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37(2014)1
Zeitschrift für Medizinethnologie • Journal of Medical Anthropology
hrsg. von/edited by: Arbeitsgemeinschaft Ethnomedizin e.V. – AGEM

VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung Psychologische Dimensionen in der Medizinethnologie II:
ISBN 978-3-86135-777-3 Tiefenpsychologische Perspektiven
U2 Impressum Hinweise für Curare-Autoren / Instructions to Curare Authors U3

Zum Titelbild/Front picture Curare 37(2014)1: Hinweise für Curare-Autoren Instruction to Curare Authors
Kann man Freuds Couch, das berühmte Symbol der Psychoanalyse, bereits zur Materialität eines immateriellen Kulturer- Sprachen: deutsch und englisch. Language: German or English.
bes im Sinne der UNESCO zählen? // The collage shows the globalized symbol of psychoanalysis, Freud’s couch (taken Manuskripte: Curare veröffentlicht Originalbeiträge. Bitte liefern Sie Manuscripts: Original manuscripts only will be accepted. Please
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partly from a local journal reporting on Freud in 1999), entering here the tropics and being transformed into a hammock
fassung (ca. 250 Wörter, Titel und ca. 5 Schlagwörter) in Deutsch, abstract (appr. 250 words, appr. 5 keywords, and the title) in English,
(cover picture from Hannes Stubbe. Sigmund Freud in den Tropen. Die erste psychoanalytische Dissertation in der por- Englisch und Französisch. Fußnoten sollten vermieden werden. French, and German language. Footnotes should be avoided. Ac-
tugiesischsprachigen Welt (1914), painting by Noëmi Stubbe, Shaker-Verlag, Aachen 2011). On the top of the original Danksagungen sind in der ersten Fußnote unterzubringen. Alle Fuß- knowledgements should be in the first footnote. All footnotes become
“continental couch” a cartoon from Jiří Slíva is floating (taken from his book Sigmund Freud schläft nie. Cartoons, mit noten sollten gleich als Anmerkung am Ende des Textes vor die Li- endnotes after text and before the bibliography.
einem Essay “Warum wir lachen“, von Hans-Jürgen Wirth, Psychosozial-Verlag, Gießen, 2014) [by courtesy of the cited teraturhinweise. References: Please quote in-text citations in the following form: (Au-
Zitate: Direkte und indirekte Zitate bitte direkt im Text aufführen, thor year: pages). If small capitals are not possible to handle, normal
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Curare 36(2013)1+2: Medizinethnologische Diskurse um Körpermodifikationen im interdisziplinären Arbeitsfeld Eth- geschrieben und dann unterstrichen werden. The form for listing of references is as follows:
nologie und Medizin Literaturangaben in alphabetischer Reihenfolge am Ende des Textes: Stand/Status: June 2014
Curare 36(2013)3: Gesundheit und Öffentlichkeit: Medizinethnologische Perspektiven
• Zeitschriften / Journals:
Curare 36(2013)4: Psychologische Dimensionen in der Medizinethnologie I
Stein C. 2003. „Beruf PsychotherapeutIn“: Zwischen Größenphantasien und Versagensängsten. Imagination 25,3: 52–69.
Die nächsten Hefte: Fainzang S. 1996. Alcoholism, a Contagious Disease. A Contribution towards an Anthropological Definition of Contagion. Culture, Medicine
Curare 37(2014)2 zu europäischen Perspektiven im interdisziplinären Arbeitsfeld Ethnologie und Medizin and Psychiatry 20,4: 473–487.
Curare 37(2014)3 zur Ethnobotanik, Ethnozoologie und Ethnopharmakologie Bei Zeitschriften mit Namensdoppelungen, z.B. Africa das Herkunftsland in Klammern dazu setzen. / Journals which occur with the same name,
  e.g. Africa put in brackets the country of origin.

Arbeitsgemeinschaft Ethnomedizin – www.agem-ethnomedizin.de – AGEM, Herausgeber der • Bei speziellen Themenheften mit Herausgeber(n) oder Gastherausgeber(n) / In case of an issue on a special theme and with editor(s) or
guest editor(s):
Curare, Zeitschrift für Medizinethnologie • Curare, Journal of Medical Anthropology (gegründet/founded 1978)
Maier B. 1992. Nutzerperspektiven in der Evaluierung. In Bichmann W. (Hg). Querbezüge und Bedeutung der Ethnomedizin in einem holistischen
Die Arbeitsgemeinschaft Ethnomedizin (AGEM) hat als rechtsfähiger Verein ihren Sitz in Hamburg und ist eine Verei- Gesundheitsverständnis. Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Hans-Jochen Diesfeld. (Themenheft/Special theme). Curare 15,1+2: 59–68.
nigung von Wissenschaftlern und die Wissenschaft fördernden Personen und Einrichtungen, die ausschließlich und un- • Rezensierter Autor, der zitiert wird (Schüttler nach Fischer-Harriehausen 1971: 311) • cited author of a book review:
mittelbar gemeinnützige Zwecke verfolgt. Sie bezweckt die Förderung der interdisziplinären Zusammenarbeit zwischen Schüttler G. 1971. Die letzten tibetischen Orakelpriester. Psychiatrisch-neurologische Aspekte. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Rezension von Fischer-
Harriehausen H. 1971. Ethnomedizin I,2: 311–313.
der Medizin einschließlich der Medizinhistorie, der Humanbiologie, Pharmakologie und Botanik und angrenzender Na-
turwissenschaften einerseits und den Kultur- und Gesellschaftswissenschaften andererseits, insbesondere der Ethnologie, • Autor einer Buchbesprechung / Author of a book review:
Pfeiffer W. 1988. Rezension von / Bookreview from Peltzer K. 1987. Some Contributions of Traditional Healing Practices towards Psychosocial
Kulturanthropologie, Soziologie, Psychologie und Volkskunde mit dem Ziel, das Studium der Volksmedizin, aber auch Health Care in Malawi. Eschborn: Fachbuchhandlung für Psychologie, Verlagsabt. Curare 11,3: 211–212.
der Humanökologie und Medizin-Soziologie zu intensivieren. Insbesondere soll sie als Herausgeber einer ethnomedizini-
• Bücher und Monographien / Books and Monographs:
schen Zeitschrift dieses Ziel fördern, sowie durch regelmäßige Fachtagungen und durch die Sammlung themenbezogenen Pfleiderer B., Greifeld K. & Bichmann W. 1995. Ritual und Heilung. Eine Einführung in die Ethnomedizin. Zweite, vollständig überarbeitete
Schrifttums die wissenschaftliche Diskussionsebene verbreitern. (Auszug der Satzung von 1970) und erweiterte Neuauflage des Werkes „Krankheit und Kultur“ (1985). Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
  Janzen J.M. 1978. The Quest for Therapy in Lower Zaire. (Comparative Studies in Health Systems and Medical Care 1.) Berkeley and L. A., CA:

Zeitschrift für Medizinethnologie University of California Press.


