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LES ERREURS DES ELEVES SOUS L’ OPTIQUE DES THEORIES PHILOSOPHIQUES ET

PSYCHOPEDAGOGIQUES CONTEMPORAINES ET L’ ACTE DIDACTIQUE

Michel Kassotakis, Professeur de Pédagogie,

Université d’ Athènes
Jeannine Vamvoukas, Docteur en Sciences de l’ Education,
Université d’ Athènes
RÉSUMÉ
Le but de cet article est de déterminer la notion de l’erreur dans l’enseignement et de démontrer ses
dimensions, en admettant que la commission des erreurs est un complexe phénomène psychopédago-
gique, influencé de multiples facteurs. Au début, on fait la distinction de la notion de l’erreur de celles
de la faute et de l’échec. Ensuite, la notion de l’erreur est abordée par la côté des théories philosophi-
ques et psychologiques, notamment par la théorie behavioriste, la théorie de l’apprentissage sociale, la
théorie cognitive et celle du traitement de l’information. Enfin, on examine la manière dont la Pédago-
gie contemporaine traite cette question et on propose des manières de mise en valeur pédagogique des
erreurs et des façons de déculpabiliser des erreurs des élèves.

12 10
 LEARNING FROM DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES:
CONSTRUCTIVISM TO SITUATED LEARNING.

Joan Bliss
University of Sussex

Introduction
NASA's history web Curator, Steve Garber (2007) commented that "History changed on October 4,
1957, when the Soviet Union successfully launched Sputnik I. The world's first artificial satellite was
about the size of a beach ball ... That launch ushered in new political, military, technological, and
scientific developments." The last two areas mentioned were very important for Education.
In my article (Bliss 1995) I say,
"The Americans wondered why their scientists were not the first to go into space. Huge
investments in the USA went into large scale curriculum development in the sciences, with
projects such as the Physical Science Study Committee (PSSC), the Chemical Bond Approach
(CBA), Chem Study, and in biology BSCS.
England followed in the early 1960's with more than a dozen science curriculum
development projects sponsored by the Nuffield Foundation in physics, chemistry, biology and
integrated science for pupils between 11-16 and, by 1967, for 16-18 year olds. Many other
countries such as France, Germany, Sweden, and other European countries, Canada and
Australia followed, some adapting the ideas and others developing their own.
Primary education saw parallel developments in many countries, these reforms being very
much influenced by the work of Piaget. Amongst such developments were: the Science
Curriculum Improvement Study (SCIS) from Lawrence Hall of Science, Berkeley; in Britain the
Schools Council Science 5-13 and the Nuffield Foundation Mathematics 5-13; in Australia the
Australian Science Education Project (ASEP)."
However in spite of these teaching innovations, students continued to hold ideas that were very
different from those taught in school. Many of them were very robust, being particularly resistant to
teaching (Viennot, 1979). Hence from the 1970s a world-wide trend in science education developed in
which researchers and science educators set out to describe pupils' ideas about various scientific
concept areas such as dynamics, light, heat, energy, electricity, etc. This trend also happened in
mathematics and other subject areas. It was from these various research areas that the field of
children's conceptions came in being. This research is known under a variety of headings such as:
Alternative Conceptions, Misconceptions, Informal ideas, Intuitive ideas, etc.
It is crucial to realise that Jean Piaget, whose research, which started many years ago in the 1920's,
was one of the first to put forward forcefully, with extensive supporting evidence, the notion that
children construct their own knowledge and that this knowledge is different in kind from an adult's,
evolving and changing over years. Thus I start this talk by referring first to Piaget. Then I move onto
Vygotsky whose work, with its greater focus on the teacher, has more recently also attracted the
attention of educators. A common view, but in my opinion one to be strongly resisted, is to regard
Vygotsky as supplanting Piaget as the theorist on whom to rely. I shall argue that both are essential to
an understanding of teaching and learning and that their ideas are not conflicting but complementary.
Then I go on to mention Jerome Bruner, who is a well-known psychologist and educator and whose
work has parallels with Piaget, which I set out. And finally I pass to the School of Situated Learning,
which has recently become very popular in the educational field since it stresses the importance of the
context in which children and students learning. Clearly I shall only be able to refer to each of these
areas very briefly and further reading is available as per attached bibliography (some electronic copies
of her own articles are available from the author). Some of the ideas that are outlined in this plenary
were also presented in a keynote lecture at the ESERA Conference (European Science Education
Research Association) in Malmo, August, 2007

Both Piaget and Vygotsky were born in 1896, and Bruner was born nineteen years later in 1915.
However, while Vygotsky died young in 1934, Piaget lived to a good old age, dying only in 1980.
Bruner is alive and well at the moment of giving this talk (December 2007).
The fourth approach, Situated Learning, covers a whole range of proponents. One of the earliest
was Michael Cole who worked with Luria in Russia for a year in 1963 where he became well
acquainted with the work of Vygotsky. However it was during his research in Liberia with John Gay

Constructivism to Situated Learning 1 13

in 1964 that his concerns with the cultural context of situations arose since, as he put it (writing later
in 1984), "My job was to help him (Gay) find ways to figure out what the Kpelle people understood
about mathematics." Others who form part of this school of thought are: James Greeno, Barbara
Rogoff, Jean Lave, Etienne Wenger, etc.
Before the main presentation, a little history could be helpful. Vygtosky's work was censured at
about the time of his death (1934) by the Russian regime. Thus his ideas were not known in the West
until 1962 when his book on "Thought and Language" was translated and published in the US. One of
the important features of this work relates to the nature of egocentric speech. Piaget was the first to
describe this type of speech in his work The Language and Thought of the Child published in 1923. He
showed that with young children of about three or four years there was a type of speech that, while
accompanying their activities, was not directed towards any one in particular, hence its name,
"egocentric."
For Vygotsky, who had read Piaget's early research, language was always social in origin and so he
sought to try and further understand the role and function of egocentric speech. In order to do this
Vygotsky replicated the tasks given by Piaget to children but he added a series of difficulties and
frustrations to them. In such situations the occurrence of egocentric speech almost doubled.
Vygotsky's interpretation of this phenomenon was that children were thinking aloud and trying to help
themselves plan in tricky situations by talking to themselves but aloud. He went on to hypothesise that
as children grew older this egocentric speech would gradually internalise itself and become inner
speech, our soundless interior voice, which helps us to think through our internal ideas, published by
Vygtosky's in Thought and Language, 1934. Unfortunately Piaget did not hear about Vygtosky's work
and his interest in egocentric speech until his book on language and thought came out in 1962.

PIAGET
Piaget trained as a biologist. However his life's work was focused on what has become known as
Genetic Epistemology, that is, the growth of knowledge and the rules that govern this growth. So,
although most people believe that Piaget's interest was in children, it is, in fact, a concern with the
growth of knowledge in the 'average' child or what he called the 'epistemic' subject and not in
individual children.
Piaget is often criticised for not discussing the areas of motivation, socialisation and individual
differences in children; but since he was dealing with the 'epistemic subject' – these were not his
concerns. He was an epistemologist and not a child psychologist. His focus was always on cognitive
development only, for example: number, space, geometry, physical quantities (substance, weight
volume, area, perimeter), speed, time, distance, acceleration, probability, memory, mental imagery,
cause and effect, etc.
Bliss (1995, 2001) points out that Piaget, amongst others, was at origin of Constructivism. The key
idea for Piaget is that children are always active, making sense of world around them, and constructing
their version of it. So action underlies and is fundamental to children’s development of knowledge.
Piaget's Constructivism is realist, with intelligence deriving from real actions on real objects. He
argued,
"These pages contain an account of an epistemology that is naturalist without being positivist; that
draws attention to the activity of the subject without being idealist; that equally bases itself on the
object, which it considers as a limit, therefore existing independently of us but never completely
reached (known); and above all sees knowledge as a continuous construction'." (Piaget, 1968)
Since knowledge evolves, for Piaget each developmental step is vital and valid. But children's ideas
are very different from those of the adult and particularly in specialist areas like science and
mathematics. Thus there is a need to respect children's views about world and in any learning
sequence to attempt to build on these (Piaget 1968 and 1972). Not matter how strange or different a
child or a student's idea appears from our own, it is vital to the realise that this is how he or she is
understanding the environment around them at that moment in time.
Piaget was also considered to be a Structuralist. He believed in the importance of hypothesising
mental structures to account for the qualitatively different ways in which children interact with the
environment as they develop. He wanted to know what their ideas about all the various different
domains of knowledge, for example, the invariance of weight and of volume, had in common. Thus he
postulated a series of qualitatively different stages to describe children's intellectual development.
And, for Piaget (1968), structure describes, “what is common to development” at each stage. There are
four stages;

Constructivism to Situated Learning 2

14
x Sensori-motor: approx: 0-18months. 2 years.
x Pre-operational: approx 18 months –5/6 years;
x Concrete-operational: approx 6/7 years –14/15 years;
x Formal operational: approx 15/16 years – onwards.

