A Professional Musician in Ear PDF

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
A PROFESSIONAL MUSICIAN IN EARLY MODERN ROME:
THE LIFE AND PRINT PROGRAM OF FABIO COSTANTINI, C.1579-C.1644
VOLUME 1
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
MARY PAQUETTE-ABT
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER 2003
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME 1
List of Tables................................................................................................................vi
List of Examples........................................................................................................ viii
List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................... x
Acknowledgements.................................................................................................... xii
Introduction A Professional Musician in Early Modem Rome: The Life and Print
Program of Fabio Costantini, C.1579-C.1644.................................... 1
Chapter 1 Fabio Costantini: Origins and Early Training.................................. 18
Chapter 2 Orvieto, Administration of the Duomo, and the Cappella musica 46
Chapter 3 Fabio Costantini, Romano, Maestro, and Cittadino di Orvieto.......89
Chapter 4 The Anthologies: Project and Program...........................................149
VOLUME 2
Chapter 5 Double-Choir Collections per tutti..................................................232
Chapter 6 Few-Voice Sacred Motet Repertory................................................318
Chapter 7 Secular Anthologies and Roman Monody in Orvieto................... 404
VOLUME 3
Chapter 8 Anthologies of the 1630s..................................................................487
Appendices
A. Documents......................................................................................... 568
B. 1. Source Locations of Costantini Anthologies............................ 586
2. Worklist and Contents..............................................................587
C. Selected Texts in the Anthologies................................................... 614

1. Motet Texts in Selectae cantiones (1614)..............................616
2. Motet Texts in Selectae cantiones (1616)..............................62 8
3. Motets Texts in Scelta di motetti (1618)...............................637
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4. Texts in Ghirlandetta amorosa.............................................. 646
5. Texts in L ’A urata Cintia.........................................................667
6. Motet Texts in Motetti a 1, 2, 3,4, & 5 voce (1634)...............682
7. Motet Texts in Salmi, Magnificat,e motetti (1639)............... 692
D. Dedication Translations................................................................... 697
E. 1. Index of Pieces........................................................................... 708

2. Index of Composers................................................................ 714
3. Table of Pieces in Print Order................................................ 720
F. Orvieto Feastdays............................................................................. 756
Bibliography ...........................................................................................................759
VOLUME 4
Music Transcriptions ..................................................................................................ii
1. Sancti Dei omnes Fabio Costantini................................................ 794

2. Beatus Laurentius Bernardino N anino............................................ 807
3. O lumen ecclesiae Fabio Costantini................................................ 825
4. Dixit Dominus Fabio Costantini................................................ 839
5. Laetatus sum Fabio Costantini................................................ 861
6. Ave Regina Bernardino N anino............................................ 878
7. Cantabo Domino Theofilo Gargari.................................................898
8. Adjuro vos Abundio Antonelli............................................. 903
9. Hoc est praeceptum Fabio Costantini............................................. 908
10. Aveverum Giovanni Francesco Anerio............................. 911
11. Cantabo Domino Paolo Quagliati................................................ 917
12. Calistus est vere martyr Fabio Costantini............................................. 923
13. Ave gratia plena Anonymous....................................................... 927
14. Cum iucunditate Fabio Costantini.................................................932
15. Percussit Saul Ottavio Catalano............................................... 936
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16. Tutte le viste homai Fabio Costantini................................................ 941

17. O della vita mia Fabio Costantini.............................................. 946
18. Non dormo no Giovanni Francesco Anerio...............................949
19. Dov’iocredea Francesca Caccini.............................................. 952
20. Splendor degl’occhi miei Alessandro Costantini........................................ 953
21. Per pianto la mia came Theofilo Gargari................................................ 955
22. Hor pensate al mio mal Theofilo Gargari.................................................959
23. Se mi dolce il tormento Theofilo Gargari.................................................962
24. Cosi vol mia ventura Theofilo Gargari.................................................966
25. O felice guerrieri Fabio Costantini.................................................969
26. Col fior’di fior’in mano Fabio Costantini.................................................973
27. Exultet caelum laudibus Agostino Agazzari/Fabio Costantini................ 976
28. Ave maris stella Fabio Costantini.................................................992
29. Magnificat Fabio Costantini............................................... 1000
30. Quam dilecta tabemacula Fabio Costantini............................................... 1025
31. En dilectus meus Fabio Costantini............................................... 1029
32. Gaudeamus omnes “del P” ...............................................................1033
33. Apud Dominum Fabio Costantini............................................... 1042
34. Confitemini Domino Fabio Costantini............................................... 1044
35. Ave Maria Fabio Costantini............................................... 1050
36. Dixit Dominus Fabio Costantini/Giovanni Maria Nanino.... 1058
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. 1611 Inventory of Music at Orvieto Cathedral, With Comparisons to

1589 Inventory and Current Holdings.......................................................... 85
Table 3.1. Costantini Family Tree................................................................................147
Table 4.1. Costantini Editions...................................................................................... 153
Table 4.2. Anthologies by Genre and Style................................................................. 155
Table 4.3. Composers and Number of Pieces in each Anthology............................. 160
Table 4.4. Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti (1621): Contents, Performance
Instructions, Text Identification................................................................. 188
Table 4.5. Contemporary Inventories and Archives Holding Costantini
Publications................................................................................................. 223
Table 4.6. Printed Editions Through 1645 in the Archive of S. Maria in Trastevere
(excluding masses)......................................................................................227
Table 4.7. Early Seventeenth-Century Music Prints in Partbooks in the Archivio
delF Archiconfratemita di S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini............................. 230
Table 5.1. Contemporary Vatican and Confraternity Manuscripts............................ 238
Table 5.2. Contemporary Manuscript Sources for the Polychoral Anthologies....... 239
Table 5.3. Selectae cantiones (1614): Text/Liturgical Sources, Clefs,
Tonal Types..................................................................................................245
Table 5.4. Psalms in Raccolta de ’salmi (1615) and Scelta de salmi (1620)..............254
Table 5.5. Composers in Order of Introduction and Number of Pieces in the
Polychoral Compendium............................................................................ 259
Table 5.6. Older Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation 1590-1610,
Pieces in the Polychoral Compendium...................................................... 260
Table 5.7. Second Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation 1590-1620,
Pieces in the Polychoral Compendium...................................................... 262
Table 5.8. Younger Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation
c. 1600-1620, Pieces in Polychoral Compendium..................................... 269
Table 5.9. Raccolta de ’ salmi (1615): Clefs, Tonal Types, Performance
Indications....................................................................................................298
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Table 5.10. Scelta de salmi (1620): Clefs, Tonal Types, Performance Indications.....299
Table 5.11. Textures in Dixit Dominus (1615), F. Costantini................................... 309
Table 6.1. Composers in Few-Voice Motet Anthologies: 1616,1618,1634......... 3?1
Table 6.2. Selectae cantiones (1616): Text/Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types ...323
Table 6.3. Scelta di motetti (1618): Text/Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types.... 348
Table 6.4. General Sources for Motet Texts............................................................. 355
Table 6.5. Text and Related Responsory: Cum iucunditate (1618), F. Costantini. ..377
Table 6.6. Altemps Inventario, 1620: Partial List of Printed M usic...................... 401
Table 7.1. Composers in Ghirlandetta amorosa and L ’A urata Cintia................... 408
Table 7.2. Ghirlandetta amorosa (1621): Genres, Performance Indications,
Meter, Texts, Clefs, Tonal Types............................................................ 4?0
Table 7.3. Sannazzaro, Arcadia, Eclogue II, lines 81-100...................................... 446
Table 7.4. L ’A urata Cintia (1622): Genres, Performance Indications, Meter,
Texts, Clefs, Tonal Types......................................................................... 458
Table 8.1. Salmi, himni (1630) “a otto concertato”: Performance Indications,
Clefs, Tonal Types.................................................................................... 493
Table 8.2. Psalm Settings in Salmi, himni (1630) and Salmi, Magnificat (1639).. ..495
Table 8.3. Textures in Deus tuorum militum, G. F. Anerio..................................... 500
Table 8.4. Textures in Ave maris Stella, F. Costantini............................................. 509
Table 8.5. Psalm 111, Beatus vir (1630), F. Costantini........................................... 510
Table 8.6. Psalm 129, De Profundis (1630), F. Costantini...................................... 510
Table 8.7. Magnificats in Salmi, himni (1630) and Salmi, Magnificat (1639)...... 515
Table 8.8. Exultet caelum laudibus (1630), Agazzari/ F. Costantini...................... 573
Table 8.9. Distribution of Textures Correlated with Text, Harmony, and
Measure Numbers in Exultet caelum laudibus (Agazzari version)....... 575
Table 8.10. Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti a otto (1639): Intonation and Style Indications,
Clefs, Tonal Types...................................................................................... 528
Table 8.11. Textures in Laetatus sum (1620 and 1639), F. Costantini..................... 533
Table 8.12. Textures in Dixit Dominus, Costantini/Nanino...................................... 536
Table 8.13. Motetti a 1.2.3.4.5 (1634): Text/Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types.. ..539
LIST OF MUSIC EXAMPLES
Example 5.1a. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina........................................................... 284

