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438  

the Ostrogoths ceded their supreme rule over the territories north
of the Alps to the kings of the Franks.40 Around 540, Frankish bish-
ops ordained priests in Aguntum, Virunum and Teurnia.41 King
Theudebert I was probably the one who added the regions between
the Danube and the Alps to Frankish rule, and who supported the

Bajuwaren”, pp. 472–3. G. Hauptfeld, “Die Gentes im Vorfeld”, p. 127 thinks there
were Thuringian incentives for the formation of the Bavarian tribe.
40
H. Zeiß, “Bemerkungen zur frühmittelalterlichen Geschichte Baierns I”, Zeitschrift
für bayerische Landesgeschichte 2 (1929) pp. 343–60, esp. pp. 343–54; R. Schneider,
“Fränkische Alpenpolitik”, Die transalpinen Verbindungen der Bayern, Alemannen und Franken
bis zum 10. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Beumann and W. Schröder, Nationes 6 (Sigmaringen
1987) pp. 23–49, esp. pp. 27–8.
41
Concilium universale Constantinopolitanum sub Justiniano habitum 2, ed. E. Schwartz,
Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum 4,2 (Straßburg 1914) p. 135: quod ante annos iam
fieri coeperat, et in tribus ecclesiis nostri concilii, id est Breconensi, Tiburniensi, et Augustana
Galliarum episcopi constituerant sacerdotes; et nisi eiusdem tunc divae memoriae Justiniani prin-
cipis iussione commotio partium nostrarum remota fuisset [. . .]; Gregorii I Papae Registrum
Epistolarum 16a, ed. P. Ewald, MGH EE 1 (Berlin 1887) p. 20, spells Beconensi. See
H. Berg, “Bischöfe und Bischofssitze im Ostalpen- und Donauraum vom 4. bis zum
8. Jahrhundert”, Die Bayern und ihre Nachbarn 1, ed. H. Wolfram and A. Schwarcz,
Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-
historische Klasse 179. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Frühmittelalterfor-
schung 8 (Wien 1989) pp. 61–108, esp. pp. 65–6 (Teurnia); pp. 82–4; see also
Wolfram, 378–907: Grenzen und Räume, p. 98; H. Wolff, “Die Kontinuität städti-
schen Lebens in den nördlichen Grenzprovinzen des römischen Reiches und das
Ende der Antike”, Die Stadt in Oberitalien und in den nordwestlichen Provinzen des Römischen
Reiches. Deutsch-Italienisches Kolloquium im italienischen Kulturinstitut Köln, ed. W. Eck and
H. Galsterer, Kölner Forschungen 4 (Mainz 1991) pp. 287–318, esp. pp. 295–6
with the supposition of a continuity of ruins in Virunum and a continuity of insti-
tutions in Aguntum. On greater continuity of Teurnia, see ibid., p. 301; H. Wolff,
“Die Kontinuität der Kirchenorganisation in Raetien und Noricum bis an die
Schwelle des 7. Jahrhunderts”, Das Christentum im bairischen Raum von den Anfängen bis
ins 11. Jahrhundert, ed. id. and E. Boshof, Passauer historische Forschungen 8 (Köln-
Wien 1994) pp. 1–17, esp. pp. 8–16, therefore rather proposes Augsburg, Säben,
a Breonic diocese in the Inntal, and Teurnia St. Peter im Holz. As Breonic dio-
ceses, Pfaffenhofen in the Inntal and Martinsbühel near Zirl are likely candidates,
though it is by no means certain that there were ever bishops working in that area.
See O. Hageneder, “Die kirchliche Organisation im Zentralalpenraum vom 6. bis
10. Jahrhundert”, Frühmittelalterliche Ethnogenese im Alpenraum, ed. H. Beumann and
W. Schröder, Nationes 5 (Sigmaringen 1985) pp. 201–35, esp. pp. 207–9; on
Aguntum-Lavant ibid., pp. 210–2; on Teurnia ibid., p. 212; on Virunum ibid., pp.
212–3; see also ibid., pp. 216–21 on the letter of the bishops of Rhaetia and Venice
to the Byzantine Emperor, and on the localisation of the three episcopal sees in
Virunum, Teurnia und Aguntum; S. Ladstätter, Die materielle Kultur der Spätantike in
den Ostalpen. Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel der westlichen Doppelkirchenanlage auf dem Hemmaberg,
Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommission der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften 35,1 (Wien 2000) pp. 37–9. For Teurnia, see also V. Bierbrauer,
“Die germanische Aufsiedlung des östlichen und mittleren Alpengebietes im 6. und
7. Jahrhundert aus archäologischer Sicht”, Frühmittelalterliche Ethnogenese im Alpenraum,
  439

