoppers, it
must also be clean and safe. Streets should
be clear of litter and the neighborhood
must be safe from crime. This poses a
significant problem for Bel Air and Grand
Rue, as they would have to undergo slum
upgrading in order to attract visitors. “Slum
upgrading,” as defined by Satterthwaite
and Mitlin (2013), entails implementing a
series of interventions to improve housing
quality, services and infrastructure in
informal settlements. This has been done
successfully in Brazil and Sub-Saharan
Africa (Sehtman, 2009; Gulyani & Bassett,
2007) and when development practitioners
employ a “bottom-up” approach (Calderón,
2008). Moreover, upgrading infrastructure
is further complicated when considering the
risks of gentrification, understood as the a
process where the “production of an urban
space” is dominated by middle classes,
whose financial resources will drive the
physical transformation of the neighborhood
and raise property values (Hackworth,
2002, p.815; Glass, 1964). Authors such as
Wolfe (1975), Butler (2007), Deutsche and
Gendel (1984) and Leung (2016) warn that
the transformation of a neighborhood into a
creative district may lead to said displacement
of lower class residents, identifying artistic
production in neighborhoods as a precursor
of gentrification.
These risks can be mitigated through
appropriate measures. We suggest taking
inspiration from initiatives like rent control
to protect residents from displacement, such
as that implemented in the creative district
of Soho, New York (Miles, 2015). Allowing
new visitors and consumers to come closer
to art producers offers an opportunity for
neighborhood revitalization through an
improvement of image, job opportunities and
quality of life (Jackson, 2012). The creative
district that we advocate does not involve
moving artists/galleries to a specific location,
which would put local residents at risk of
displacement (Deutsche & Gendel, 1984).
Instead, we propose a grassroots approach,
where local residents and artists are agents
of change and cultural producers in their
neighborhood in Port-au-Prince, exploiting
the position they already hold as leaders
and linchpins of their communities (Théard,
2018). All in all, the IDB has to consider how
to protect local residents from such hazards.
6.1.2 Business acumen and role of
intermediary organizations
The lack of business acumen is an issue
for most artisans in Port-au-Prince, as
many of them do not know how to market
their products and develop a clientele.
The IDB should aim to promote a sense of
entrepreneurship among artists.
In line with Gong and Hassink’s (2017)
spin-off clustering, we suggest that groups
like the Centre d’Art, Artisan Business
Network, Fokal, Design, Organization and
Training (DOT), and local universities play
an important role in the creative district. The
Bank and these groups should establish
business management, marketing, and IT
classes that encourage artists’ associations
to adopt a more sophisticated business
strategy, enhance their production methods
and better market/brand their products.
By providing business and IT training (i.e.
web design, product cataloguing, online
marketing) for the artists, as well as a space
where they can congregate to build lasting
and productive collaborative relationships,
we believe that a creative community
can thrive. While the Centre d’Art already
provides art training and space, we believe
that it is underutilized – the artists also
need practical commercial skills. In a similar
manner, UNESCO and UNDP (2013) agree
with the importance of training artists in
business skills, exemplified by the case of
Niger’s creative industries. They state that:
Understanding that cultural industries
are production sectors linked to artistic
and creative contents, but produced
through industrial processes of production,
reproduction and distribution, was key for
making them viable enterprises. (p.89)
Thus, it is important that a partnership
between the Bank, the artists and these
intermediary organizations to be formed,
as it may help bring Haitian art to a more
professional, formal and online marketplace.
6.1.3 Working with the tourism
industry
The IDB should link the creative district to
Haiti’s tourism industry, as tourists provide
a valuable market for the Orange Economy
(OECD, 2014). Currently, artisans rely
primarily on the local market, as they do not
have the financial means to transport their
‘Cabo Verde Creative’ brand
In UNCTAD’s 2015 report on the creative
economy in Cabo Verde, researchers
recommend creating a “Cabo Verde
Creative” brand for creative products.
This formal brand would add value to the
products and provide quality assurance to
consumers. UNCTAD recommends that
branded products be sold at national tourist
hubs, ports and airports. Furthermore,
embassies could promote and advertise
branded products abroad, expanding the
creative market. This strategy could be
implemented in Haiti, too – establishing a
‘Made in Haiti’ or ‘Haiti Orange’ seal could
add value to creative products and could
be promoted abroad by Haitian embassies
and Chambers of Commerce (UNCTAD,
2015).
products to different areas of the country
and exports are very costly (Jaunay, 2018).
If one is to target the tourism sector with the
creative district, then it is crucial to establish
points of sales in all of the tourist hubs and
try to entice travel companies to sponsor
the creative district, either by stocking resort
areas with branded ‘Creative Haiti’ products
33
 Jacmel, Creative City
In 2014, Haiti’s south-coast city,
Jacmel, was granted membership in
UNESCO’s Creative Cities Network for
its notable Crafts and Folk Arts. As part
of this initiative “to promote cooperation
within and among cities that have
identified creativity as a strategic factor