Example 5.1b. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina........................................................... 286
Example 5.2. Puer qui natus est (1614), Giovannelli............................................. 292
Example 5.3. Laetatus sum (1615), [G. M. Nanino]...............................................303
Example 5.4. Ave Regina caelorum, F. A nerio.......................................................303
Example 5.5. Laudate Dominum (1620), M artini...................................................306
Example 5.6. Beatus vir (1620), Crivelli..................................................................313
Example 6.1a. Voce mea (1616), Giovannelli............................................................369
Example 6.1b. Voce mea (1616), Giovannelli............................................................370
Example 6.2. Angelus adpastores ait (1618), Frescobaldi.................................... 370
Example 6.3. Pulchraeset decora (1618), Antonelli.............................................382
Example 6.4. O quampulchra es (1618), Pianti..................................................... 385
Example 6.5. O quam pulchra es (1616), De Grandis............................................. 385
Example 6.6. Sub tuum praesidium (1616), Landi.................................................. 394
Example 6.7. Peccavi (1616), Frescobaldi...............................................................394
Example 6.8a. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi......................................................... 396
Example 6.8b. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi......................................................... 396
Example 6.8c. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi......................................................... 396
Example 7.1a. D ov’io credea (IIprimo libro, 1618), F. Caccini.............................427
Example 7.1b. D ov’io credea (1621), F. Caccini...................................................... 427
Example 7.2. Ecco nata hor hor la Rosa (1621), Antonelli................................... 433
Example 7.3. Non dormo no (II maggio fiorito, 1623), anon..................................440
Example 7.4a. Dolce augellin (1621), F. Costantini.................................................440
Example 7.4b. Dolce augellin (1621), F. Costantini.................................................440
Example 7.5. Gioisce Faria, (1621), anon................................................................444
Example 7.6. Se la doglia (1621), A. Costantini..................................................... 452
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Example 7.7. Ecco ch ’a ll’apparire (1621), F. Costantini...................................... 452
Example 7.8a. Fiammagiante del d e l {1622), F. Costantini....................................463
Example 7.8b. Fiammagiante del d e l (1622), F. Costantini.................................... 463
Example 7.9. O bella Clori (1622), F. Costantini................................................... 464
Example 7.10. La mia leggiadra (1622), F. Costantini............................................ 467
Example 8.1. Laudatepueri (1630), F. Costantini..................................................513
Example 8.2. Magnificat (1639), F. Costantini....................................................... 518
Example 8.3. Magnificat (1639), V. Mazzocchi..................................................... 519
Example 8.4. Et misericordia, Magnificat (1639), F. Costantini...........................534
Example 8.5a. O Amantissime (1634), F. Costantini................................................ 546
Example 8.5b. O Amantissime (1634), F. Costantini................................................ 547
Example 8.6. Deus canticum novum (1634), F. Costantini.................................... 555
Example 8.7. Facta es cum angelo (1634), F. Costantini...................................... 555
Example 8.8. Dulcis Jesu Pie Deus (1634), F. Costantini...................................... 555
LIST OFABBREVIATION S
Orvieto Libraries and Archives:
I-Od Orvieto, Archivio dell’Opera del Duomo

I-Oas Orvieto, Archivio di Stato di Temi, Orvieto section
I-Oc Orvieto, Biblioteca Comunale “Luigi Fumi”
Other Libraries and Archives

I-Ras Rome, Archivio di Stato
I-Rvic Rome, Archivio Storico del Vicariato
I-Rsmt Rome, Archivio Capitolo della Santa Maria in Trastevere (in I-Rvic)
I-Rv Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana
I-Rvat Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
ACSP Archivio Capitolo di San Pietro (in I-Rvat)
I-Rascr Rome, Archivio Storico Capitolino e Biblioteca della Societa Romana di
Storia Patria
I-Rsc Rome, Biblioteca Conservatorio Santa Cecilia
I-Nc Naples, Biblioteca del Conservatorio “Majiella”
US-Cn Chicago, Newberry Library
CG Cappella Giulia, musical chapel of the Basilica of S. Pietro

CS Cappella Sistina, or Pontificia, musical chapel attached to the pope
SMM S. Maria Maggiore
SGL S. Giovanni in Laterano
SmT Sma. Trinita dei Pellegrini
SLF S. Luigi dei Francesi
Cassieri Record of accounts of the Orvieto Opera del Duomo (I-Od)

Memoriale Informal records kept by the Camerlengo of the Orvieto Opera del
Duomo (I-Od)
Riformagione Official records of the Consiglio of the City of Orvieto (I-Oas)
Riformanze Official records o f meeting minutes of the Orvieto Opera
del Duomo (I-Od)
The main body o f the archival entry is encased in quotions;

marginal material is left outside the quotation marks and preceded
by: (marg.) Plain folio numbers represent original numbering, and
numbers in parentheses are those of a later, penciled page
numbering.
DBI Dizionario biografico degli italiani, ed. Alberto Bassi (Rome, 1964-)
NG New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie,
London, 1980.
x
XI
NGII New Grove Dictionary, Second Edition, London 2001; Biographical

reference to NGII will be assumed without comment.
s. scudo, scudi
C canto
S soprano
A alto
T tenor
B bass
Bar baritone
Be basso continuo, basso stesso, or basso del organo
ant. antiphon
res. responsory
Brev. Breviarum romanum, (1568), edited by Manlio Sodi and Achille Maria
Triacca (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1999), followed
by location number in parentheses. All other breviaries will specify date
o f publication and page number,
lect. lectio at matins
Miss. Missale Romanum,Editio Princeps (1570) ed. Manlio Sodi and Achille
Maria Triacca, (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1998).
Pitch ranges are based on middle c=c'
Shorthand identification of anthologies rely on the numbering system found in