Suebian campaign against Venice.42 The defeat of the Thuringian


realm in the year 534 may have also made the inhabitants of the
later Bavarian Nordgau open to new political direction.43
Among the political steps taken towards the organization of their
dominion, the Merovingian kings installed a duchy in Regensburg.44
With the house of the Agilolfings, they established a family capable
of deploying the power necessary to bring about the integration of
the region northeast of the Alps. The centre of power of the Agilolfing
family was probably initially situated in the southwestern Visigothic
border-region and later in the Austrasian-Burgundian part of the
Frankish realm,45 though Thuringian,46 Alemannic47 and Herulic-
Lombard48 origins have also been suggested for them.49 In any case,

ed. H. Beumann and W. Schröder, Nationes 5 (Sigmaringen 1985) pp. 9–47, esp.
pp. 33–5.
42
Schmidt, Westgermanen, p. 201. F. Beyerle, “Süddeutschland in der politischen
Konzeption Theoderichs des Großen”, Grundfragen der alemannischen Geschichte, Vorträge
und Forschungen 1 (Sigmaringen 1955) pp. 65–81, esp. p. 80 argues, that it was
Theudebert I who “granted the Bavarians places to live when they were moving
from Pannonia via Bohemia and Moravia, after which they subjected to his ruler-
ship”. See also Werner, “Die Herkunft der Bajuwaren”, pp. 30–5; Kahl, “Die Baiern
und ihre Nachbarn”, pp. 176–7; Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 47–9.
43
E. Schwarz, “Herkunft und Einwanderungszeit”, pp. 41–3, who, at p. 43, writes
about an Anschluß of the Oberpfalz as the Nordgau to the Bavarians after the defeat
of the Thuringian realm.
44
H. Wolfram, “Baiern und das Frankenreich”, Die Bajuwaren. Von Severin bis
Tassilo 488–788, ed. H. Dannheimer and H. Dopsch (Rosenheim-Salzburg 1988)
pp. 130–5, esp. p. 130; Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 49–53; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum,
p. 9. G. Hauptfeld, “Die Gentes im Vorfeld”, p. 131 has expressed the idea that
the kings of the Franks might have entered into amicitia with the Bavarians.
45
K.F. Werner, “Bedeutende Adelsfamilien im Reich Karls des Großen”, Karl
der Große. Lebenswerk und Nachleben, vol. 1: Persönlichkeit und Geschichte, ed. H. Beumann
(Düsseldorf 1965) pp. 83–142, esp. pp. 106–15; E. Hlawitschka, “Studien zur
Genealogie und Geschichte der Merowinger und frühen Karolinger”, Rheinische Viertel-
jahrsblätter 43 (1979) pp. 1–99, esp. pp. 83–8; A. Friese, Studien zur Herrschaftsgeschichte des
fränkischen Adels. Der mainländisch-thüringische Raum vom 7. bis 11. Jahrhundert, Geschichte
und Gesellschaft. Bochumer Historische Studien 18 (Stuttgart 1979) pp. 163–7;
Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 12–4; 28–40; 57–68.
46
Hauptfeld, “Die Gentes im Vorfeld”, pp. 128–9; N. Wagner, “Zur Herkunft
der Agilolfinger”, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 41 (1978) pp. 19–48, esp. pp.
34; 42–7. Edictus Rothari, ed. F. Bluhme, MGH LL 4 (Hannover 1868) pp. 1–90,
esp. Prol., p. 2, claims Thuringian origins for the Lombard King Agilulf: Agilulf
Turingus ex genere Anawas.
47
Hartung, Süddeutschland, p. 195.
48
Eckhardt, Merowingerblut pp. 93–105; W. Goez, “Über die Anfänge der Agilul-
finger”, Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung 34/35 (1975) pp. 145–61, esp. pp. 152–
61; Zöllner, “Das Geschlecht der Agilolfinger”, pp. 87–8; 95–7; 99. But see also
Hlawitschka, “Studien zur Genealogie und Geschichte”, pp. 81–95.
49
See Kahl, “Die Baiern und ihre Nachbarn”, p. 175.
440  

