Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1500-1579
by
Amirul Hadi
A Thesis Submitted to
Master of Arts
McGIII University
Montreal. Canada
f) April 1992
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ACEH AND THE PORTUGUESE
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Kupersembahkan buat
Ayah dan Bundaku,
Kakak dan Adlk-adlkku,
serra semua keponakanku:
Zlkra, Rlna, Usl, Putra dan Uzmah.
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f
ABSTRACT
Author: Amirul Hadi
Title: Aceh and the Portuguese: A Study of the Struggle of Islam in
Southeast Asia, 1500-1579
Department: Institute of Islamic Studies
Degree: M.A.
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iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
thanks to Dr. A. Uner Turgay, the director of the Institute of Islamic Studles
and my thesis advisor, for his criticism and patience in seeing this thesis
Federspiel who kindly read the draft of this thesls and contributed his
constructive criticism. His encouragement was of great assistance to me in
completing this research. 1 would like to thank Ms. Salwa Ferahian 1rom
the Library of the Institute of Islamic studies for her assistance in obtalnlng
sorne important books for this thesis through interlibrary loans. Special
thanks go to Steve Millier, Shafiq Virani and John Calvert for editing my
gratitude and love are dedlcated to my parents who, wlth their endless
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LtST OF ABBREVIATIONS
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Sritain and lreland
(London)
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A NOTE ON SPELLING
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ln this thesis, various spellings of the names of kir'gdoms will be
noticed. European travelers and historians spell Pasai as Pase or Pacem;
Pidie as Pedir; and Lamuri as Lambri. Though the spelling Me/aka has been
Indonesia until the government changed the spelling to Aceh in 1972 when
it decreed an overhaul of the spellings of many Indonesian words (EJaan
Bahasa Indonesia yang Disempurnakan). Therefore, the latter spelling is
utilized here. An attempt has been made in this thesis to use standardized
spellings. However, spellings used in direct quotations remain unchanged.
(
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ......•........•..............................
INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter 1: THE "THREE POWERS" DURING THE FIFTEENTH
CENTURV
A. Milltsry Encounter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. 51
B. Polltiesl Maneuver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 64
C. Trading Competition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . .. 72
D. Islamic Response ............... , . . . . . . . . . . . .. 81
Chapter 3: THE EMERGENCE OF ACEH IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
A. The Rise of Aceh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ , 88
B. Aceh's Motivations. . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . .. 108
CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ............... 114
Few would deny that the comlng of the Portuguese to Malacca ln the
early part of the sbdeenth century brought about a new era for the peoples
of Southeast Asla. They were the flrst Europeans to come to the reglon. a
reglon where trade and agriculture were the main actlvltles of the people.
reglon at a tlme when Islam was consolldatlng Its hold on the population
and local rulers clearly empowered It as the "officlal" religion. Hence. the
Portuguese were regarded as both trading competltors and rellglous
adversarles.
(
The reactlon of the people to the Portuguese presence in Malacca was
formidable. The strongest opposition was shown by Aceh whlch was
strateglcally located on the northern tlp of Sumatra; It was the flrst and
most fraquent place touched by Islam ln the archlpelago slnee the seventh
century. At the time the portuguese conquered Malacca ln the .rly
proximlty to Malacca across the straits made It a competltor for the Indlan
Portuguese.
The main task of thls thesls will be to answer two major questions: the
first, how rjid Aceh respond to the Portuguese? and the second. to what
Portuguese and the Impact of this relation on the ri se of Aceh rather than
on a complete study of the Muslim kingdom. It was durlng thls period that
Aceh, for the flrst tlme, emerged as a strong Musllm klngdom ln the reglon.
This rlse constltuted the basic foundation for the gOlden age of the
klngdom in the seventeenth century, especlally du ring tha relgn of Sul~ân
Chapter one deals with the roles of Aceh. Malacca and the Portuguese
durlng the fifteenth century. There were severa 1 main powers ln the
northern part of the Island of Sumatra in this century: Pasal, Pidle, Daya,
Lamurl and Aceh. They played an important role ln trade and Islamie
was to domlnate the splce trade of the raglon and to spread Chrlstlanlty
The second chapter deals wlth the response of Aceh to the Portuguese
response. The final chapter discusses the rlse of Aceh ln military strength,
The sources on whlch this work Is based reflect the fact that the study
of Indonesian history is extremely complex and dlfficult to reconstruct as a
unit. In his introduction to the book An Introduction ta Indoneslan
To sOllle extent, thls condition leads the hlstorlan to handle the hlstory of
the reglon differently from that of Europe and North America. A. H. Johns
comments on the matter. He states:
when the European hlstorlan turns to the study of Asian history, and
writes in the same way as he would were he writing the history of a
European people, merely substitutlng an Asian set of names and
places, then tlle result frequently lacks interest, and may even be a
distortion of the general plcture of the past that he wlshes to relate. 2
It is against thls backdrop that any discussion regardlng the sources whlch
were consulted in this study must take place. The sources refleet dlfferent
goographic origins, cultural biases, poUtical blases etc. This study relies
sorne extent, Arable sources. Eaeh set of sources has Its own language,
outlooks and cultural eccentricities that make It unique and divorce It from
the others.
ln general, Malay sources are full of legends and myths whlch are
understandable since for the Malay people history "has not until reeently
been f'1,ther a science or an art, but an entertalnment. ,,3 This Is not to say
that the sources are useless. In fact, they are ri ch with information about
\ the peoples of the reglon. Three Malay ehronlcles were consulted. The flrst
l,
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la the fifteenth century chronlcle Se/arah Me/ayu (Malay Annals) translated
i
sultanate and Its people, covering the customs, government and rellglous
traditions there. It also mentions Pasal and the eomlng of the Portuguese
4 This chronlele was publlshed for the flrst tlme ln JMBRAS, vol. 25, pt. 2
and 3 (1935).
5 Buttoms, "Some Malay Hlstorleal Sources," 168.
accounts and a chronology of the early SUI!anS of Aceh. The thlrd source is
the Bust'n ai-SalB!in composed by a Gujaratl .,im, Shalkh Nur al-OTn al-
seven chapters which dlscuss both religious and historlcal matters. Chapter
two was most useful for this partlcular study. This section was published
wlth a &tudy by T. Iskandar in 1966. Iskandar suggests that this ehronicle is
not only the greatest work of the author but also the greatest work ln Malay
lIterature. 7 While the historical accounts of this chroniele seem to be
generally accu rate on the basis of areheological findings such as tombs,8
concludes that the historieal aceounts of this chronlcle are accu rate only
but are often one-slded and mlsleadlng concernlng the motivations of non-
European actors of the tlme. The most Important European sources on
shcteenth century Indonesla are the Portuguese sources. They are ri ch and
informative. covering not only voyages, sieges and Intrigues. but also
6
geographical anthropological, political, economic, rellgious and socio-
However, this work Is only related to the early part of this study since it was
(1510-1583) is also useful for this study, even though it Is not as complete
as Pires' work. In thls study Pinto's work was consulted, especially the
Portuguese works are much more eoncerned with battles, sieges and
Chlnese and Arable sources are the most dlfficult sources to use 5:oce,
as eursory vlsltors to the region, thelr observations often lack context either
authors and theîr lack of concern for malters outslde the courts of the
rulers lessen the reliability of thefr Information, but often brlng across the
European sources. This is what Djajadiningrat, for instance. has done in his
critical discussion of the history of Aceh.
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12 Macgregor. "Some Aspects of Portuguese," 199.
8
The net result of using such varied sources. whether from the original
texts or through secondary sources, is to better understand the essence of
scholarship in the perlphery of the Islamic world. The use of this set of
sources lIIustrates the task confronting Southeast Aslan Musllms
themselves as they continue their efforts at fashioning their own reglonal
and national histories. In time, they may even come to be accepted by the
greater tradition of the Islamlc world Itself, including Southeast Asian
developments as an important Ingredient ln Islamic history.
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Chapter 1
Itself an Important trading center ln Southeast Asla and a center for Islamlc
studles. The Portuguese. after conquerlng Ceuta ln 1415 and Goa ln 1510.
Aceh Is the northern part of the Island of Sumatra. which la now one of
the provinces of the Republic of Indonesla. In the course of hlatory, aeveral
the land borderlng the sea as far Inland as the high ranges of hills,,,4 have a
long hlstory, although here only the fifteenth century will be discussed.
Peudada, Pasal, Meulaboh and Daya. 5 ln thls thesis, however, the only
kingdoms dlscussed are Pasal, Pidle, Daya, Lamuri and Aceh whlch were
archipelago. The accounts of Marco Polo and Ibn Ba~ü~a regardlng thls
klngdom glve us some of the Information on whlch later hlstorians rely for
5 Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, trans. and ed. by Armando
Cortesao, vol. 1 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944), 135-136.
their studies. Marco Polo stopped at Perlak in 1292 on his way to Venice.
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Regarding this kingdom he mentions that "its inhabitants are for the most
part idolaters, but many of those who dwefl in the seaport towns have been
for 'ive months, where he and his 3000 men had to struggle against what
he called "mischief 'rom the savage natives."10 The Samara and Basman
in hls account "have been Identlfied as Samudra and Pase, two towns
separated by the Pase river, a short distance above Perlak.,,11
About five decades later, in 746 A.H. (1345 A.D.) and agaln in Ram~n
747 A.H. (December 1346 or January 1347), Ibn Ba~ü!a, a famous Musllm
traveler 'rom Morocco, visitect Samudra and found that Islam (Shl'Ie;
school) had been established for about a century. The King, al-Malik al-
( ~Ahir, was a devoted Muslim. He established religious activities as weil as
performed the refigious obligations. Ibn Ba~ü!a also describes some royal
court ceremonies that he witnessed. 12 80th important accounts have led
Samara with Samudra is correct, then thls must have been the flrst Musllm
klngdom in Indonesla when Marco Polo vislted it at the end of the seventh
9 Marco Polo, The Trevel of Marco Polo, trans. by W. Marsden and Intr. by
John Masefield (London: J. M. Dent and Sons Llmlted. 1926). 338.
10 Ibid., 341-342.
12 Ibn Battuta, Ibn Battuta Travels ln Asie and Africa 1325-1354, trans. and
select. by H. A. R. Gibb (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963),
272-276, 301-303; see also Ross E. Dunn, The Adventures of Ibn Battuta:
( A Muslim Traveler of the 14th Century (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 1989), 251, 257, 266.
12
century (thirteenth century A.D.).,,13
place during the relgn of Sul!An Mu~ammad al-Malik al- ~ahlr (1289- 1326).
The reasons for this unification are uncertaln, but they likely lie in thelr
closeness in terms of geography and ideology (Islam) as weil as in poUtieal
and economlc reasons. A more plausible reason Is that the relations
between both klngdoms were very cordial, since "the first sultan of
Samudra founded also the sultanate of Pase.,,16
The kingdom of Pasai was prosperous. It was one of the mast central
entrepots in Southeast Asia, where many merchants from different
«
13
entrepots in this area were Malacca, Johor, Patani, Aceh and Brunai. 18
(
F. l. de Castanheda states that "Pacem was the principal matter in
Sumatra, and very important for trade of Malacca by reason of the
pepper.,,19 ln his description on this kingdom Tome Pires states:
Since Malacca has been punished and POOir is at war, the kingdom of
Pase is becoming prosperous, rich, wlth many merchants from
dlfferent Moorish and Kling nations, who do a great deal of trade.
among whom the most Important are the Bengalees. There are
Rumes, Turks d'rabs, Persians, Gujaratees. Kfing, Malays. Javanese.
and Siamese. 2
The main natural resources of Pasai were pepper. silk and benzoin. It
produced "from eight to ten thousand bahars of peppers every year.,,21
From Chinese sources we know that in the early sixteenth century the priee
of pepper was 80 dirhams or one tael of silver for 100 caties (62.5 kg).22
( Another important resource was "oil from natural flows at Perlak, whlch
enriched the kingdom of Pasai and later Aceh.,,23 The sllk of Pasai was an
Trade and European Influence (The Hague: Martlnus Nijhoff, 1962), 13,
18-19.