for sustainable urban development”
(UNESCO, n.d), Jacmel plans to help
its art-related professionals through
providing training and promoting the
existing art schools (film, sound and
music). Moreover, support will be given
to dancers, visual artists, and artisans to
create linkages between them and with
other member cities “in order to develop
the creative potential of the Caribbean”
(Ibid.).
While the fruits of this recognition are still
to be seen, applying for a Creative City
title could also be an option for Port-au-
Prince, as it would bring the third-party
recognition that tourists may need to feel
assured of the potential of a place as a
visiting spot. However, it should also be
taken into account that having more than
one place with a “creative” title could lead
to difficulties in the differentiation, which
Turok (2009) highlights as important.
or organizing excursions and shuttle visits to
the cultural district.
6.1.4 Communication
The Bank should promote communication
within the creative sector as well as between
the industry and the government – this would
foster a ‘creative field,’ as stated earlier, and
reduce bureaucratic hindrances to the arts.
The issue over patenting in Village
Noailles clearly illustrates how there is
little administrative support on behalf of
the government for the Orange Economy.
Moreover, with various overlaps occurring
within Ministries over who is responsible
for the sector, our sources indicated that
communicating with government can be
34
very confusing. The IDB should determine a
fixed point of contact within government who
can address certain sector-related issues,
provide guidance to the industry and liaise
between the state and artists.
6.2 Location-specific
recommendations
6.2.1 Supporting Village Noailles
If the IDB hopes to invest in the Haitian
Orange Economy and encourage the start of
a cultural district, the best option would be
to upgrade Village Noailles. Village Noailles
already is a consolidated, well known creative
district. It has a fair amount of organization,
differentiated and demanded products and
involvement from significant arts stakeholders
like Pascale Théard. Ms. Théard expressed
her willingness to cooperate with the Bank in
finishing the work with the ADAAC, and out
of all of the options presented in this report,
this endeavor would ultimately require the
least financial and human capital investment.
While the artisans of Village Noailles are
consolidated, they need the implementation
of our general recommendations above;
having a strong, interactive web presence
and a team that is dedicated to the business
behind the products could go a long way in
helping the ADAAC become more efficient
and gain visibility in the global market. In
sum, in order to convert Village Noailles into
Port-au-Prince’s first Orange district, the IDB
should help implement:
●● An ADAAC web presence, online
catalogue, centralized computer
system and formal shop for online and
foreign consumers;
●● A team/individual dedicated to
marketing the region to tourists and
consumers;
●● A security detail;
●● Funds to finish the initial development
project, which would pave the village’s
roads, upgrade the district’s ambiance,
install public toilets and, in general,
make the town Orange;
●● Formal cafes and restaurants to
 support the village;
●● A small hotel, seeing as the town is
somewhat far from the city;
●● A district or country brand that could
add value to the products from Village
Noailles and a finalized, patented logo
for the district.
6.2.2 Upgrading Bel Air
Bel Air has historically been a hub for arts
in Port-au-Prince. Not only are many artists
based there, but they also have a central
organization in CAABEL and a gallery, BelArt.
However, Bel Air’s infrastructure and security
are extremely lacking, limiting potential for
its development into a more formal creative
district. In order to develop the project in
this neighborhood, IDB investment may
not be enough – the Government of Haiti
would likely have to assist in providing
substantial security, infrastructure and waste
management systems. During our visit, we
were required to tour the area with the head
of the CAABEL, as the area was not safe for
‘outsiders.’ Accordingly, to transform Bel Air
into a viable creative district, it would require:
●● Infrastructure development (mainly of
atéliers and housing), keeping in mind
to avoid pricing out local residents;
●● An effective garbage collection system;
●● Cafes and restaurants;
●● Increased security in the area;
●● Funds to develop activities in BelArt,
including branding, business classes
and expositions;
●● An online presence and centralized
computer system for CAABEL, so
artists can formally catalogue and sell
their work on the internet.
Given the security and infrastructure
concerns, we do not believe Bel Air is
capable of being a singular creative district
for tourists at this time. The government and
security forces have to play a crucial role
in transforming the neighborhood before it
can become a popular, safe creative district.
Nonetheless, the Bank could implement the
above mentioned solutions and help the
Orange Economy of Bel Air develop.
6.2.3 Strengthening the Grand Rue
and the Ghetto Biennale
Similarly with Bel Air, if the Bank intends
to fund one singular creative district, we
do not recommend that the IDB choose
Grand Rue – however, should the Bank
decide to launch a project that strengthens
preexisting creative areas in Port-au-Prince,
more generally, Grand Rue is a location that
cannot be ignored. The Bank could work to
strengthen the Ghetto Biennale exposition.
Despite its popularity, the festival is not
inclusive of all regions in Port-au-Prince,
does not coordinate extensively with local
art galleries and actors, and remains rather