earlier Burgundian50 influence may also be clearly demonstrated. This


is evident from the fact that it was always Frankish-Burgundian or
Alemannic Agilolfings who were appointed dukes of the Bavarians
when the local male line of succession was interrupted.51
Around the year 555, despite clerical protest, Chlothar I offered
the Lething Lombard princess Walderada, the widow of his deceased
great-nephew Theudebald and for a short time his own wife too, in
marriage to Garibald, uni ex suis52 and duke of the Bavarians. The
Bavarians had just been identified for the first time as such in the
written sources.53 Since Gregory of Tours does not mention them
at all, nor does he link them to the dux Garivaldus,54 the Bavarians
would have only visibly started to develop an identity as a people
after the appointment of the Agilolfings. The fact that they are not
mentioned in the well known letter from Theudebert I to Justinian
I may also point in this direction.55 It may therefore be assumed that
an integrative power was created only with the appointment by the
Frankish king of a dux, who actively endeavoured to organize the
various Germanic and Roman groups and units living in the former
province of Rhaetia.56 This effort was initiated at the former centre
of Regensburg, with all its administrative-military importance, and
the groups that were present in the area around this former legionary
camp must have played a central, and an increasingly important,
role in the process of ethnogenesis. These people came mainly from

50
E. Zöllner, “Die Herkunft der Agilulfinger”, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Öster-
reichische Geschichtsforschung 59 (1951) pp. 245–64 [repr. Zur Geschichte der Bayern, ed.
K. Bosl, Wege der Forschung 60 (Darmstadt 1965) pp. 107–34]; id., “Das Geschlecht
der Agilolfinger”, pp. 91–4; H. Wolfram, “Christianisierung”, p. 181 interprets the
Agilolfings as “the descendants of the Burgundian royal house that was dethroned
by the Franks”.
51
Hartung, Süddeutschland, p. 97.
52
Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum 1,21, ed. L. Bethmann and G. Waitz,
MGH SSrL (Hannover 1878) p. 60.
53
Hlawitschka, “Studien zur Genealogie und Geschichte”, pp. 84–8; Schmid,
“Bayern und Italien”, pp. 58–9; Wolfram, “Baiern und das Frankenreich”, p. 130;
Hauptfeld, “Die Gentes im Vorfeld”, pp. 127–8; 131; Kahl, “Die Baiern und ihre
Nachbarn”, pp. 170–5; Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 50–4; Wolfram, 378–907: Grenzen
und Räume, p. 76; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 10–1.
54
Gregory of Tours, Historiae 4,9, ed. B. Krusch and W. Levison, MGH SSrM
1,1 (2nd edn., Hannover 1951) p. 141 only gives details on the dux Garivaldus.
55
Epistolae Austrasicae 20, ed. W. Gundlach, MGH EE 3 (Berlin 1892) pp. 132–3.
56
Bosl, Bayerische Geschichte, pp. 48–9. J. Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, p. 47 states that
“this phase of Bavarian ethnogenesis took place under the political-military control
of the Austrasian Merovingians, Theudebert and Theudebald”.
  441

Bohemia and the northeastern Danube headland and were called


Baiuvarii—men from the land of Baiahaim.57 Jörg Jarnut has shown
that it was quite possibly a deliberate measure of the Frankish King
Theudebald (whose mother was Roman) to place Garibald as an
integrative figure at the head of the developing gens in Rhaetia, since
Garibald originated from the old noble family of the Agilolfings with
its links to the Visigoths, Suebians, Franks, Burgundians and Romance
speakers.58 The common Suebian background of all the groups
involved in the ethnogenesis of the Bavarians, which in older research
was seen as the only binding element in the shaping of the Bavarian
tribe under Agilolfing leadership, should today at least be critically
discussed.59
Independently of the question of the name of the Baiuvarii and
whether it refers to a Germanic core-group from Bohemia or indeed
from another land of Baia northeast of the Danube, the ethnogen-
esis of the Bavarians took place in the territories they later inhab-
ited. The Agilolfing duces soon adopted a king-like position,60 and
were repeatedly called reges by Paul the Deacon;61 they must have
had a decisive influence on the development of Bavarian identity
and of their own consciousness as a people.62