• Sammelband / Collection of essays (papers) (name all authors):
Journal of Medical Anthropology Schiefenhövel W., Schuler J. & Pöschl R. (Hg) 1986. Traditionelle Heilkundige – Ärztliche Persönlichkeiten im Vergleich der Kulturen und
medizinischen Systeme. Beitr. u. Nachtr. zur 6. Intern. Fachkonferenz Ethnomedizin in Erlangen, 30.9.–3.10.1982. (Curare-Sonderband/
Herausgeber im Auftrag der / Editor-in-chief on behalf of: IMPRESSUM Curare 37(2014)1 Curare Special Volume 5). Braunschweig, Wiesbaden: Vieweg.
Arbeitsgemeinschaft Ethnomedizin e.V. – AGEM Verlag und Vertrieb / Publishing House: Blacking J. (Ed) 1977. The Anthropology of the Body. (A. S. A. Monograph 15). London: Academic Press.
Ekkehard Schröder (auch V. i. S. d. P.) mit VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung, Amand Aglaster • Artikel aus einem Sammelband / Article in a collection of papers:
Herausgeberteam / Editorial Board Vol. 33(2010)–36(2013): Postfach 11 03 68 • 10833 Berlin, Germany Schuler J. 1986. Teilannotierte Bibliographie zum Thema „Traditionelle Heilkundige – Ärztliche Persönlichkeiten im Vergleich der Kulturen
Gabriele Alex (Tübingen) gabriele.alex@uni-tuebingen.de • Hans- Tel. +49-[0]30-251 04 15 • Fax: +49-[0]30-251 11 36 und medizinischen Systeme“. In Schiefenhövel W. et al. (Hg), a. a. O.: 413–453. (wenn das Werk mehrfach zitiert wird, sonst komplett nach
Jörg Assion (Dortmund) hans-joerg.assion@wkp-lwl.org • Ruth e-mail: info@vwb-verlag.com obiger Anweisung zitieren, Seitenzahlen am Schluss, … Braunschweig/Wiesbaden: Vieweg: 413–453)
Kutalek (Wien) ruth.kutalek@meduniwien.ac.at • Bernd Rieken http://www.vwb-verlag.com Loudon J. B. 1977. On Body Products. In Blacking J. (Ed), op. cit.: 161–178 (if the vol. is cited more than one time, otherwise citation of refe-
(Wien) bernd.­rieken@univie.ac.at • Kristina Tiedje (Lyon) kristi- Bezug / Supply: rences as above, pages at the end, … London: Academic Press: 161–178)
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Ehrenbeirat / Honorary Editors: Hans-Jochen Diesfeld (Starn- ISSN  0344-8622             ISBN  978-3-86135-777-3 biology, pharmacology, and botany and adjacent natural sciences, on the one hand, and cultural studies and social sciences, especially
berg) • Horst H. Figge (Freiburg) • Dieter H. Frießem (Stuttgart) • cultural and social anthropology, sociology, psychology, human ecology and the sociology of medicine. With view to this goal, and also to
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VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung Curare 37(2014)1 www.vwb-verlag.com


Inhalt 1

Zeitschrift für Medizinethnologie


Journal of Medical Anthropology
hrsg. von/ed. by Arbeitsgemeinschaft Ethnomedizin (AGEM)

Inhalt / Contents
Vol. 37 (2014) 1

Psychologische Dimensionen in der Medizinethnologie II:


Tiefenpsychologische Perspektiven

Die Autorinnen und Autoren in Curare 37(2014)1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Ekkehard Schröder: Editorial: Tiefenpsychologische Spurenlegungen in die Medizinethnologie . 3

Artikel
Maria Vivod: Radmila—the Fairy-clairvoyant. Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from
Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Forum
Wolfgang Schoene: Von der Arzt-Patient-Beziehung zur Psychotherapeut-Patient-Beziehung.
Einfälle zur Funktionalität von Normtraditionen (herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Ludger M.
Hermanns) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Werner Bonin: Über Wunderlinge, Sonderlinge, Käuze – zu ihrer Funktion in der Gemeinschaft
und zur Konnotation der Begriffe (Reprint 1984) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
„Ich habe das Recht, ich zu sein und kein anderer!“ Ein Gespräch zwischen George Devereux
und Ekkehard Schröder, geführt am 31. Januar 1984 in Antony bei Paris (Reprint 1984) . . . . . 46
Zur gegenwärtigen Lage der Psychoanalyse (25.12.2013, Aufruf von Helmut Dahmer, Thomas
Gebauer & Wolfgang Leuschner) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Buchbesprechungen / Book Reviews


• Hale Usak-Sahin 2013. Psychoanalyse in der Türkei. Eine historische und aktuelle Spurensuche.
Gießen. (Assia Maria Harwazinski) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
• Adam Bžoch 2013. Psychoanalyse in der Slowakei – Eine Geschichte von Enthusiasmus und
Widerstand. Gießen. (Ronny Krüger) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
• Hannes Stubbe 2008. Sigmund Freuds „Totem und Tabu“ in Mosambik. Göttingen. (Ekkehard
Schröder) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
• Hannes Stubbe 2011. Sigmund Freud in den Tropen. Die erste psychoanalytische Dissertation
in der portugiesischsprachigen Welt (1914). Aachen. (Ekkehard Schröder) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