18 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia ln the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, vol. 1
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1988), 7.
19 F. L. de Castanheda, Historia do Deseobrimento e Conqulsta da ln dia ,
(lisbon. 1551-6). Reprint. Lisbon, 1883. Engl. trans. by N. Lltchfiel
(London. 1582). vol. 2, 178, quoted in Duarte Barbosa, The Book of
Duane Barbosa, trans. by Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon, ed.
and annot. by Mansel Longworth Dames, vol. 2 (London: The Haklyut
Society, 1921). 185; see also, Meilink-Roelofsz, As/an Trade, 88-89.
20 Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 142.
Albuquerque learned about the silk of Pasai when he was on the way
to the conquest of Melaka in 1511. He sent his Genoese
troubleshooter, Giovanni da Empoli, back there from lodia to
negotiate for the supply of ail the silk Pasal could produce. Empoll
was told by the R~t that this would cost the Portuguese one hundred
thousand ducats.
Every year at the beglnning of the slxteenth century "Pegu ports sent at
least forty rice-Iaden vessels (wlth perhaps 14,000 tonnes of rlce) to Pasai,
POOir, and Melaka.,,25 ln his study on Southeast Asla from Arabie sources,
G. R. Tibbetts coneludes that "the port of Sumatra is the most famous one
of ail the ports of the Island. This is a large town. It is the port for pepper,
silk and gold and Is a very flourishlng port.,,26
stage of an advanced kingdom with large towns. At the time when Tome
Pires reached this kingdom the population ln the eity was not less than
twenty thousand.27 A number of large towns 1" the Inter/or of the kingdom
25 Ibid., 21.
There are smaU coins like ceitis. They are tin coins bearing the name
of the reigning king. There are very small gold coins which they cali
d,amas. Nine of these are worth one Cruzado, and 1believe that each
one of them Is worth five hundred cash. Above this they have gOld-
dust and silver. Their bahar of pep~W Is less than that of Malacca-
flve eates, that Is tlNeive arrateis less.
time when Ibn Ba!!ü!a stopped there, there were two Parslan theologlans
who participated in the discussions of the Sul!ln ai-Malik al- ~Ahlr, namely
aà~i Sharif Amir Sayyid of ShlrAz and TAj al-Din of IsfahAn.31 Later "In
( 1407 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Ibn C'Abd al-QAdir ibn %d al-~iz Ibn al-
.
Man~ür Abü JaC'far al-CAbbàs al-Munta!lr bl AllAh, grand-son of the last
Abbasid Caliph, died at Pase; half a century earller Ibn Ba!!ü!a had met hls
father at the court of the ru 1er of Delhl.,,32
29 Pires, The Suma. vol. 1, 144; Groeneveldt. Hlstorieal Notes, 87-88; see
also, Proyek Penelitlan dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah. Se/arah
Propinsi Daerah Istimewa Aeeh (Banda Aceh: Departemen Pendidlkan
dan Kebudayaan. Pusat Penelltlan Sejarah dan Budaya. 1977/1988).50.
30 D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asla. 3th ed. (New York: St
Martin's Press, 1962). 206.
31 Rita R. Di Megllo, "Arab Trade wlth Indonesla and the Malay Peninsula
from the 8th to the 16th Century," ln D. S. Richards. ed., Islam and the
Trade of Asia: A Col/oquium (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1970).117.
(
32 Ibid.
16
found institutions which were slmllar to the Pesantren or Dayah (tradition al
Islamic schools), the mosque and the Surau or Meunasah (a place for
praying, smaUer than a mosque, which Is also used for the study of Islam),
the most popular Islamlc institutions in the Empire of Aceh DAr al-SaIAm. 33
From Pasai, Islam spread out to Malacca, Patani 34 and even to Java.
ft is weil known that "one of Java's fa mous walis, Sunan Gunung Jati. came
Pasal's relations with Malacca ln the flfteenth century were also very
cordial. Abu Hassan Sham 8uggests that the relations were based on four
areas: religion. commerce. polltles and culture. The Islamlzatlon of
Malacca by Pasal made the latter a rellglous reference for the former.
Although Malacca domlnated trade in the raglon, Pasal still had 80rne
products which were needed in Malacca's markets 8uch a8 pepper and
ri ce. The poUtical disorder ln Pasal motivated Malacca to Interfere ln thls
( conflict by sendlng Bendahara Paduka Raja and Hang ruah to support
Zayn al-C'Abldin, who was in conflict wlth hls brother. It seems that the
structure of the Malaccan government was taken from that of Pasal and
that in soclo-cultural aspects both Pasal and Malacca Influenced each
other. This influence can be seen in language (Malay), literature and
tradltion. 40
Pasal dl Abad ke-15 dan 16," Journal Sejarah Me/aka, 6 (1981), 6-14.
37 MagUo," Arab Trade with Indonesia." 116.
38 Groenevefdt, Historleel Notes, 85-93.
39 Said, Aceh, 120-121.
(
40 Sham, "Perhubungan Melaka dengan Pasai," 5-14.
18
(Temieng) ln the relgn of Sul~An A~mad al·Malik al· ~Ahlr (d. 1350).41 was
Asla at the time wlth ilS capital on Java. The force under Patlh Nala
arrlved ln the relgn of Sul!ln Zayn al-CAbldTn al·Malik al· ~Ahlr (d. 1394).
The attack faned due to the strong resistance of Pasai and the death of the
Imported rlce from Pegu at that tlme. It also produced pepper, oil and a
good quallty of sllk which attracted Europeans, such as the portuguese and
Infiltration. The struggle between Zayn al·cAbidTn and hls brother Zayn al·
OTn to attaln power led to the Interference of Malacca and the Portuguese.
Zayn al·fAbidTn was supported by Malacca wh Ile hls brother was assisted
who used the port of Pasal as a temporary post before launehing an attack
Olr al·Sallm, under Sul!ln fAIT MughAyah ShAh, took Pasal from the
19
Besides Pasai there was another important klngdom ln the reglon.
(
namely Pidle. It ·was on the straits nearly opposite to Malacca. and had
long been famous ln India as one of the principal entrepots for pepper.,,44
Tome Pires also glves sorne Important notes on thls klngdom. Accordlng
to hlm:
Of ail these kingdoms Cof north coast) that of Pedir was the greatest
and most famous in those reglons. and was so before Malacca was
Inhablted. In It came together what went from the west and came
from the east by reason of the emporium and market where goods of
( ail klnds could be found. and because that city comrnanded the strait
between this Island of Sarnatra and the rnalnland. But after the
foundation of Malacca. and especially at our entry Into Indla. the
kingdom of Pacem began to grow and that of Pedlr to decline. And
that of Achem its neighbour being (then) but of IIttle power Is now the
grestest of ail; such are 1f'e variations ln States of whlch mankind
makes so much account. 4
Pidie was famous and wealthy. This was due to "its being the princip le
source of supply for pepper. a condiment whlch was so greatly valued by
the nations of the East and the West.,,47 Therefore. It was "the best of the
Arab traveler, SulaymAn Ibn A~mad al·Ma~rT. In his book al-Mlnhêj al·Fakhir
.
fi "'m a/·Bahr al·Ziklr he mentions that Pidie was one of the most well-
known ports of the east coast of Sumatra, especlally as a port for
..
'
pepper.50
Tome Pires gives us more Information about the trade of thls kingdom.
Its main products were pepper, white sllk, benzoin and gold. Each year It
produced from six or seven to ten thousand bahars of pepper. This amount
declined ln the last four years (early slxteenth century) until no more than
two or three thousand bahars of pepper a year were exported. Pldie was
still engaged ln trade untll 1500. Merchants from many nations vlslted Its
port. Two shlps came from Cambay and Bengsl every year, as at Pegu.
The trade decllned after the taklng of Malacca by the Portuguese. The war
48 Ibid.
ShAh, attacked il. Sul!An Ma~müd Il 'AIl' al-Din Johan ShAh of Aceh
(1408-1465) appolnted hls son, Prince J:lusayn ShAh, to be the King in Pidie.
He later became the Sul!An of Aceh (1465-1480) as well. 52
There is agreement among historians, both local and foreign, that Daya
was a kingdom located on the west coast of the northern part of
Sumatra.53 However, none of the forelgn hlstorians Identify precisely the
location of this kingdom. Tgk. IsmaU Jakoeb relates that de Vink, who did
appolnted the Sul~An of Daya, while hls father ruled the klngdom ot Aceh in
1480-1490.55
Just on the north slde of Daya there lay the klngdom of Lamurl. De
Barros Informs us that It was located between Daya and Aceh.56 Based on
extracts from the books Ying-yal Shang-Lan (1416) and History of the Ming
the spot of the present Achin: we see that It was bounded by the sea on
the north and the west, and that the Indian ocean was called after this
Inslgnlflcant place, because it was consldered to begin there.,,57 The
kingdom of Lamuri comprised the area of Lamreh and probably even the
river of Aceh. But ail activities were centrallzed in the capital city, Krueng
Raya.58
Arabs, Persians, Europeans and Chlnese. The name of this klngdom was
and its capital was Krueng Raya. About the year 943, LamurJ was colonJzed
by Crlwljaya, a state of affaJrs whlch contlnued untll 1225. By the year 1288
Lamurl sent envoys to China, and subsequently often sent glfts and
embassles to thls country until the early part of the flfteenth century. It was
not untit 1365 that Lamuri was attacked by Majapahlt. Iskandar also states
that Islam came to this klngdom Jn the fourteenth century.60 This vlew Is
dlfferent from that of Djamil who asserts that Islam came to thls area ln the
twelfth century.61 ln the fifteenth century, the King of Lamurl, Munawwar
( Shah, removed his kingdom to Mahkota Alam. The reason for thls move
was to avold the attack of Pidle whJch wanted to conquer Aceh's valley.
The mouth of the river where LamurJ was located had become shallow.
preventlng any shlps from docklng.82
separated from Mahkota Alam by a river. The rivalry led to a war between
24
Munawwar ShAh to resort to trickery by proposing the marriage of hls son
with the daughter of Sul!ln qnAyah ShAh. When qnlyah ShAh accepted this
proposai, the envoya of Munawwar ShAh secretly brought guns with them
to attack Dlr al-Kamll. This ruse was successful and Dlr al-Ka mal was
on Lamuri and Aceh were united under the relgn of Sul~in Shams ShAh,
the son of Munawwar ShAh. In order to strengthen his position, Shams
Shlh married his son, c;t\IT MughAyah ShAh, to the daughter of qnAyah
Shlh.63
Iskandar's version obvlously points out that lamurl was not Aceh. But
he belleves that the name of Lamuri was later changed to Aceh.64 Aceh, in
his view, was probably founded at the end of the fifteenth century. He
bases thls vlew on the Information inscribed on the tomb of Muzaffar ShAh
(d. 1497), who was the son of qnAyah ShAh and the grandson of CAbd Allah
ai-Malik al-Mubin. He Insists that Dlr al-KamAI was the ealier name of
travelera only mention that Lamurl was one of the most Important ports ln
Southeast Asla.67 Pires tells us only that It was located rlght beslde
Aceh.68 Other European travelers point out that Lamurl was "the anclent
65 Ibld.,35.
good and that they, including their Kings, were Muslims. He states that its
port was visited by many ships, including some from China, and that the
relations between the klngdom and China were very cordial. 71 The Hlstory
of Ming Dynasty (1368-1643) tells us, as paraphrased by Groeneveldt, that:
ln the year 1412 the king Ma-ha-ra-sa sent envoya, together with
those of Sumatra, to carry tribute: the envoya were presented with
court-dresses and the king got a seal, a commission and sllks, whilst
Cheng Ho was sent to carry the Instructions of the emperor to that
country. Till the end of the reign of the emperor Cheng-tsu (1424), they
sent tribute every year.
When ln 1430 Chen~ro brought presents to dlfferent countrles,
Lambri was one of them.