57
Reindel, “Die Bajuwaren”, pp. 471–3. W. Hartung, Süddeutschland, pp. 168–72,
stresses, probably too one-sidedly, the interpretation of the name in the sense of
groups living “near Bohemia” of mainly Alemannic-Juthungian origins, though this
interpretation of the name cannot be completely excluded.
58
J. Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, p. 56 states that “in the formation of rulership over
the developing gens Baiuvariorum, King Theudebald, around the middle of the sixth
century, created a key position for the Agilolfings, who were closely related to him
and had their origins in the Visigothic region”. See also Zöllner, “Das Geschlecht
der Agilolfinger”, p. 98.
59
Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, p. 51.
60
On the intitulatio of the Agilolfing dukes and its example, see H. Wolfram,
Lateinische Königs- und Fürstentitel bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts, Intitulatio 1 (Graz
1967) pp. 161–84.
61
Hauptfeld, “Die Gentes im Vorfeld”, p. 133; Wolfram, 378–907: Grenzen und
Räume, p. 94; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 11–2; id., “Hausmeier und Herzöge.
Bemerkungen zur agilolfingisch-karolingischen Rivalität bis zum Tode Karl Martells”,
Karl Martell in seiner Zeit, ed. J. Jarnut, U. Nonn and M. Richter, Beihefte der Francia
37 (Sigmaringen 1994) pp. 317–44, esp. p. 319.
62
According to J. Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, p. 561 “the Frankish appointment
of the first Bavarian dux coincided with the end of Bavarian ethnogenesis. The polit-
ical ‘voice’ of the Bavarian gens was only acquired under the aegis of the Agilolfings.”
A. Kraus, “Die Herkunft der Bayern”, pp. 45–6, however, thinks it is almost cer-
tain that their ethnogenesis had already been completed before their settlement.
442  

2. What sorts of changes and conditions lead to


(or represent the development towards) the establishment of a Germanic kingdom?

The possibly royal,63 but certainly old noble, background of the dukes
appointed by the Frankish kings, as well as their rule over a transit
area infrastructurally and strategically important for several border-
regions and boundary-areas of the Frankish realm, furthered the
self-consciousness of the Regensburg Agilolfings. Marriage ties with
princes and princesses from Lombard royal families and the im-
plicitly sought backing of the ruling family of the Merovingians,64 as
well as later support from their southern Lombard and western
Alemannic neighbours, and after that also from the Carolingian
upstarts in the Frankish lands, all contributed to the tendency towards
the independent royal power of the Agilolfings over the Bavarians.
Although the Frankish kings repeatedly undertook military action
against this independence (as happened already in 589–591), they
nonetheless always reinstated members of the Agilolfing family in the
position of Bavarian dukes. A good example is Tassilo I, in the year
592, who most likely was a son or close relative of Garibald I.65 The
success of his almost royal rule depended in part upon the military
importance of Tassilo I’s and his duchy’s struggle against the Carinthian
Slavs near the Drau and, more importantly, against the Avars aid-
ing them.66 While a real success was only achieved in the year 592
(595 witnessed a defeat and around 610, under Garibald II, there
was a victory only after a defeat),67 wars against the eastern neigh-
bours provided the opportunity to consolidate the Bavarians’ own

63
J. Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 36–40 thinks that Agiulf, who was appointed
governor of the defeated Suebian realm in northwestern Spain, and king of the
Suebians shortly afterwards, was the founding father of the Agilolfings.
64
Ibid., pp. 28–32; 56–63; 87–9.
65
Wolfram, 378–907: Grenzen und Räume, p. 78.
66
On the “eastern politics” of the Agilolfings, see W. Störmer, “Die Agilolfinger
im politischen Kräftefeld vom 6. bis zum 8. Jahrhundert”, Baiernzeit in Oberösterreich.
Das Land zwischen Inn und Enns vom Ausgang der Antike bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts,
Kataloge des Oberösterreichischen Landesmuseums 97 (Linz 1977) pp. 1–12, esp.
pp. 2–4. On the relations between the Slavs from the Alps and the Bavarians, see
Kahl, “Die Baiern und ihre Nachbarn”, pp. 194–200, on relations between Bavarians
and Avars, see ibid., pp. 201–12; Wolfram, Salzburg, Bayern, Österreich, pp. 39–46.
67
Wolfram, “Ethnogenesen im frühmittelalterlichen Donau- und Ostalpenraum”,
pp. 126–8; id., “Baiern und das Frankenreich”, pp. 131–2; id., 378–907: Grenzen
und Räume, pp. 78–9; Ladstätter, Die materielle Kultur, p. 39; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum,
pp. 17–8.
  443

position. Around 740, the Carinthian ruler Boruth was made a


Bavarian dependent after Avar attacks.68 The expansion into the east-
ern regions settled by Slavs, and the renewed victory over the Carin-
thians in 772, enabled Tassilo III to counter the increasing influence
over the western parts of the duchy exercised by Frankish nobles
with close links to the Carolingians.69

3. What is the role of a gentile identity (Stammesbewußtsein)


for the establishment of a regnum?