Curare 37(2014)1 • www.agem-ethnomedizin.de


2 Contents

• LUZIFER-AMOR. Zeitschrift zur Geschichte der Psychoanalyse, Heft 50, Jg. 25(2012)2.
(Ekkehard Schröder) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
• Ulrike Krasberg 2013. „Hab ich vergessen, ich hab nämlich Alzheimer!“ Beobachtungen einer
Ethnologin in Demenzwohngruppen. Bern. (Ehler Voss) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
• Susann Huschke 2013. Kranksein in der Illegalität – Undokumentierte LateinamerikanerInnen
in Berlin. Eine medizinethnologische Studie. Bielefeld. (Katarina Greifeld) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
• Godula Kosack 2012. Magie – Die Kraft zum Schaden oder zum Guten. Bad Schussenried.
(Helmar Kurz) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

Résumés des articles de Curare 37(2014)1: Dimensions psychologiques dans le champ de


l’anthropologie médicale II: perspectives de la psychologie des profondeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

Programm, 27. Fachkonferenz Ethnomedizin (AGEM), Heidelberg, 27–29.6. 2014


Global Mental Health—Mental Health in Africa, Asia and Latin America from Anthropological
and Cultural Psychiatric Points of View / Psychische Gesundheit und Krankheit in Afrika, Asien
und Lateinamerika aus ethnologischer und kulturpsychiatrischer Sicht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

Zum Titelbild & Impressum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . U2


Hinweise für Autoren/Instructions to Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . U3

Redaktionsschluss: 05.05.2014

Lektorat und Endredaktion: Ekkehard Schröder


Die Artikel der Curare werden einem Reviewprozess unterzogen / The journal Curare is a peer-reviewed journal

Erratum: In Curare 35(2012)1+2 ist auf Seite 39 unten das korrekte Todesdatum von Wolfgang Schoene
der 18.10.2006 (nicht der 8.10.2007).

Die Autorinnen und Autoren dieses Heftes:

• Helmut Dahmer, Prof. Dr. med, Psychoanalytiker (Wien) prof.helmut.dahmer@gmail.com – S. 61


• Thomas Gebauer, Psychologe, Stiftung medico international (Frankfurt) info@stiftung-medico.de S. 61
• Katarina Greifeld*, Dr. phil., Medizinethnologin (Frankfurt) greifeld@gmx.de – S. 73
• Assia Maria Harwazinski, Dr. phil., Islamwissenschaftlerin (Tübingen) ajidomo@web.de – S. 67
• Ludger Hermanns, Psychosomatische Medizin, Psychoanalytiker (Berlin) LM.Hermanns@t-online.de – S. 61
• Ronny Krüger, Psychologe, Psychoanalytiker (Berlin) krueger_praxis@yahoo.de – S. 68
• Helmar Kurz*, Ethnologe (Münster) h-kurz02@uni-muenster.de – S. 77
• Wolfgang Leuschner, Dr. med., Psychoanalytiker (Frankfurt am Main) – S. 61
• Ekkehard Schröder*, Psychiater, Ethnologe (Potsdam) ee.schroeder@t-online.de – S. 3, 36, 71, 72
• Maria Vivod*, PhD, Ethnologin (Strasbourg, Novi Sad) vivod@hotmail.com – S. 8
• Ehler Voss*, Dr. phil, Ethnologe (Siegen) ehler.voss@uni-siegen.de – S. 73

• Werner Bonin* (1945–1986) Psychologe – S. 46


• George Devereux* (1908–1985) Ethnologe, Psychoanalytiker – S. 36
• Wolfgang Schoene (1926–2006) Ethnologe, Medizinsoziologe – S. 18

* Mitglieder der AGEM

VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung • www.vwb-verlag.com


8 Maria Vivod

Radmila—the Fairy-clairvoyant.
Rethinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia
Maria Vivod

Abstract:  This case-study is inspired by Tobbie Nathan’s ethno-psychiatric perspectives and notions on the trau-
ma discourses and describes in an ethnographic manner an example of a popular healer, who treats an illness
known in the South-Slavic cultural therapy as the strava. The concept of the strava – or fright – is deeply rooted in
the popular belief about the supernatural creatures, the fairies. A particular popular therapy used by the healer – the
fairy-clairvoyant – can be seen as a response to this disorder. According to Nathan and Grandsard, the individuals
who suffered a traumatic event can develop post-traumatic symptoms. The ones who develop these symptoms are
the patients to this treatment. Those who don’t develop the symptoms can use trauma as a “tool for a transforma-
tion.” The article aims to provide an additional example to their proposed handling.
Key words  ethnopsychiatry – clairvoyant – fairies – strava – fright – trauma – spellbinding – Serbia

Radmila, die Feen-Hellseherin. Eine ethnopsychiatrische Fallstudie aus Serbien


Zusammenfassung  Diese Fallstudie ist von Tobie Nathans ethnopsychiatrischer Perspektive zu den Trauma-
diskursen und seiner Methodik inspiriert und beschreibt exemplarisch in ethnographischem Vorgehen eine Volks-
heilerin, die sich auf die Behandlung einer in der südslawischen kulturellen Therapie als strava bekannte Schreck-
Krankheit spezialisiert hat. Strava ist als Konzept tief in der populären Heilkultur verwurzelt und beruht auf dem
Glauben an übernatürliche Wesen, speziell an Feen. Das spezifische Vorgehen der Heilerin, einer Feen-Hellsehe-
rin, kann als Antwort auf die Erkrankung gesehen werden. Nach Nathan und Grandsard können Individuen nach
einem traumatischen Erlebnis posttraumatische Symptome entwickeln. Solche, die Symptome entwickeln, werden
dieser Behandlung unterzogen. Für solche ohne Symptomentwicklung kann ein Trauma jedoch zu einem “tool
for a transformation” werden. Der Artikel belegt exemplarisch diese ethnopsychiatrische Vorgehensweise. (Red.)
Schlagwörter  Ethnopsychiatrie – Hellsehen – Feen – strava – Schreck – Trauma – Zauberspruch – Serbien