Thus intellectual development entails the assimilation of the world to these thinking structures, and
the accommodation of these to the world. Note that during the sensori-motor period children's
knowledge is acquired through their actions and movements and through their senses: sight, hearing,
touch, smell and taste. Through this period the ability to represent absent objects and happenings
develops, so that by about 18 months the child is able to represent absent realities by means of
symbols and signs. The beginning of the pre-operational stage is marked by the acquisition of this
power to represent. Young children can now start to interiorise their sensori-motor action schemes and
learn about the world around them. Other aspects of this stage are that of egocentrism, that is, not
taking account of others’ point of view; that of not being able to separate reality from appearances and
that of being easily confused by causal relations.
A little later, toward the end of the pre-operations stage , there appears one of the more important
features of children's development, the interiorisation of their actions on the world, which become
internal mental structures, allowing children to imagine actions in the head, which characterizes the
beginning of concrete operations. They become much less egocentric and are capable of many tasks
such as classification, conservation of basic elements, ordering, etc, which require thinking about the
world in terms of objects and transformations. But abstract thinking is difficult for them and this only
becomes easier with the beginning of formal operational thinking where children are then capable of
what is called hypothetical deductive thinking. It is during this phase that students are reasoning on
propositions about the world, rather than directly on the world itself.
It is important to note Piaget's early writings suggested that the formal operations stage would
begin around the age of 12 or 13 years. Much later research has shown that formal abstract thinking
tends to be reached by students at a much later age than Piaget described, more like 15 or 16 years old
and then only by a small percentage of students, e.g. approx. 20% at 16 years old (See: Michael
Shayer, 1976 and 1978, Piaget 1977). Work is U.S. shows very similar results by researchers such as
Karplus, R, Karplus, E. (1974). Karplus, E, Karplus, R, Wollman, W. (1974) Karplus, R, Karplus, E,
Formisano, M & Paulsen A (1975, 1977).

Important features of stages:

There are a number of aspects of stages that are crucial to development:
x The order in which children's knowledge develops is invariant. In other words, a child will always
go through the stages of knowledge development in the same sequence.
x However the age at which children reach any stage will vary from child to child, depending on a
range of factors such a social, cultural background, motivation, schooling etc.
x Thus stages are NOT age related in any strict sense
In other words, for the development of children's knowledge – the pattern stays the same but the
pace varies!
Some limitations of Piaget's work:
x For most of his research, Piaget neglected the role of language and focused always on action and
activity. However, in the late 1960's he started working with linguists and some of his later work
refers to the role of language (See work of H. Sinclair-de-Zwart 1967).
x There is only a limited description of formal abstract thinking since most of Piaget's work focused
on the development of knowledge from birth until the age of 14/15 years, that is, the first three
stages of development; and not, as he saw it, on the end point as described in formal thinking.
x Piaget attempted to postulate structures of thinking that went beyond his behavioural and
psychological descriptions. Thus he borrowed from logic and mathematics for descriptions of
them. But the use of these two disciplines to provide such descriptions was unfortunate since they
always use closed structures. Our thinking, particularly at the formal level, tends to be reflective
and thus he needed to find appropriate structures for modelling it. Disciplines such as Cybernetics
or Artificial Intelligence might be able to find ways of modelling "thought about thought'," that is,

Constructivism to Situated Learning 3 15

 structures that give feedback or reflect on themselves but Piaget did not live long enough to
become familiar with these new disciplines (See Margaret Boden, 1979).
x Towards the end of his life Piaget (1974) started to work again on cause and effect – his earlier
work in this area have been carried out in the 1930's. There are at least one hundred research tasks
showing interesting and original results as a result of his work. Initially his approach to causality
used inappropriate structures for modelling children's understanding of causal mechanisms.
Later Piaget worked with Garcia (1983, 1987) on his work in causality. This allowed him to come
closer to a better description of the physical world, when he suggested that meanings were tied
unambiguously to the nature of things,
"Two meanings of an object are, subjectively, what can be done with it and, objectively,
what it is made of or how it is composed" (1983, p.58)
In spite of the many criticisms that can be made of Piaget, Carey (1985) pointed out,
"...Piaget's (stage) theory brought order to otherwise bewilderingly diverse developments.... it
offered the hope of reducing the task of explaining developmental changes to manageable
proportions ( p.13)".

VYGOTSKY
It is important to remember that the work of Vygotsky was published before his death in 1934 and
only became known to readers in the West in 1962 with his first translated book on Thought and
Language. Then in the late 1970's his ideas about child development started also to be translated and
published. Vygotsky said many significant things about this later area. Today, however, I am choosing
to focus on only four important aspects of this.
x First: the role of the adult in child development
Vygotsky stressed the role of the adult: parent, teacher, or competent peer, as being crucial to the
learning process and so the child's intellectual development. In discussing this, Vygotsky (1978) gave
a definition of how learning takes place, using the term zone of proximal development (ZPD), which
he defined as follows:
"... (the ZDP is) the distance between the actual development as determined by independent
problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving
under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers." (p.86)
One of the difficulties of implementing such a definition is that probably the student will have a
different ZPD in every subject area: science, maths, history etc. And to add to this, the ZPD's will be
very different for every child across these different areas (See Newman, Griffin and Cole's 1989, a
study of primary school mathematics). However key to the child's learning and development is the
guidance of the adult.
x Second: the difference between actual and potential development.
With this second aspect, potential development is emphasized. This actually means that there is
new relationship between development and learning.
In Education, in many circumstances, spontaneous development is usually the major concern,
particularly, for example, with the recent importance of tests, examinations etc. Kozulin (1990)
pointed out that for Vygotsky, psychological development does not precede instruction but depends on
it and went on to say:
"...it (ZPD) taps those psychological functions which are in the process of development and
which are likely to be overlooked if the focus is exclusively on the unassisted child's
performance." (p.170).
In other words, we need to examine how far children can be stretched in school with the help of the
teacher in their discipline. But, in fact, potential development is what school is about: that is, taking
children from their initial state of knowledge to new knowledge – that which teachers, school and the
curriculum consider as important for them to learn.
Wood, Bruner & Ross (1976) describe what happens in the ZPD as involving a kind of
“scaffolding process” but little is known about this, particularly in specialist areas, like science and
mathematics where the knowledge to be acquired is not intuitive. Much more research is needed into
how to build bridges or scaffold these difficult subjects. After a study of scaffolding in science, design
and technology and mathematics, where it proved to be very elusive (sample: children between 9 and
11 years), we concluded (1996)
“Since much school knowledge is specialised (necessarily so) there is always ambiguity in the
teaching-learning situation. Teachers need to believe that children can learn difficult and complex

Constructivism to Situated Learning 4

16
 ideas; this is what school is about. But they must be content that often pupils can only do this one
step or a few steps at a time. Gradually teacher and pupil negotiate path to this specialised
knowledge. Care in this joint activity of negotiation is crucial to reduce the degree of uncertainty
that pupils face.”
x Third: the social origins of cultural development
Vygotsky (1981) stresses the role that social processes play in child development when he says:
“Any function in child's cultural development appears twice or on two planes. First it appears
on social plane and then on psychological plane. First it appears between people as an inter-
psychological category and then within child as an intra-psychological category.”
Thus Vygtosky stresses the importance of socially constructed knowledge - our cultural and social
heritage - passed on from one generation to another by, for example, teachers in schools as well as
parents and family.
x Fourth: the role of language:
For Vygotsky language is considered as a significant tool, serving as an intermediary between
spontaneous concepts and the higher mental functions. The mastery of language will transform
elementary mental functioning into the higher mental functions. Also, according to Vygotsky,
language mediates the genesis of the higher mental functions themselves.
Vygostky (1981) says that language has importance as a psychological tool because it helps change
qualitatively how we think: "...the psychological tool alters the entire flow and structure of mental
functions," (p.137).

PIAGET AND VYGOTSKY

Does Vygotsky replace or complement Piaget?
x Piaget tells us about knowledge acquired through the child's own activities (spontaneous
knowledge).
x Vygotsky tell us about knowledge acquired from other people and from social practices such as
school (social knowledge).
Both types of knowledge are necessary to our functioning in society so in this respect Piaget and
Vygotsky complement one another.
Where Piaget and Vygotsky differ is in relation both to the role of adults and teachers and the role
of language.
Firstly, in Piaget's work, the role of others in the development of children's ideas is considered, but
only in the very widest sense. For example, he sees other people as crucial in the development of the
decentering process from an initial egocentricism to a more social point of view through interaction
with others. In the main, however, individual constructivism does not attribute a sufficient role to the
teacher, the parent or the peer, and this has rightly led to the attention being given to Vygotsky's ideas
about the role of the adult or teacher in learning. This is emphasised in the distinction between a
child's actual level of development and his/her potential level that can be reached with assistance -
which is the essence of the adult and teacher's role.
Secondly, for Vygtosky linguistic organisation always uses the context. Also language is needed in
abstract reflection for concept development, reasoning, and thinking. Vygotsky claims that one
instance of the social becoming part of the individual is through the acquisition of language
For Piaget the act of knowing comprises both operative and figurative aspects. Unfortunately the
figurative aspect, which covers not only perception but also imitation, image and language, only plays
a subsidiary role in understanding. And within the figurative side, language is only one element, so for
Piaget it has a very minor role. It was only towards the end of his life he gave it more importance.
But for Piaget, language is critical to formal abstract thinking because abstract thought is about
propositions about the real world and not the real world itself.

BRUNER
One of Bruner's more important educational books was The Process of Education (1960). In this book
he expressed the view that teachers often wasted a great deal of pupils' time because they postponed
teaching areas of the curriculum that they considered too difficult for the pupils to learn. Thus the
myth of "readiness to learn" arose, that is, that students had to be ready to learn something, otherwise
it was pointless teaching it. Bruner rejected this notion and went on to argue:
"We begin with the hypothesis that any subject can be taught effectively in some intellectually
honest form to any child at any stage of development."

Constructivism to Situated Learning 5 17

Then he elaborated the notion of what is now known as the spiral curriculum –
"A curriculum as it develops should revisit the basic ideas repeatedly, building upon them
until the student has grasped the full formal apparatus that goes with them."
His work on the social studies programme - Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) - in the mid-1960s
was a landmark in curriculum development.
After working in the field of new trends of US curriculum development in the 1950s and 1960s,
Bruner turned to children's cognitive development, reinforced by a visit to Piaget in Geneva. His
approach to cognitive development is very influenced by Piaget's developmental approach to
knowledge. But rather than describing an alternative theory of the development of knowledge, Bruner
(1966) focused on three modes of representation of knowledge and the development of these modes.
But what is representation? To put it simply, representation is a key human ability. In more detail,
it is individuals' ability to use in their mind: actions, symbols, signs to stand in the place of absent
people, objects, events etc. This allows them to bring to mind anything that is not present in their
visual field. It also permits:

x the recall of what is absent – past events.

x the imagination of what has not yet happened – future events.

