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opportunity cost
James M. Buchanan
From The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition, 2008
Edited by Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume
Alternate versions available: 1987 Edition
Keywords
choice;; opportunity cost;; scarcity
Article
The concept of opportunity cost (or alternative cost) expresses the basic relationship between scarcity and
choice. If no object or activity that is valued by anyone is scarce, all demands for all persons and in all
periods can be satisfied. There is no need to choose among separately valued options;; there is no need for
social coordination processes that will effectively determine which demands have priority. In this fantasized
setting without scarcity, there are no opportunities or alternatives that are missed, forgone, or sacrificed.
Once scarcity is introduced, all demands cannot be met. Unless there are ‘natural’ constraints that
predetermine the allocation of end-objects possessing value (for example, sunshine in Scotland in February),
scarcity introduces the necessity of choice, either directly among alternative end-objects or indirectly among
institutions or procedural arrangements for social interaction that will, in turn, generate a selection of
ultimate end-objects.
Choice implies rejected as well as selected alternatives. Opportunity cost is the evaluation placed on the
most highly valued of the rejected alternatives or opportunities. It is that value that is given up or sacrificed
in order to secure the higher value that selection of the chosen object embodies.
Opportunity cost is the anticipated value of ‘that which might be’ if choice were made differently. Note that
it is not the value of ‘that which might have been’ without the qualifying reference to choice. In the absence
of choice, it may be sometimes meaningful to discuss values of events that might have occurred but did not.
It is not meaningful to define these values as opportunity costs, since the alternative scenario does not
represent a lost or sacrificed opportunity. Once this basic relationship between choice and opportunity cost
is acknowledged, several implications follow.
First, if choice is made among separately valued options, someone must do the choosing. That is to say,
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a chooser is required, a person who decides. From this the second implication emerges. The value placed on
the option that is not chosen, the opportunity cost, must be that value that exists in the mind of the individual
who chooses. It can find no other location. Hence, cost must be borne exclusively by the chooser;; it can be
shifted to no one else. A third necessary consequence is that opportunity cost must be subjective. It is within
the mind of the chooser, and it cannot be objectified or measured by anyone external to the chooser. It
cannot be readily translated into a resource, commodity, or money dimension. Fourth, opportunity cost
exists only at the moment of decision when choice is made. It vanishes immediately thereafter. From this it
follows that cost can never be realized;; that which is rejected can never be enjoyed.
The most important consequence of the relationship between choice and opportunity cost is the ex ante
or forward-looking property that cost must carry in this setting. Opportunity cost, the value placed on the
rejected option by the chooser, is the obstacle to choice;; it is that which must be considered, evaluated, and
ultimately rejected before the preferred option is chosen. Opportunity cost in any particular choice is, of
course, influenced by prior choices that have been made, but, with respect to this choice itself, opportunity
cost is choice-influencing rather than choice-influenced.
The distinction between opportunity cost and other conceptions or notions of cost is best explained in this
choice-influencing and choice-influenced classification. Once a choice is made, consequences follow, and
these consequences may, indeed, involve utility losses, either to the person who has made initial choice or to
others. In a certain sense it may seem useful to refer to these losses, whether anticipated or realized, as costs,
but it must be recognized that these choice-determined costs, as such, cannot, by definition, influence choice
itself.
A single example may clarify this point. A person chooses to purchase an automobile through an
instalment loan payment plan, extending over a three-year period. The opportunity cost that informs and
influences the choice is the value that the purchaser places on the rejected alternative, in that case the
anticipated value of the objects which might be purchased with the payments required under the loan.
Having considered the potential value of this alternative, and chosen to proceed with the purchase, the
consequences of meeting the loan schedule follow. Monthly payments must be made, and it is common
language usage to refer to these payments as ‘costs’ of the automobile. The individual will clearly suffer a
sense of utility loss as the payments come due and must be paid. As choice-influencing elements, however,
these ‘costs’ are irrelevant. The fact that, in a utility dimension, post-choice consequences can never be
capitalized is a source of major confusion.
Economists recognize the distinction being made here in one sense. With the familiar statement that
‘sunk costs are irrelevant’, economists acknowledge that the consequences of choices cannot influence
choice itself. On the other hand, by their formalized constructions of cost schedules and cost functions,
which necessarily imply measurability and objectifiability of costs, economists divorce cost from the choice
process.