An Origo gentis Baiuvariorum has not survived.70 From the twelfth


century onwards, multiple traditions emerged regarding the repatri-
ation of the Bavarians, and associated with them was the belief that
the Bavarians had an Armenian origin.71 These traditions must be
treated as contemporary learned constructions that helped raise
the historic status of the Bavarians.72 Research conducted by Erich

68
Wolfram, “Ethnogenesen im frühmittelalterlichen Donau- und Ostalpenraum”,
p. 137; Störmer, “Die Agilolfinger im politischen Kräftefeld”, p. 3.
69
F. Prinz, “Zur Herrschaftsstruktur Bayerns und Alemanniens im 8. Jahrhundert”,
Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 102 (1966) pp. 11–27, esp. p. 19; id., “Nochmals
zur ‘Zweiteilung des Herzogtums der Agilolfinger’”, Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte
113 (1977) pp. 19–32, esp. pp. 30–2; H. Wolfram, “Das Fürstentum Tassilos III.,
Herzogs der Bayern”, Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde 108 (1968)
pp. 157–79, esp. p. 165; id., 378–907: Grenzen und Räume, p. 89; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuva-
riorum, pp. 471–3.
70
Wolfram, “Ethnogenesen im frühmittelalterlichen Donau- und Ostalpenraum”,
p. 151.
71
Das Annolied, ed. M. Roediger, MGH Deutsche Chroniken 1,2 (Berlin 1895)
pp. 63–132, esp. pp. 121–2; Das Annolied 307–317, ed. E. Nellmann (4th edn.,
Stuttgart 1996); Vita Altmanni episcopi Pataviensis 28, ed. W. Wattenbach, MGH SS
12 (Berlin 1856) p. 237: Bawari traduntur ab Armenia oriundi; Die Kaiserchronik eines
Regensburger Geistlichen 317–324, ed. E. Schröder, MGH Deutsche Chroniken 1,1
(Hannover 1892) pp. 85–6. See also E. Mayer, “Übersehene Quellen zur bay-
erischen Geschichte des 6.–8. Jahrhunderts”, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 4
(1931) pp. 1–36, esp. pp. 1–13.
72
H. Zeiß, “Bemerkungen zur frühmittelalterlichen Geschichte Baierns II”, Zeitschrift
für bayerische Landesgeschichte 4 (1931) pp. 351–66, esp. pp. 351–61; Mitscha-Märheim,
“Die Herkunft der Baiern”, pp. 214; 236; 238; Klebel, “Langobarden, Bajuwaren,
Slawen”, pp. 41–5; Reindel, “Das Zeitalter der Agilulfinger”, p. 102; G.R. Spohn,
“Armenien und Herzog Naimes. Zur bayerischen Stammessage im Mittelalter und
bei Peter Harer”, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 34 (1971) pp. 185–210, esp.
pp. 190–2; 194–6; Beck, Hamann and Roth, “Bajuwaren”, pp. 605–6; M. Müller,
“Die bayerische ‘Stammessage’ in der Geschichtsschreibung des Mittelalters. Eine
Untersuchung zur mittelalterlichen Frühgeschichtsforschung in Bayern”, Zeitschrift für
444  

Zöllner,73 Reinhard Wenskus,74 and Wilhelm Störmer75 has shown


that the Nibelung heroic poetry was very popular among the Bavarians.
Whether this account gained importance in the context of Bavarian
ethnogenesis cannot, however, be stated with certainty. Additionally,
as the Burgundian connections of the Agilolfings were not the only
roots of the family, it cannot be firmly argued that this account of
the destruction of the Burgundians was brought to the Danube as
an established tradition by them. Notwithstanding these negative
results, there must have been an awareness of community, which,
among other things, over the centuries led to the adoption and suc-
cess of the Old High German language.76 Whether this awareness
lent support to the dukedom of the Agilolfings must remain open,
in view of the lack of an early medieval historiography focusing on
the Bavarians.