Dak’Art –a model for the Ghetto Biennale?

Dak’Art is a biannual international arts festival held in Dakar, Senegal. Every two years,
Senegal invites artists from across Africa to congregate and display their work. They also
provide an online platform for their work to be distributed overseas. Every two years, when
the event is hosted, it provides an economic stimulant for the city and it helps artists
distribute their brand worldwide (Biennale Foundation, 2018). The IDB could use Dak’Art’s
success as a model for upgrading the Ghetto Biennale; the Ghetto Biennale could be
more inclusive of Caribbean artists and be better marketed so that artists could sell their
products abroad.

35
 unsafe for visitors (Jaunay, 2018b). To
develop Grand Rue into a creative district, it
would need:
●● Infrastructure upgrades in the Atis
Rezistans and Ghetto Biennale
buildings;
●● A better waste collection system;
●● Business training and cataloguing
36
support for the Atis Rezistans;
●● An online presence for Atis Rezistans
so artists can formally catalogue and
sell their work on the internet;
●● Linkages between the Ghetto Biennale/
Atis Rezistans and galleries in Port-au-
Prince, without robbing the agency and
essence of the project.
7. Conclusion
This report has aimed to identify the opportunities and challenges of establishing a creative
district and to formulate recommendations to assist the IDB in shaping a strategic plan of action
for the development of creative districts in Port-au-Prince.
In this paper, we have compiled both academic and institutional literature on creative industries
and development studies into a theoretical framework in order to link ‘creativity’ and ‘space’,
which will help the Bank as they consider establishing a creative district in Port-au-Prince.
We have juxtaposed this with a background on the city’s art industry, identifying pre-existing
creative hubs and the challenges related to these spaces.
Based on desk-research and field interviews, this report has provided both general guidelines
and district-specific recommendations for the IDB should it decide to invest in Port-au-Prince’s
Orange Economy. Under our location-specific guidelines, we outline two possible strategies:
1. Should the IDB decide to build up one singular district, we recommend investing in
Village Noailles as it is currently the most developed and organized creative area.
Despite requiring less funding due to pre-existing infrastructure, transportation issues
seem to be the biggest challenge.
2. Should the Bank decide to launch an initiative to upgrade multiple creative districts,
we recommend focusing on Village Noailles, Bel Air and Grand Rue. This should be
accompanied by upgrading infrastructure, promoting business/marketing abilities,
collaborating with the tourism industry and increasing connectivity of organizations in
the sector.
There is a huge potential for the establishment of a creative district in Port-au-Prince as a
development tool. Neighborhood-based art in Haiti is a strong source of pride for local residents,
and the city is gifted with several spaces where creativity thrives. As Glissant (1989) illustrates:
Haitan painting challenges the magical notion of ‘authenticity’ in art. It is a community
endeavour. An entire people’s discourse. (p.157)