Introduction as “fright”. The aim of this case study is to give an


additional example to this problematic by descri-
The concept of the fright* or strava is deeply rooted
bing the modus operandi of a popular healer, who
in the South Slavic popular belief about the super-
treats an illness known in the south-slavish culture
natural creatures, the fairies. There is a particular
as the strava. According to Nathan and Grandsard,
popular therapy used by the healers—the fairy-
the individuals who suffered a traumatic event can
clairvoyants—to respond to this disorder. This
develop the so-called post-traumatic symptoms as
cultural case study is inspired by a paper of Tob­bie
described in the actual biomedical concept. The
Nathan and Catherin Grandsard “PTSD and fright
ones who develop these symptoms are the patients.
disorders: rethinking trauma from an ethno-psychi-
Those who don’t can use trauma as a “tool for a
atric perspective”, presented at the Third Interna-
transformation” (Nathan & Grandsard 2006:15).
tional Trauma Research Net Conference, St. Moritz,
The article seeks to depict, and to describe in eth-
September 14–17, 2006.
nographical manner, the popular nosology of the
The article analyzes the trauma and the traumatic
disorder treated by this popular healer, the symp-
experience through the looking glass of ethnopsy-
toms and the ways of the therapy itself. The material
chiatry and elaborates the traumatic experience as
for this study was gathered during several personal
mental disorder which is treated in many cultures

* The word fright in English is used in this article according to its original meaning: a “sudden intense feeling of fear”. Its Serbian loose
translation has various possible significations which vary (according to regions where Serbo-Croatian is spoken) from: nightmare, ter-
rific/terrible (particularly in contemporary slang) and the name of a popular illness.

Curare 37(2014)1: 8–17 VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung


Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia 9

encounters with the healer and her patients in her eastern Serbia—where Radmila was born too—as a
house and by carefully collecting references and traditional healer. The woman was vilovita. This ad-
data in historic-ethnographical archives about the jective1, which comes from the word “fairy” (vila) in
condition, the illness referred in popular nosology Serbian language, means that the person is capable
as the strava, or fright. to communicate with fairies. The persons “belongs”
to them, calling them “sisters”2. The same adjective
Strava in the popular nosology is used for those demons, super-natural creatures
that have fairy-origins (Tucakov 1965, Radenković
In the northern part of Serbia, in Vojvodina, in a
1996): the healer can be vilovit(a)3, the illness it-
village of Ruski Krstur lives Radmila, an about 65
self and the creatures4 who “bring” the illnesses to
years old woman (in 2005). Radmila states seeing
the humans too. In the world of the human beings,
fairies with whom she is communicating and from
the fairy-clairvoyants are the mediators between the
which she receives help to foreseen the future and to
upper world, where the fairies room and the world
heal the individuals turning to her. Ruski Krstur is a
of the humans. The fairy-clairvoyant know how to
village of the Rusin ethnic minority where Radmila
communicate with the upper world, and they know
arrived from eastern Serbia due to her third mar-
how to cure the illness coming from the fairies. The
riage. She states that she has visions; she is seeing
fairies tell them from what illness a person is ill and
young women with long hair who communicate
how to treat it. Mainly the vilovite (Pluralia) use the
with her. She is known in this part of the region of
combination of a charm and clairvoyance technique
Vojvodina as an oracle and popular healer, a “fairy-
to heal a person, but not all charmers are vilovit—
clairvoyant” (vilovita). Through her technique she
some of them are using charms without this pre-
is “seeing” the causes of the illness of her patients,
cious attribute to be able actually to communicate
the past, the present and the future of an individual.
with the fairies (Radenković 1996, Vivod 2005).
As Radmila herself states, for a person to become
The older woman examined the little girl Rad-
a fairy-clairvoyant, the person must be born with this
mila, and said to her mother that Radmila has a
particular gift, or he/she must learn the skill from a
fairy-illness [bolesna od vila]5. She also said that
closer relative (as for instance the grandmother), or
she can cure her, but in exchange, when Radmila
the person must be “infected” (she uses the expres-
grows up, she will start to cure other people, other-
sion “to get it”—dobiti in Serbian) by the gift. This
wise the fairy-illness will come back. The vilovita
second option means that the person was ill (very
old women healed Radmila, the illness was gone
often in the early childhood) with fairy-illness, and
forever. But the words of this woman stayed. At
in this manner came in contact with the upper world
her adult age Radmila became a fairy-clairvoyant, a
where the fairies room. It’s with the cure that the
healer who is communicating with the fairies. First
person earns the skill, committing himself/herself
she started to heal children from the neighborhood,
to heal other individuals (Tucakov 1965: 10). If he
does not choose to do so, he risks that someday the
illness returns, maybe even with a fatal ending. In
exchange for a cure, the person becomes a healer;
it’s a fairylike quid pro quo: gaining something
while losing something else.
The fairy-illness was described by Radmila on
the basis of her personal experience: when Radmila
was just four years old, she became very ill. She had
nightmares and high fever. She lost a lot of weight;
because she was not able to eat properly. Doctors
couldn’t find out from what she was suffering. After
a while her mother renouncing to obtain answer for
the health problem of her small daughter, took her
to a popular healer. Radmila explained that it was an
“elderly women” who was known in this region of Radmila‘s house in Ruski Krstur

Curare 37(2014)1
10 Maria Vivod

Radmila on the table in the reception room (all photos: © Maria Vivod)

then relatives. As she moved from eastern Serbia to in the world of humans. In the ethnographical lit-
the northern region of Vojvodina (near the Hungar- erature of the 19th century the strava (serb.) is men-
ian border), she took her knowledge, her reputation tioned in the same category as the various types of
with her. Even though6 the village is inhabited with evil spell, charm or bad eye: urok, ogranak, namet,
the small Rusin community7 in Vojvodina which ličine (Glück 1892). According to Radmila’s “sta-
makes here the majority of the population, her tistics” most of the patients who come to her “have
“ways” were accepted: she is known in the region the fright” [imaju stravu in Serb.].
as a healer who successfully treats the strava (leči The fright is one of the most often mentioned
od strave in Serb.). popular mental disorders when it comes to the num-
Radmila herself claims that she treats strava ber of treatments made by the healers in Vojvodina
and fairy-illness two kinds of disorders known to and the “diagnosis” of the healers (Vivod 2005).
popular nosology. The symptoms are more or less The fright is classified in the popular nosology as
the same however the illness is distinguished by its an illness which at first affects the spirit of an indi-
cause and not by its manifestation. The symptoms vidual and shows itself later physically. It is a popu-
of these disorders manifest themselves physically lar mental disorder which affects strongly the body:
or psychically. She explains that these disorders— first it consumes the soul, and then it destroys the
events and manifestations to the body of the suffer- body (Glück 1892; see infra). The strava—fright, is
er—are initiated by three main causes: one can be ill the name of the disorder but also is the cause of it—
either by spellbound or an evil charm, or by fright. it is imagined that it acts as a creature coming from
Some of it come from the fairies, some from the the upper world which enters into the body of an in-
bad intentioned humans and some have their origins dividual and if not treated consumes it. It enters the