bayerische Landesgeschichte 40 (1977) pp. 341–71, esp. pp. 342–56; 367–9; Reindel,
“Die Bajuwaren”, pp. 457–60; L. Kolmer, “Die Inschriften aus dem Grab des
Bischofs Gregorius und die Herkunft der Baiern aus Armenien”, Ostbairische Grenzmarken
28 (1986) pp. 11–21, esp. pp. 15–7; W. Störmer, “Beobachtungen zu Aussagen und
Intentionen der bayerischen Stammes-‘Sage’ des 11./12. Jahrhunderts. Fiktionen—
Sage—‘Geschichtsklitterung’”, Fälschungen im Mittelalter. Internationaler Kongreß der Monu-
menta Germaniae Historica, vol. 1: Kongreßdaten und Festvorträge. Literatur und Fälschung,
Schriften der MGH 33,1 (Stuttgart 1988) pp. 451–70, esp. pp. 465–70.
73
Zöllner, “Die Herkunft der Agilulfinger”, pp. 113–4; id., “Das Geschlecht der
Agilolfinger”, pp. 92–4.
74
R. Wenskus, “Wie die Nibelungen-Überlieferung nach Bayern kam”, Zeitschrift
für bayerische Landesgeschichte 36 (1973) pp. 393–449, esp. pp. 431–43; id., Sächsischer
Stammesadel und fränkischer Reichsadel, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften
in Göttingen, philosophisch-historische Klasse 3,93 (Göttingen 1976) pp. 475; 513–24.
75
W. Störmer, “Nibelungentradition als Hausüberlieferung in frühmittelalterlichen
Adelsfamilien? Beobachtungen zu Nibelungennamen im 8./9. Jahrhundert vornehm-
lich in Bayern”, Nibelungenlied und Klage. Sage und Geschichte, Struktur und Gattung. Passauer
Nibelungen-Gespräche 1985, ed. F.P. Knapp (Heidelberg 1987) pp. 1–20.
76
On Old High German and the Bavarians, see I. Reiffenstein, “Stammesbild-
ung und Sprachgeschichte. Das Beispiel der bairischen Ethnogenese”, Althochdeutsch,
vol. 2: Wörter und Namen. Forschungsgeschichte, ed. R. Bergmann, H. Tiefenbach and
L. Voetz, Germanische Bibliothek NF, Reihe 3, Untersuchungen (Heidelberg 1987)
pp. 1333–41, esp. pp. 1338–9. K. Bosl, Bayerische Geschichte, p. 38, also stresses the
role of the Franks, who may have contributed to the survival of Old High German.
W. Hartung, Süddeutschland, p. 175, however, stresses the influence of the Alemans,
whom he considers the stronger element in the population.
  445

4. What sorts of changes in the “constitution” (Verfassung) of a people and


a kingdom (such as central organs of power, local power structures, or links
between the two) are linked to the establishment of a kingdom? How do
socio-economic developments contribute to this process?

It is possible that an early law-code by the Frankish King, Theudebald,


for the emerging Bavarians was connected to the appointment of
the Agilolfings as dukes in Regensburg; at least, that is, if it really
is he who was intended in the reference to Theuderich mentioned
in the preface of the Lex Baiuvariorum,77 as Jörg Jarnut suggests.78 In
the earliest codification of this law, there was extensive borrowing
from Visigothic law-forms,79 which may be explained by the Romanic-
Aquitanian contacts of both Theudebald and the Agilolfings.80 The
later Frankish kings, Childebert II (575–595), Clothar II (584–629)
and Dagobert I, also acted as law-givers.81 The Frankish influ-
ence evident here was brought by the Agilolfing dukes, whose role
was rooted in this system of law, and they thereby united the devel-
oping Bavarian gens under one law.82 The ruling circles of several
individual groups and noble families that may already have partici-
pated in Bavarian ethnogenesis: the genealogiae of the Huosi, Fagana,
Anniona, Drozza and Hachilinga—families with possessions mainly
in western Bavaria—were especially privileged in the Lex Baiuvariorum
with a special double wergeld.83 But the law-code also integrated

77
On the problem of the date of the Lex Baiuvariorum see H. Siems, “Lex
Baiuvariorum”, Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte 2 (1978) pp. 1887–1901,
esp. pp. 1890–1; W. Hartmann, “Das Recht”, Die Bajuwaren. Von Severin bis Tassilo
488–788, ed. H. Dannheimer and H. Dopsch (Rosenheim-Salzburg 1988) pp. 266–72,
esp. p. 266; W. Störmer, “Zum Prozeß sozialer Differenzierung bei den Bayern von
der Lex Baiuvariorum bis zur Synode von Dingolfing”, Typen der Ethnogenese unter
besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bayern 1, ed. W. Pohl and H. Wolfram, Denkschriften
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse
201. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung 12 (Wien
1990) pp. 155–70, esp. pp. 157–60.
78
Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 54–6.
79
Siems, “Lex Baiuvariorum”, pp. 1892–3.
80
Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, pp. 55–6.
81
Reindel, “Das Zeitalter der Agilolfinger”, p. 244; Gastroph, Herrschaft und
Gesellschaft, pp. 58–9. Limiting the legislative activities of Dagobert I: Kahl, “Die
Baiern und ihre Nachbarn”, p. 188.
82
Gastroph, Herrschaft und Gesellschaft, p. 19.
83
Lex Baiwariorum 3,1, ed. E. von Schwind, MGH LL nationum Germanicarum
5,2 (Hannover 1926) pp. 312–3: De genealogia, qui vocantur Hosi Drazza Fagana Hahilinga
Anniona: isti sunt quasi primi post Agilolfingos, qui sunt de genere ducali. Illis enim duplum
honorem concedamus et sic duplam conpositionem accipiant.
446  