Repertoire International des Sources Musicales [RISM], Recuils Imprimes.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The gestation of this project has been long, and in the intervening years the
musicological world has changed. Rather than making my initial plans for a research
topic obsolete, however, the opposite occurred, and the intellectual interests of the field
became more receptive to, and provided new approaches for, a study which uses as its
core a typical musician and repertory for the broader purpose of understanding a culture.
The changes in the field paralleled changes in my own circumstances so that my deepest
interests and research goals converged as well.
My interest in the early seventeenth century was sparked by the late James H.
Moore’s wonderful engagement in his classes on the music of the era. I was fortunate to
begin the dissertation and to complete the work under the tutelage of two fine scholars.
Howard Mayer Brown left many scholarly orphans at his untimely death, but his lively
and probing mind which saw in seemingly familiar evidence opportunities for original
research, encouraged me at the start. Subsequently, Robert Kendrick’s guidance
broadened and redirected the study, and activated the archival component which was
crucial to its eventual conclusions. I am deeply grateful to him for both encouraging and
challenging me, as well as for the generous spirit with which he shared his great
intellectual gifts and insights. I would also like to thank the members of my committee,
Martha Feldman for many helpful suggestions and new ways of thinking about the
material that will stimulate further research, and Anne Robertson, for her long-standing
interest and support.
A Martha Friedberg Fellowship and Division of the Humanities Travel Grant
helped fund research in Rome, Orvieto, and Naples, and scholarship support from the
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Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
xiii
Societa Dante Alighieri of Michigan allowed further language study and research in
Rome.
Libraries and archives which have provided personal access to or microfilms of
Costantini’s works include the Library of the British Museum, the Biblioteca del
Conservatorio in Bologna, the Biblioteca del Seminario in Lucca, the Biblioteca del
Conservatorio in Naples, Christ Church in Oxford, the Laufen archives in the Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek in Munich, the Biblioteque du Conservatoire in Paris, the Biblioteque
Royale de Belgique in Brussels, and the Biblioteca del Conservatorio della Santa Cecilia
in Rome.
In Orvieto, the staffs of the Opera del Duomo di Orvieto, the Orvieto sections of
the Temi Archivio di Stato, and the Biblioteca Communale in Orvieto were invaluable in
aiding my research there, with particular thanks to Marilena Caponeri Rossi, director of
the Archivio di Stato, and to Pino Mearilli, segretario of the Opera del Duomo. Many in
Orvieto provided hospitality and advice, which I appreciate in equal measure, Lanfranco
Fattorini, Miriam Piccioni, Suor Giovanna Galli, Claudia Piccini, Jesse Rosenberg, and
Alessandra Visconti.
Special thanks go to the staff members of the interlibrary loan office of the Purdy-
Kresge Library at Wayne State University who were absolutely indispensable in moving
this project forward. I appreciate as well the home given me in the Humanities Program
at Wayne State University over the last few years.
Many colleagues and friends have assisted me in tangible and intangible ways
over the years, many more than the few I will mention. I have not forgotten the rather
distinguished group, it turns out, of fellow students who were with me at the start, and
who have been important in my continued connection with musicology over the years.
More recently, many individuals have given generously of their time and expertise in
Chicago, Detroit, and Rome, and from elsewhere through the wonders of cyberspace.
Some of their specific contributions are acknowledged in the text. I would like to thank
Claudio Annibaldi, Lesley Brill, Peter Burkholder, Marietta Cambareri, Raffaele
DeBenedictis, Mary Frandsen, Norma Goldman, John Hill, Leofranc Holford-Strevens,
Louis Kibler, Jeffrey Kurtzman, Lucia Marchi, Stephen Miller, Mitch Meisner, Amaldo
Morelli, Sandra Palaitch, Colleen Reardon, Giancarlo Rostirolla, Colin Timms, Lucio
Tufano, and Nicholas Young.
The changes witnessed in musicology, and in the world at large, during my years
affiliated with a graduate program are perhaps exceeded only by those I observed in my
children, Uri and Danya, whose lives span this period. They are the reason it took me so
long, and they are the motivation for completing it now. My husband, Jeffrey Abt, has
given unfailing love and support of both the moral and exceedingly practical kind
throughout a very long haul. I dedicate my efforts to them.
INTRODUCTION
A Professional Musician in Early Modern Rome: The Life and Print