Humans can live in their imagination whenever they wish to or need to. For example, any one of us
could be placed in solitary confinement, and while it would be an unpleasant experience, we would
have the resources of our imagination to keep our minds full of ideas and hope.

Bruner postulated three modes of representation:

Enactive: this mode is dependent on actions and senses (birth to 18 months) It comprises body images
of, for example, imitation, tying a knot, swimming, cycling. In other words, it involves representing
events through motor responses, essentially "knowing how to do something."
Iconic: this mode is dependent on images (18 months to 6/7 years), where the image resembles the
object. However these are the individual's own personal images, which, of course, can differ from
person to person. Thus a glamorous person will probably be quite different for a Greek and for a
Scandinavian. There are some images that are common to many, for example, in UK the red rose in a
certain position has come to represent the Labour party.
Symbolic: this mode is dependent on symbols (from 7 years onwards), where the link between the
symbol and the object it represents is arbitrary e.g. book, un livre, ‹ Œ Symbols can
illustrate people's abstract thinking through their ability to consider propositions about the world using
such symbols rather than objects in the world, for example, logic, physics and mathematics.
Bruner claimed that once we have acquired all three modes of representation, we can use whichever
one is appropriate for whatever we wish to represent.

PIAGET – BRUNER
I set out below the stages of Piaget's knowledge development and show how Bruner's stages of the
development of modes of representation run parallel.

x Piaget – development of knowledge

x Bruner – development of modes of representation

PIAGET BRUNER
Sensori-motor - Enactive
Pre-operational - Iconic
Concrete operational - Symbolic
Formal operational.

During the time that Bruner was developing his theory of representation, Piaget was also carrying
out research in the field of imagery and produced the book, "L'Image mentale chez l'enfant" in 1962.

SITUATED LEARNING
Situated Learning probably dates back to the work of Gay and Cole in Liberia (1967) when they
started to analyse the role of culture in the development of learning and mathematical skills with the

Constructivism to Situated Learning 6

18
people of the Kpelle tribe. Situated Learning is however part of the wider and longer established
framework, that of Situated Cognition, which builds on the writings of scholars such as Heidegger and
Gibson. Much of the work of Situated Learning has emerged from the Laboratory of Comparative
Human Cognition at San Diego (established in 1978) which presently states that its goals are to: "…
pursue research which takes differences among human beings as a starting point for understanding
human mental processes.''
The general idea of this school of thought is that people learn a multitude of things in informal
settings where the social cultural context is important. From this perspective, cultural practices –
employed in socially assembled situations – are learned systems of activity in which knowledge
consists of standing rules for thought and action appropriate to a particular situation, which are
embodied in the co-operation of individual members of a culture. There are many adherents to this
way of thinking and it is sometimes difficult to sort out the differences between them. Thus I am
referring to a fairly recent article by Engeström (1999) on Situated Learning in which he claimed that,
"Situated Learning should not be seen as unified theory - but a broad and relatively loose
theoretical platform, informed by a number of contextual and practice-oriented theories and
schools of thought, such as…" (p.249)
Then he lists Activity theory: Vygotsky, Leont’ev; Sociology: Bourdieu, Giddens; Situatedness:
Garfinkel, Suchman, and Practice-oriented variants of symbolic interactionism: Strauss, etc.
Engeström went on to distinguish two versions of Situated Learning: the weak version (proponent:
James Greeno) and the strong version (proponents: Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger).
Greeno (1989) makes three key points, which characterise his approach:
1. The locus of thinking and learning is not in an individual’s mind but situated in physical and
social contexts.
2. The processes of thinking and learning are not uniform across persons and situations. Diverse
people and groups have different reasons for holding knowledge to be true. For example, if we
refer to religion and the idea of a deity: Christians refer to the Bible to support their beliefs.
Muslims and Islam, on the other hand, refer to the Koran (Qur’an) as their central religious
text.
3. Lastly, thinking and learning are not built up from simple components transmitted through
school instruction; they are activities in which children create, elaborate and reorganize their
knowledge and understanding – a statement not unlike Piaget's view on intellectual
development.
Turning now to the strong version of Situated Learning, Lave and Wenger (1991) state:
"In our view, learning is not merely situated in practice – as if it were some independently
reifiable process that just happened to be located somewhere; learning is an integral part of
generative social practices in the lived-in world. (p.34-5)."
Crucial to their ideas is the notion of a “Community of Practice”, which refers to the process of
social learning. It occurs when people – with a common interest in subject – collaborate at length to
share ideas, find solutions, and build innovations. There are communities of practice everywhere – at
work, at home, at school. The key notion behind them is that of "shared practices."
Wenger (1998) goes on to define a community of practice along three other dimensions:

x What it is about – it is a joint enterprise as understood and renegotiated by its members.

x How it functions – it is a mutual engagement, binding members together into a social entity.
x The capability it has produced over time – its shared repertoire of communal resources
(routines, sensibilities, artifacts, vocabulary, styles, etc.).

Wenger (ibid) further asserts that we need to consider the notion of identity. For him, learning is
central to human identity, where learning is seen as social participation. Thus an individual constructs
his/her identity through active participation in the practices of social communities. Likewise groups of
individuals create their shared identity by participating in communal activities. A community of
practice embodies the beliefs, knowledge and behaviors that need to be acquired.
Studies in Situated Learning focus mainly on adults learning to: weave, make pots, ski, tailor, or
be: midwives, quartermasters, butchers, etc. For Lave and Wenger (1991) learning does not belong to
individuals, but to the social practices of communities of which individuals are a part. Unfortunately
there are few studies focusing on communal or social practices in formal education: pupils, students,
teachers, specialised knowledge, etc. There are however quite a few links with informal education.

Constructivism to Situated Learning 7 19

 Lave and Wenger also claim that it has been their quest to find a metaphor for learning that exists
outside formal educational contexts and is based on social participation. Their aim is to characterize
Situated Learning through detailed examples that illustrate the types of relationships and the forms of
participation essential to apprenticeships within it. However, it would seem that Lave has had a long-
held skepticism about Situated Learning being part of formal schooling. For her, Situated Learning
requires a “hands-off” policy and appropriate “facilitative structures” for it to be implemented in such
a context.
Summarising the two positions, in the weak one of Greeno. learning is situated in physical and
social contexts, thus context must always be taken into account – it is the starting point for learning
studies.
In the strong version, however, learning is a by-product of participation in any social practice thus
"the social practice of a community carrying out such a practice" is the starting point for research into
learning.
Engeström (1997,1999) claimed that Situated Learning’s agenda needs reformulating. In the past
there have been mainly global claims, based on few studies and not research questions. According to
him, recent research demonstrates the need for focused theoretically grounded questions.
Rogoff, Turkanis, Bartlett's (2001) recent research in a Community School in Salt Lake City
introduced the principle of schooling where "learning occurs through interested participation with
other learners." However there are few observation or casework studies of educational practices. The
work of Hargreaves, Hestor and Mellor (1975) is good example of a study of school rules and labeling
in classrooms. Let us hope there are many others to come.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bliss, J. (2001). Learning Science: Piaget and after. In S. Amos and R. Boohen (Eds) Teaching
Science in Secondary Schools. London and NY: Routledge, Falmer with Open University Press
(pp154-163).
Bliss, J. (1996). Piaget und Vygotsky: Ihre Bedeutung fur das Lehren und Lernen der
Naturwissenschaften, in Zeitschrift fur Didaktik der Naturwissenschaften, Jahrgang 2, Heft 3, pp.3-16.
(Transalation: Piaget and Vygotsky: their relevance to the teaching and learning of Science, English
version available from author)
Bliss J. (1995). Piaget and after, the case of learning science, Studies in Science Education, Vol.25,
pp 139-172.
Bliss, J.. Askew M & Macrae S (1996). Effective teaching and Learning – scaffolding revisited
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Constructivism to Situated Learning 9 21

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x Austin J. L. 1975: How to do things with words, Clarendon Press Oxford.
x Beaugrande, R. de and Dressler W. 1981: Introduction to Text Linguistics, London,
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x Brown G. and Yule G. 1983: Discourse Analysis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
x Georgakopoulou A. and Goutsos D. 1997: Discourse Analysis: An Introduction, Edinburgh:
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x Grice H. P. 1975: Logic and conversation, Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts, Cole P. and
Morgan J., New York: Academic Press.
x Hinds J. 1979: Organizational patterns in discourse, Syntax and Semantics 12: Discourse and
Syntax, Givn T., New York: Academic Press.
x Leech G. 1983: The principles of Pragmatics, London: Longman.
x Mann W. C. Matthiessen C. Thompson S. A. 1992: Rhetorical Structure Theory and text
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Analyses of a Fund-Raising Text. Amsderdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

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()

As mad as a hatter

Meaning

Completely mad. This is now commonly understood to mean crazy, although the original meaning
is unclear and may have meant annoyed.

Origin

Mercury used to be used in the making of hats. This was known to have affected the nervous
systems of hatters, causing them to tremble and appear insane. A neurotoxicologist correspondent
informs me that "Mercury exposure can cause aggressiveness, mood swings, and anti-social
behaviour.", so that derivation is certainly plausible - although there's only that circumstantial
evidence to support it.

The use of mercury compounds in 19th century hat making and the resulting effects are well-
established - mercury poisoning is still known today as 'Mad Hatter's disease'. That could be
enough to convince us that this is the source of the phrase. The circumstantial evidence is rather
against the millinery origin though and, beyond the fact that hatters often suffered trembling fits,
there's little to link hat making to the coining of 'as mad as a hatter'.

()

Raining cats and dogs

Meaning

Raining very heavily.