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Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia 11

The bowl for casting the matches

body and “commands” to the person. The creature-


like illness inhabits the body just as a possession.
In Eastern Serbia it is believed that it comes from
the fairies—they “send” the fright, as well as other
illnesses8—to a human to “punish it”. With time it’s
the Christian saints who send the illness to punish a
person who lives “improperly” (Čajkanović 1973:
153, Vivod 2008).
No matter which is the source of the fright— Corner in Radmila‘s “reception room”
“natural” (coming from the human environment),
spellboundness or as a “message” sent by the fairies sary. The healer then employs term such as isterati,
(a fairy-illness)—the strava as a phenomenon, has rasterati [to chase out the strava], or other verbs
its origins always exterior to the human body: an which connotes the extermination or a symbolic
event, incident or an object produced it. It increases exorcism which the healers intend to employ as
with time—it “gets stronger”; its symptoms are a treatment. Once get rid of the fright it must be
similar in terms of etiology as the ones describing “chased out”.
the traumatic event. It is also believed that there is While the non-treated strava causes the fras (in
no process of habituation, and one cannot learn to Hungarian fràsz) by children—a state of extreme
live with this disorder—it is cumulative: if it is not fright, handled popularly as an illness, which comes
treated it gets worse. The event which caused it is with high fever, nightmares, etc. It is believed that it
often described as an experiences or a near death can be fatal by small children. By adults, it attacks
state. The individuals who seek help by the healers the nerves, causes headaches. That disorder mani-
often use the words for explaining their troubles— fests itself in a physical manner: it is believed that
“almost died”, “be near death”, “thinking of death”, the fright can shift itself to the intestines—causing
or “dying”. As Radmila says too, her mother took another illness known to the traditional pathology:
her to the old healer women when she was “almost the struna9. It is held that the fright “eats up” the
dead”. intestines resulting dislocation of the stomach, and
The connection between this disorder and the the uterus in case of a woman, causing sterility. The
supernatural creatures—in this case, the fairies— interior organs of the human being are moved and
is best perceived in an expression of the Serbian are ceasing to function correctly.
language: when an individual is totally consumed To chase out the fright the healers use several
by it, and he/she can’t lead a normal life anymore, techniques—varying from one region to another,
the healer uses the expression oživela je strava [the one ethnic group to another. In the southern part
fright became alive]; a treatment becomes neces- of Vojvodina—Srem, the healers apply the meren-
je [measuring]—literary measuring the members

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12 Maria Vivod

of an ill individual with a rope or a similar string lake. As Radmila says the fairies think that humans
(Radulovački 2000: 184–193). This method is are dirty. She says they like to live near the water—
known in Bosnia as the urezivanje krajčice.10 If one they are vodene vile [water-fairies]. Radmila often
member, for instance a leg is shorter, or longer as sees them because her house is near to a canal which
another, a person is ill from fright or has been put an runs through her village. She says that the pollution
evil spell on. The fright or the evil spell misbalances of the canal is troubling the fairies, making their
the body in manner that even the members shorten. appearance rarer, “the fairies not like the dirt, the
One particularly interesting method to treat the garbage and the unclean places”.14
fright is bacanje kašika : the healer is casting spoons Many individuals seek her help without know-
and from the position of the spoons is “seeing” the ing the causes of their symptoms. They are often ill
causes of the strava. I had a chance to witness this in from the fairy-illness without even knowing it. It is
a small village of Vojvodina when a very old wom- with the help of the fairies that Radmila establishes
an (at that time she was 95), originated from Bosnia, the exact causes of their disorder and recommends
threw nine soup-spoons on her kitchen table and a treatment. She is the only one who can determine
detected a fright in my body11. The position of the the nature of the illness by pointing out the cause
spoon indicated her that I was possessed by fright. of it.
Another very popular technique is the salivanje
strave, [melting the fear]. This method based on in- Is strava a fruit of trauma?
cantation: it’s a combination of a ritual behaviour
While establishing a parallel between mental disor-
and of a purposely-pronounced text called basma‑s,
ders treated in popular therapies and the concepts
charms. The healer melts of small piece of lead,
in modern psychiatry Nathan and Grandsard af-
through which she/he12 “sees” the cause of illness.
firm: “trauma is one of the only modern notions for
At the end of the treatment, the healer gives this
which the knowledge conveyed by traditional cul-
piece of lead to the ill person and he or she must
tures turns out to be decisive.“ (Nathan & Grand-
liberate him(her)self from it by throwing it ritually
sard 2006: 6). For the authors, the traumatic event
back over his shoulder, not turning back his/her
operates through the process of fright (idem: 14).
head (not looking at it), while pronouncing a neces-
Trauma in psychiatry is an experience, caused by
sary charm-formula (Vivod 2008).
an exterior factor and has no mithridatic or habitu-
A similar method to this one is a bacanje ugljev-
ation process (idem: 2) and: […] it is the only men-
lja—it’s a casting of burning pieces of coal or wood
tal disorder for which an external cause is clearly
into a recipient of water. From the position of the
identified in the form of a specific type of event ex-
pieces the healer interprets and heals the fright.
perienced directly or simply witnessed by the pa-
Radmila is healing and interpreting with a meth-
tient. However, as such, it poses a methodological
od called bacanje šibica, [casting matches]. By
challenge to psychopathology research and theory.
throwing into a recipient of water burning matches,
Indeed, the challenge is to develop a model which
she “sees” if the illness came from the fairies, or if it
successfully conceptualizes the traumatic event,
was a spell or some “natural” cause, and she is fore-
offering a specific handling of the event itself. Yet
seeing the patient’s future. If the illness comes from
most models and interventions focus exclusively on
the fairies, they communicate with her. Radmila
individual characteristics of the trauma victim, his
transmits their advices for how to treat every par-
or her psyche, biology or cognitive processes (e.g.
ticular individual. She explains that the symptoms
debriefing, EMDR, BCT, etc…) thereby excluding
felt by an individual are messages from the fairies,
the causal, external event and its treatment.
or are their warnings of the human digressions. Rad-
The trauma, in terms of etiology covers the con-
mila describes the fairies as young girls with long
cept of fright and it is caused often by a near-death
hair. These pretty girls can be good or bad. “As they
experience. The description given by the individu-
think you deserve”—says Radmila. They can be
als who were “diagnosed” by Radmila as having the
useful to the humans or they can be bad—bringing
fairy-illness or the strava, as well as her description
them illnesses, putting on them spells, making them
of her own state prior to become a fairy-clairvoyant,
bad jokes.13 They also dislike when a reckless per-
link this experience as a near death state. One who
son steps into their territories—as e. g. a stream, a