Program of Fabio Costantini, C.1579-C.1644
This dissertation examines normative musical practice as part of the multi-faceted
culture of early seventeenth-century Rome, through the lens of the musician, Fabio
Costantini. Why choose Costantini as the focus of this study? In Rome’s extraordinarily
well-populated musical world, the life of Costantini— singer, maestro di cappella,
composer, anthologist, and head of a musical family— exemplifies the model of the
professional musician emerging in great numbers at the end of the sixteenth century, but
with an intriguing difference. His unique historical contribution is the anthologies he
edited and published which are the principal printed anthologies of sacred and secular
Roman music in the early seventeenth century. While his anthologies constitute a typical
and important Roman repertory for the period, they are also valuable artifacts of their
cultural context, through their dedications, roster of composers, and performance rubrics.
Through Costantini’s compilations, a number of Roman composers, along with their
music, can be placed into relationship with each other, and with the patrons and
institutions influencing the music performed, published, and heard by a cross-section of
the elite and the ordinary. From a historical perspective, then, it is the legacy of his
anthologies above all else that draws attention to Costantini. The locations of
Costantini’s career, which went beyond Rome to Orvieto and eventually other locations
in the Papal States, tell a story of the religious and civic contexts of musical culture in
relation to Rome, and expand the meaning of the collections. Emphasizing Costantini’s
biography and the progress of his professional musical career makes it possible to
contextualize these assembled repertories, assessing their position in the Roman musical
1
2
sphere in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Roman printed anthologies of the
later sixteenth century—madrigal and canzonetta collections for the most part—have
usually been understood as collations honoring a patron or identifying a group, or, most
frequently, pleasing a public with pieces popular enough to allow a print to succeed in
the marketplace. Often the latter sort was edited by publishers themselves. But
Costantini shaped his anthologies in much the same way a contemporary composer might
have fashioned a publication of personal works. In doing so he not only provides a
glimpse of popular musical tastes, but a contemporary musician’s perception of the
music profession itself.
Costantini’s life and works particularly illuminate the cultural connections
between Orvieto and Rome. Hired in the Umbrian city in 1610 by virtue of his Roman
status and training, and supported within the network of Roman patronage, Costantini
established an important presence in this provincial city both for himself and for current
Roman musical trends. Costantini’s position in this city and the wider import of his
published musical contributions justifies viewing musical culture in Orvieto as an
extension of Roman practice, but one filtered through the needs of an independent local
entity. His first publication issued from a Roman press (1614), but was dedicated to his
employers in Orvieto, and he may have had a hand in the relocation of this Roman
printer to Orvieto several years later.
The last twenty years of Costantini’s life depart from his earlier trajectory. He
left Orvieto for Rome in the 1620s to pursue opportunities there to work for multiple
patrons, among them various members of the Barberini family then occupying the
papacy, while hoping at the same time to secure an important permanent position. Each
attempt to bring such a plan to fruition resulted in yet another temporary move.
Although his employment and patronage ties remained within the Papal States, he found
3
himself in a succession of posts: maestro di cappella at the shrine of the Santa Casa in
Loreto and the cathedral in Ferrara, maestro di cappella at a confraternity in Ancona,
member of the household of the papal legate to Ferrara, and finally freelancing back in
Rome. In 1636 he returned to Orvieto as maestro di cappella, although in circumstances
somewhat changed from his initial term there. Rehired, perhaps impulsively, by the
administration, an air of caution soon shaded his presence there, manifested in static
remuneration for increased responsibilities. His changed position in Orvieto reflected on
a local level, perhaps, the more restrictive artistic, religious and political climate which
paralleled an economic decline and the Church’s reassertion as the seventeenth century
wore on. Costantini’s last appointment of record was at Tivoli, likely a semi-retirement
position that would have allowed him to live in Rome. His final publication was in
Orvieto, although he had managed to bring out several volumes, always of Roman
repertory, from Venetian presses in the intervening years.
Thus Costantini’s life was shaped by a mixture of available opportunities and
personal initiative, factors which reflect the vicissitudes of the music profession at this
time of rapid expansion. Through it are revealed some of the workings of establishment
Rome, where the Church shaped a musician’s working life in the early seventeenth
century both through its institutions and the people who steered them. His life also
reveals the complex interrelations of civic government and church in Orvieto where the
interaction between ecclesiastical and civic domains affected musical practice.
The repertory of Costantini’s anthologies includes the musical genres performed
m ost w idely and published m ost often in these decades: extra-liturgical sacred
compositions consisting of motet and vespers collections in Latin, and vocal chamber
music in Italian (table 4.1). The 232 pieces selected and arranged in the anthologies
comprise a representative Roman repertory in this period of stylistic experimentation and
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change. The composers are drawn from the first rank of professional composers active in
Rome spanning two generations, and a large proportion of the works were published
nowhere else. The publications of the 1610s and 1620s are partially cumulative, with
some pieces traceable to the later sixteenth century but many newly composed,
representing the range of styles heard in contemporary performance. Both polychoral
and few-voice styles were current in performing venues and booksellers’ offerings, and
the repertory collected here provides a means for comprehending the contemporary
canon.
The number of Costantini’s own compositions in each anthology increased
steadily during the 1620s and 1630s. The title page of the final publication ceased to
identify the print as an anthology at all, implying its contents were the work of Costantini
even though it included works by several contributors as in preceding prints. Though his
innate musical talents were different from a Monteverdi or a Palestrina, Costantini lived
through momentous changes in musical practice, with his eyes—and ears— open. He
absorbed new trends in his own composition, favoring those which achieved maximum
effect in performance with minimum of complexity in composition, perhaps a direct
response to the expectations of his employers and with full knowledge of the capabilities
of his choirs. Ultimately, though, his music eludes categories, when he introduces the
occasional piece with sophisticated text setting or elegantly worked counterpoint.
The three anthologies of the 1630s lend some insight into the changed climate in
music composition as well as publishing during that decade through an even greater
stylistic diversity clearly marked within each collection. The prose of the dedications,
always revealing, assumes a different tone in these later years.
The anthologies also provide material evidence of Costantini’s entrepreneurship
because they connect the performance and production of music for great churches and
5
aristocratic chambers with that used by a significant swath of the general population in
Italy and in some cases across Europe. Music publishing itself informs this study, for the
poetics of anthologies can best be viewed in the light of their commercial intent, even as
their contents, in this case, are generated by and serve other than strictly commercial
purposes too. The business of music publishing in Rome involves Orvieto precisely in
the period o f Costantini’s greatest activity, beginning with the satellite press established
there by Zannetti in 1620. The efflorescence of Roman music publishing in the early part
of the century shows the newly popular role of sacred music publications which issued
alongside the secular genres and lighter songs for entertainment supplied by the same
composers and supported by the same patrons.1 The Costantini repertory comprises
secular and sacred music in roughly the same proportion as issued by Roman presses
generally in those years, offering a look at the two repertories in tandem. At the same
time, the larger number of sacred publications reveals the means by which the general
public was acquainted with the forms and aesthetics of the “new music,” few-voice
textures with instrumental accompaniment, which were more likely to be heard by
greater numbers of people in sacred environments than secular ones, a situation mirrored
2
by the proportion of prints devoted to sacred music reaching publication.
One hypothesis underlying this study is that the anthologies represent an
important source of typical contemporary Roman repertory in that they convey
techniques of that city’s composers, requirements of its institutions, and tastes of Roman
1 Tim Carter, "Music Publishing in Italy, C.1580-C.1625: Some Preliminary

Observations," Research Chronicle o f the Royal Music Association 20 (1986-87): 19-38.
2
Tim Carter, Music in Late Renaissance and Early Baroque Italy (London: Batsford,
1992), 222.
6
audiences, and were distributed through its commercial channels—also a part of Rome’s
local cultural economy. The re-creation of context and the establishment of Costantini’s
place in this musical world are meant to show the validity of the anthologies as just such
a resource. The anthologies, when viewed as typical products of Roman print culture,
are therefore valuable not only for their formal music texts but for the light they shed on
their cultural context through their title pages, dedications, indexes, and performing
rubrics, here transcribed and analyzed.
In addition, Costantini’s series, while true to the nature of anthologies as
compendiums of works assembled for their commercial viability, also bears hallmarks of
the functioning patronage system in early seicento Rome. The intersections of the
careers of Roman musicians, the workings of Roman patronage, the realities of the book
trade, in conjunction with the music itself, are the vectors of my analysis of Costantini’s
anthology series as text and as commodity.
The Roman Context in the Early Seicento

Costantini’s life, career, and published output appear against a backdrop of an
early seventeenth-century Rome which had not yet lost the momentum of its spectacular
growth in the sixteenth century. Rome’s lingering vibrancy is part of the larger trend
Our understanding o f the nature o f the seventeenth-century economic decline in Italy