Origin

This is an interesting phrase in that, although there's no definitive origin, there is a likely derivation.
Before we get to that, let's get some of the fanciful proposed derivations out of the way.

The phrase isn't related to the well-known antipathy between dogs and cats, which is exemplified
in the phrase 'fight like cat and dog'. Nor is the phrase in any sense literal, i.e. it doesn't record an
incident where cats and dogs fell from the sky. Small creatures, of the size of frogs or fish, do
occasionally get carried skywards in freak weather. Impromptu involuntary flight must also happen
to dogs or cats from time to time, but there's no record of groups of them being scooped up in that
way and causing this phrase to be coined. Not that we need to study English meteorological records
for that - it's plainly implausible.

One supposed origin is that the phrase derives from mythology. Dogs and wolves were attendants
to Odin, the god of storms, and sailors associated them with rain. Witches, who often took the form
of their familiars - cats, are supposed to have ridden the wind. Well, some evidence would be nice.
There doesn't appear to be any to support this notion.

272
 9

It has also been suggested that cats and dogs were washed from roofs during heavy weather. This is
a widely repeated tale. It got a new lease of life with the e-mail message "Life in the 1500s", which
began circulating on the Internet in 1999. Here's the relevant part of that:

I'll describe their houses a little. You've heard of thatch roofs, well that's all they were. Thick straw,
piled high, with no wood underneath. They were the only place for the little animals to get warm.
So all the pets; dogs, cats and other small animals, mice, rats, bugs, all lived in the roof. When it
rained it became slippery so sometimes the animals would slip and fall off the roof. Thus the
saying, "it's raining cats and dogs."

This is nonsense of course. It hardly needs debunking but, lest there be any doubt, let's do that
anyway. In order to believe this tale we would have to accept that dogs lived in thatched roofs,
which, of course, they didn't. Even accepting that bizarre idea, for dogs to have slipped off when it
rained they would have needed to be sitting on the outside of the thatch - hardly the place an
animal would head for as shelter in bad weather.

()

Sleep tight

Meaning
Sleep well.

Origin
This is a very well-used phrase in many parts of the English-speaking world. It's been common at
bedtime for many years in the form of "good night, sleep tight, don't let the bedbugs bite", or
similar.
There are several theories going the rounds as to the origin. One is that bedclothes were tied tightly
to stop bedbugs biting. That's pure speculation and there seems to be no evidence whatsoever to
support it. Another theory, this time a little more plausible, dates from the days when mattresses
were supported by ropes which needed to be pulled tight to give a well-sprung bed. Again though,
this is speculative.
The phrase "sleep tight" itself was well used in the late 20th century, but there could hardly have
been better way of cementing any phrase into the popular consciousness than by Lennon and
McCartney using it in the lyrics of a song at the height of Beatlemania. That's where it found itself,
in Good Night on the White Album in 1968:
Now it's time to say good night,
Good night. Sleep tight.

C'C'%)&+'
Cobuild on CD-rom
Johnson, Mark, (1987). The Body in the Mind: The Bodily Basis of Meaning, Imagination and
Reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press
övecses, Zoltán, (2002). Metaphor. New York: Oxford University Press
Lakoff, George, (1987). Women, Fire and Dangerous Things. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press
Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson, (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press
Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson, (1999). Philosophy in the Flesh. New York: Basic Books
Taylor, John, (1995) Linguistic Categorization. 2nd ed., New York: Oxford University
Press

273
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1. Duval, R. (1998), Geometry from a Cognitive Point of View, in C. Mammana and V. Villani
(eds) Perspectives on the Teaching of Geometry for the 21st Century, Kluwer Academic Press,
the Netherlands.
2. Duval, R. (2001), The Cognitive Analysis of Problems of Comprehension in the Learning of
Mathematics, presentation in the Discussion Group: Semiotics in Mathematics Education, 25th
Annual Meeting of the International Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education,
Utrecht, The Nederlands.
3. Fischbein, E. (1999), !ntuitions and Schemata in Mathematical Reasoning, Educational
Studies in Mathematics 38, 51-66.
4. 
,  . (2003), * € $  $  '! %
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5. Mariotti,M.A. (1997), Justifying and Proving in Geometry: the mediation of a microworld,
revised and extended version of the version published in: Henjy M., Novotna J. (eds.)
Proceedings of the European Conference on Mathematics Education (pp. 21-26), Prague,
Prometheus Publishing House.
6. Rodd, M.M. (2000), On Mathematical Warrants: proof does not always warrant, and warrant
may be other than proof, Mathematical Thinking and Learning, 2(3), 221-244.
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to Geometry, Proccedings of the 21st Conference of PME, Finland.

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,.!.

354
 Children’s concepts of fractions

CHILDREN’S UNDERSTANDING OF THE EQUIVALENCE OF FRACTIONS 1

Terezinha Nunes & Peter Bryant

Department of Education, University of Oxford

Abstract
The aim of this paper is to apply Vergnaud’s (1997) theory of concepts systematically to the
analysis of the concept of fractions. Kieren (1994) remarked that current analyses on the concept of
fractions seem to have taken either an epistemological or a psychological framework as the starting
point. We suggest that it is possible to coordinate these two frameworks through the systematic
application of Vergnaud’s theory of conceptual fields. Vergnaud defines mathematical concepts as
formed by three sets: a set of invariants that define the concept, a set of representations used to think
and talk about the concept, and a set of situations where the concept is used and that give meaning to
the concept. We propose to start from the lay conception of fractions and enrich this definition of
fractions by asking what are the central invariants of this concept, what are the situations in which it is
used, and what are the different types of representation related to it. We will then consider data from
two studies, one that provides a quantitative and a second that provides a qualitative analysis of data
generated by the hypotheses developed in our theoretical analysis. Educational implications and
questions for further research are discussed in the concluding section.
Fractions are defined by most people on the basis of their representation. Thus fractions are
numbers written in one of two ways: either by placing one number over another or by using a decimal
point. The two ways of writing fractions are recognized as related to each other because a decimal
point indicates that the same fraction could be written with a denominator like 10 or a multiple of 10.
There are also fraction words, such as a half, a quarter, a third, a tenth etc., which children may or may
not connect to the written numerical representations.
Although a concept cannot be defined solely by its representation, it is possible to use this
definition as the starting point for our investigation, and proceed to a consideration of invariants and
situations in which fractions are used, and to other ways of representing the same ideas using
mathematics or language. In the sections that follow, we consider each of these.

The Logic of Fractions

The starting point of our definition is that fractions are numbers. In the domain of natural numbers,
Piaget’s (1952) hypothesis is that ‘number is at the same time both class and asymmetrical relation, it
does not derive from one or the other of the logical operations, but from their union’ (1952, p. ix).
Following Piaget’s analysis of natural numbers, we suggest that it is necessary to ask how children
come to understand the logic of classes and the system of asymmetrical relations that define fractions.
How do children come to understand that there are classes of equivalent fractions – 1/3, 2/6, 3/9 etc. –
and that these classes can be ordered – 1/3 < 1/4 < 1/5 etc.? Piaget further argued that, in the
development of number conservation, it is essential that children understand which operations change
number and which ones do not. Permutations of the elements in one set do not change its number. This
applies also to continuous quantities: for example, the volume of water does not change when it is
passed from a thinner to a wider glass. Changes in quantity are a consequence of addition, which
increases the number, and subtraction, which decreases the number. In the domain of fractions, there is

1 This project was supported by the ESRC Teaching and Learning Research Programme through the grant

# L139251015. T. Nunes was supported during the period of this research by a British Academy Reseearch
Readership that allowed her to dedicate considerable amounts of time to this research. We are thankful for their
support and to the teachers and pupils who generously gave so much of their time to this project.
All correspondence should be sent to: Professor Terezinha Nunes, Department of Education, University of
Oxford, 15 Norham Gardens, Oxford, OX2 6PY. Fax: 00-44-1865-274027. Email:
terezinha.nunes@education.ox..ac.uk

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

an important element that is related to the quantity designated by the fraction, the unit or the whole.
However, as this analysis will show, changing the whole does not always have the same effect on the
quantity designated by a fraction.
Applying Piaget’s questions about natural numbers to fractions, we are led to ask several questions
about the construction of invariants. How do children form an understanding of the classes of
equivalent fractions? How do they understand the asymmetrical relations that exist between these
classes? Which operations change fractions and which do not?
Piaget argues that correspondences provide the most direct measurement of the equivalence
between two sets. He hypothesized that the beginning of quantification must be understood in relation
to correspondences. With his collaborators, Piaget investigated whether direct correspondence
between objects or a sort of correspondence mediated by counting can provide the basis for children’s
inferences regarding the equivalence of sets. His results are well-known: when children depend on the
perceptual correspondence between the elements, they neither infer equivalence of the sets when this
correspondence can no longer be perceived nor infer the number of elements in the second set after
counting the elements in the first set. Correspondence must become operational, rather than dependent
on perception, to provide a basis for the understanding of lasting equivalences between sets. Gréco
(1962) further observed that children might establish this form of correspondence mediated by
counting but still fail to realize that two sets are necessarily equivalent if they count the elements in
two sets and come up with the same number word.
In spite of his observation that counting does not provide children with a sufficient basis for
making adequate inferences about equivalence, Piaget argued that, when children start to consider the
idea of empirical reversibility, counting may hasten the process of evolution, and correspondence
mediated by number words can justify equivalence from the child’s point of view. Piaget’s analysis
leads us to ask two questions: Do correspondences also play a role in children’s understanding of
fractions? And how can the signs for fractions – half, two quarters – play a role in this understanding?
An analysis of the signs used to represent equivalent fractions raises the possibility of a different
role being played by conventional signs and language in the domains of natural numbers and fractions.
In the domain of natural numbers, the fact that two sets are labeled by the same number word – say
both sets have six elements – might help children understand the equivalence between two sets. This
situation is likely to be more complicated with fractions, where equivalent fractions are designated by
different words – one half, two quarters – and different numerical signs – 1/2, 2/4.
An analysis of the asymmetric relations involved in natural numbers and fractions also exposes
some of the difficulties that ordering fractions could cause for children. There are two ideas to
consider in ordering fractions. The first is that, for the same denominator, the larger the numerator, the
larger the fraction. The second is that, for the same numerator, the larger the denominator, the smaller
the fraction. The first idea is simple enough, although the assumption that the denominator must be
constant for a direct comparison to be made between numerators could offer some difficulty. The
second idea may prove more difficult: children have to think of an inverse relation between the
denominator and the quantity represented by the fraction. A question of interest then is: under what
conditions is this inverse relation between the denominator and the quantity understood by children?
The systematic application of Vergnaud’s theory to the domain of fractions suggests the next step
for investigation. What are the different situations in which fractions are used and how do differences
across situations affect children’s constructions of classes of equivalent fractions and asymmetric
relations? We turn to the analysis of situations in the section that follows.
Situations in which Fractions are Used
To propose a classification of situations where fractions are used is the same as to propose a theory
about what affects children’s reasoning about fractions. Different hypotheses have been raised in the
literature about what classes of situations might offer a fruitful analysis of the concept of fractions.
Kieren (1988), Behr, Lesh, Post, and Silver (1983), Ohlsson (1988) and Mack (2001) proposed
somewhat different classifications of situations but it is not possible to decide a priori which one
should be adopted to describe the development of children’s concepts of fraction and to design