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Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia 13

came across with fairies, or has been in contact fore Easter in the Christian orthodox calendar, and
with them is a person who was in touch with the also the week of the dead: people are visiting the
world of the dead. This person was in near-death cemeteries, cleaning, decorating the graves of fam-
state such as an experience related to an illness, ily members and ancestors. The living are “giving
an accident or a dream. This person has seen this the pomana”15 to the dead, leaving flowers, food on
world of “between” and has seen something what their graves. Nilsson (Nilsson 1940: 193) explains
an ordinary person is unable to see. In the case of the celebration of the rusalia as a feast from the
fairy-illness, a contact with the world of fairies in- roman times. The designation of “rusalia” comes
dicates that a close encounter with death, the world from the flower “rose” and it was originally a Dio-
of death and (un)dead creatures has possibly hap- nysius cult when people celebrated the comeback of
pened. That near-death experience always bears the the demons on earth (idem). Interestingly the heal-
possible danger of contamination which lingers on ers who heal from the fairy-illnesses are sometimes
if it is not taken care off. The relationship between called as “rusalka” too and the fairy-illness was re-
the world of fairies and the nether world is well es- ferred as the “rusalska boles” (Todorova-Pirgova
tablished in the ethnographical literature about the 2003, Vivod 2005).
South Slavic populations and popular beliefs (Jung Another clue which supports the hypothesis that
1981, Radenković 1996, Čajkanović 1973, Nilsson there is a close relationship between the fairies and
1940, Pócs 1971, Todorova-Pirgova 2003, and oth- the netherworld is the custom from eastern Serbia
ers). Fairies are deceased humans and their souls disappeared nowadays: women of the village con-
are “stuck” between the world of the living and the gregated every year (men were not allowed), under
world of the dead. Especially women can stick be- a vilovito tree (fairy) or a similar place where fairies
tween these worlds. Women or girls who died be- like to gather to give them a banquet. This banquet
fore accomplishing a stage in their life (e. g. before was given to the “aunts”—this feast was called the
their wedding as virgins, or at childbirth) linger on slava tetkama—an expression that might indicate a
in the upper world and continue their existence as euphemism of these creatures—who are very offen-
fairies. They missed an otherwise obligatory phase sive and like to be flattered.16 The feast was given
in their lives and can’t move to the netherworld— to the creatures described as women with long hair
instead they become demons, fairies, unnatural that bring illnesses into the village—to humor them,
creatures thinking as living and acting with power to avoid their dissatisfaction—for this purpose the
from the upper world. women of the village organized a “feast” for them:
This association between the fairies and the de- food, drink was prepared and consumed to honor
ceased can be found in a couple of popular customs. them (Knežević 1967). The word slava has a par-
For instance, the “days of the fairies” celebrated in ticularly interesting meaning: although it means
the traditional calendar are linked with the feasts “glory”, its semantic field indicates that it is used
given for the dead. The week of the fairies (vilovita to describe a feast for a deceased person17 or an an-
nedelja)—the period between Easter and Pentecost cestor as it indicates the expression krsna slava.18
(in the Gregorian calendar) is the time when the Not only the expression reveals the closeness of the
fairies show themselves (“come back”) on Earth. It ritual to the cult of the deceased, the manner how
is a time when the two worlds—the one of the liv- the food and the drink was consumed indicates its
ing and the one the dead—open to each other. Some purpose to please and to satisfy the dead (Knežević
healers from eastern Serbia performed their healing 1967).19
ritual only in that period of time; some vilovite can
fall into trance only that week of the year (Tomić Strava
1950). The day of St. George in the Christian ortho-
According to the popular nosology of strava: the
dox calendar is also known when these creatures re-
strava is caused by an external factors such as—ac-
turn on earth (Vivod 2005). The expression used to
cording Radmila—are the “natural” causes coming
design their comeback bears the meaning that once
from the world of the humans (e. g. accidents, sud-
they belong into the world of the living and that
den events, etc.), or the ones coming from the fai-
they reappear one into a space where they belong.
ries. One can’t become used to it—without a proper
The week of the rusalia (or rusalke) is the week be-