( Lamuri had sent envoya to China since 1286. ln 1408 the admirai Cheng
Ho was sent to Lamuri, while ln 1411 Lamuri's envoya were agaln sent to
with Samudra, sent another envoy to China for the same reason, as did his
son, ShAh Johan, later.73 According to Iskandar the Cakra Donya bell,
dating from 1409 and inscribed with Chinese and Arabie script, was the
Uttle is known about Aceh in the fifteenth century. Unlike Lamuri, Aceh
was neither known nor visited mueh by foreign travelers and traders sinee it
was located in the hinterland, more than one mile from the coast. 75
Djajadlningrat Insists that before the year 1500 Aceh was an insignificant
area. 76 Signs of the emergence of Aceh have been identifled at the end of
the flfteenth century and the early sixteenth century with the unification of
Mahkota Alam and DAr ai-Kamllinto one kingdom.
legacy of ail those predecessor states. carrying this legacy into the
site on the straits whlch bear its name. Iylng on the maritime channel
eonnecting the waters ot the Indian Ocean to those of the China seas on
the edge of the Pacific,,84 and protecting a" sails trom monsoons.
Pires. fled from Pall!mbang wlth his followers to Singapore. where he killed
-. ,
the local prince and established his ru le over the small settlement existing
there for tive years betore he was driven out by the Slamese. He then
.
29
as an important entrepot ln thls region.
(
F. J. Moorhead suggests that both an internai and an external factor
account for Malacca's ri se. The Internai factor lies ln Its excellent
economlc reasons. 88 MegUo asserts that "It was due to the exertlon and
eloquence of an Arab holy man.,,89 He quotes OIogo do Cuoto's statement
as follows:
ln any case, he had already made hls peace wlth Siam. Followlng on
thls pOlicy of maklng peace wlth the nelghbourlng powers, he sent
88 Stone, From Malacca, 20-21: Wan Shamsuddln and Arena Watl, Se/arah
Tanah Melayu 1400-1967, (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbltan Pustaka Antara.
1969),22.
89 Megllo,"Arab Trade with Indonesla," 119.
Apparently, the key elements were galnlng Chlnese recognition and glving
evldence of a connectlon wlth Islam. The latter was galned by marrylng the
daughter of the King of Pasai and by convertlng to Islam wlth the tltle of
there were Musllm traders coming from such dlfferent places as Calro,
94 George Cho and Marion W. Ward, "The Port of Melaka," in Sandhu and
Wheatly, Meleka, vol. 1,824.
31
,
lf
r
This position of Sul!An was also strengthened by customs, traditions
,
1"
'i and prohlbltlons. 100 However, the Sul!An distrlbuted hls power structurally
~
~
L to hls officiais, namely the Bendahara, the Penghulu Bendahari, the
!ï;;
Ternanggung, the Laksamana and the Shahbandar. To sorne extent, the
Bendahara was slmilar to a Prime Minister. He was the most senior chief,
it who acted as a chief advlsor to the Sul!An, oversaw the administration of
f- the laws of the country and served as the commander of the mllitary
i,
forces, though he was never Involved in baH'es. During the absence of the
y
. .
SultAn he was the acting SultAn. The Penghulu Bendahari was the person in
:
98 Datuk Zalnal Abldln bln Abdul Wahld, "Power and Authorlty in the
1 Melaka Sultanate: The Traditional View," in Sandhu and Wheatly,
.t Melaka, 102 •
" 99 Zain al Abldln bin Abdul Wahid, "Sejarah Melayu," As/an Studles, vof. 4,
nO.3 (1966),446 as quoted ln Abdul Wahld, "Power and Authority," 102.
100 For these customs, traditions and prohibitions see Adil, The History of
Malacca, 17-22.
33
charge of financial affairs. Law and order were under the responslbility of
(
the Temanggung. The Laksamana was the military commmander in both
sea and land wars, wh Ile the Shahbandar was ln charge of trading actlvltles
was acqulred by this rullng elite from fees and assessments placed on the
for8lgn traders. Wilkinson says, as quoted by Moorhead, that "the Malacca
Malay were a ruling class living rather parasitically on a commu nity of aUen
traders. ,,102
( the royal status by Sul!An Mu~ammad ShAh enlarged the gap between the
royal famlly and senior government officiais on one side and the general
population on the other. Eventually, Malaccan society, accordlng to
Muhammad Yusoff Hashlm, was divided into three levels: the first
conslsted of the Sul!An and the royal family; the second was the
Sultanate's officiais; and the last one was made up of the common people
who had to support the royal institution as weil as obey the rules, customs,
traditions and prohlbitions. 103 There was a hlgh degree of organlzation and
laws exlstec:t for maritime affaira, for marrlage and for sale and procedure.
These laws, reflectlng a hlgh degree of Influence from elsewhere ln the
This man was to play a part ln Malaccan hlstory similar to that played
in Java by GaJah Mada, and Indeed the author of the Malay Anna/s
called thase two of the greatest men of their time. He was, ln truth,
the all-powerful minister during three reigns, a real king-maker who
ensured that a relative of his own should be nominated as Sultan in
each case. Having firmly entrenched himself in power, he followed
with single-mlnded devotion a pOlicy which 100 to the f6~atlon of the
Malacca Empire and the aggrandisement of hls house.
He, with other senior officiais, totally ruled the country du ring the early
years of Sul!An Ma~mOd ShAh's reig'1, who came to the throne whlle still a
chlld. Another famous Bendahara was Tun Mutahir, who took the tltle
Bendahara Sri MaharaJa. He Is described ln the Malay Anna/s as "the
grandest of ail the Bendaharas.,,107 Thanks to his "efficient and wise
administration, and hls ability to attract forelgn traders to Malacca,,,108 he
104 See Uaw Yock Fang, Undang Undang Melaka (the Laws of Melaka)
(The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1976).
105 Winstedt, A History of Ma/aya, 51.
facilitles at Malacca.
It was mentioned above that the cultural plurallty of the population was
a characteristic of this town. The dominant foralgn ethnie group consisted
of Tamil Muslims who had become an important element among the alite
group, whlch apparently led to competition between them and the Malay
Kaslm as the flfth Sul~an with the tltle of Mu~affar Shah, was an Indication
of the triumph of the Tamil Muslims. 111
.
ln this sultanate. The Malay Annals Inform us of the plety of SultAn MansOr .
112 Malay Annals, 55-62.
113 Groeneveldt, Hlstorlc.' Notes. 123-138.
-
.....
114 Adll, The Hlstory of Malacca, 38-39.
115 Abdul Wahld. "Power and Authority," 107.
37
Shih and hls interest in religion and we even learn of how he studled
(
Islamlc teachings with Maulana Abü Bakr. In sorne rellglous matters. the
. ordered that the ~/ama' of Pasal be consulted. 116 SultAn WA' al-DTn
SultAn .
's also reported to have been a devoted Muslim. Tome Pires states that
"thls king was more devoted to the affairs of the mosque than anything
else.... He was a soUtary man and was not often in the town; and in his
time he amassed more riches and swore to go to Mecca to carry out his
father's pUgrlmage; ...." 117
.
trade and state affalrs. It was mentloned above that the flrst SultAn of
Malacca, Parameswara. converted to Islam ln order to attract Muslim
traders ln the archlpelago, such as Pasal and Java, to come to hls new
port. From Malacca. Islam spread to Trengganu. Patanl. Kelantan. Kedah.
Rohan, Kampar, Inderaglri, Slak, Brunel "9 and even to Pahang.
. . .
SultAn Mansür ShAh was the most famous SultAn of Malacca. It was
durlng hls relgn that Malacca reached lta glory. Durlng hls relgn Malacca
was served by a group of energetlc and personally brave, young officiais,
who became legends ln Malay hlstory and Important symbols of the
Kesturl, Hang Leklr, Hang Ali, Hang Iskandar, Hang Hasan and Hang
Huseln. Hang Tuah was the most famous one. He was -a man of humble
birth, probably a proto-Malayan sea-gypsy from Bentan.,,120 His bravery as
weil as hls Intelligence won hlm the tltle Lalcsamana (Admlral).121 However,
It should be polnted out that thls glory Is much due to the wlsdom and the
ability of hls Bendahara, Tun Perak. This Is ln contrast wlth Sul!ln Man~ür
Shlh who, accordlng to Wilkinson, was "a man of IIHle force of character,
colourless, unwarllke and perhaps personaUy unambltlous.,,122
.
Mansür Shlh's son, who succeeded hlm and took the tltle SultAn CAlA' .
al-DTn RI«iyah ShAh, was probably the most able Sul!An of Malacca. He
was "a man of energy and great physlcal strength, he dld not allow hls
country to be governed by hls offlcers.,,123 He was the only one able to rid
the country of bandltry, and the only Sul!An who was so much concerned
about hls people that he secretly went out to Inspect the city. Pires states
that "at nlght he used to go about the city ln person; ...he slept IIttle....,,124
He had many enemles, partlcularly among hls senior officiais who were
annoyed by thl. break wlth the tradition of allowlng them to govern ln the
Sul!ln'. name. The bitter Jealousy of hls brother, who clalmed to have the
.. .
SultAn Mahmüd ShAh, the last SultAn of Malacca, was ln many ways
unlike Man~ür ShAh. He became Sul!An whlle still a chlld. Durlng hls
mlnority it was Bendahara Tun Perak and other senior officiais who ruled
the country. Tun Perak (d. 1498) was succeeded by hls brother, Tun
Perpatlh and later Tun Mutahlr was appolnted as Bendahara wlth the tltle
"Bendahara Sri Maharaja". It seems that the prosperlty of Malacca durlng
thls tlme was due to thls talented man. There are confllctlng reports about
the character and abllities of the Sul!ln. In one report he Is portrayed as a
figure who practiced "the bad habit of womanlsing.,,127 Pires says that "he
was a great eater and drlnker, brought up to live weil and vlclously. He was
feared by the other klngs; when they spoke to hlm It was with great
( reverence and courtesles of their klnd.,,128 However, the Malay Anna/s
Inform us that he was also much concerned about religlouB matters, partly
awlng to his having been the pupil of Maulana Sardar Jahan. He also used
Durlng the relgn of thls SUI!ln the flrst Portuguese fleet led by Dlogo
126 For the discussion on thls event Bee Muhammad Vusoff Hashlm,
Kesultanan Me/ayu Me/aka, 113-127.
127 Adll, The History of Malacca, 50.
128 Pires, The Suma, vol. 2, 253.
( 129 Malay Anna/s. 145-149.
40
attracted the Portuguese, with the result that later Albuquerque took
- ......
Malacca ln 1511 and forced the Sul!ln to flee the country. The power of the
Portuguese could not be sternmed, though the Sul!ln and hls allies reslsted
for a tlme, after being deposed. Eventually, Sul!ën Ma~müd spent the rest
appetltes of royalty whlch were to lead to the first European expansion .131
This began when the Portuguese captured Ceuta (In North-West Africa) in
1497. He returned to Calicut with well-armed ships and took it in 1502. 134
(
Albuquerque, who first came to India in 1503 and was appointed governor-
general there, took Goa ln 1510 and used it as the Portuguese base in
raises the question of how they could have achleved so much in such a
IIHle time. The flrst factor is, certalnly, the technical advances that they
more important factors of refigion and trade. These can also be suggested
as keys to the success of the portuguese expansion. For Instance, The
The mixed purposes ot war (crusade) and trade were the main teature not
133 Edgar Prestage, The portuguese Ploneers (London: Adam & Charles
Black, 1966),222-226.
134 Ibid.,248-269; G. R. Crone, The Dlscovery of The East, (London:
Hamish Hamilton, 1972),27-39; Boxer, Four Centuries, 12-14.
135 Crone, The Discovery, 46-54.
few historlans would deny that religion played a very signifieant part
in the story of Portugal's colonial development; wherever the
portuguese went, thetr priests went wlth them: wherever they settled,
the church rose alongside the fort or trading post. and the conversion
to Christianity of the native people was regard~ 4~s a matter of
rejolcing by the merchants as weil as by the prlests.