rests on the work o f Ruggiero Romano, "Italy in the Crisis o f the Seventeenth Century," in
Essays in European Economic History, ed. Peter Earle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 185-98,
and idem, "Between the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: The Economic Crisis o f 1619-22,"
in The General Crisis o f the Seventeenth Century, ed. Geoffrey Parker and Lesley M. Smith, 2nd.
ed. (London: Routledge, 1997), 153-205. Continued refinement o f the understanding o f this
analysis can be seen in other essays in the latter volume. Although the economy o f Italy was in a
general downturn between 1620 and 1660, its decline was more apparent in the north first, see
Domenico Sella, Italy in the Seventeenth Century (London: Longman, 1997), chap. 2.
7
conceptualized as “the long sixteenth century,” which forms one context of Costantini’s
work and that of his contemporaries.4 Since 1550 Rome had become once again a
growing, prosperous, cosmopolitan city, reasserting its role as the center of global
Christianity despite the resistance of the Reformation in Europe. It was also a significant
political power, perhaps the most advanced in terms of administrative organization and
function among those which would become the major modem states in Europe.5 Italian
nobility was drawn to Rome at this time in much the same way that French aristocracy
later clustered at Versailles, but with the Roman nobility effectively restocked every time
a new pope was elected. Rome also became the west’s artistic leader in the early
seventeenth century. Talented painters and influential patrons willing to fund them
converged in a Rome bursting with creative activity.6
The economy was booming. Work could be found and people of all classes and
orders came to take advantage of the opportunities. The population grew from just
30,000 at the beginning of the sixteenth century to over 100,000 by 1601, the bulk
An outgrowth o f idea o f the longue duree, discussed along with other historical
approaches o f the French Annales school, in Peter Burke, The French Historical Revolution: The
Annales School, 1929-1989 (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1990), 42, and from a musical
perspective in Gary Tomlinson, Monteverdi and the End o f the Renaissance (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University o f California Press, 1987).
5 Jean Delumeau, "Rome: Political and Administrative Centralization in the Papal State
in the Sixteenth Century," in The Late Italian Renaissance, ed. Eric Cochrane (London:
Macmillan, 1970), 287-304.
6 Francis Flaskell, Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations Between Italian Art
and Society in the Age o f the Baroque, 2nd. ed. (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1980) is the
classic study. Publications o f recent exhibitions highlight this period: Saints and Sinners:
Caravaggio and the Baroque Image, ed. Franco Mormando (Boston College: McMullen Museum
o f Art, 1999); The Genius o f Rome, 1592-1623, ed. Beverly Louise Brown (London: Royal
Academy o f Arts, 2001); Caravaggio e il genio di Roma 1592-1623, ed. Claudio Strinati and
Rossella Vodret (Milan: Rizzoli, 2001).
8
through immigration to join the workforce and to seek relative social or economic
mobility. Part of the new urban workforce in Rome occupied positions in the Curia, but
others came to fill a complement of artisans’ and servants’ posts, Costantini’s father
likely one o f them. Costantini’s own story seems to indicate Roman origins, but hints at
provincial roots in the identities of his early patrons and later employment locales.
Musicians’ opportunities for training and employment grew along with Rome’s
general prosperity, and with the establishment and growth of musical cappelle in many
more churches than had supported music before. Within this context, Costantini like
many others came to thrive. Bom of parents likely benefiting from Rome’s growth and
prosperity, Costantini became a player on this stage. His patrons were among the most
7 Peter Partner, The Pope's Men (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990); Carlo M. Cipolla,
"Four Centuries o f Italian Demographic Development," in Population in History, ed. D.V. Glass
and D.E.C. Eversley (London, 1965), 570-87; Laurie Nussdorfer, Civic Politics in the Rome o f
Urban VIII (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1992).
g
Amaldo Morelli, "Le cappelle musicali a Roma nel Seicento: Questioni di
organizzazione e di prassi esecutiva," in La cappella musicale nelVltalia della controriforma,
Atti del Convegno intemazionale di studi nel IV Centenario di fondazione della Cappella
Musicale di S. Biagio di Cento, 13-15 October 1989, ed. Oscar Mischiati and Paolo Russo
(Florence: Olschki, 1993), 175-203; Oscar Mischiati, "Profilo storico della cappella musicale in
Italia nei secoli XV-XVIII," in Musica sacra in Sicilia tra rinascimento e barocco, ed. Daniele
Ficola, Atti del convegno di Caltagirone, 10-12 December 1985 (Palermo: Flaccovio, 1988), 23-
45. For the training o f musicians, see Jean Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis des Francois de
Rome au XVII siecle, Special issue o f Note d'Archivio p e r la storia musicale, n.s., 3-4,
supplement (Venice: Fondazione Levi, 1985-86); Thomas D. Culley, Jesuits and Music I: A
Study o f the Musicians Connected with the German College in Rome During the 17th Century
and o f Their Activities in Northern Europe (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1970); Giancarlo
Rostirolla, "La Cappella Giulia in San Pietro negli anni del magistero di Giovanni Pierluigi da
Palestrina," in Atti del convegno di studipalestriniani, ed. Francesco Luisi, Convegno
intemazionale di studi palestriniani, 1975: Palestrina, Italy (Palestrina: Fondazione Giovanni
Pierluigi da Palestrina, 1977), 99-283; John Burke, Musicians o f S. Maria Maggiore, Rome 1600-
1700: A Social and Economic Study, in Note d'Archivio p e r la storia musicale, n.s., 2,
supplement (Venice: Fondazione Levi, 1984).
9
prominent in Rome and his colleagues were the most celebrated musicians of the time,
phenomena reflected in his anthologies. Beginning with his generation, the music
profession became a family affair. His brother Alessandro was an active and successful
musician in this same cultural setting. His son-in-law, the singer Domenico Albrici, also
made his career by way of Rome, and Domenico’s children in turn made musical careers
for themselves in Germany, Sweden, England and Prague. These grandchildren of Fabio
Costantini, notably Vincenzo and Bartolomeo Albrici, are examples of the
transplantation of Italian musical culture beyond the Alps, just as their grandfather’s
publications had earlier disseminated Italian pieces into areas of Germany, Belgium, and
England. Aspects of Costantini’s family life, his sibling and progeny, illustrate larger
demographic and cultural shifts: from the provinces of Italy to urban Rome, and from
there, musically, to courts and cities of Northern Europe, all in the course of three
generations.
Larger historical themes evident in this detailed focus on one musician and his
musical project include the extent of post-Tridentine Catholicism, a movement thought to
be well under way by the early seventeenth century. Ecclesiastical promotion of piety
depended on local conditions and individual involvement, however, and could encounter
its grass-roots version as the situation in Orvieto shows. Any consideration of the sacred
music of this period cannot ignore the questions of post-Tridentine practices, although
this study is not meant as a search for evidence either to corroborate or counteract the
metanarrative of Counter-Reformation musical implementation in Rome, summed up and
9 .
Vincenzo Albrici’s career and music in Dresden has been examined most recently and
most extensively in Mary E. Frandsen, "Sacred Concerto in Dresden c. 1660-1680," Ph.D. diss
(University o f Rochester, Eastman School o f Music, 1997).
10
dismissed as “conservative” by Bukofzer over half a century ago.10 This study avoids
the Counter-Reformation label and its conventional assumptions in favor of a descriptive
social history, and sidesteps the term as analytical shorthand for the music. This is
because the sacred music publications that are the subject of this study satisfied the needs
of musicians and tastes of a public that was perhaps motivated by a shared spirit and
tradition, but the practice was still ungovemed officially by musical-liturgical rules.
Accordingly, the more immediate conventions of contemporary practice, patronage, and
local demands revealed by the anthologies will remain the focus of this study.
In addition to ecclesiastical reform, the movement toward political centralization
within the Papal States provided a structure affecting the dissemination of new music and
musical styles. Orvieto in its relationship with Rome particularly reflects the dynamics
of a large center and its provincial periphery. The sociological model of center and
periphery is a flexible instrument for analyzing the effects of power and politics, the flow
of economics and commerce, and the transmission of ideas and culture.11 Costantini and
his production are rooted in an interplay between a centralizing Rome and environs like
Orvieto, and clearly exemplify this model. But Costantini’s career not only illuminates
the cultural relationship of Rome and Orvieto, it also reveals the subtle relationship
within Rome itself between the musical establishments of the Vatican—its leadership,
personnel, and practices—and that of other churches in Rome. The numerous composers
10 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era: Monteverdi to Bach (1947), 47.
Edward Shils, "Centre and Periphery," in The Logic o f Personal Knowledge (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1961), 1-14; Elena Fasano Guarani, "Center and Periphery," in The
Origins o f the State in Italy 1300-1600, ed. Julius Kirshner (Chicago: Univ. o f Chicago Press,
1995), 74-96.
11
collected in the anthologies offer evidence of musical networks built upon the
understanding of central and peripheral institutions and the reputations built or enhanced
by such affiliation. Similar relationships exist in the aristocratic patronage of the
political and societal elites. Central in this regard would be the prominent Montaltos,
Borgheses, and Barberinis, but others less well known to us should be placed in a
reciprocal position in terms of musical patronage.
Previous Research and Methodology