Curare 37(2014)1
14 Maria Vivod

treatment one’s state only can deteriorate: the strava If the person develops the symptoms it becomes a
stays in the body of a person and devours it. The patient, an individual who needs a treatment.
strava—or the fright strictu sensu—is conceived as If the person does not develop post-traumatic
a traumatic experience20 which opens up the door to symptoms he is destined to take over responsibili-
this hidden world, the one where the fairies room. ties such as embracing active social roles in the so-
The digressions of the humans—what they create ciety in which he lives. This is what Nathan and
when they penetrate into their territories (lakes, fo- Grandsard call the traumatic event becomes a “tool
rests, etc.) or by making dirty the natural resources of the transformation of a person and his role in the
(rivers, mountains, etc.) provokes them to “send” society” (idem 15).
to the humans the “fairy illnesses”, the fright21. The Once this hidden world is revealed there is no
insight into the culturally available world of the fai- turning back—one can have two possible solutions:
ries is ambiguous: their “messages” or “warnings” either to become terminally ill by this experience or
can either result to an individual’s disorder, or can to be cured, and to compel to bring this experience
be an “invitation” (which can’t be refused …) to a to others by healing them. One must heal others,
“new adept to join them”, to get in touch with them. and can’t go back to “normal” ignoring what one
In the first case, the individual becomes ill, and saw. New meanings are given, pointed out by the
with a little luck he/she will be healed without any older mediators those who introduced the “novice”
further consequences by a popular healer. In the se- in this experience (in case of Radmila that role was
cond case the individual is predestined to something played by the older women who healed her). The
more, to become a mediator, a healer. person has no other choice then to embrace a new
This experience alters the individual—and this way of life; in the case of Radmila it was to accept a
transformation he went through changes him for- new social role: as a healer and an oracle. Radmila
ever. The healer who is a mediator between the perceives her skill as a God-given gift and a duty to
two worlds can detect the change in others because “help others” as she explains. The skill is a fatality
as his soul knows its way to the upper world and to her—if she is not accomplishing what “is given to
back—for being with it in contact previously. The her” she is jeopardizing her own health and maybe
illness which is the result of the contamination that even her life too. She is only able to heal because
a person has gone through when he came in contact she was introduced into the world of fairies through
with this other world is interpreted by the healer. An her illness; the illness was the main vector of the
common point between the trauma and the fright— transmission of her powers to her and her knowl-
or the strava in this case—would be the violation of edge which came directly from the fairies.
the familiar environment of the individual who suf- The individual becomes aware of the existence
fered a traumatic event. The definition of traumatic of this culturally available yet distant world, when
events made by Nathan and Grandsard is a “contact the healers warn them about it explaining the causes
with the hidden world” which is “culturally avail- of their illness, interpreting the symptoms through
able but distant” (2006: 14). The traumatic event the technique of clairvoyance their use. The proper
revel a hidden world which “primary effect […] is treatment can follow only if the cause of the dis-
a breakdown of the person’s former habitual world” order is recognized. The ill individual becomes
(idem 15). A traumatic event makes it possible for responsive to this upper word and its fragility and
an individual to experience what is hidden. Mean- the digression he/she caused. By expelling the ill-
ing that a person is aware about the existence of the ness, by defining it, naming it—the healer makes
hidden world in his/hers given cultural “frame”, also aware the individual what exactly happened
which nevertheless remains distant to him/her. This to him, placing him into the role as a patient in a
world can be acknowledged only if it’s experienced. culture bounded therapeutical system. The correct
In the language of psychology a person who treatment is the one which is defined in advance and
experienced a trauma can develop post-traumatic it results of the elements of the particular cultural
symptoms afterwards. These symptoms are very “scenery”.
similar what the popular nosology describes as the The therapeutic setting is strongly manufactured
indicators of fright: headaches, nightmares, anxiety by the group: Radmila has become a healer as the
feelings or other disorders related to this sensation. old women, who healed her, instructed so and at

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Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia 15

the time when she told it so22—at her adult age. has a long reaching reputation on fairy-clairvoyants
Although the therapy against the “fairy-illness” is who can heal successfully and foreseen the future.
less known in the region and the healing method is Radmila’s origins and her willingness to accept her
unusual in the community in which she settled due social role even in her new surroundings added to
to her third marriage—the community has accepted the recognition in the new social context.
her personality, the role she took, as a clairvoyant The therapy she offers gives a suitable answer to
and healer and the method and the interpretation of the mental pathologies and the physical symptoms
the illness she offers. She successfully brought to- triggered by the disorders which can be external or
gether a specific therapy from eastern Serbia with a internal. The therapy fits suitably in the given cul-
“mainstream” popular therapy: the melting of fright tural setting. This cultural therapeutic system which
(salivanje strave). The acceptance of the commu- involves a communication with the fairies, with
nity where Radmila arrived as a new member due many others consistent culture bounded systems
her third marriage was determined by the role she which we can find in the region of Voivodina (Vi-
was willing to play—the role of a healer. vod 2005) has its interior rationality and seems to be
functioning and functional. Functioning in terms of
Healing and therapy trough transformation recovery, functional to fulfill a gap what the Serbian
official medicine, especially psychiatry is unable.
The four upper mentioned characteristics—a sud-
Traditional therapists prove to be of interest as fit-
den nature of the event which triggers it, the absence
ting responses to pathologies or rather to the culture
of a habituation process, an experience caused by an
bound syndromes—which have well established
external factor or incident, described as a near death
positions in the popular nosology as well as in the
event, a situation which causes a breakdown of a
cultural context around them. The cure is congruent
familiar world are all shared aspects between the
with the therapeutic settings, and to the expectations
traumatic event causing trauma or fright, the strava.
of the patients.
The Latin-American susto, the hak-tao of Tahiti, the
Radmila is a successful healer in terms of the
kange in Burundi are some of the examples among
number of individual visiting her and of those stat-
many others that Nathan and Grandsard take into
ing that her method instigated a positive change in
account when examining “fright” as a concept of
how they feel or behave. Her most thriving achieve-
ethnopsychiatry. They successfully trace down this
ments are in the domain of the wellbeing and men-
otherwise usual popular mental disorder which has
tal disorders of young children. We can speak about
its own place in various popular-traditional nosolo-
recovery in her treatment of mental disorder such as
gies. In that sense the Serbian strava presents a
anxiety, sleep disorder, bedwetting, and behavior re-
fitting addendum to the concept of trauma and of
lated distress. Several mothers stated that the differ-
traumatic event as notions present in the field of eth-
ence in the wellbeing or in the behavior of their in-
nopsychiatry.
fants or children was noticed just after the first visit
Nathan and Grandsard rightly asses: “Today, the
to her. The relatives or the patients speak about “res-
word ‘fright” is seldom used by psychopathology
cue”23 in terms of the success she achieved treating
professionals who favor words such as ‘trauma’ or
them. Some of them even underlined the “natural”
‘stress’, yet interest is growing in all the notions it
character of such a therapy, saying that a visit to a
subsumes. Recent research in the psychopathology
doctor or to a psychiatrist would only result a treat-
of trauma and in ethnopsychiatry points to its rel-
ment based on drugs and some kind of a chemical
evance and to the fact that traditional cultures are
handling which is perceived as extremely negative.
right to hold on to it.” (Nathan & Grandsard 2006:
In the rural communities it is also shameful to visit
18).
a psychiatrist—one risks the label of a “lunatic” or
In that sense Radmila and her practice accom-
“crazy” …
plishes a desired goal. Radmila’s success as a healer
This culture bound therapy gives also a suitable
is conditioned by several factors. The dynamic of
fulfillment in the gap where the local official medi-
the newly arrived in the community who accept
cine, especially psychiatry and psychology failed—
the responsibility of a healer is certainly one of the
which is also an “ingredient” of Radmila’s success.
keys of her success. The region of Eastern Serbia
Ever since of the fall of the communist regime in