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Essentially the same results hold for accountants, who normally measure estimated costs strictly in the ex
post or choice-influenced sense. Those ‘costs’ estimated by accountants can never accurately reflect the
value of lost or sacrificed opportunities. Numerical estimates could be introduced in working plans for
alternative courses of action prior to decision, but such estimates of opportunity costs would be the
accountant's measure of the values for projects not undertaken rather than the value of commitments made
under the project chosen.
As suggested, choice-influencing opportunity costs exist only for the person who makes choice. By
definition, opportunity costs cannot ‘spill over’ to others. There may, of course, be consequences of a
person's choice that impose utility losses on other persons, and it is sometime useful to refer to these losses
as ‘external costs’. The point to be emphasized is that these external costs are obstacles to choice, and hence
a measure of forgone opportunities, only if the individual who chooses takes them into account and places
his own anticipated utility evaluation on them.
The source of greatest confusion in the analysis and application of opportunity cost theory lies in the
attempted extension of the results of idealized market interaction processes to the definition of rules or
norms for decision makers in non-market settings. In full market equilibrium, the separate choices made by
many buyers and sellers generate results that may be formally described in terms of relationships between
prices and costs. Under certain specified conditions, prices are brought into equality with marginal costs
through the working of the competitive process. Further, the general equilibrium states described by these
equalities are shown to meet certain efficiency norms.
Prices may be observed;; they are objectively measurable. A condition for market equilibrium is
equalization of prices over all relevant exchanges for all units of a commodity of service. From this
equalization it may seem to follow that marginal costs, which must be brought into equality with price as a
condition for the equilibrium of each trader, are also objectively measurable. From this the inference is
drawn that, if marginal costs are then measured, ‘efficiency’ in resource use can be established
independently of the competitive process itself through the device of forcing decision makers to bring prices
into equality with marginal costs.
The whole logic is a tissue of confusion based on a misunderstanding of opportunity cost. The
equalization of marginal opportunity cost with price for each trader is brought about by the adjustments
made by each trader along the relevant quantity dimension. The fact that the marginal opportunity costs for
all traders are all brought into equalization with the relevant uniform price implies only that traders retain the
ability to adjust quantities of goods until this condition is met. There is no implication to the effect that
marginal opportunity costs are equalized in some objectively meaningful sense independently of the
quantity adjustment to price.
Consider an idealized market for a good that is observed to be trading at a uniform price of $1 per unit.
The numeraire value of the anticipated lost opportunity is $1 for each trader. But it is only as quantity is
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adjusted that the trader can bring the numeraire value of his subjectively experienced and anticipated utility
sacrifice into equality with the objectively set price that he confronts. The anticipated value of that which is
given up in taking a course of action is no more objectifiable and measurable than the anticipated value of
the course of action itself. The two sides of choice are equivalent in all respects.
Independently of market choice, there is no means through which marginal opportunity costs can be
brought into equality with prices. Hence, any ‘rule’ that directs ‘managers’ in non-market settings to use
cost as the basis for setting price is and must remain without content. There is, however, a second equally
important criticism of the welfare rule that opportunity cost reasoning identifies, quite apart from the
measurability question. Even if the first criticism is ignored, and it is assumed that marginal opportunity cost
can, in some fashion, be measured, instructions to ‘managers’ to use cost to set price must rely on
‘managers’ to behave, personally, as robots rather than rational utility-maximizing individuals. Why should
a ‘manager’ be expected to follow the rule? Would he not be expected to behave so that marginal cost, that
which he faces personally, be brought into equality with the anticipated value of the benefit side of choice?
The fact that the ‘manager’ remains in a non-market setting insures that he cannot be the responsible bearer
of the utility gains and losses that his choices generate. His own, privately sensed, gains and losses,
evaluated either prior to or after choice, must be categorically different from those anticipated for principals
before choice and enjoyed and/or suffered by principals after choice.