The study o f Costantini and his work is intended to augment our understanding of
the social and cultural milieu in which a successful musician thrived, and to examine as
well the music at the heart o f this professional positioning. Recent research into genres,
composers, institutions and patrons of music in early seventeenth-century Rome has
flourished, revealing the vitality of its musical life. One of the most fruitful recent
developments has been the increased presence of scholars working in the vast Roman
archives. There the seventeenth century Roman musical bounty lies hidden, the breadth
12
of which was revealed in a recent collection of archival studies in Rome. Valuable
archival work underpins essential biographical and institutional studies, with that of
13
Amaldo Morelli, Jean Lionnet, and Giancarlo Rostirolla being particularly substantial.
The fragmented nature of the archival evidence documenting the institutional affiliations
of many highly qualified seventeenth-century Roman musicians is a reflection of their
12
Bianca Maria Antolini, Amaldo Morelli, and Vera Vita Spagnolo, eds., La musica a
Roma attraverso le fonti d'archivio, Atti del convegno intemazionale, Rome 4-7 June 1992
(Rome: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1994).
13
Works by these scholars are listed in the bibliography.
12
fluid employment conditions. Costantini was no exception, and my reconstruction of his
career contributes to the overlapping picture of music making and making a living for
one among those upon whom Rome’s vibrant musical life depended. Our knowledge of
Rome’s cultural life grows richer as more biographical discoveries are made, and some
have been added through this study, detailing the patterns earlier studies have begun to
discern.
The studies of Noel O’Regan on sacred poly choral music in Rome from its
inception around 1575, and Graham Dixon on liturgical music at specific institutions in
Rome in the first half of the seventeenth century, have sought to redress the neglect of
liturgical music of this period. In both cases they have shifted the earlier scholarly
discussion from consideration of the music’s artistic merit in isolation to questions of its
position as evidence of function and style within the contexts of the institutions and
publics they served.14 Even the cult of Palestrina, for a time the specter of all that was
staid and static about the century following his life, is undergoing revision.15
Monody, and opera, singled out initially by modem scholars as North Italian
genres, also flourished in Rome, although it is the practice of monody that this study
addresses. Recent research on Roman monody has not only expanded the known
14
Graham Dixon, "Liturgical Music in Rome 1605-1645," Ph.D. diss. (University o f
Durham, 1981); Noel O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome 1575-1621," Ph.D. diss.
(Oxford University, 1988).
15 Stephen R. Miller, "Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome: M essepiene,