Malacca. He left Cochin for Malacca on May 2nd, 1511 wlth eighteen shlps
containlng 800 Portuguese, and from 300 to 600 Malabaris. 143 He was not
138 Ibid.; Boxer, Four Centuries, 6-6; Donald F. Lach, Asia in the maklng of
Europe, vol.1, bk.1 (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago
Press, 1966),60-62.
139 Parry, The Establishment, 10-11.
140 LaCh, Asia, 229.
141 Ibid., 233.
142 Laurence A. Noonan, The Flrst Jesuit Mission ln Malacca: A Study of
the Use of the Portuguese Trading Centre as a Base for Chritian
Mlssionary Expansion During the Years 1545 to 1552 (Lisboa: Centro De
Estudos Historlcos Ultramarlnos Da Junta De Investigacoes
Clentiflcas Do Ultramar, 1974),1-2.
43
the flrst European to come to this entrepot, sinee oiogo Lopez de Sequeira
( had reached Malacca with five ships on September 11th, 1509. He
encountered hostlIIty from the people there, whlch resulted in the jailing of
Ruy de Araujo with twenty Portuguese sallors and their subsequent
expulsion from the town. On hls way ta Malacca Albuquerque stopped at
Pldle, thanks ta the help of a Gujaratl sallor whom he had met at sea. At
thls port he found elght or nlne Portuguese who had accompanied de
Sequeira and who had escaped from Malacca. After Pldle, he stopped at
Pasal and then reached Malacca in early July 1511. A few days after his
arrivai, Albuquerque started ta attack Malacca by burning houses along the
coast and severa 1 Malaccan junks anchored at the port. He apparently
succeeded in releasing ail the Portuguese prisoners. Ruy de Araujo was
able ta provlde very important Information for the second attack. The
( bridge which joined the southern part, where the palace and the
administration center were located, to the northern part, the commercial
center, was the first target of the Portuguese. On July 25th, 1511
Albuquerque launched his second attack on Malacca. The portuguese
succeeded ln landlng in Malacca, taklng the bridge and burnlng many
houses, includlng the palace of the Sul!ln. Yet, the strong resistance of the
Malaccans forced them back to their vessels. Finally, on August 25th,
Albuquerque launched the last attack which ended with his capturlng
Malacca and forcing the Sul!An to leave his palace. 144
with several military incidents, slnce Sul!ln Ma~müd, now ln exile, trled
continuously to retake Malacca. The mllitary incidents were launched trom
several ragions where the Sul!An altern ltely reslded, such as Hampar,
Muar, Pagoh and Bentan.
December 1511. He left '1Vlth three shlps and a junk. He was salling in the
shlp Fior de la Mar, whlch was loaded wlth spoils and treasures trom the
Malacca sultanate and whlch was descrlbed by Danvers as "the richest
spolls that had ever been collected slnce the Portuguese flrst arrlveel in
Indla.,,145 On Its way to Indla. the vessel was wrecked by a storm and sank
off the Sumatra coast, near Aru. 146 Albuquerque was nevertheless able to
reach India with two other ships in early February 1512. 147
From that tlme on, Malacca became one of the most important
Portuguese porta ln the east and was vislted regularly by their traders.
However, the number of Portuguese who settled ln thls entrepot was very
Portugal was "a backward European state. wlth very IIttle commercial
tradition. Consequently, she lacked a sophlstlcated, weil developed
administrative system. ,,163 Reflectlng earlier Malaccan practlce the
Bendahara "had authorlty over ail non-Christlans and strangers,,,154 the
of other re:igions over Islam, as was the case ln Goa. 157 This was an
expression of thelr enmlty towards Musllms whlch they carried wlth them
trom thelr own great struggles against Muslims ln their own country in the
previous century.
the chief officiai ln Malacca was the Captain of the fortress, who was
apPolnted by the King. He was supported by the officiais of the Municipal
167 Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1,228-231; Sar Oesal, "The portuguese
..,... Adminstratlon." 608-509 .
168 Moorhead, A History of Ma/aya, vol. 1, 184.
47
Couneil, "some of whom were appointed by the government, whilst others
(
were elected, or became members by virtue of their office.,,159 On thls
ln the flrst group were the Chief Justice (Ouvidor) and the Secretary of
State. In the second were seven aldermen, elected each year by their
fellow cltlzens. Their dutles were to asslst ln the deliberatlons of the
Cou nclI, to aet as maglstrates under the direction of the Chief Justice,
and to supervise the distribution of the Income of the city. It Is
probable that from one of thase elected representatlves the Viador or
Mayor was elected. in the thlrd catego~mas the Bishop of Malacca
and the Mlnisters of the House of Mercy.
There were three suburbs on the outskirts of Malacca. The flrst and the
most Important was Upeh. It was the largest and most populo us suburb,
where foreign merchants lived. The other two were Yler (Bandar Hillr) and
Sabba (Bunga Raya).161
( Basides hls building the fortress soon after the capture of Malacca,
Albuquerque also bullt a church ca lied "Our Lady of the Annunelatlon"
whieh was later called "Our Lady of the Assumptlon" near his famous
Famosa. This was the flrst church bullt ln Malacca. The most famous
church, however, was the church of "Our Lady of the Annunclation" on St.
Paul Hill. whlch was bullt by Duarte Coelho ln 1521 as a symbol of hls
gratitude for "hi8 escape in 1519 from an attack by the Chinese.,,162
Albuquerque also bullt a hospltal for hls people whlch he named the "Royal
159 Ibid.
160 Ibid.
161 E. Manuel Gadlnho De Eredla, "Description of Malacca and
Meridional 'ndla and Cathay ln Three Treaties," transe and annote by J.
V. Mills, JMBRAS, vol. 8, pt. 1 (1930), 19-20; Moorhead, A History of
Malays, vol. 1, 182.
(
162 Moorhead. A History of Malays, vol. 1. 186.
48
Hospital."
whose bishop ln 1534 "was glven eccleslastical jurlsdlctlon over the vast
territory Iylng between the Cape of Good Hope in the west and the 'islands
of China' ln the east.,,163 The flrst Jesuit mission arrlvect at Malacca in
1545-1546 under St. Francis Xavier. Later, on his way to the Moluccas,
Japan and China, he vlsited this town twice- ln 1550 and 1553. The first
Jesult collage was founded in 1549. It was not untll 1558 that this town
were not sultable areas for Christian missionary work. 166 There was no
the Javanese, the main source of rlee for Malacca, weakened Malacca. The
Portuguese also had to face bath economlc and mllitary blockades from
other regions in the archipel aga. During the settlement of Malacca by the
Instead used the other ports, such as Aceh, Johor. Dell. Perak and Bantam.
which resulted ln much iIIness and death. In hls article entltled "Notes on
He adds that "mlsfortune, or an early death, or both were, only too often,
the fate of the Portuguese who came to the East ln the slxteenth and
seventeenth centurles.,,176
Chapter 2
( A. Mllitary Encounter
frlendshlp, and renewed wlth the sultan the alliance that had been formed
by Saquelra. -2 From Pldle he proceeded to Pasal whlch wal laid by hll
1 William Maraden, The Histaty of Sumatra, a reprint of the thlrd ad., Introd.
by John Baatln (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Preaa, 1988), 408.
forcing them to flee to Pidie. In this country he found the Sul!An in fear of
the Portuguese. Albuquerque proceeded to Malacca from Pasal.
However, on his way he had a confrontation with a large junk. After killing
forty of its men. Albuquerque induced the rest to surrender and become
vassals of Portugal. The leader of the junk was Zayn al-CAbidin. the former
Sul!ln of Pasai. who had been overthrown by his brother. He was on his
way to Java seeklng ald. Eventually. Albuquerque promised hlm hls throne
after flnishing hls mllitary expeditlon to Malacca and asked him to come
Pidie and Pasai in the early sixteenth century obvlously had a cordial
relation wlth the Portuguese. 80th were visited by Portuguese
ambassadors also vlsited the Kings of Pegu, Siam and Bengal for the same
reason. 4 Taklng peppers from Pasal on hls way to China in 1516. Fernando
the same year. Garcia de Sa. the governor of Malacca, sent Manuel
Pacheco to attack Pasal.6 Furthermore, the confllct betwen Zayn
al-CAbidin, who had regained the throne. and Diogo Vaz resulted in the
3 Marsden, Sumatra, 408; Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 222: Sald, ACM,
128-129.
4 Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1,330.
53
Marsden, Albuquerque and his 300 men attacked Zayn al·%idin's army of
(
3000 soldiers and killed about 2000 of them. Albuquerque lost about 5 or 6
men and several others were wounded, Includlng himself. After thls vlctory,
presence. 7
Portuguese. About 1519, a shlp under Gaspar de Costa was lost near Aceh
and was attacked by the Acehnese. Many of her crew were killed and the
rest, Includlng de Costa, were Imprlsoned. Nina Cunapam, the Shahbandar
Incident that another shlp under Joano de Uma was attacked near Aceh
port and ail her men were killed. In retribution Jorge De Brlto in 1521 led a
( fleet from west India wlth hls 200 men and attacked Aceh, whlch reslsted
with a force of 1000 men and 8 efephants. De Srlto waa aoundly defeated
and he, with most of his men, was kllled.9
A year earller, IbrahTm, the brother of «;1\11 Mughlyah Shah, the Sul~ln
and took the town. 10 ln 1521, with 1000 men and 50 elephants, he
7 Ibid., 414-415,417.
8 Joao de Barros, Scheeps· Togten en Dappere Krygsbedryven door Dlogo
Copez de Sequeira, gedaan na en in dOCost·lndlen, ln 't Jasr 1518 en
vervolgens (ultg Pleter van der As, Leiden 1707), 29-30; P. A. Tiele, "De
Europeera ln den Malelache Archipel," Bljdragen tot de Taa/-, Land-en
Vollcenkunde, 4 e. vlgr, 1(1877), 383, in Iakandar, Hikayat Aceh, 37.
9 Scheeps-Togten, 216-222; Joao de Barroa, Geschlchte der Entdecleungen
und Eroberungen der Portugiesen lm Orient, ed., Dietrich Wlhelm Soltao,
vol. III (Braunschweig, 1821), 167-169, ln lakandar. Hlkayat Aceh, 37-38.
(
10 Iskandar. Hileayat Aceh, 41.
54
besieged the Portuguese in Pidle under the command of Manuel. the
wlth hls 35 men. 11 even though they were hefped by their friends in Pasal
overran ail the country with fire and sword. and entering the city of Pacem
with 15.000 men. he summoned Dom Andre to surrender.,,13
These actlvltles reveal dlfferent responses of the ports. Pldle. from the
early vlsit of the Portuguese. showed a frlendly response. Pasal was
dlstinctly hostile to the Portuguese during their early contact. but in time
were Interested ln building commercial refations with both Pasal and Pldie
Unllke Pldle and Pasal the rulers of Aceh never compromlsed wlth the
drlvlng out ail the Portuguese settlements in Daya (1520), Pidle (1521) and
Pasal (1524). tAIT MughAyah ShAh proved to be a strong ru 1er and the flrst
Sul!An of Aceh to control the whole Aceh reglon which was called Aceh Dar
al-Sa/im. 15
(
After the conquest of Pasai and until the death of 'Ni Mughayah ShAh
in 1530, there were no major mllitary expeditions on either slde, but two
incidents indicated the intense feeling of the Acehnese and the Portuguese
toward one another. The first was ln 1528 when Simao de Sousa, on his
way to the Moluccas from Cochin, was forced to take shelter ln the port of
kllJed hlm and most of hls men. Danvers says that he "was eut to
pleces.,,16 Not only was brutality shown by the Acehnese, but also by the
vessel to Goa, klIIed ail 300 Acehnese and 40 Arabs ln a shlp returnlng from
The relations between Aceh and the Portuguese during the first three
decades of the sixteenth century were marked by violence and war. Still,
Aceh at the tlme was not yet a genuine threat to the Portuguese settlement
the Portuguese saved the north part of Sumatra from the Western
enterprlse for several centuries and led to its being a power whlch "rested
ln large part on weapons captured from the Portuguese, and probably also
on the support of the Musllm commercial elements from the old trading
Aceh at this time "was much better supplied with artillery than was the
fortress of Malacca.,,19
and was led by Sul!An CAlA' al-DTn AiCAyah ShAh, the son of "AIT MughAyah
ShAh. This surprise attack, supported by about 3000 fightlng men, was
following two nights the Acehnese force was driven out by the Portuguese
with heavy IOSS88.20 The scale of the attack indlcated that Aceh was what
Danvers called an "Irreconcllable enemy of the Portuguese.,,21
Malacca. The fleet, consistlng of 60 ships with 5000 men, landed at night in
Malacca, took Upeh, burned two Portuguese vessels ln the port and
captured seven flshermen. Having cut off their noses, ears and feet, the
de Mello, wrltten wlth the blood of the fishermen. 22 Fernao Mendez Pinto
l, Blyaya Sora, son of Seriblyaya, Pracama de Raja, who, for his honor,
has stor~:rway ln golden jewel boxes the favor of the great Sultan
( Alaradim, in the form of a candleholder sweetened with incense
tablets from the holy House of Mecca, King of Achin and the land
from sea to sea, hereby make known to thee so that thou ln turn
mayest Inform thy King that in thls sea of his where 1 have come to
rest, terrifying his fortress with my might, 1 intend to keep on fishing
here in spite of him, come what May, for as long as 1 please. And to
prove that 1 mean what 1 say, 1 am taklng over this land and Ils
Inhabitants with ail the other elements on up to the lunar heaven.