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

instruction. Among the different situations identified are part-whole, quotient, measure and operator
(but some authors – e.g., Mack, 2001 – seem to use the term partitioning to cover part-whole and
quotient situations). These are certainly situations where fractions are used but we believe that it may
be premature to choose one classification of situations over another in the description of children’s
concepts because any classification should be supported by evidence that shows that learners treat the
different categories of situations differently. This has already been accomplished in the domain of
additive reasoning, where the classifications have converged and the distinctions proposed are
supported by differences in children’s behavior (Carpenter & Moser, 1982; Riley, Greeno, & Heller,
1983; Vergnaud, 1982). So far the evidence to support classifications of situations in the domains of
fractions is missing: we simply do not know whether children behave differently in the different
situations or not. Also lacking is a detailed analysis of how the core invariants in the concept of
fraction are defined in these situations and how the situations might help or make it more difficult for
the children to understand these invariants.
In this paper we propose to focus on the use of fractions in three situations that we have
investigated so far: part-whole, quotient and a numerical representation for intensive quantities. We
will also restrict this paper to the discussion of one invariant, the notion of classes of equivalent
fractions. We analyze how these different situations might affect the construction of the notion of
equivalent fractions, we consider how the fractional representation is connected with the ratio
representation of the same situation, and we raise hypotheses about which strategies children might
employ when asked to solve questions related to the equivalence of fractions.
Part-whole Situations
In part-whole situations, as already stressed by Piaget, Inhelder and Szeminska (1960), fractions
refer to extensive quantities.2 For this reason, in part-whole situations the classes of equivalences
depend on the size of the whole (or the unit). The fractions 1/4, 2/8 etc. only belong to the class of
equivalent fractions if the wholes are equivalent. If we were to refer to 1/4 of one whole and 2/8 of a
non-equivalent whole, 1/4 and 2/8 would not longer belong to a class of equivalent fractions.
Children are often taught about equivalence in part-whole situations through perception: the same
whole is partitioned in four parts, each of which is subsequently partitioned once to yield eight parts.
Given this specific way of partitioning the whole, children recognize the equivalence of 1/4 and 2/8,
and could in principle recognize that there is a whole class of equivalent fractions.
Note, though, that the logic of part-whole situations should not depend of perception. To use an
example of the simplest question that can be asked about classes of equivalence, consider the problem
in Figure 1. Two equivalent wholes were divided each into parts of the same size but the way in which
they were divided is not identical. Using the logic of part-whole relations, we could sustain that the
shaded areas in the two rectangles are equivalent, although we may not be able to make this judgment
on the basis of perception. So in order to test children’s use of the logic of part-whole relations to
establish equivalences between fractions, it is necessary to create situations where the equivalence
cannot be established perceptually. For example, children can be asked to paint 1/4 of figures that look
very different, divided into different numbers of parts. If the whole is divided into 8 parts, they would
have to paint 2; if the whole is divided into 12 parts, they would have to paint 3 and so on. They
cannot use perception to solve this problem, but could use the logic of part-whole: painting one part
out of each group of 4 means that 1/4 of the figure was painted. (Figure 1)

2 Extensive quantities are susceptible of addition and are measured by units of the same nature as the

quantity. In typical part-whole situations, the whole is an area divided into equal areas. If we add 1/3 and 1/3 of
equivalent wholes, the total is 2/3. Intensive quantities are not susceptible of addition and are measured by the
relation between two magnitudes, each one being different from the intensive quantity. For example, the
concentration of orange juice, can be described as 1/3 concentrate and 2/3 water, and each of these quantities is by
itself not concentration. If we add the orange juice from one jar where the concentration is 1/3 water to juice in
another jar where the concentration is also 1/3, the concentration of the mixture is not 2/3.

357
3
 Children’s concepts of fractions

It would also be possible for the children to use a correspondence reasoning: to each painted part
should correspond 3 unpainted parts. Correspondence reasoning here expresses the ratio between
painted and unpainted parts. The repeated application of this ratio to the figures would lead to a correct
solution. Although correspondence could play a role in understanding equivalences between fractions,
children may not be aware of this or may not be taught to use this reasoning in the classroom. It should
also be noted that the representation of the fraction by the symbol 1/4 and the representation of the
ratio as 1 painted to 3 unpainted parts may be an obstacle for children: the numbers that the child has
to use in the fractional and ratio representation are not the same.
Quotient Situations
Quotient situations are those where a division is indicated: for example, something is shared among
a number of recipients (Streefland, 1993; 1997). Understanding equivalence in this situation would
mean, for example, realizing that sharing one chocolate fairly among four children is equivalent to
sharing two identical chocolates fairly among eight children.
There are similarities and differences between part-whole and quotient situations. The major
similarity comes from the fact that in both of these situations the fractions represent extensive
quantities. So the wholes must be the same for the classes of equivalent fractions to be defined.
However, there are also differences between these situations. Two of these differences will concern
us here. First, in part-whole situations the values in the fraction express a relation between the part and
the whole; the numbers refer to quantities of the same nature. In contrast, in quotient situations the
values in the fractions refer to the division of one variable by another of a different nature: the
numerator indicates one quantity (for example, two chocolates) and the denominator indicates another
quantity (for example, eight children). This difference results in a second one: quotient situations can
be analyzed through correspondences more naturally than part-whole situations. It should be simple
for children to realize that if there are 2 chocolates and 8 children, 1 chocolate could be shared by 4 of
the children and the other chocolate by the remaining 4. If the children reason in this way, they could
easily conclude that 1 divided by 4 and 2 divided by 8 result in equivalent quantities. The ratio 1 to 4
can be easily connected to both fractions, 1/4 and 2/8.
The experience of working with correspondences in quotient situations might also give children
insight into some aspects of proportionality because they can use scalar strategies (for the concept of
scalar strategies, see Vergnaud, 1983). It is quite possible that children find it easy to understand, for
example, that if there are twice as many children who want chocolate, one needs to have twice as
many chocolates for all the children to continue having the same share. A similar generalization
cannot be found in the part-whole situation.
It should also be noted that in quotient situations the fraction 1/4 could have two meanings at the
same time: it represents one chocolate shared among four children and also the part that each child
receives (Mack, 2001). Thus it is possible that quotient situations allow for understanding fractions
from different perspectives at the same time.
Intensive Quantities
When fractions represent intensive quantities, they pose different problems for children and
highlight different aspects of the meaning of fractions. We will deal here with one type of intensive
quantity, concentration, which we have explored through different experiences involving taste. If I
make 1 liter of juice using 1 cup of concentrate and 3 cups of water, the juice will have the same
concentration and taste the same as 2 liters of juice made with 2 cups of concentrate and 6 cups of
water. In intensive quantities situations, 1/4 and 2/8 are equivalent even if the wholes are not the same.
The equivalence of fractions in the context of intensive quantities is unlikely to be based on
perceptual equivalence of the quantities themselves. In English classrooms at least, there is typically
no attempt to explore intensive quantities in this way. Outside school, if we double a recipe, for
example, in order to serve more people, it is quite unlikely that we would taste it before and after
doubling; we are more likely to make a double amount from the start.
In intensive quantities, as in quotient situations, the two values in the fraction refer to different
quantities: in this case, concentrate and water. Thus, similarly to quotient situations, in order to

358
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 Children’s concepts of fractions

establish the equivalence of the fractions in intensive quantity situations, it is possible to use a
correspondence strategy, and discover that the ratio of cups of water to cups of concentrate is the same
for 1 and for 2 liters, in the example given earlier on. In this sense, intensive quantities can be
approached through correspondence strategies and are comparable to quotient situations. It is also
possible to use a scalar strategy with intensive quantities: both the amount of water and the amount of
concentrate must be doubled for the recipe to continue tasting the same. Thus exploring fractions in
the context of intensive quantities might give children insights into the concept of fractions that are
similar to those obtained in the quotient situations.
However, there is a difference between quotient and intensive quantity situations with respect to
how the fractional and ratio representation are connected. As indicated earlier on, in the quotient
situation, the fractional and ratio representation converge: a 1 to 4 ratio of chocolate for children
means that each child receives 1/4 chocolate. In the intensive quantities situation described here, the
representations diverge: a 1 to 3 ratio of concentrate to water means that 1/4 of the juice is made with
concentrate and 3/4 is made with water. Thus there may be a difficulty if children are asked to pass
from one form of mathematical representation to the other.
To summarize, it was argued in this section that there are three reasons for distinguishing between
part-whole, quotient and intensive quantity situations. First, the meaning of classes of equivalent
fractions differs across these situations. In part-whole and quotient situations, the classes of
equivalence are defined when there are equivalent wholes whereas in intensive quantities situations the
wholes can be different but the fractions remain equivalent. Second, the connection between two
forms of representing these situations, by means of fractions and by means of ratios, differs across
situations. In part-whole and intensive quantities situations, the two representations diverge
numerically whereas in quotient situations they converge. Finally, the meaning of the numbers in these
situations is also different: in part-whole situations, the fraction represents a relation between two
quantities of the same type whereas in quotient and intensive quantities situations the numbers
represent two different quantities. Because the numbers refer to different quantities in quotient and
intensive quantity situations, these situations afford different types of strategies than part-whole
situations, and are more amenable to the use of correspondence strategies and scalar reasoning.
A Summary of Results from a Program of Investigation
These analyses led to a program of investigation that can be described only in part here for reasons
of space. The problem analyzed here is children’s understanding of classes of equivalent fractions in
two of the situations discussed earlier on, part-whole and quotient. We will first present some
quantitative results relative to children’s understanding of equivalence and then conversations between
children exploring the idea of equivalence between fractions in experimental teaching sessions.