the Palestrina Tradition, and the Stile antico," Ph.D. diss. (University o f Chicago, 1998).
13
repertory, but also redrawn the outlines of its history and development.16 It reconnects
monody performance and composition to a secular song tradition that continued to
flourish after 1620, as the virtuosic Florentine monody had not managed to do.
Costantini’s two books of Italian song, whose context and contents are addressed in this
study, are identified by Hill as part of this monodic repertory.
Issues of patronage are intimately woven into the composition and performance
of monody in Rome. Hill’s approach to Roman patronage is grounded in the practices of
musical enthusiasts, while the work of Claudio Annibaldi, moving toward a theory of
musical patronage based on the evidence of Roman practice of the same period, sees it as
17
a function of class. The approaches of both these scholars promote the consideration of
early seventeenth century repertory as a manifestation of the rank and station of the
patrons and those privileged to hear the music’s performance. However, the organization
of Costantini’s anthologies provides strong evidence of the prestige of individual
musicians, in some cases independent of their music. On the other hand, details
contained in the print show a contemporary perception of privileged or favored genres,
John Walter Hill, Roman Monody, Cantata, and Opera from the Circles Around
Cardinal Montalto (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), and for an overlapping era, Margaret
Murata, Operas fo r the Papal Court (Ann Arbor: UMI, 1981).
17
Hill, Roman Monody, Claudio Annibaldi, "Per un teoria della committenza musicale
all'epoca di Monteverdi," in Claudio Monteverdi: Studi eprospettive, ed. Paola Besutti, Teresa
M. Gialdroni and Rodolfo Baroncini (Florence: Olschki, 1998), 459-75; idem, "Towards a
Theory o f Musical Patronage in the Renaissance and Baroque: The Perspective from
Anthropology and Semiotics," Recercare 10 (1998): 173-82; idem, "Introduzione," in La musica
e il mondo: Mecenatismo e committenza musicale in Italia tra Quattro e Settecento, ed. Claudio
Annibaldi (Bologna: Societa editrice il Mulino, 1993), 8-43; idem, "II mecenate 'politico.' Ancora
sul patronato musicale del cardinale Pietro Aldobrandini (1571-1621), parte I-II," Studi musicali
16, 17 (1987, 1988): 33-93, 101-78.
14
an approach treated by Hill in relation to the Montalto Italian monody manuscripts. The
Costantini repertory offers insights along the same lines, but in print, weighted toward
the composers themselves, and expanded by including a sacred Latin repertory along
with Italian secular song considered in a similar light.
This printed repertory links the pieces, composers, patrons and institutions to the
public audience they touched, showing the uses of prints as material history. Studies in
Italian music publishing with implications for the seventeenth century culture of print
include those by Tim Carter and Angelo Pompilio, as well as the numerous studies of
individual printers mostly outside Rome. Studies of Valerio Dorico, active in the
sixteenth century, and the Venetian Gardano firm’s Roman branch whose presence
18
bridged the centuries are the most detailed to date within the city. Roman music
printing in the seventeenth century is as yet uncharted territory, although Costantini’s
anthology series and its relationship to the Roman printer Bartolomeo Zannetti provide a
promising point of departure.19
18
Suzanne G. Cusick, Valerio Dorico: Music Printer in Sixteenth Century Rome (Ann
Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981); Richard J. Agee, The Gardano Music Printing firms, 1569-
1611 (Rochester, NY: Univ. o f Rochester Press, 1998).
19
Angelo Pompilio, "Editoria musicale a Napoli e in Italia nel Cinque-Seicento," in
Musica e cultura a Napoli dal X V al XIXsecolo, ed. Lorenzo Bianconi and Renato Bossa
(Florence: Olschki, 1983), 79-102, and Carter, "Music Publishing in Italy." At the present time a
study o f printed dramatic works provides the most useful starting point for music printers of
Rome in this era, Saverio Franchi, Le impressioni sceniche: Dizionario bio-bibliografico degli
editori e stampatori romani e laziali di testi drammatici e libretti p e r musica dal 1579 al 1800
(Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1994).
15
Overview
This dissertation divides into two parts, the biography of Costantini, and the
context, shape and contents of the anthology publications themselves. Chapter 1 presents
Costantini’s formative and early years as a singer in Rome up to his move to Orvieto in
1610 to take up the post of maestro di cappella. Chapter 2 digresses from the biography
in order to introduce Orvieto and its institutions because the musical life of the city
20
during this period has not been treated before in English. It takes a close look at the
interrelations of the cathedral and the city, the community’s traditions and ceremonies at
the beginning of the seventeenth century, and includes a summary of the cathedral’s
musical cappella to 1610. Costantini’s biography resumes in chapter 3 with discussion
of his years in Orvieto from 1610 to 1624; his Roman interlude from 1614 to 1617; the
several other positions he held from 1625 to 1636, beginning and ending in Rome; his
last term in Orvieto from 1636 to 1642; and the concluding years in Tivoli. The
anthologies are presented as a series in chapter 4, including a listing of genres and styles
and an overview of composers, printing, and patronage. A close look at the anthology
dedications are also included in this chapter, followed by a table of inventories which
show the seventeenth-century dissemination of the prints and their repertory.
Chapters 5 through 8 treat the individual anthologies in four groups: the early
polychoral anthologies, the few-voice motet anthologies of the 1610s, the secular
anthologies in the 1620s, and the anthologies of the 1630s. The prints are analyzed with
20
The studies o f Brumana and Ciliberti, joint and individual, are the most relevant,
although the one specifically focussed on Orvieto ends at 1610: Biancamaria Brumana and
Galliano Ciliberti. Orvieto. Una cattedrale e lasu a musica (1450-1610) (Florence: Olschki,
1990).
16
reference to individual works in light of their composers, the choice of texts, and details
of style and scoring.
The appendices include documents and letters; full bibliographic information,
dedications and tables of contents for each anthology, as well as current location; motet
texts and sources, and secular song texts for which sources are identifiable; indexes of
incipits, composers’ names, and a working table of pieces in print order, providing
composers’ dates, concordances, text identifications, and bibliographic references; and a
list of feastdays in Orvieto. A separate volume of transcriptions of selected pieces from
the anthologies forms an addendum to the reading.
The life of Costantini opens a window on the world of the music professional in
Rome, who stands at the crossroads of a musical culture not solely reserved for, nor
consumed by, the elite. The texts, Costantini’s anthologies, exemplify trends in
devotional and recreational music, as well as one professional’s relations with
colleagues, patrons, and a wider public. In this context, these prints provide insight into
the larger practices and social structures, beliefs and values, embodied in musical
21
performance in early seventeenth-century Rome. They bear witness to those in society
with a degree of enfranchisement in the culture of the center, an audience for whom
documentation of musical performance is harder to come by than that for the highest
social strata. Music printing made it possible for circles wider than those which
produced the music in the first place—the citizens of Orvieto, the popolo in Rome among
them—to partake of the musical culture generated at the centers of religious ritual and
21
Stephen Greenblatt, "Culture," in Critical Terms for Literary Study, ed. Frank
Lentricchia and Thomas McLaughlin (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1990), 225-32.
17
aristocratic recreation. And these same prints, considered in context, allow us a similar
opportunity.
CHAPTER 1
Fabio Costantini: Origins and Early Training
In broad outline, Fabio Costantini’s early career is consistent with what we know
of a typical musician’s training from boyhood at the major music cappellas of Rome.
However, the details help us rethink the role of local connections and family patronage in
the career o f a Roman musician bom in the late cinquecento. In Costantini’s case, his
mother was strongly involved in directing the education of not one but two of her sons in
pursuing musical careers, a factor previously overlooked. This is important for what it
tells us about Fabio Costantini’s Roman connections and also about what family and
regional relationships might mean in terms of the music profession in Rome. His origins
appear to have straddled regional and class boundaries, and he came to his career as an
outcome of larger societal movements at this time.
Origins
Costantini was part of the first generation of a family of notable music
professionals of the seventeenth century.1 Much of what is known about his family has
been inferred from the biography of his brother Alessandro, who assumed the post of
organist at the basilica of S. Pietro upon the death of Girolamo Frescobaldi. Because of
Alessandro’s association with Frescobaldi and his high profile position at S. Pietro,
archival information assembled early in this century provides clues to Fabio’s
Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni, Notitie de' contrapuntisti e compositori di musica, ed. C. Ruini
(Florence: Olschki, 1988), 256, 281.
18
19
2
biography. The two brothers appear to have maintained a personal and professional
relationship throughout their lives, as evidenced by the regular inclusion of Alessandro’s
pieces in Fabio’s anthologies, their communication about job opportunities documented
in a letter of the 1620s, and by Alessandro’s declaration in his last testamento, or will, of
Fabio’s granddaughter, as the former’s sole heir.
Costantini’s place of birth has been linked by a certain reading of documentary
evidence to the region of the Marches. Of great significance within the Papal States, the
Marches were closely tied to Rome, particularly the Duchy of Urbino, which, along with
Pesaro, reverted to Papal control in 1631. However, in the earliest music references
Fabio Costantini’s birthplace was reported to be Rome, with his dates inexact but
coincident with his known musical production.4 The saga of Costantini’s assignment to
2
“Cavaliere” Alessandro Costantini carried a certifiably higher status than Fabio. For
more on his title see chap. 7. Although Alessandro’s musical career as an organist and composer
both paralleled and diverged from Fabio’s, one sure point of intersection was the anthologies..
3
The grandniece was Camilla Albrici, the daughter of Domenico Albrici (sometimes
Alberici) and Costantini’s daughter Plautilla, and sister of Vincenzo Albrici. She was named
“erede universale” as noted in Cametti, "Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma," 748-49. For more on
the Albricis, see chap. 3.
4
Ernst Ludwig Gerber, Historisch-Biographisches Lexikon der Tonkunstler (Breitkopf,
1790-92; reprint, Graz: Akademische Druck, 1977), 1: 296-97, ["Constantini"], where only
Costantini’s edition of 1614 is listed. An addendum (Neues Historisch-Biographisches, 1812-
1814): 770, shows three additional music volumes, one of which, four- and five-voice psalms, is
now lost. There is no entry in Gerber for Alessandro; F. J. Fetis, Biographie universelle des
musiciens e bibliographie generate de la musique, 2d. ed. (Paris, 1867) 2:371-72; Robert Eitner,
Biographisch-Bibliographische Quellenlexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten de christlichen
Zeitrechnung biszur Mitte des 19 Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1900-1904) 3:76-77. Eitner’s list of
works is the most complete, however it lacks the later anthologies of 1630, 1634, and 1639. It
was Eitner who interpreted the name of the Basilica S. Maria Trans Tyberin to be at Tivoli
instead of S. Maria in Trastevere in Rome, and thus mistakenly made Costantini maestro di
cappella in Tivoli in 1616. This error was caught by Cametti, "Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma,"
748 n. 3, but crept back into later biographies.
20
provincial origins and his subsequent reinstatement in Rome, historiographically
speaking, is recounted here in some detail for what it conveys about Roman musical
historiography more generally, and in order to integrate new evidence with a revised
reading of what was previously known.
References from the early twentieth century up through the second edition of New
Grove state Costantini’s birth to be in Staffolo, near Ancona in the Marches, between
1570 and 1575. The evidence for situating his birthplace there comes by inference from
two sources relating to Alessandro Costantini discovered by Alberto Cametti early in the
twentieth century. In 1591 a contract for music instruction was drawn up in Rome
between the musician Bernardino Nanino and Alessandro’s mother, Domitilla, who was
described as wife of the “late Erminio, from Jesi,” near the port city of Ancona.5 The
second source is the testamento of Alessandro, written in August 1657 and executed at
his death on 20 October of the same year.6 In it Alessandro is identified as the son of
Erminio dallo Staffolo nella Marca. Staffolo is about twenty kilometers from Jesi, near
g
Ancona, and within its jurisdiction. It is the father’s name and place of origin that link
the “Alessandro” of the 1591 contract with Alessandro Costantini’s testament, assuring
him to be Fabio’s brother.
5 Alberto Cametti, "Un contratto d'insegnamento musicale nel Secolo XVI (1591) (Gio.
Bernardino Nanino e Alessandro Costantini)," Musica d'Oggi (1922): 39-40; I-Ras, Atti del
notaio Mainardi dell’ A.C. vol. 3841, f. 165.
6 Cametti, "Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma," 748-49. Here Cametti mentions the
testamento and some of its provisions. The testamento itself is found with additional interpolated,
unnumbered pages, in Notai dell’A.C., Testamenti andDonationi, Jacobus Simoncellus 1653-
1657, Buste No. 31, f. 596r-598v, I-Ras.
7 Ibid., f. 597r.
g
Jesi’s jurisdiction over Staffolo is noted in Cametti, "Un contratto," 40.
21
In Roman notarial documents of the time, inclusion of the father’s name and place
of origin as part of a person’s identification was standard practice. A third notarial
document, related to Alessandro Costantini but previously unnoted, exhibits this practice
but relates different information. In this document, also dated August 1657, in which
Alessandro rented out an apartment he owned, the rental agreement identified him as the
son of “Arminij Romano.” This could very well be a case of using a standard formula
with little regard for specificity, because there was little need to be completely accurate
about the birthplace o f the father in this instance because Alessandro Costantini was well
identified. Perhaps also there was less personal involvement and attention to such
notarial details on Alessandro’s part in a rental agreement as opposed to his own will. In
either case, these discrepancies introduce elements of ambiguity into the picture of the
Costantini family’s origins.
Information available to Gerber, Fetis, and Eitner was solid but scanty, and
although they recognized the serial nature of Costantini’s publications, they listed only a
few of the anthologies, with only Gerber aware of any beyond 1622.10 Fetis placed
Costantini’s birthdate around 1570, but he also reported a 1596 publication by him of
motets for two, three, and four voices although no evidence of such a publication has ever
been found and the publication of 1614 carries “Op. 1” as part of the title. The three
early biographers’ statements that Fabio Costantini was bom in Rome were quite
9
Atti del notaio G. Simoncelli (J. Simoncellus) dell’A.C. protocollo A.C. vol. 6658, f.
209r-210v., I-Ras. It is possible, but unlikely, that “Arminio” too was Roman bom.
10 Neues Historisch-Biographisches, 770: Salmi a4 e 5 voci [lost]; Salmi, Hymni et
Magnificat a 8 [1630]; Motetti al,2,3,4 e 5 [1634].
22
reasonably based on the evidence of the title pages of the known anthology editions.11
The biographical facts as reported in the early dictionaries and assumptions made
following Cametti’s discoveries, which became the foundation for all subsequent
references, can now be confirmed in some instances and amended in others in light of
further evidence.
Cametti must be credited for linking the contract of 1591 with the testament of
1657, but he apparently assumed that if the father was from Staffolo, it was the likely
birthplace of Alessandro and Fabio as well. This has been repeated as fact in all
subsequent references, although the first place to turn for corroboration would be the
baptismal records in Staffolo, which are now held by the Comune of Staffolo. Recording
baptisms in the parish of S. Egidio in Abatei at Staffolo began in September 1574. The
original record is reportedly illegible even to present-day Italian eyes, but the records
were copied, name by name, in 1768 by a certain Ridolfo Leoni at the request of the
12
parish priest, his son Giuseppe. Examination of the first book covering the years from
1574 to 1610 shows no Costantini family, nor any Fabios or Alessandros bom to an
Erminio or Domitilla residing in Staffolo in those years. The records of the church of the
Marchigiani, S. Salvatore in Lauro, would also be a likely location for evidence of a
11 Here the author was always identified as “Fabio Costantini romano.”