them.84 The law set out the Agilolfings, who had the privilege of a
fourfold wergeld, as hereditary leaders of the Bavarians.85 Their rule
was based in Regensburg. Under Duke Theodo, a division of the
duchy or the creation of sub-duchies or sub-realms for his sons in
Passau, Salzburg86 and Freising87 is evident. His own overlordship
based in Regensburg clearly remained unaltered.88 Yet from the time
of Odilo, Salzburg possibly represented the most important centre
of the Bavarian duchy.89

84
Störmer, “Zum Prozeß sozialer Differenzierung”, pp. 164–7; id., “Nibelungentra-
dition”, pp. 9–10. H.L.G. Gastroph, Herrschaft und Gesellschaft, pp. 105–12; 136–8,
despite being mistaken when stating that, from the point of view of wergeld,
Agilolfings and genealogies may be characterised as nobility in the service of the
Frankish kings (Dienstadel ). Similarly mistaken is also Bosl, Bayerische Geschichte, p. 39.
See further Zöllner, “Das Geschlecht der Agilolfinger”, p. 97; Rosenfeld, “Die
Völkernamen Baiern und Böhmen”, pp. 1329–30. See on the interpretation of the
names of the genealogiae and on their localisation H. Krahwinkler, “Beiträge zu
Namen und Geschichte der bayerischen Genealogiae”, Typen der Ethnogenese unter
besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bayern 1, ed. W. Pohl and H. Wolfram, Denkschriften
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse
201. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung 12 (Wien
1990) pp. 217–34; further H. Dachs, “Germanischer Uradel im frühbairischen
Donaugau”, Verhandlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg 86 (1936)
pp. 179–92 [repr. Zur Geschichte der Bayern, ed. K. Bosl, Wege der Forschung 60
(Darmstadt 1965) pp. 85–106, esp. pp. 102–4]; Klebel, “Langobarden, Bajuwaren
und Slawen”, pp. 64–6; id., “Bayern und der fränkische Adel im 8. und 9. Jahr-
hundert”, Grundfragen der alemannischen Geschichte, Vorträge und Forschungen 1 (Sig-
maringen 1955) pp. 193–208, esp. pp. 194–200; F. Prinz, “Herzog und Adel im
agilulfingischen Bayern. Herzogsgut und Konsensschenkungen vor 788”, Zeitschrift
für bayerische Landesgeschichte 25 (1962) pp. 283–311 [repr. Zur Geschichte der Bayern, ed.
K. Bosl, Wege der Forschung 60 (Darmstadt 1965) pp. 225–63, esp. pp. 250–2];
id., “Herrschaftsstruktur”, p. 20; Hartung, Süddeutschland, pp. 177–9; 185–6; 189–200;
W. Störmer and G. Mayr, “Herzog und Adel”, Die Bajuwaren. Von Severin bis Tassilo
488–788, ed. H. Dannheimer and H. Dopsch (Rosenheim-Salzburg 1988) pp. 153–9,
esp. pp. 155–7; Kahl, “Die Baiern und ihre Nachbarn”, pp. 168–70; Jarnut, Agilol-
fingerstudien, pp. 110–6; W. Volkert, “Die Ortsnamen des Hachinger Tales”, Herrschaft,
Kirche, Kultur. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mittelalters. Festschrift für F. Prinz zum 65. Geburtstag,
ed. G. Jenal, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 37 (Stuttgart 1993) pp.
43–60, esp. pp. 57–60. On Huosi and Fagana see Wenskus, Sächsischer Stammesadel
und fränkischer Reichsadel, pp. 470–5; 518–23; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 232–8.
85
Lex Baiuvariorum 3,1, p. 313: Agilolvinga vero usque ad ducem in quadruplum conpo-
nantur, quia summi principes sunt inter vos. See further Kahl, “Die Baiern und ihre Nach-
barn”, pp. 172–3; Jarnut, Agilolfingerstudien, p. 83; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 1–3;
232–3.
86
K. Reindel, “Salzburg und die Agilolfinger”, Virgil von Salzburg. Missionar und
Gelehrter, ed. H. Dopsch and R. Juffinger (Salzburg 1985) pp. 66–74, esp. pp. 67–70.
87
Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 107–9.
88
Ibid., pp. 98–9.
89
Reindel, “Salzburg und die Agilolfinger”, pp. 70–1.
  447