37
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42
9. Appendix
Appendix 1: Itinerary

Date Interviewee/Activity Relevance

Meet researcher Dr. Pascale Dr. Jaunay’s area of expertise is Haitian
Jaunay Culture, currently working as a consultant
researcher for the IDB in analysing
the valorization of the Haitian Orange
economy. Meeting her has essential to
become familiar with the current research
on creative industries in Haiti holds.
Monday Introduction to neighborhoods of Dr. Jaunay introduced us to the different
19/02/18 Port-Au-Prince neighborhoods so we could have an initial
idea of distances, infrastructure, and
differences between areas, among other
preliminary perceptions.
Visit the Nader Gallery To become familiar with Haitian fine art,
acquiring knowledge of styles, prices, and
different artists, as well as the functioning
of the art market in Haiti.
Visit the Comité Artisanal Haïtien To become familiar with Haitian handicrafts
and understand the potential of a local
retail point with the purpose of promoting
handicrafts. Likewise, an initial assessment
of prices was made.
Visit the Centre D’art and To get information about how cultural
interview the education and institutions like the Centre D’art helps the
outreach manager promotion and development of creative
industries.
Tuesday Interview with Axelle Liautaud Axelle Liautaid is an important figure in
20/02/18 the arts and culture scene in Haiti. She is
a Chairperson of the board of the Centre
D’art, an art collector, a designer herself,
and a promoter of Haitian art abroad.
Interview with André Eugène André Eugène is an internationally
recognized Haitian scupture whose cultural
projects, such as the Ghetto Biennale event
and the artist collective Atis Rezistans, are
of great relevance in the promotion of local
artists.

43
 Date Interviewee/Activity
Interview with Eddy Rémy from
the Association des artistes
et artisans de la Croix-des-
Bouquets (ADAAC)
Wednesday
21/02/18 Interview with designer Pascale
Théard
Visit the Musée du Panthéon
National Haïtien (MUPANAH)
Interview with Rose-May
Guignard, urban planner from
the Comité Interministériel
d’Aménagement du Territoire
(CIAT)
Thursday Attend conference on
22/02/18 Reclaiming public spaces for the
cultural and artistic expression:
the case of Freedom Park
of Lagos, Nigeria, and of the
Parc de Martissant of Port-Au-
Prince, Haiti, by the Fondasyon
Konesans Ak Libète (Fokal)
Interview with Yves César from
the Coordination des Artistes et
Artisans du Bel Air (CAABEL)
and artists from the organization
Interview with Frantz Duval,
Friday editor in chief, and Jean Max
23/02/18 Chauvet, director of operations,
from Le Nouvelliste newspaper
Visit Anacaona soap recycling
start-up
44
Relevance
The metal work practiced in the Village
Noailles of Croix-des-Bouquets is an
example of creativity linked to location,
becoming a relevant location and
organization to visit.
Pascale Théard is an internationally
recognized Haitian fashion designer,
whose use of traditional Haitian patterns
and motives with contemporary design
were relevant in understanding how to keep
traditions alive in a profitable scenario.
To continue learning about Haitian history
and art, as well as seeing a cultural
institution like a museum working in Port-
Au-Prince to analyse its functioning.
The CIAT is the key organisation within
the Haitian government dedicated to
urban planning. A project dealing with the
development of a creative district needs
their input.
To get to know how public spaces and
artistic expression are linked was very
useful to our topic of research. Getting
to understand two case studies, one in a
developing country similar to our context of
interest and one actually in Port-au-Prince,
was a valuable opportunity. Moreover,
Fokal is an important institution in the
context of Haitian culture, as they are
involved in many promotion events for arts
and crafts (such as this conference).
The Bel Air neighborhood was known
traditionally as a creative center, hence
linking creativity and location.
Le Nouvelliste is the only daily newspaper
in Haiti. A broader vision of Haitian culture
from a related sector such as media is
useful as a key informant.
Anacaona is a new startup with a
social purpose. Their experiences with
entrepreneurship in Haiti could help us
understand issues of state capacity and
bureaucracy.
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