Understanding Equivalence in Two Different Situations: A Quantitative Analysis

Method

Participants
We gave 130 children a fractions assessment, adapted from the CSMS Fractions 1 Paper (Hart,
Brown, Kerslake, Kücherman, Ruddock, 1985) for use with primary school children. The pupils in our
study were attending three different schools in the Oxford area and were in the age range 7y9m to
10y2m. They were either in their fourth or fifth year in school. In the classroom they had been taught
about fractions in the context of part-whole but not in the context of quotient situations.

Procedure
We presented the items using pictures projected on a screen and also printed on the pupils’
response booklets. Instructions were given orally. Figure 2 shows the different levels of
correct response on different items by level of schooling, Year 4 (mean age 8y6m) and Year 5
(mean age 9y6m). Because the test was not designed with the aim of comparing performance

359
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 Children’s concepts of fractions

across type of situation, there are other differences between the items, so the results have to be
interpreted with caution. The test contains four equivalence items in part-whole situations and
two in quotient situations. (figure 2)

Results
On the part-whole items, Year 5 children’s performance was at ceiling for painting 2/3 of a figure
with 3 parts (91% correct). This shows that they understand the expression ‘two thirds’. However,
their performance drops significantly when the items involve equivalence of fractions: only about half
of them correctly painted 2/3 of figures that had 6 or 9 parts. Year 4 children showed a slightly lower
success rate on the item where the figure was divided into 3 parts (78% correct) and a lower success
rate when the figures had 6 or 9 parts. The difference in proportion of correct responses between the
first and each of the other three items was statistically significant according to a t-test for correlated
means (subjected to an arc-sine transformation, as recommended by Ferguson, 1971) at the .001 level
for all three comparisons.
On the items about quotient situations, Year 5 children’s performance varied between 70% and
91% correct on the equivalence questions and Year 4 children’s performance varied between 64% and
78% correct answers across questions.
The overall proportion of correct responses for part-whole equivalence problems was .31 (SD=.39)
and for quotient situations was .73 (SD=.37). The difference between these proportions (using an arc-
sine transformation, the t-test for correlated means = 10.76; p<.001) was statistically significant.
The children were also asked to write the fractions on the quotient item that involved 1/4 and 2/8.
All the children who could correctly write fractions to represent both divisions (one cake shared
among 4 children and two cakes shared among 8 children) also provided correct answers about their
equivalence. All the children who could correctly provide a fraction number to represent the situation
where 8 children shared one cake could provide a correct label for the other situation, where 4 children
shared one cake. Some children did not use the correct fraction for the latter situation – i.e., did not use
1/4 correctly. Of these children who did not use the correct fraction, about half (63%) knew that the
sharing in the two situations would result in equal portions across the two groups. These results
contrast strongly with those observed for part-whole relations, where knowing 2/3 was no guarantee of
understanding what 2/3 of a figure with 6 or 9 parts was.
In short, the quantitative results from our survey data justify a distinction between part-whole and
quotient situations. Performance at both age levels was better in quotient than in part-whole situations,
in spite of the fact that the children had been taught about fractions in part-whole but not in quotient
situations.
These results suggested the importance of interviewing children about fractions and using part-
whole and quotient cues in order to investigate how they would solve problems.

Understanding Equivalence in two Different Situations: A Qualitative Analysis

In the last two years, we have carried out a series of intervention studies on the teaching of
fractions. Some of these studies involved posing several problems to children in Years 4 and 5 (same
age level as those in the survey) in small-group teaching sessions. By working with small groups run
by a researcher outside the classroom, it was possible to observe the pupils’ reactions when they
attempt to solve a problem following a cue to draw on a part-whole or a quotient analysis of the
question.

Method

Participants
A total of 62 children participated in the small groups sessions run by one of three different
researchers. The groups contained between 4 and 6 children, depending of the class size, because the
children were randomly assigned to one of four groups in each class. The children had been taught

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about half and quarters in the classroom and could use these words well but they had not yet been
taught about other fractions. Half of the children in each class participated in the sessions about
fractions; the other children participated in a different set of problem solving sessions.

Procedure
The researcher gave each child a booklet containing the problems, one problem (which often had
more than one question) per page. The children solved the problems first individually and then were
invited to discuss their answers. During this process, the researcher discussed with the children the
written fractional representation of situations and gave the children cues to help them analyze the
questions.
A total of five sessions, one per week lasting approximately 50 minutes each, took place with each
group. Some of the problems we used were taken from Streefland (1997). They involve asking the
children to consider different quotient situations (sharing 3 chocolates among 4 children and later 2
pizzas among 6 children). Further problems were introduced to explore this situation (sharing 4
chocolates among 6 children) and, at a later point, other situations were also presented. A complete
description of the sessions is beyond the scope of this paper. The extracts presented here were taken
from the first two sessions. A list of the problems used in these sessions is presented in Appendix 1.

Results
In view of our aim for this analysis, the sample of interactions presented here was chosen to
provide comparisons between the pupils’ behavior following a cue to draw on a part-whole or on a
quotient approach to solution. They were obtained from sessions run by different researchers in order
to illustrate that similar findings can occur with different pupils working in groups run by different
researchers. The samples are taken from three different problems. Comments are also presented on the
interactions observed. The children’s words are in italics. Clarifications and abbreviations of
instructions are inserted between square brackets. Three periods between brackets (…) are used to
indicate that some conversation took place between the utterances, which is not included in the
transcript; without brackets, they indicate that an utterance may have been interrupted.

Different ways of sharing 3 chocolates among 4 children

This teaching session was conducted by one researcher working with four children. This was their
first session and the second problem in the series. The children were asked whether each child could
receive a whole chocolate, whether each could receive at least a half chocolate, and then what fraction
of a chocolate bar each child would receive. Figure 3 presents an example of one of the children’s
booklets.
The children produced different drawings on the chocolates and different written answers. R and C
wrote three quarters, H wrote 1/4 1/4 1/4 , and P wrote 3/4 or 2/3. The researcher (abbreviated as R1)
asked them to explain and compare their answers. None of the children used spontaneously only a
part-whole representation: all attempted to make correspondences between the children and the
portions of chocolates. The extracts below summarize their discussion.
C [Pointing to the children on the booklet and the chocolates] He gets one quarter from that one,
one quarter from that one, and one quarter from that one. She gets one quarter from that one,
one quarter from that one, and one quarter from that one. She gets one quarter from that one,
one quarter from that one, and one quarter from that on. And she gets one quarter from that
one, one quarter from that one, and one quarter from that one. (…)
R1 Three quarters, but they’ve got a half and a quarter, isn’t it? Look at your drawings.
C That is three quarters.
R1 Is it three quarters? Is it the same?
C Yes. Two halves and two quarters and then they just get one here so that’s three quarters
[shows that each just gets one of the halves and one of the quarters]. Two quarters is a half.
(…)

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

R1 How did you do yours, P?

P They each got two thirds so he gets…
R1 Two thirds. How did you know it was two thirds?
C Because two thirds is the same as a three quarters.
R1 Two thirds is the same as three quarters. Lets try it out. [Instructs the children to use a part-
whole demonstration]: Here, do another bar here, divide it in four. Let’s have a look. … And
do another one, just the same underneath, and divide it in three. Is it going to be the same,
three quarters and two thirds?
P and H try it out. They can’t get their drawings to come out right, the wholes don’t come out the
same, the parts don’t come out the same. In P’s final attempt, two-third is compared with
three-quarter and it looks the same. But P is not sure. The perceptual approach used with a
part-whole model can give neither P nor H, who tried it out, certainty.
R1 then directs the children to try to work with the quotient idea.
R1 See how that would work out. So if you had three chocolates divided in thirds, and you were
sharing them for four people, would that work as two thirds for each?
H [distributes two thirds to the four children by establishing correspondences between the parts
on the chocolate and the number of parts each child would get; she stops when she writes ‘3’
over the last part; see Figure 4] One person would get more.
R1 Show me how. I’m not quite sure how.
H Each one has one third first and then they get two thirds, and then someone will get three
thirds, and then someone else will get two thirds. If they all get equal, then there will be
one left over. (Figure 4)
H’s use of correspondence between the children and the chocolates is quite clear, both in her
drawing and her explanation.
P also tried out this demonstration. All the children became confident after this demonstration: two
thirds and three quarters could not be the same because a share of three quarters provides an
exhaustive division and a share of two thirds does not. The difference between the children’s
uncertainty after trying out the part-whole model contrasts with their confidence after trying
out the quotient demonstration.