As noted earlier, in the absence of ‘natural’ constraints that predetermine allocation, the introduction of
scarcity introduces the necessity of choice, either directly among ultimate ‘goods’ or indirectly among rules,
institutions, and procedures that will operate so as to make final allocative determinations. Opportunity cost
in the second of these choice-settings remains to be examined. In a sense, the use of institutionalized
procedures to generate allocations of scarce resources may eliminate ‘choice’ in the familiar meaning used
above and is akin in this respect to the ‘natural’ constraints noted. Results may emerge from the operation of
some institutional process without any person or group of persons ‘choosing’ among end-state alternatives,
and, hence, without any subjectively-experienced opportunity cost. Despite the absence of this important
bridge between cost and choice in the ordinary sense, however, values may be placed on the ‘might have
beens’ that would have emerged under differing allocations. The patterns of these estimated value losses,
over a sequence of institution-determined allocations, may enter, importantly, in a rational choice calculus
involving the higher-level choice among alternative institutional procedures for allocation. In this higher-
level choice, opportunity cost again appears as the negative side of choice even if ‘choice’ in the standard
usage of the term is not involved in the making of allocations, taken singly.
Consider the following extreme example. There are two mutually exclusive thermostat settings for a
building, High and Low. An institution is in being that uses an unbiased coin to ‘choose’ between these two
settings each day. It is meaningful for an individual to discuss the potential value to be anticipated if the
setting is High rather than Low, even if the individual does not make the selection, individually or as a
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member of a collective. The setting that is ‘chosen’ by the coin flip has consequences for individual utility
and these consequences may be anticipated in advance of the actual ‘choice’. So long as the institutional
procedure remains in effect, however, with respect to a single day's selection, the anticipated value lost by
one setting of the thermostat rather than the other cannot represent opportunity cost.
Suppose, now, that instead of the unbiased and equally weighted device, the institution in being is one
that allows all persons in the building to vote, each morning, on the thermostat setting with the majority
option ‘chosen’ for the day. Assume, further, that the group of voters is large, so that the influence of a
single person on the expected majoritarian outcome is quite small. It is important to emphasize that, in this
procedure, as with the coin toss, no person really ‘chooses’ among the alternative end-states. Each voter
confronts the quite different, intra-institutional choice between ‘voting for High’ and ‘voting for Low’, with
the knowledge that any individual has relatively little influence on the outcome. In the choice that he
confronts, the voter cannot rationally take into account the anticipated losses from the ultimate alternatives,
either for himself or for others, in any full-value sense of the term. The loss anticipated from, say, a Low
thermostat setting may be estimated to be valued at $1,000 for the individual. Yet if he considers himself to
have an influence on the outcome of the voting choice only in one case out of a thousand, the expected
utility value of the anticipated loss will be only $1 in terms of the numeraire. This $1 will then represent the
numeraire value of the opportunity cost involved in voting for High.
Since these same results hold, with possibly differing values, for all voters, no one ‘chooses’ in
accordance with fully evaluated gains and losses. ‘Choices’ emerge from the institutional procedure without
full benefit – cost considerations being made by anyone, taken singly or in aggregation. In the relevant
opportunity-cost sense, effective choice is shifted to that among alternative institutions. The results of the
‘choices’ made within an institution over a whole sequence of periods (over many days in our thermostat
example) may, of course, become data for the choice comparison among institutions themselves. And, to the
extent that the individual, when confronted with a choice among institutions, knows that he is individually
responsible for the selection, the whole opportunity cost logic then becomes relevant at the level of
institutional or constitutional choice. This result is accomplished, however, only if each person in the
relevant community does, in fact, become the chooser among institutional rules. Only if, at some ultimate
level of institutional-constitutional choice the Wicksellian unanimity rule becomes operative, hence giving
any person potential choice authority, can the opportunity cost of alternatives for choice be expected to enter
and to inform individual decisions.
Summary
Opportunity cost is a basic concept in economic theory. In its rudimentary definition as the value of
opportunities forgone as a result of choice in the presence of scarcity, the concept is simple, straightforward,
and widely understood. In the analysis of choices made by buyers and sellers in the marketplace, the
complexities that emerge only in rigorous definition of the concept remain relatively unimportant. But when
attempts are made to extend opportunity cost logic to non-market settings, either in the derivation of norms
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to guide decisions or in application to choice within and among institutions, the observed ambiguity and
confusion suggest that even so basic a concept requires analytical clarification.
Bibliography
Alchian, A. 1968. Cost. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 3. New York: Macmillan.
Buchanan, J.M. 1969. Cost and Choice. Chicago: Markham, Republished as Midway Reprint, Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1977.
Buchanan, J.M. and Thirlby, G.F., eds. 1973. LSE Essays on Cost. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson.
Reissued by New York University Press, 1981.
Coase, R.H. 1960. The problem of social cost. Journal of Law and Economics 3 (October), 1–44.
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