Curare 37(2014)1
16 Maria Vivod

former Yugoslavia at the beginning of the 90es and 2. The vilovite (serb.) are mainly women, although there are cases
of men too (see Radenković 1996, Tomić 1950)
the decomposition of the federation, the health care 3. feminine
system as well as other structures (economic, edu- 4. Beside the fairies, other demons, supernatural creatures have
cational, etc.) faced a breakdown. During especially “fairy-origins” and “bring” illnesses to the human (Vivod
2005)
the 90ies, and we can freely say until the present 5. bolesna od vila—literarily: “ill from the fairies”
day, the health care system in Serbia faces great 6. The 90ies were the theater of great tensions and conflicts be-
difficulties: corruption, undereducated personnel, tween different ethnic communities (the minorities) and the
majority (the Serbs). The ethnic mistrust is still at the order of
and penury of staff and resources (staff, medical day in Serbia, especially in the region of Vojvodina.
equipment). These and other conditions (general 7. The region of Vojvodina, on the north of the actual Serbian
state is ethnically very mixed, about twenty different ethnic
mistrust24 toward the medical profession due to the and religious groups inhabit the 21 506 square kilometers.
corruption, unprofessionalism of health care work- 8. Such as the plague, the fever, the smallpox.
ers, endless waiting lists, and many other reasons 9. For more see Vivod 2005.
10. The term is difficult to translate: I propose: “marking the ends”
…) are pushing the population in need to turn its although the word krajčica is a mystery to me …
attention to alternative treatment methods (Vivod 11. She said that it comes from a car accident.
2005, 2007). The so called “traditional” or popular 12. The majority of bajalica (charmer) is women (see Radenković
1996).
medicine—including the clairvoyance—became 13. For the ambiguous nature of the fairies see Čajkanović, Pócs,
acceptable and even fashionable. This happened Radenković, Tomić and many others …
14. A similar description of the fairies can be found among many
simultaneously as the downfall of the communist others in Čajkanović 1973: 277, 313, etc.
regime and the beginning of the wars which accom- 15. Davati pomanu (serb. dialect): giving the remembrance.
panied its decomposition (Lázár 1996; Vivod 2005, 16. Calling them “aunts” or “sisters” seem to be a way to flatter
them, avoiding at all costs to offend them (Čajkanović 1973:
2008). For some help-seeking individuals, partially 278).
due to their poverty and due the remoteness of the 17. The expression slava mu (glory to him) is used after the fu-
rural areas this “alternative” treatment was the only neral, when all these ceremonies end and the body is put into
the ground.
way out, only way to seek help. 18. The feast is given to the saint, protector of the family of the
After the conflict which raged on this geographic kin. Before the Christian time, it was a feast given to the ances-
tors.
area, although the health care system has gone sev- 19. A sip of a drink, a bite of every dish was poured or leaved on
eral major reforms, it is still unable of give a satisfy- the soil. This custom is still practiced when visiting a grave of
ing service to the attempts in many fields and above an ancestor or a family member (Knežević 1967).
20. We have many similar examples around of world where fright
all in the domain of psychology and psychiatry. The is a principal cause of mental disorder: e. g. “hak tao” (French
popular medicine challenges the official one and Polynesia); “susto” (South America), “khal’a” (North Africa)
in many cases overcomes it. The successful “car- (see Nathan & Grandsard 2006; or Augé 1984: 46 for “sus-
to”; Sin Chan 2003 for “hak tao”, etc.)
rier” of Radmila which lasts at least twenty years25 21. Or the AIDS in recent times (see Vivod 2005)
conveys to the expectations of the people she treats. 22. Several examples described by ethnographers (e. g. Tomić
1950, Knežević 1958 et al.) mention even the actual age when
She is taking care not only the ill individual but she this healing-skill activates by a specific person: for instance
is also treating—by listening and advising—his/her a vilarka (fairy-clairvoyant) Katarina became ill with 14 and
immediate surroundings, the closest family mem- started to heal at the age of 30 exactly when she was predicted
to start (Tomić 1950: 252).
bers or relatives considering the perspectives and 23. spas in Serbian: delivery, rescue, to save.
the narratives of each person (Kleinman 1980: 120). 24. As for instance the affair which supported the general pub-
In the case of this country—Serbia—more at- lic mistrust towards the medical profession in spring 2009
and raised a lot of controversy in the media: a main claimed
tention should be given to such cultural therapies, that after a minor abdomen surgery in a state hospital, he
especially when it comes to treatment of mental dis- discovered a year after that he his kidney was stolen …
source media B92: http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.
orders such as anxiety or trauma, because it fulfills php?yyy=2009&mm=03&dd=05&nav_id=348470;
a need where the official medicine or its representa-   And about the general dissatisfaction of the treatment
tives can’t, and reaches into the group itself, into the of the patients: source media B92: http://www.b92.net/
info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2009&mm=08&dd=16&nav_
family itself—where the official medicine of this category=12&nav_id=376534n.
country still can’t reach. 25. Personally I know her and observe her activities since 1998.

Notes
1. The word strava is common to almost every south-Slavic lan-
guage and has the same meaning.

VWB – Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung


Re-thinking Ethnopsychiatry—a Case Study from Serbia 17

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Maria Vivod is an Associate researcher and Ethnologist at UMR 7367 D. E. Dynamiques européennes, Stras-
bourg, France. She received her PhD in Ethnology in 2005 from the University Marc Bloch in Strasbourg,
France. Her research interests include identity, ethnic, and social conflicts; ethnic belonging; world tradition
and change; politics of the Balkans; medical anthropology; social mobility and migration; and visual anthro-
pology.

e-mail: vivod@hotmail.com

Curare 37(2014)1