Furthermore, 1 hereby certlfy, wlth words that come from my own
mouth, that thy King has been vanquished and stripped of ail honor,
and that his standards lie trampled ln the dust, never agaln to be
raised with the permission of one who has conquered hlm, slgnlfylng
that he has laid hls head beneath the fleet of my King, 8S all-
conquering lord, whose slave he shall be from thls day forward. And
to make thee confess to the truth of what 1say, 1challenge thee, from
here where 1 ~~nd. to come forth If, on hls behalf, thou wouldst
cantradlct me.
were very few. Francis Xavier, who was later sainted by the Cathollc
Church for his efforts at Christianizing ln the East, was in Malacca at that
1 (
time and played an important role in arousing the militant spirit of the
There was a strong religious spirit arnong the portuguese of the time and
survlving the formidable forces confronting them. His remarks also Indlcate
24 Fernao Mendez Pinto. The Travel of Mendez Pinto, ed. and transe by
Rebecca D. Catz (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago
Press, 1989), 455.
(
25 Pinto. The T,avels. 456.
58
that the Portuguese venture in the East was often seen as "holy" and God-
..... '
Insplred even though primarily economlc in content.
flght away from the city, the Acehnese resorted to a blockade of Malacca.
To do thls the Acehnese proceeded to Perils, where they built a fort as a
base fc" attacklng "ail shlps from Goa, Bengal, Siam or Pegu, bearlng food
and reinforcments for the beieaguered.,,26 8y thls effort, they trled ta
shlpping, and by thls long distance blockade, to starve their great rival to
death.,,27
After repairlng sorne vessels, a small fleet under the command of Dom
Fransisco de Eca was sent to pursue the Acehnese in the Perlis river. The
fleet consisted of ten ships with 230 men.28 !n the meantime, the allied
forces of Johor, Perak and Pahang, which were foes of Aceh, with 300
warshlps and 8000 men anchored several days at the harbour of Malacca,
most probably to help the Portuguese and ta 11ft the blockade that was
apparently harmlng thelr !nterests. It took two months for the portuguese
fleet to locate the Acehnese troops whom they met eventually ln battle on
the Perils river. In a furious flght the Portuguese killed 4000 Acehnese and
" 28 Ibid., 453-466; see also, Dan vers , The Portuguese, vol. 1, 481.
( until the Portuguese had successfully defended the city agalnst the
Acehnese attempt at conquering il. Accordlng to Portuguese sources,
about 4000 Acehnese were killed, including tAbd AllAh, the son of the
Sul!àn who ruled at Aru. {)ut of anger at Johor for having helped the
Portuguese, the Acehnese stopped there on thar way home and burned
several of its vmages.34
consistlng of sixtY armed ships near the port of Aceh. Eventually, Lulz de
Mello, the portuguese commander, defeated the Acehnese fleet, destroyed
their galleys, captured six smaU vessels and sank the rest. Agaln,
Portuguese sources state that 1200 Acehnese were klIIed and 300
Imprlsoned. white. accordlng to Danvers. the portuguese had no
casualties.35 This was the last mllitary expedition of Sul!in "AI A' al-Din
Rl'lyah ShAh. who was known later as "al-QahhAr.,,36 He died on 8 JumAd
al-Awwal 979 A.H. (28 September 1571 A.D.)37 and was succeeded by his
The two decades from 1560 to 1580 must be seen as the hlghest point
for the mlIItary fortunes of Islam in Southeast Asia. Durlng this perlod
the Portuguese were conslstently on the defenslve. Atjah domlnated
the Straits of Malacca. wlth fltful support from Johor and Japara.
white the Muslim traders of Japara. Gresik, Ternate and3tre Banda
Islands gained the upper hand ln the eastern archlpelago.
from leavlng Atjeh, to dlsrupt Its maritime trade, and to Interrupt any
Turklsh galleys comlng from the Red Sea."42 However, thls proJect never
came into effect. Agaln, this proposai of the archblshop shows how Church
officiais were involved at the highest leve! of the Portuguese state and
gave advice on politieal matters.
created the map of Banda Aceh DAr ai-SalAm showing the proposed
the great reorganizer of the Jesult missions ln Asla du ring the last quarter
seeretary at Goa, and by Dom Joao Riblro Galo. bishop of Malacca from
1581 to 1601.44 Agaln, the plan was not carried out because "the
government at Goa could not flnd the necessary men and ships. ,,45
to Winstedt, only a tierce storm saved the city trom this dangerous
February 1st, 1575. With 40 ga lIeys , some smatl ships and about 100
captaln from replying to the enerny'8 IIre.,,48 However, the Acehnese retlrad
Two years later there was another battle. On January 1st, 1577 the
by the Acehnese fleet on their mission to protect a Chlnese junk. The fleet
consisted of 150 shlps and was "very weil furnlshed wlth men and munitions
of war and. aboye ail, a will to flght, for they were promlslng themselYes
Maharajalela and included the Sul~An himself. Agaln, the Acehnese fleet
was defeated by the portuguese who klIIed and captured about 1600 of its
men. There was only sl/ght casualtles on the portuguese side with 13 of its
( troops killed. 51
This was the last military incident with the portuguese during the reign
of Sul~ln t:tusayn, who died ln 1579.52 The series of battlas Inltlated by the
Malacca. Like his father before him he had vlctory bafore him at tlmes, but
48 Ibid.
B. Politlcal Maneuvers
by Aceh's deslre to expand its terrltories. This policy was carried out mostly
Portuguese ln Malacca must clearly be set apart from Its relatlonships with
other Malay states in the area whlch were primarily poUtical ln nature.
when Aceh sent ambanadors to Batak sornetime before 1539. Pinto tells
us that the King of Aceh. tAlA' al-Din MughAyah ShAh, forced the King of
Batak, a Hindu. to convert to Islam. When the request was made the Batak
King refused and the King of Aceh threatened to send an army against hlm.
The Batak King asked for help from the Portuguese. with whom he had a
when the new captaln of Malacca arrived in June 1539. The opportunity
to complain about the threat from Aceh. The portuguese agreed to help
firebombs,.S3 When Aceh attacked in the same year, however, the King of
Batak wal defeated, even though he. was supported by 15,000 men, 8000
Aceh's next target was Aru, a vassal of the Portuguese. The tlrst
confllct between Aceh and Aru began when the latter sent Its army to help
. ...
~
53 Pinto. The Travels. 22 .
54 Ibid .• 23-26.
65
the Portuguese in Pasalln 1524.55 ln 1528 the relatlonship was made closer
(
when Aru sent its ambassadors to Malacca. Accordlng to Catz. the cordial
relatlonshlp "was due to the hatred of the Aarus for the former King of
Malacca deposed by the Portuguese. ,,56 The King of Daya and Pidie. as
mentloned above. fled to Aru when Aceh captured Pasal ln 1524. The
Sabang in order to prevent the Portuguese from passing Into the China
Sea, Sunda, Banda and even the MOluccas.57 Aceh also benefited
economlcally from the capture of Aru, where the King of Aceh "could easlly
have access to ail of the splce trade in that archlpetago and thus comply
( with the terms of the new treaty he had slgned with the Grand Turk,
through the intermediary of the Pasha of Cairo. ,,58
Aru was attacked by Aceh in the same year. 1539. wlth about 17.000
men in 160 ships. In thls engagement. the King of Aru wa8 killed and
eventually his wife lied to Malacca. Recelving no help from the Portuguese
in recapturlng her kingdom, the disappointed Oueen of Aru went to Sintang
where she received new hope of help from the King of Johor. whom she
later married. This was not the first time that the Portuguese had not
helped Aru. The King was also dlsappointed earlier by the lack of fighting
55 Catz ln her notes in Pinto. The Travels. chap. 14. no. 6. 545. This note
refers to Barros.
56 Ibid., chap. 21, no. 2. 554.
57 Ibid., 46.
(
58 Ibid.
66
necessarily to risk their own maagre forces in defenee of these local allies.
Aru with her allies Johor, Perak, Pahang and Siak sueeessfully drove out
the Acehnese wlth heavy casualties on the Acehnese side.60 It was not
untll 1584 that Aceh agaln took Aru. Accordlng to Pinto, the King of Johor
and hls famlly was taken to Aceh, where he was later executed.61
economlc rule of Aru rather than delegate thls to the vassalage of tha local
ruler as was the usual case. Consequently, he appointed his son, "Abd
AllAh, as the ruler of Aru. The latter was later killed in an Aceh mllitary
was followed by control over the western ports of the Island. Sul!An "AIAtal-
Din Rflyah ShAh inltlated the poUtical connectlon wlth thls area when he
deslgnated the ruler of Barus as the Sul!.n of Barus, who helped hlm in the
expedltlon agalnst Aru ln 1539 and marrled his slster. 63 Apparently, "the
59 Ibid., 36-50.
80 Ibid., 58.
81 Ibid., 57.
82 Ibid.
67
connectlon was extended to Pariaman where the Sul!ln appolnted hls son,
prince Mughl', as the ruler. We do not have detailed Information regardlng
the Acehnese administration over Parlaman at thls tlme. It was ln the reign
the treaty of Painam, 1663," JSEAH, vol. 10, no. 3 (December 1969),
457.
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid .• 458.
pOlicy and perhaps to Ils economic pollcy as weil. It was mentloned above
that Johor concluded a mllitary alliance with Perak, Pahang and Siak to
drive the Acehnese out of Aru. Johor opposition to Aceh was also
demonstrated in 1547 and 1568 when It appeared wlth Its allies in Malacca
to help the Portuguese flght Aceh. The opposition of Johor. Perak and
However, ln 1574 this situation changed and Aceh and Johor were on
frlendly terms. and the Kings of Johor and Bintan even supported the
Still. relations between Johor and Aceh were not entlrely smooth.
Perak. a strong aUy of Johor, was attacked and occupied by Aceh before
1579. The family of the Sul!in of Perak was ta ken to Aceh. His eldest son
69
married the daughter of the Sul!An of Aeeh and was later appointed the
(
.
Sultan of Aceh with the title of C'A1l1' al-Din Mansür
. ShAh. He ruled from
1579 to 1585.13 It was the daughter of this Sul!ln who married the prince
of Johor, cAli Jalla C'Abd al-Jalil.
.
This alliance was broken when Sultan CAli Jalla of Johor refused to
obey the rule of his father-in-Iaw, the Sul!ln of Aeeh, over his country,
whieh led to a war in 1582. Having surrendered to the Aeehnese, Johor
asked for help from the portuguese, who eventually drove the Acehnese
troops out of Johor.14 The unstable poUtieal relations between Aceh and
Johor apparently resulted in what Winstedt calls the "triangular flght
between Portugal, Johor, and Acheh,,,75 which allowed the portuguese to
continue to exist as a power in the region.