Different ways of sharing 2 pizzas among 6 children

This teaching session was conducted by one researcher (R2) with five children. This was their
second session with the researcher. They had already solved the problem of sharing 3
chocolates among 4 children. The next problem was: Six children go to a pizzeria and order
two pizzas. The waiter first brings one, and then the other pizza. How could they share the
first pizza? And the second? How many sixths would each one get? Could they share it
differently if the waiter brought the two pizzas at the same time? What fraction would each
child have? Do they eat the same amount if they share in these different ways?
R2 What fraction of the first pizza do they receive?
M One sixth.
R2 Why is that?
M Because there are six children so they split the pizza in sixths [no marks were made on the
drawing]. …
R2 If they get one sixth from that one and one sixth from that one, how many sixths do they have
altogether?
St Two sixths. …
R2 [if the waiter brought the pizzas at the same time], how would they share them differently, what
are the two ways that they can share it out?
G They can share it in thirds.
ST Those get a third from that one, and those three get a third from that one.

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

To most of the children in these sessions, there was no doubt that the children would eat the
same amount of pizza if they had 2/6 or 1/3. The equivalence of these fractions just seemed so
obvious to all the children in this group that they saw no reason to discuss it.
Most children in the different groups used no drawings to work out solutions in this situation.
Some justifications did appear when the children were prompted to explain their reasoning
better.
C (in R1’s group): Because it wouldn’t really matter when they shared it, because when they shared it
in three, those three get it and that pizza is gone, and those three share this, and that pizza is gone.
When they shared it at the same time, they share it fairly and the pizzas are gone.
This argument seems to be based on the idea of exhaustive and fair division of the same whole; the
child indicates the correspondences throughout without making drawings.
H (in R1’s group) said: Because one third is a third of three and two sixths is a third of six.
This justification seems to be based on numerical relations without reference to the situation itself.
P (in R1’s group, produced the writing presented in Figure 5): There’s two sixths [pointing to the first
2/6 on the page], add two sixths three times to make six sixths. With one third, you need to add one
third three times to make three thirds.
This is a logical argument based on the composition of parts: if you add two parts – 1/3 or 2/6 – three
times to make the same whole, then they are the same irrespective of what you name them.
Insert Figure 5 about here
C (in R3’s group): I put it [the pizza] into thirds and I put the girls in half [her gestures seemed to
indicate that she took half of the pizzas for half of the children, approaching the use of scalar
reasoning].
Some of the children decided to concentrate on a part-whole approach to the problem, and
attempted to cut the pizzas in equal parts, forgetting about the number of recipients. Two of the
children in R3’s group, for example, drew the two pizzas and cut them in quarters, using two
perpendicular cuts. They attempted to share the quarters among the six children but could not
complete the sharing. This difficulty in completing a solution when they focus only on how to cut the
pizza in equal parts suggests that the children who worked with correspondences made some
anticipation about the sharing. It did not work out if the children cut the pizzas or chocolates without
any concern for the number of recipients. In all the instances, if the researcher provided a cue by
asking how many children could share the first pizza, the children who had problems initially were
able to come up with the idea of three children and proceeded to find the solution.

Different ways of sharing 4 chocolate bars among 6 children

This problem is presented to illustrate how children who seem to be working at different levels can
reach different results, without creating a sense of failure in the children who are not progressing as
quickly. The problem was presented at the end of the second session. By then the children were used
to trying to find different ways of sharing and enjoyed finding different solutions.
Some children seemed to start with the simplest solution, where each bar of chocolate is shared
among all the children – in this case, each bar would be cut into six pieces and each recipient would
get one sixth from each bar. This solution can be represented without cuts, using only correspondences
between the children and the chocolates, represented by lines that connect them. They count the sixths
and provide an answer: 4/6. They then try other solutions, sometimes without anticipation – for
example, cutting each chocolate in half, distributing these, and finding that they would have to cut the
‘left-over halves’ to divide exhaustively. If this cannot be done easily, they abandon the initial solution
and try out a different route.
By the end of the second teaching session few children had difficulty with the idea that exhaustive
and fair division can be represented by different fractions and that these different fractions represent
the same quantity of chocolate.

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Some children seemed to work at a different level, and often sought simpler solutions from the
outset, where the smallest number of cuts would be used. They then proceeded to try to find other
equivalent solutions.
Two children in R2’s group explored the idea of equivalence well beyond the expectation we had
for the problem. G and St independently proposed that each chocolate could be divided into thirds and
each recipient would receive two thirds. This solution was represented only on two chocolates,
because they realized that the six children would get one third from the two chocolates on the left and
another third from the two chocolates on the right. Their first answer was 2/3. Figure 6 presents one of
the children’s booklet.
They then worked together in finding other solutions. They divided each third in the middle and
extended their reasoning by thinking that each chocolate was now divided in sixths, so there would be
one piece for each child. So they wrote 4/6 as their second answer. At this point, each chocolate
provided one part for each child. Next they thought of dividing the chocolates, so that each chocolate
would have 2 pieces for each child – so they said that each chocolate should be cut into 12th and each
child would get 2/12 from each of the chocolates, so they wrote 8/12. They drew 12 pieces on one
chocolate. Note that the lack of precision in the drawing would not allow for a perceptual solution to
the equivalence question.
This seems to have created for them a pattern: if you cut each piece in half, you have twice as many
pieces altogether and each recipient gets twice as many pieces. They decided to break the chocolates
so that each chocolate would have 4 pieces for each recipient, so they wrote the fraction 16/24. Note
that the drawing does not actually show all the 24 parts in one chocolate. The drawing was not used in
the search for a perceptual solution but as a support for reasoning. They continued with this
exploration without drawing any further and produced the fractions 32/48, 64/96 and 128/192. At the
end of the session they remarked on how much fun they had working out these fractions.
For reasons of space, it is not possible to dwell on further examples. They illustrate that the
children use correspondences in the quotient situations whereas they attempt to use perceptual
comparisons when they approach the problem as a part-whole question. They also show that
correspondence is not the only argument that emerges for equivalences: the exhaustive and fair
division of the same whole is often used also as an argument that can support the equivalence between
different fractions.
It should be noted that the children had been taught to use perceptual strategies when working with
fractions in part-whole situations. Thus it is not possible to discard the idea that the same logical
arguments might have been used by the children in part-whole situations with similar levels of
success, if they had a different learning history.

Discussion and Conclusions

The research briefly described here illustrates how a systematic analysis of the invariants, the
representations, and the situations in which fractions are used can help us understand how children can
construct different approaches to understanding fractions. We started with a lay definition of fractions,
based on how fractions are represented, and then explored the invariants that are central to this
concept, the situations in which the concept is used and which give meaning to fractions, and different
representations of the same situations. This theoretical analysis suggested new ways of investigating
children’s understanding of fractions.
The empirical investigations that followed showed the fruitfulness of the approach. The
quantitative and qualitative analyses of pupils’ performance showed that that there is good reason to
maintain that part-whole and quotient situations give different meanings to fractions. Not only their
level of success differs across these situations when they are asked to judge the equivalence of
different fractions but also the ideas they explore when analyzing equivalence support a distinction
between the situations.
Our findings converge with those from previous research in some ways but also extend them. Moss
and Case (1999), for example, proposed that there are two primitive psychological units that provide

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the basis for understanding rational numbers, a global structure for proportional evaluation and a
numerical structure for doubling and splitting. Our qualitative analysis confirms that children use
scalar strategies involving doubling when exploring equivalent fractions. But our results also show a
wider basis for children’s thinking about fractions than they suggested. The only situation considered
by Moss and Case was rational numbers as measures, where percentages and decimals were used to
express fractions of units. Thus it was unlikely that they could observe reasoning that explored
correspondences, and fair and exhaustive sharing as arguments for equivalence.
Our results also converge with those described by Mack (1990; 1995), who observed better
performance in pupils’ ability to order fractions in quotient than in other situations. The ease with
which the children reasoned about classes of equivalent fractions ate the end of two problem-solving
sessions using quotient situations supports the idea that children do have some intuitive knowledge of
the logic of fractions, developed in everyday life and without systematic instruction, and that this
knowledge could be an important resource in the classroom.
Because the distinction between part-whole and quotient situations has been overlooked in some of
the previous analyses, the correspondence strategies and the arguments of fair and exhaustive division
documented here have not been considered in the previous literature. However, the children’s ability
to articulate these arguments during our teaching sessions show that they can provide a support for
children’s understanding of the logic of fractions.
Finally, we would like to emphasize that our analysis provides a path for asking similar questions
about how children construct the idea of classes of equivalent fractions in other situations. In
particular, it seems urgent to investigate how this takes place in intensive quantities situations, where
the whole does not have to be the same for the fractions to be equivalent. How might the
understanding of fractions to represent intensive quantities change children’s concepts of fractions?
How useful are concepts of fraction constructed in the context of extensive quantities for analyzing
intensive quantities situations?

Figure 1

Kim Ben

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

Figure 2

Part-whole situations
Question: Paint 2/3 of each figure

Year 4: .78
Year 5: .91

Year 4: .35
Year 5: .56

Year 4: .25
Year 5: .48

Year 4: .23
Year 5: .44

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

Figure 2 (continued)

Quotient situations
Question: The children on the left share fairly one cake. The children on the right share fairly
two cakes. Will each child from the group on the left get the same, more or less than each child from
the group on the right?

Proportion correct for this item: Proportion correct for 1/4 and 2/8:
Year 4: .64 Year 4: .78
Year 5: .96 Year 5: .70
________________________________________________________________

Figure 3

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Figure 4

Figure 5

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 Children’s concepts of fractions

Figure 6

List of Figures with Captions

Figure 1. Kim and Ben had chocolate bars that were exactly the same size. Kim cut hers in
two parts of exactly the same size, the way you see in the picture, and ate one, which is shaded in the
picture. Ben cut his in two parts exactly the same size, the way you see in the picture, and ate one,
which is shaded in the picture. Did Kim and Ben eat the same amount of chocolate?
Figure 2. Proportion of correct responses by children in Years 4 and 5 in different situations
Figure 3. One example of a child’s booklet for the problem 3 chocolates shared among 4
children
Figure 4. H’s drawing of the division of 3 chocolates in thirds and attempt to share the thirds
out among the 4 children. She does not write above the first chocolate but from the second chocolate
on, she indicates that each child is getting a second third and then there is one more third that would be
given to one child.
Figure 5. One child’s argument for the equivalence between 1/3 and 2/6. He did not master the
conventions required to represent his reasoning but his explanation clarifies his argument.
Figure 6. Finding equivalent fractions: how can one share 4 chocolates among 6 children?