The realization of Agilolfing rulership took place partly through


their entourage living in the vicinity of the ducal residence.90 At the
start of the eighth century, Arbeo’s Life of Emmeram mentions satrapes
terrae and a cohors, with whose members the duke conferred.91 In the
Life of Corbinian, there is reference to Duke Grimoald’s primates, who
were staying at the palace.92 On his journey to Rome in 715/16,
Theodo “was accompanied by other members of his people”.93 The
foundation of the monastery of Innichen was confirmed by Tassilo
III and by his optimates, followers who had apparently accompanied
him on a journey to the Lombard King, Desiderius.94 Although this
group of people is often viewed as proto-nobility,95 it may also have
been a circle of ducal followers. Counts should be regarded as addi-
tional aides of the duke. In Bavaria and its border-regions, there is
evidence for them as early as c. 680, though no concomitant ruler-
ship covering the whole of Bavaria existed before 788.96 As office-
holders, they were given ducal goods that with increasing frequency

90
K. Bosl, “Das ‘jüngere’ bayerische Stammesherzogtum der Luitpoldinger”, Zeit-
schrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 18 (1955) pp. 144–72 [repr. Zur Geschichte der Bayern,
ed. K. Bosl, Wege der Forschung 60 (Darmstadt 1965) pp. 329–63, esp. pp. 336–7];
Störmer and Mayr, “Herzog und Adel”, p. 154; Störmer, “Zum Prozeß sozialer
Differenzierung”, pp. 160–1; Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 223–6.
91
Arbeo, Vita Haimhramni 10; 32; 34, ed. B. Krusch, MGH SSrG 13 (Hannover
1920) pp. 41; 75; 76. See also Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, p 48.
92
Vita Corbiniani 26, ed. H. Glaser, F. Brunhölzl and S. Benker (München-Zürich
1983) p. 136. See also Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, p. 108.
93
Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne, Bibliothèque des Ecoles Françaises d’Athènes
et de Rome, 2e sér. (Paris 1886; repr. 1955) vol. 1, p. 398: Theodo, dux gentis
Baioariorum cum alios gentis suae ad apostoli beati Petri limina orationis voto primus de gente
eadem occurrit. See also Wolfram, 378–907: Grenzen und Räume, pp. 109–10.
94
E. Zöllner, “Der bairische Adel und die Gründung von Innichen”, Mitteilungen
des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 68 (1960) pp. 362–87 [repr. Zur Geschichte
der Bayern, ed. K. Bosl, Wege der Forschung 60 (Darmstadt 1965) pp. 135–71, esp.
pp. 138–9; 145–65].
95
J. Jahn, “Bayerische “Pfalzgrafen” im 8. Jahrhundert? Studien zu den Anfängen
Herzog Tassilos (III.) und zur Praxis der fränkischen Regentschaft im agilolfingi-
schen Bayern”, Früh- und hochmittelalterlicher Adel in Schwaben und Bayern, ed. I. Eberl,
W. Hartung and J. Jahn, Regio 1 (Sigmaringendorf 1988) pp. 80–114, esp. pp. 101;
113. J. Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum, pp. 251–3, supposes that a privileged Bavarian
nobility did not develop until the time of Duke Odilo.
96
Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum 5,36, p. 156: cum comite Baioariorum, quem
illi gravionem dicunt, qui Bauzanum et reliqua castella regebat. W. Störmer, Früher Adel.
Studien zur politischen Führungsschicht im fränkisch-deutschen Reich vom 8. bis 11. Jahrhundert,
vol. 2, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 6 (Stuttgart 1973) pp. 392–4;
S. Haider, “Oberösterreich im bairischen Stammesherzogtum”, Baiernzeit in Oberösterreich.
Das Land zwischen Inn und Enns vom Ausgang der Antike bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts,
Kataloge des Oberösterreichischen Landesmuseums 97 (Linz 1977) pp. 13–26, esp.