( Aceh sought aid from both regional and other kingdoms, undoubtedly,
in Its effort to drive the Portuguese out of Malacca. As mentioned above,
it won Japara from a joint attaek on the Portuguese in 1574/1575.
Acehnese ambassadors were sent to Calicut, Bijapure, the Coromandel
coast rulers and Oemak. Ali these kingdoms sent thelr help, exeept Oemak,
"which was so afraid of the insatiable ambition of the Sultan of Atjeh that it
put his ambassadors to death.,,76
73 Winstedt and Wilkinson, "A Hlstory of Perak," JMBRAS, vol. 12, pt. 1
(June 1934), 19.
74 Macgregor, "Johor Lama," 88: Adll, Sejarah JOhor, 31.
75 Winstedt. A History of Ma/aya. 84.
{
76 Reid. "Turkish Influence." 405.
70
accordlng to Pinto, in the campalgn against Ani in 1539 of Aceh's troops
Khin, who had just arrived from Jidda.77 Among these soldiers, the
relations of Aceh wlth the Ottoman Empire, which took place durlng the
,' ln his study on this matter, Reid suggests that the first poUtical contact
SulaymAn, who sent envoys to Gujaratl and Arablan ports ln 1537 to gain
support to attack the Portuguese,80 probably also sent an en voy to Aceh.
This "mlght have served as a stimulus for the flrst Atjehnese attack on
Malacca ln September 1537.,,81 From th en onward, the Ottomans wlth the!r
guns were engaged in ail Acehnese campaigns during this century. The
1539 and 1540 and against Malacca in 1547.82 It has been mentloned that
(
the largest campaign agalnst the portuguese ln 1568. whlch was
Ottoman elite troops and a large number of their guns and artillery.
ask for help in order to wage a war agalnst the portuguese Kefirs
The death of the Ottoman Sul!An, SulaymAn the Magniflcent, shortly after
did not cause the aid plan for Aceh to fail, for hls son, Sul!in Selim Il,
gave the same attention to this matter as hls late father had.84 ln his letter
( dated 16 Rabi c al-Awwal 975 A.H. (20 September 1567) Sul!An Selim Il
replied to the Sul!in of Aceh about hls great concern over this matter and
soldiers and guns. The letter W8ti sent through an Ottoman ambassador,
Mus!afà Camus. 85 However, t.(; ... ~qyn" the Acehnese ambassador, had to
stay in Istanbul for two years due to the postponement of the aid. Kurtoglu
82 Ibid., 403.
Sul~An Sêllm Il for this delay was expressed ln his letter ta t:tusayn in 5
Rajab 975 A.H. (5 January 1568).86 Hlzlr never came ta Aceh. However. the
Kurtoglu Hlzlr and his fleet never reached Atjeh. But the importance
the Atjehnese glve ta the cannons. the flag. and the gunsmiths makes
it reasonably certain that these at least were sent. along with sorne
sort of Imperial masage [Sic]. They probably reached Atieh du ring
1568 or 1569, and strengthened her considerably in relation ta her
Indoneslan rivais. They must also have encouraged further thoughts
of a pan-Islamic front agalnst the lfrtuguese. which had its
culmination in the manoevres of 1570-1.
and says that "the ruler of Achln also maintained official relations with the
sea potentate of Calicut on the west coast of India and the Kings of Bengal
and Ceylan. The seal of the Achinese sultan. patterned on that of the tirst
C. Trading Competition
Sul!in of Malacca not to make a peaee wlth them and Instead strongly
suggested that he wage a war against them.89 Furthermore, the
the Hindu traders and harming the Musllm traders as much as possible,
also has been mentioned that Aceh, by capturing Pldie and Pasai,
Southeast Asia during the Malaccan sultanate. With the capture of Pidle
The flourishlng of Malacca during the time of the Malay sultanate was
obviously due to "good relations with surrounding countrles and to the faet
that its possession of the land on either slde of the water gave It control
over the straits.,,91 Portuguese Malacca had to malntain the early position
of other ports in the area. such as Aceh and Bantam.92 To counteract this
the raglon as mentloned above. They also trled to maintaln the commercial
relation wlth Siam and other klngdoms in further Indla. 93 Siam had been an
Important and large scale foodstuff supplier for Malacca. as weil as either a
mediator or supplier of "Iac, benzoln sappan wood. lead. tin, silver. gold.
Ivory, cassla fistula. dishes cast from copper or gold rings, set wlth rubles
cloth.,,94 Another effort was undertaken to make alliances with the Hindu
matter of fact, these alliances were not only initiated by the Portuguese but
also by the Hindu kingdoms,95 who were under the threat of their
From the earliest years of their presence in the region, the Portuguese
had to face the enmity of those surounding Muslim kingdoms whlch were
Muslim merchant ships wherever they found them. Aceh seemed to have
reacted ln the same manner by attacking and plundering ail the Portuguese
ships comlng from Bengal and Pegu to Malacca.96 Several attacks of the
Sul!ln ln the early sixteenth century to restore hls crown, and some military
93 Ibid.
94 Melllnk-Roelofsz, As/an Trade, 72.
along the west coast of Sumatra, through which they could reach Java and
the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago via the Sunda Stralt.97
chief station ln the intermediary trade of the Muslims of western Asia and
India with the Archipetago.,,99
of Pasai and Pidie and controlled the supply of gold in the Minangkabau
( port. 101 The advantage of Aceh's position. in the northern tlp of Sumatra
facing the Indlan Ocean, stimulated the Sul!An to make a trading enterprlse
aeross the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. Before discusslng the Acehnese
enterprise in this area, it would be helpful if we brlefly explore the
reslstanee of Muslim traders to the portuguese in thls area prlor to Aceh's
participation.
took part in the trade traffic ln the Indlan Ocean and the Red Sea. The
export of Sumatra pepper enterad the west coast of India and the Red
Sea. By thls trade Involvement, the Acehnese ships had to face the
challenge from the Portugllese fleets which often intercepted them. 106 It
was natural that the Acehnese, who saw the Portuguese as theïr re!lglous
enemles as wetl as trading rivais, should have sought an alliance with the
102 M. Longworth Dames, "The Portuguese and Turks ln the Indian Ocean
ln the Sixteenth Century," JRAS, pt. 1 (January 1921), 5-12: E.
Denison, !lThe Portuguese in India and Arabia, 1517-38." JRAS, Pt. 1
(January 1922), 1-18.
103 Dames, "The Portuguese and Turks," 3-4.
104 Ibid., 20.
Ottoman Empire as the strongest Muslim Empire at that time. This alliance,
(
basides having rellgious and strategie reasons, Beems to have been
offered spices to the Ottomans in return for their military help to Aceh
against the Portuguese. Another member of the alliance was the Samudrl
of Calicut whieh had been engaged in the splce trade in the West. 107
The participation of the Acehnese in the Red Sea seems to have begun
that time, the Acehnese ships regularly saUed across the Indian Ocean and
the Red Sea. where they had military encounters wlth the Portuguese fleets.
junk of Antonio de Sausa. This case forced O. Joao de Castro to order "all
Portuguese ships bound from Indla to Malacca to sali in convoy.,,109
The threat to the Portuguese posed by the Aeehnese trade and shlps in
the Red Sea was serious. since the Aeehnese trading activlty ln the Red
Sea was much more intensive in the mld-sixteenth century. portuguese
sources tell us that in June 1564, about 23 shlps loading 1800 qulnta/s of
pepper and 1300 quinta/s of other splces reached Jldda from Aceh.
108 Diogo do Couto, Decada IV (Lisbon, 1602). Uvro 8. cap. 10. in Boxer.
"Portuguese Reactions," 416.
109 The Letter of D. Joao de Castro to the Crown. Goa December 16.
( 1546, in Elaine Sancean, 00., Cartas de D. Jasa de Castro (Usbon,
1945),233, in Boxer, "Portuguese Reactions," 417.
78
Baticola and Malabar. The intenslty of this trade resulted in a surplus of
papper and other spices in Jidda and eventually lowered the priee of them
everywhere. 110 This upset the plan of the Portuguese. who apparently
deslred to "set the priees on the market themselves as Egypt and the
Itallans before them had done." 111
Interrupt either Acehnese shlps or other ships comlng from Aceh ln the Red
Sea. By the year 1554/1555, two Portuguese fleets were sent to the
entrance of the Red Sea in order to attack any ships from Aceh and
Gujarat. They were also sent to Suahli with the same mission. By 1559. two
other galleons and eighteen oared vessels were dispatched to the Red Sea
for the same purpose. 112 Vet. "the costly annual expedltions mounted by
... , the Portuguese to try and Intercept these ships on their way to the Red Sea
in the perlod 1554.. 1567. clearly failed in thelr purpose.,,113
110 Couto. Decada VIII. cap. 21; Letter of Gaspar and Joao Riblro. Venlce
27 August 1564, Studla, vol. XIII (Lisboa, 1961), 207-09, ln boxer,
"Portuguese Reactions," 417.
111 Schrleke, Indonesian, 41.
112 Couto. Deceda VI, livro 10, cap. 18; Decada VII, Livro " caps.7-8;
new trade route in west Sumatra had been established. Aceh needed
(
Chinese pottery, gOld, sil ver, coins and other Chinese products. 115 The
Chinese traders, IIke other Asian traders dl8appointed by the Portuguese
policy of exaction, turned to vislt other ports ln the area for pepper and
( Panarukan. 119 Sorne ports were under its Influence, such as Lawe. Tanjung
Pura (Borneo), Bangka and some other Islands. It also domlnated the spice
trade in eastern Indonesia, where Muslim rulers were also in control. Its
bitter response to the Portuguese was shown by Its several attacks on
Malacca as weil as its hetp ln the Musllm struggle agalnst the Portuguese
ln Ambon and the Moluccas. However, Japara, the main rlce supplier for
Malacca during the Malay sultanate, later developed frlendly terms wlth the
Portuguese by allowing the ships of the latter to anchor at lta port to load
trade by exporting foodstuffs to Malacca. This waB probably the reason for
ita rejectlng the Acehnese Invitation to launch a joint attack agalnst the
Portuguese. This trade alliance was also followed later by Mataram. 121
them. Religious alliances were put aslde for economic interests. Mellink-
Roelofsz states:
This tendency was never shown by Aceh during the sixteenth century. Its
ambition to boycott Portuguese economic activities. both ln the Malay-
Indoneslan archipelago and in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea
demonstrates its enmity toward the Portuguese. Aceh. whose ports had
flourlshad since the coming of the Portuguese. desired to replace the early
create Its own axis. Naturally, thls ambition bothered Johor123 and Java.
whlch also had the same interest. This resulted ln a clash between them
120 Ibid .• 147-149. 160-161: see also. Kartodirdjo. "Rel iglous and
Economie Aspects." 193; Van Naerssen and De longh. The Economlc.
92-94.
121 Ibid., 148-149.
Atjehnese splce-trade wlth the Red Sel was underminlng the Portuguese
D. Islamic Response
( C'Abd al-~rz (d. 1824). He wrote several works on religlous matters and
developed his concept of the Islamle polltleal Ylew of DAr al-Islam and Da,
a/-Ifarb in hls fatwas. 126 ln Aceh there were some ~/amA' who wrote a large
al-DTn al-Sumatra nT (d. 1039 A.H.) Shalkh Nür al-DTn al-RlnTrT (d. 1068
A.H.) and Shalkh cAbd al-Ra'üf (d. 1106 A.H.).128 Unfortunately, thera Is no
127 No one knows exactly the date and the place of hls birth. But we do
know that he lived durlng the end of the sixteenth century and the
( early part of the seyenteenth century.