References
Behr, M., Lesh, R., Post, T., & Silver, E. A. (1983). Rational number concepts. In R. Lesh &
M. Landau (Eds.), Acquisition of Mathematical Concepts and Processes (pp. 91-126). New York:
Academic Press.

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Carpenter, T. P., & Moser, J. M. (1982). The development of addition and subtraction problem
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Moss, J., & Case, R. (1999). Developing children's understanding of rational numbers: A new
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Streefland, L. (1993). Fractions: A Realistic Approach. In T. P. Carpenter & E. Fennema & T.
A. Romberg (Eds.), Rational Numbers: An Integration of Research (pp. 289-326). Hillsdale, NJ:
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Vergnaud, G. (1982). A classification of cognitive tasks and operations of thought involved in
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Appendix 1

List of problems used in the first two teaching sessions

1. A drawing of six girls and one closed packet of biscuits. (a) If each girl received
exactly one biscuits and there were no biscuits left in the packet, how many biscuits
were in the packet to begin with? (b) If each girl received a half biscuit and there
were no biscuits left in the packet, how many biscuits were in the packet to begin
with? (c) If some more girls joined the group and they all shared the biscuits fairly,
would each girl now receive more, less, or the same amount to eat? (From
Streefland, 1997)

2. A drawing of 3 chocolates and 4 children. (a) Can each child get a whole chocolate?
(b) Can each child receive at least a half chocolate? (c) What fraction of a chocolate
will each one receive? From Streefland, 1997)

3. After these two problems, the researcher discussed with the children the notation of
fractions. The children were asked to write a half and indicate what the numbers
meant. The researcher would summarize the children’s discussion, ensuring that
they realized that 1/2 means ‘you cut something in two equal parts and take one’
and also ‘one chocolate shared by two children’. The children were then asked how
they would represent a situation where three children shared a chocolate: what
fraction would each one get? This discussion of the writing and reading of fractions
was extended to cover 1/5 and two or three further examples of unitary fractions.

4. Drawing of six children and two pizzas. Six children go to a pizzeria and order two
pizzas. The waiter first brings one, and then the other pizza. (a) What fraction of the
first pizza will each child get? (b) What fraction of the second pizza will each child
get? (c) How many sixths would each one get? (d) Could they share it differently if
the waiter brought the two pizzas at the same time? (e) What fraction would each
child have? (f) Do they eat the same amount if they share in these different ways?

5. Drawing of 9 children and 6 chocolates. (a) Find two different ways of sharing the
chocolates among the 9 children. (b) If you shared in these different ways, would
they be getting the same amount of chocolate both times or not? (c) Why?

6. Drawing of 6 children and 4 chocolates. (a) Find two different ways of sharing the
chocolates among the 6 children. (b) If you shared in these different ways, would
they be getting the same amount of chocolate both times or not? (c) Why?

371
17
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Rees A. P. (2007). The evolution of textbook misconceptions about Darwin. JBE, 41, 53-55.
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Case Histories in Experimental Science, Volume 1, Harvard University Press, Cambridge-
Massachusetts, pp.1-63.
Glashow, S., 1994: From Alchemy to Quarks, Harvard University, Brooks/Cole Publishing
Company, Pacific Grove, California
Hapkiewicz, A., 1999: Naïve Ideas in Earth Science. MSTA Journal, 44(2) (Fall’99), pp.26-30.
http://homepage.mac.com/vtalsma/syllabi/2943/handouts/misconcept.html#weather
Hapkiewicz, A. ,1992: Finding a List of Science Misconceptions. MSTA Newsletter,
38(Winter’92), pp.11-14.
http://homepage.mac.com/vtalsma/syllabi/2943/handouts/misconcept.html#matter
Henriques,L., 2000: Children’s misconceptions about weather : A review of literature, Paper
presented at the annual meeting of the National Association of Research in Science Teaching, New
Orleans, L.A. April 29, 2000, http://www.csulb.edu/~lhenriqu/NARST2000.htm
Holton G. & Brush S., 2002: «
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Tyndall Centre, Who was John Tyndall?,
http://www.tyndall.ac.uk/general/history/john_tyndall.shtml

460
 Primary-Aged Children’s Misconceptions of Industry and its Relationship with Science
What do English primary children think of industry and its relationship with science?

Joy Parvin, Gayle Pook, Chemical Industry Education Centre, University Of York

The Chemical Industry Education Centre (CIEC) at the University of York, UK, has been gathering
and analysing data on children’s perceptions of science-based manufacturing for over 10 years. Initial
data collection was via semi-structured interviews with 9-11 year old children and their teachers, both
before and after the project intervention (described below). Using the data analysis form the
interviews, questionnaires were designed to collect further data from children and teachers. Over the
years, these questionnaires have been continually modified and adapted to meet the evaluation needs
of the project. The project intervention is Children Challenging Industry, which consists of:

x an advisory teacher teaching enquiry-based science to one class of 9-11 year olds in each
participating school, using ‘stories’, or contexts, from industry
x in-service training session for all members of staff in each school
x a visit to a chemical or similar manufacturing company, tailored to meet the curriculum needs of
that age group
x training for each company offering site visits, to enable effective and relevant visits to take place.

In addition, a longitudinal study has been carried out, to find out what children think of both
science and industry, 5 years after their involvement in the project; and to find out whether teachers
still used the approach with classes in their schools.

This session will present a brief overview of the methodology and the findings from these various
studies, and how the project has evolved as a result of the research carried out. Statistical data will be
presented, as well as children’s drawings of industry, and pertinent quotations from children and their
teachers.

Current Practice in Terms of Changing the Rather Negative Perceptions that Young Children
Hold of Science-Based Industries
Linking primary school science with industry in the UK

Joy Parvin, Gayle Pook, Chemical Industry Education Centre, University Of York

Joy Parvin and Gayle Pook work for the Chemical Industry Education Centre (CIEC), based at the
University of York in the UK. The CIEC has been involved in the development of contextualised
teaching materials for the past 20 years and now employs a team of advisory science teachers that
provide stimulating science lessons for schools in the north of England. The advisory teachers also
deliver in service training directly into schools and through the National Science Learning Centre
Network.

In this workshop you will have the opportunity to try out some of the ideas that are inspiring young
scientists to continue their science education. There will be examples of enquiry based investigations
that tackle real problems based on those encountered in product research and manufacture. Combining
a context led and investigative approach to the teaching of science motivates children and helps them
to explore their understanding of the concepts involved.

Our aims are to:

x increase children’s level of scientific thinking and engagement

x allow for creative thinking by presenting problems within a coherent industrial storyline
x develop the skills that are fundamental to good scientific technique
x encourage participation and team work

461
x enhance communication skills
x exemplify the links between science and industry to facilitate understanding and change
perceptions about the role of science.

All of the activities included will be enquiry based and include elements of planning, carrying out
and evaluating their findings.

Links to literacy, numeracy and ICT are easily made through this approach and will be flagged up
throughout the workshop.

Chemical Industry Education Centre

Department of Chemistry
University of York
Heslington
York, YO10 5DD

Tel. 01904 432523

www.ciec.org.uk

462
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Asoko H.M., Leach J. and Scott PH. (1992) «Sounds interesting: working with teachers to find
out how children think about sound», NFER-Nelson, Topic 8:1-7.
Asoko H.M., Leach J. and Scott PH. (1991) «A study of students' understanding of sound 5-16 as
an example of action research», Paper prepared for the Symposium, «Developing Students'
Understanding in Science» at the Annual Conference of the British Educational Research Association
at Roehampton Institute, 2 September 1990, London.
8 $., & Brewer G.(1988) L 

   
  


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  . 39, 6- .
8 $., (1998) "
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, M &    
 
, . Gutenberg
Brewer W., (1992) Mental Models of the earth: a study of conceptual change in childhood
Cognitive Psychology 24, 535-585
Driver R, Squires A., Rushworth P., Wood- Robinson, +-
    D 
. 6


0    
,  

 ., 69

\
1% 6., .  % %
1998
Gentner, D., & Stevens, A.L. () (1983) Mental Models. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
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Inference, Consciousness. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
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Johnson - Laird, P. N., and R. M. J. Byrne. (1991) Deduction. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
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Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society, Stanford, CA.
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, pp. 354-357.

“% 8., (1994) 


  9   .  Gutenberg
Rumelhart, D.E. (1980), “Schemata: The Building Blocks of Cognition”. $ Spiro, R.J., Bruce,
B.C., & Brewer, W.F. (), Theoretical Issues in Reading Comprehension. Hillsdale, N.J.:
Erlbaum.
Schank, R.C., & Abelson, R.P. (1997) Scripts, Plans, Goals and Understanding. Hillsdale, N.J.:
Erlbaum.
Vosniadou S. & Brewer W., (1992) Mental models of the earth: a study of conceptual change in
childhood. Cognitive Psychology, No 24,535-585.
Vosniadou S., (1994b) Capturing and modeling the process on conceptual change. Learning and
Instruction 4, 45-69
Vosniadou S., (in press) On the nature of naïve physics. In M. Limon and L. Mason (Eds.)
Reframing the Process of Conceptual Change. Kluwer Academic Publishers
Watt D. and Russell T., (1990) Sound, Primary SPACE Project, Research Report, Liverpool
University Press.

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C56
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