82
whleh rellgious response can be traeed. First of ail, it can be observed that
even though the main purpose of the the Portuguese presence in the
Muslims of thls area with Musllms of other areas, together with the regular
conquer Mecca, the kllling of 300 Acehnese and 40 Arabs on theïr ships
near Aceh on thelr way home from Mecca, as mentioned above, and tough
portuguese feelings and behavlor from thelr fraquent contact wlth Muslims
128 For more discussion on thase 'il/ami' see A. Hasjmy, Kebudayaan Aceh
Dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Penerbit Beuna, 1983), 194-205: A. H. Johns,
"Musllm Mystlcs and Hlstorieal Wrltlng," ln D. G. E. Hall, ed.,
Hlstorlans of South East As/a (London: Oxford University Press, 1961),
37-49.
129 Kartodirdjo, "Religlous and Economie Aspects," 195.
same failure was also seen in Hormuz. "The strength of Islam ln this
region," Boxer states, "was sufficlent ta prevent the Portuguese from
destroying ail the mosques on Hormuz Island, as they did elsewhere in thelr
possessions wherever they had the chance.,,134 This picture Is much
and other areas mentloned above. Boxer's statement clarifies this Idea. He
wrltes:
A Musllm alliance formed during the 1560's and 1570's has been seen by
Aslan and western hlstorlans as a religious reaction. Reid insists that "Islam
was the only basis for such an alliance.,,136 However, he reminds us that
"we should not press this too far. The only Muslim powers in Southeast
135 Ibid., 40. For the study of the portuguese influence in Indonesia see A.
Pinto da Franca, Portuguese Influence in Indonesia (Djakarta: Gunung
Agung, 1970).
the nineteenth century and the earlv part of the twentieth century eventually
Hurgronje staved ln Aceh for several years to study the people ln order to
flnd a way for the Dutch to sUbjugate the Acehnese '40 who. with their
137 Ibid.
The hatred of the Dutch infidels, whom they called Kaphe (Acehnese
pronunciation of Kafir), was expressed in jihad (holy war) ;ed by the fu/ami'.
The tu/amiJ' played an important role in the poUtical structure and in the
Islamie institutions, and constituted the spiritual figures who stimulated
their students to wage a holy war against western interlopers. Snouck
(
Hurgronje writes:
probably not much different from that shown towards the Portuguese,
when they had to defend themselves agalnst the intense attacks of Aceh.
The difference Iles ln the fact that the reaction of the Acehnese toward the
Dutch was more sophisticated than that of the sixteenth century reactlon
agalnst the Portuguese. Sixteenth century Aceh was only a port state. On
the contrary, Aceh during the struggle against the Dutch was astate which
was more structurally organized and concentrated on both port and inland
areas. The position of the 'iI/ama' in bath court and society was much
expect, however, that in the early period Islam also played a signlfieant raie
slnee the concept of jihad was emphasized at that time as weil. Snouck
Hurgronje admlts that "the passion for rellgious war whlch is so deeply
rooted ln the teaching of Islam Is more marked among the Achehnese than
wlth the majority of their fellow-believers ln other lands, who have come by
experienee to regard It as a relie of a bygone age.,,144
Chapter 3
The rise of Aceh in the sbcteenth century was reflectect ln its mlIItary,
economic, poUtleal and religlous achlevements. In hls History of Sumatra
Marsden wrltes:
MI/ltary Achlevements
Of the major factors ln the rlse of Aceh, milltary power was the flrst ta
manlfest Itself, partlcularly ln the Acehnese confrontation wlth the
Portuguese convoya ln 1519 and 1521, 8S mentloned ln the prevlous
chapter. A few years later Aceh's troops showed their power by conquerlng
Daya (1520), Pidle (1521) and Paaai (1524). These military vlctorles agalnst
European forces ralse questions about the bases and extent of Acehnese
milltary power.
combination Ylith the more tradition al weapons. The early military incidents
between Aceh and the portuguese in Aceh/s territory enriched the former
with the artillery token from the latter. Was it the first time that the
Munawwar ShAh, the King of Mahkota Alam, used artillery captured from
were obviously not the first ones. Unfortunately, we do not have any
further information about this matter. However, it should be mentionOO
here that between the years 1000 to 1500, China reached an advancOO
stage in artillery manufacture. In the first half of the fifteenth cent ury, for
instance, the famous admirai Cheng Ho 100 his expeditions to the Indian
Ocean. the Red Sea and even to the coast of Africa with large ships
equipped with many guns and troops. His vessels carried about 1500 tons,
a much bigger eargo capa~ity eompared to the 300 tons capacity of Vasco
da Gama/s vessels whieh crossed the Indian Ocean at the end of the
relation with the people of the region (Aceh), provided the Klngs there with
artillery.
the main mllltary strength of Aeeh. In capturlng Pidle and the Portuguese
fortress in Pasai. for Instance, the Acehnese used artillery, swords and
witnessed that the Acehnese had more artillery weapons than the
Portuguese in Malacca.
an elephant adorned with gold. Ibn Banü!a also observed that the Sul!an
of Pasai used elephants and even horses for military purposes. 4
( the help of the Ottomans and the Gujaratis. The use of the Ottoman
artillery and the involvement of their soldiers and thelr military advlsers ln
every one of Aceh's military campaigns were the dominant factors in the
advance of Aceh's military power. Accordingly, "in mllitary technology
Atjeh was much more advanced than the Javanese klngdoms and mllitary
tactles and strategy were clearly of Turklsh origln.,,5
the Portuguese fortress ln Malacca ln 1537, 1547, 1568, 1573 and in 1577
which forced the Portuguese to take a defenslve strategy rather than an
offensive one. However, the Acehnese never succeedecl ln drivlng the
4 Battuta, Ibn Battuta Travels, 272-276. For more discussion on the history
of elephants in Aceh see M. Junus DjamU, Gadjah Putih Iskandar Muda
(Kutaradja: Lembaga Kebudayaan Atjeh, 1957),58-59.
(
5 De longh, "The Economie and Administrative History," 88.
91
Portuguese out of Malacca. The most that. can be said is that the Acehnese
"nearly succeeded in taking Malacca from the Portuguese.,,6 The question
that should be raised here is why dld Aceh fail to take Malacca? To answer
this question the milltary power of Aceh should be analyzed to the extent
strong at sea: the first is guns: the second is warships: and the thlrd Is
military strategy.
It was mentioned above that before the arrivai of the Portug'Jese. the
people of Asia had known the artillery which came from China. The quality
of this artillery was probably as good as that of the westerner's until the
the sixteenth century they found that artillery was used in Malabar, Calicut
pieces of artillery and about two thousand small calibre bronze cannons. 9
They remained "medieval" when the modern age had already begun.
They used guns on thelr shlps (although in their own primitive way)
and they made use of sailing vessels. But essentially they remained
heavlly dependent on human energy: they stuck to the old taetie of
ramming and boar~b"g and the galleys were always the backbone of
their fighting force,
Boxer, "may help to account for the relative ineffectiveness of the Achinese
art 1'II ery.... ,,12
10 Cipolla, Guns and Sails, 102. For a more discussion on the war business
ln Europe see McNeil. The Pursuit Power. 63-116.
11 John Davis. The Voyages and Worlcs of John Davis, ed .• introd .• and
notes by Albert Hastings Markham (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970),
150.
12 Boxer, "Asian Potentates," 163.
13 Cipolla, Guns and Sa;Is, 31.
(
14 Ibid.
93
Portuguese ships was something totally unexpected and new in the Indian
The second factor is the warship. The main vessel for naval warfare in
Portuguese (1563-1623), was the lancharas. 16 It is "a small single sail and
square-rlgged vessel steered by two oars mounted ln the stern .... " 17
Another type of ship was the so-called Junco's or Somas. 1B The Malay
people ca lied it Jong. 19 Eredia describes that the juncos as "tall boats like
frelght bearing carracks, with 2 rudders and masts and wlth salis made of
woven palm-Ieaves and of matting, traversed by bamboos at definitc
Intervals, so that they could fold and gather up the sail with dispatch when
the wind-storms came on."20 It was a jong that Albuquerque found in the
Seeing that the junco wanted to start fighting, the Governor got close
to her wlth hls whole fleet. The galleys started shooting at her, but thls
dld not affect her ln the least, and she went on sailing.... The
Aceh, was that iran was not uSed in thelr construction; also. their ocean-
going vessels did not carry artillery. This implles the super:ority Of the
Portuguece vessels which were constructed with iron and provided with
artillery. Therefore, "they were ... relatively much more frail than the
Portuguese carracks and galleons which they had to encounter.,,22 On this
issue, Cipolla concludes that "the main reason for thelr [Muslims1 failure
( lay rather in their outmoded techniques of naval warfare.,,23
The armed forces of the Malayos do not follow the ordered military
tactics of Europe: they only make use of attacks and sallies ln mass
formation: thelr sole plan Is to construct an ambush in the narrow
paths and woods and thlckets, and then make an attack wlth a body
of armed men: whenever they draw themselves up for2kattle, they
acquit themselves badly and usually suffer heavy losses.
Aceh had a larger number 0; soldiers and even warships than did the
Portuguese. However, the latter could always repufse the attacks and were
even able to cause heavy losses on the Acehnese side. Snouck Hurgronje.
However, the Aeehnese mllitary power was respected not only by the
Malay kingdoms but also by the Portuguese who "had long since acquired
the greatest threat to Malacca for over a eentury. ,,25 Some Portuguese
sailors who were lost in the west coast of Sumatra in 1561 and experienced
fighting against the Aeehnese said that they (the Aeehnese) are "a roving
and piratical people, formed from many nations, and most bitter enemies
The strong military pressure of Aeeh upon Malacca reveals the rapid
developmt'nt of Aceh's military power, whieh was unknown durlng the 'irst
decade of the sixteenth century. Military aid trom other Muslim powers,
Malacca. Sul!an tAli Ricgyah ShAh al-Oahhar, for instance. was described
by Couto as a person who "never turned over in his bed withaut thinking
how he could encompass the destruction of Malacca. ,,27 The entire military
confllet between two peoples during the sixteenth century shows the
serious determination of Aceh, after its victory in driving the Portuguese out
Economie Achievements
trading center (port) in the west archipelago. Banda Aceh, which was
known as Aceh Besar (Groot-Aceh or Aceh Proper) was the political center
( two ports were used during the sixteenth century. Banda Aceh, as a center
of political activity, was definitely a center for trading activity as weil. Reid
exports of Aceh, especially from both Pasai and Pidie. In chapter one, we
the early part of the ~ixteenth century, before ~Ii Mughâyah Shâh's military
campaign. Pepper, silk, oil, benzoin and gold were found in both towns. A
Dutch pioneer who visited Aceh at the end of the sixteenth century states
that "we should be able to drive good trade in Achem: because they have
great store of pepper, which the Rhip from Suratte and Cambaye came
yearly to fetch ana take to the Reel Sea.,,30 Sorne Portuguese sources give
1585 Jorge de lemos, the Portuguese advocate for the conquest of Aceh.
informs us that Aceh exported a large quantity of spices, gold and jewels
to the Red 8ea. 31 ln the sa me year. the Acehnese "were exporting (mostly
year.,,32 The trading activities ln the Red Sea gave the 8ul~ân of Aceh an
annual income of about three or four million gold ducates, "in return for
30 Beschrijvinge vande Straten ofte engten van Malacca ende Sunda met
haer Omllgghende EylandenlBanckenlOndiepten ende Sanden,
reproduced in fascimile on p. 32 of Collectie Dr. W. A. Engelbrecht Lof
der Zeevaart, catalogue of an exhibition held at the Maritiem Museum,
Rotterdam, 1966-67, in Boxer, "Portuguese Reactions," 426-427.
31 Jorge de Lemos, Hystoria dos Cercos, ( Lisboa, 1585), part III, fis. 1-64,
in Ibid., 423.
Chinese silk becam9 readily available and little was done to replace the
mulberry trees encroached upon by rlce and pepper cultlvatlon.,,36
Aceh, Bantam in the west and Johor and Brunei ln the east. Banda Aceh
became a cosmopolltan city whlch was vlslted by a varlety of Musllm
came from Pegu and Indla.37 Schrleke writes that "Achln, then, had by the
mlddle of the sixteenth century become the chief station ln the Intermedlary
trade of the Muhammectans of western Asla and Indla wlth the Indoneslan
Archlpelago - a fact with the Portuguese could only vlew with eyes of
Therefore, the Interior part of the country was given little attention. Banda
court ceremonies and Its wars.,,41 So cosmopolitan was this city that the
was used rather than Acehnese. 42 John Davis describes this city as "very
spacious, bullt ln a Wood, so that we could not see a house tlll we were
upon It. Neither could we go into any place, but we found houses, and
great concourse of people: so that 1 thlnk the town spreadeth over the
Still ers ... Cutlers, and Smiths. ,,44 A French Jesuit also gives his description
38 Ibid., 44.
ft
100
covered with boats; put in this forest an incredible number of houses
( made of canes. reeds and bark. and arrange them in such a manner
that they sometimes form streets. sometimes separate quarters;
divide these various quartera by meadows and woods: spread
throughout this forest as many people as you see in your towns. when
they are weil populated; you will form a pretty accu rate Idea of Achen
[Aceh1 and you will agree that a city of thls new style can give
pleasure to passing strangers ....
Everythlng Is neglected and natural. rustlc and even a IIttle wlld.
When one Is at anchor one sees not a single vestige or appearancat of
a city, because the great trees along the shore hlde ail its houses.
This city was not fortified "because God had glven them stout hearts and
strong character and sound judgement ln fighting ail thelr enemies .... And
this city (negen) is not fortlfled as Is the custom of other fortifled clties
because of the very large number of war elephants in thls City.,,46
classes. There is no doubt that the ruling famUy occupied the first class. As
( in the case of Malacca. the Sul!ins were also involved in trade. In the
second class there was an alite group of merchants ca 1100 Orang Kaya and
religious leaders (Cù/amà'). 80th groups were also involved in the court.
Llterally Orang Kaya means "a rlch man". This term "could be presumed to
describe that class of nobility who, other than holding hlgh officiai rank
such as that of orang besar. were dlstlnctly Influentlal and wealthy.,,47 They
The third and the fourth classes were the common people and slaves.
The trade in slaves increased with the need of manpower for trading and
thousand slaves.49 Insecurity was another reason for having slaves. The
Malaccan people say that "It Is better to have slaves than to have land,
because slaves are a protection to their masters."SO Some Orang Kaya had
Beaulieu, "the king uses them [slaves] to eut wood, dig stone from the
ln the 1500's Java was the largest exporter of slaves. However, it was
not long after this time that the Island ceased to export ilS people, since
with the comlng of Islam, whlch forbade the transaction of Musllm slaves.
Therefore, Musllm klngdoms turned ta recru~t slaves from non-Musllm
areas. Aceh recrulted slaves from Nias, southern India and Arakan; Banten
and Makassar from the Moluccas and the Lesser Sunda Islands; Patanl
from Cambodla, Champa and Borneo.53
Politlcal Achlevements
trade route in the reglon attracted Musllm traders from western Asla and
Indla, the eastern Indoneslan archlpelago and even non-Musllm traders,
such as the Chlnese who avolded Malacca because of the unsafe route ln
Is UUle doubt that the portuguese garrlson at Malacca could not have
su rvived. ,,65
the initiative for the Ottomans' alllance.56 It seems that both rellglous
Ideals and trading Interests led the Ottomans to help Aceh. Whatever the
reasons may have been, "It was preclsely thls Atjehnese initiative whlch
drew Turklsh attention once more to the Indian Ocean, after Sulalman hnd
abandoned It in 1540.,,57
Even nowadays, thls story still remalns in the memory of Aceh people. One
of the poems in the Acehnese folk-dance tradition known as seudat,.flO
reads:
58 Ibid., 395.
"The diplomatie contact of the 1560's between Turkey and Atjeh," Reid
Inslsts, ·reached the hlghest levai, and was Important ln the subsequent
of thls relatlonship can be seen in the red Ottoman flag that was used ln
Aceh.62
Asla and Indla, and the fallure of the portuguese to malntaln thelr polltlcal
62 Anthony Reid., The Contest for North Sumatra: Atjeh, the Nether/ands
and Brita/n 1858-1898 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1969),3.
".' 63 Vlekke, Nusantara, 100.
106
The Leading Center of ISlamie Studies
(
Uke its predecessors Pasai and Malacca, Aceh ln thls century was Ira
center of Isla mie Studies.,,64 Nevertheless, as in the case of Pasai, it is
difflcult to identify exactly the Islamie institutions that Aceh possessed. The
mosque was most probably the main center for Isfamlc studies, besldes the
(
Studles ln Islamic sciences were carried on by tulama', both indigenous
who taught metaphysics in Aceh. Another Meccan tillm whose name was
Shalkh Abû al-Khayr ibn Shaikh ibnf:'lJr also came to this region. He wrote
a book entitled Say( a/-QI!iC and taught film flqh (Islamic Law) in Aceh Dlr
ai-SalAm. The other was an expert in 'flm lf!D1 a/-flqh (Islamie Jurisprudence)
whose name was Shalkh Mu~ammad VamanT. A GuJarati tillm was also
reported to have come to thls reglon: he was Shaikh Mu~ammad JaylanT
fact that these Islamic teachers came to Aceh reveals that Aceh had good
relations with other Muslim countries in the Arab world and South Asia. The
status of the place as a center of Islamic studies and the strong
commitment of the people to Islam stimulated the Acehnese to cali their
land "the gate of the Holy Land.,,67
Islam was represented by Islamic teachers who strongly opposed the royal
after the death of Sul!ln ':iusayn (d. 1579). The first was Raja Sri "Alam who
was portrayed as 8 bad-tempered person and who did not know how to
lead the country. After his assassination, Raja Sri tAlam was succeeded by
Sul!ln Zayn al..('AbldTn who was also portrayed as a bad-tempered figure.
ruled Aceh between 1579-1585. He and his famlly were brought to Aceh
after Aceh conquered his home country. Bus!ln a/-Sa/l!'n portrays this
.
Sultln as follows:
He was a very plous Sul!An, fair in his decision, and strict ln his
Islamic law and of the officlally recognised scribes who had entered the
service of the princely authority as judges or advisers.,,71
(
B. Aceh's Motivations
The question whlch should be ralsed here Is what was the nature of
70 Ibid .• 33.
(
71 Wertheim. Indonesian Society. 195.
109
he died or was murd('red. 72
It has been suggested by many scholars that Islam was brought to the
archipelago by Muslim traders from the Arab lands and India. 73 ln his
study of this issue, Cesar Adib Majul suggests two major trends in the
Muslim trading activities: the first was shown in the traders who played a
double role as merchants and religious propagators, "living in the area
permane"tly and intermarrying with the native population and eventually
inducing non-Muslems to embrace the the Faith.,,74 The second was shown
Islam.
It seems that the main activity of Islamic propagation was carried out
by the first group, most of whom were sufls. A. H. Johns argues that the
propagation of Islam throughout the archipelago was inltiated by sufl
organisations. He points out that Islam in the archipelago became strong ln
the form of a Muslim community (ummah) only alter the thirteenth century
An Interesting feature of the sufis was that they were a dynamlc group
who were concentrated in urban areas. 78 Besldes teaching Islam, they
were also involved in economic activitles as traders and in the poUtical
structures where they lived. Even though some of them were not traders,
"they were closely associated with their trader countrymen who wielded
economlc power in ail the coastal princlpalitles.,,79 Apparently, their status
78 Ibid .• 21.
(
79 Majul. "Theories on the Introduction," 372.
111
as traders accelerated the spread of Islam in the archlpelago, especially
. among the Hindu population which was attracted to the Islamic egalltarian
ethic and the prohibition against enslaving other Muslims.80 Political
interests also had a role in their conversion.
symbol stlmulating reslstance against the Portuguese and, later, the Dutch.
Agaln, It should be mentioned here that trading Interests also played an
Important role in thelr struggle. 80 important was the trading motive that
against the Portuguese: "to wage war agalnst the heathens (kaffr) and to
combat the portuguese as a competltor ln the spica trade ln order to
defend thelr monopollstlc position.,,86 ft la Interestlng that ln another of hls
writings Winstedt says that "the Achinese were much like the Portuguese,
1~"
buccaneers. adventurers and traders with a veneer of religion .... But
Acheh, IIke Portugal, was al80 superstltlous and was full of Musllm
CONCLUSION
114
115
The emergence of Aceh started ln the second and the third decade of
'" the slxteenth eentury and Is Identlfled wlth its mllitary confliet with the
Portuguese and conquest of Daya, Pidie and Pasal. This period is known
as the establishment of Aceh DAr ai-SalAm. 'AIT MughAyah ShAh was
regarded as the founder and the flrst Sul~An of thls kingdom, as mentioned
.
ln Bustin ai-SaIIOn. Some hlstorlans suggest that the comlng of the
Portuguese to the region motivated ~IT to take over the power from hls
father and to take Daya, Pidie and Pasai, where the Portuguese had
established garrlsons. 1 If thls idea can be sustalned, it must have been the
flrst impact of the portuguese on the rlse of Aceh. Economie Interests,
however, were also an Important reason for thls expansion, as evldenced
by the conquest of the rlch ports of Pidie and Pasai.
'ùlama' and learned men of Malacca moved to this new kingdom as weil as
to other parts of the archipelago, sueh as Java.2 Aecordingly. these
Indications lead us to eonclude that the rise of Aeeh was mueh influenced
The strong response of Aeeh to the Portuguese was shown by Its effort
to strengthen its military power by gainlng military ald from the Ottoman
Empire and other Musllm klngdoms in India. This military power was
With the fall of Malacca, Aceh became the most important trading
center ln the western part of the archlpelago for several reasons: flrstly,lt
was strategically located in the northern tip of Sumatra, whleh connected
the trading routes between west Asla and India wlth the archipelago;
secondly, a large number of Muslim merchants moved to Aceh as weil as
to other parts of the archipelago; thlrdly, it produced important resourees,
such as pepper, gOld, silk and benzoin, especlally from Pasai, Pidle and
Minangkabau; and fourthly, Aceh's military power created a safe
envlronment for trade ln the region. The economic power of Aeeh and its
Involvernent ln the splce business ln the Red Sea undermined the
Portuguese clalm to be the master of the spice trade of the reglon.
It Is reasonable then to say that Aceh, whlch trled to drive out the
portuguese from Malacca, was ambltlous for poltleal supremacy ln the
raglon. The flrst effort was taken by attemptlng poUtleal expansion. Aeeh
attaeked Batak and eonquered Aru and west Sumatra. This gave It
poUtleal, mlIItary and economlc slgnlflcanee. A diplomatie effort was
dlrected to the Ottoman Empire and other MusUm klngdoms ln Indla, an
effort whlch was motlvated by economlc reasons ln addition to Islamlc
Interests. In the archlpelago, Aceh convlnced Japara and, for a few years,
Johor to make a broad Islamlc alliance. However, the fear of some Muslim
klngdoms. su ch as Johor and Demak, toward the new power (Aeeh)
-
".
bothered the alliance. The Islamic alliance was also dlsrupted by economic
Aceh in the sixteenth century also emerged as the center for Islamlc
studies. The fall of Malacca. whlch was a center for rellglous studles. and
the rlse of Aceh as a strong Musllm power resulted ln the movlng of sorne
eulami' of Malacca to Aceh. Some tulaml' from other Musllm reglons also
came to thls place ln order to teach the Islamlc sciences. Islam ln Aceh,
represented by fulamA' and sufl. was active ln rellglous as weil as economlc
and poUtlcal Institutions. Jlhld was deflned as a holy war agalnst the
heathen tribes and the Infldel colonlallsts. Islam, therefore. was a motive ln
Portuguese penetration Into the raglon and ln brlnglng Southeast Asla Into
the mainstream of Muslim world hlstory. In the words of Wilfrecl Cantwell
Smith. "In the slxteenth century the Musllm world was once agaln powerful,
wealthy, and touched with splendour. Whatever vlew he mlght take of It,
the Muslim of thls perlod -In Morocco. Istanbul, Isfahan, Agra. Acheh- was
participant ln a hlstory expansive and successful.,,5
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1
120
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-------~~-----~
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(
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-
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