12
I am very grateful to Corrado Danti of Staffolo, local historian, who provided
photocopies of the baptismal records kept in the town archives at Staffolo: Indice del Libro primo
de Battesimi seguito Lettera A dell’Anno 1574 a tutto il 1625 copiato da me Ridolfo Tent.e Leoni
li 22 xbre 1768, essendo Pievano D. Giuseppe mio figlio.
23
family from the Marches in Rome. But here too, baptismal records from 1562 and
13
matrimonial and death records through about 1614 yield no evidence of Costantinis.
On the other hand, archival records published by Rostirolla show a “Fabio” joined
the Cappella Giulia as a boy soprano on 1 April 1589. This “Fabio” is found on the rolls
continuously through December 1593, leaving the Cappella sometime between January
1594 and 1596.14 Fabio Costantini joined the Cappella Giulia as a tenor in mid-February
1597.15 If the earlier “Fabio” was indeed the young Costantini (and Costantini himself
reports that he sang soprano under Palestrina), he would have been rejoining the choir in
his new vocal range of tenor at about age seventeen.16 He could have been bom no
13
S. Salvatore in Lauro was united in 1486 with SS. Celso e Giuliano, under whose
name parish records of the late sixteenth century are found, according to Parrochie, vol. 4, p.
355; vol. 2, p. 99,1-Rvic. According to Moroni, S. Salvatore in Lauro in Rome was founded in
the mid-163Os by Cardinal Pallotta, originally from the Marches himself, and coincidentally, a
patron and employer of Fabio Costantini during that decade (Gaetano Moroni, Dizionario di
erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, (Venice: Emiliana, 1840-79), s.v. “Giambattista Pallotta”). See
also chaps. 3 and 4.
14
Giancarlo Rostirolla, "Cappella Giulia," 222. His pay was five scudi a month. The
Censuale for the Cappella Giulia indicating choir membership and pay for the years 1590 to 1596
appear to have been lost when the Archive of the Capitolo di S. Pietro was moved into the
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. One reference to a document listing members in the Cappella
Giulia and their pay in December of 1593 remains in Giuseppe Cascioli, Nuove ricerche sul
Palestrina, in Note d'Achivioper la storia musicale, Serie I - Fasc. 6 (Rome: Psalterium, 1923),
33-34. Rostirolla speculates that this document was viewed before the group of documents from
1590-1596 was lost, see his "Cappella Giulia," 210. Through other records Rostirolla has
reconstructed the lists of members for the Cappella from 1590-1593, although the most reliable of
these is the December 1593 list from Cascioli. An “Alex0” also appears in the 1593 list as a
soprano, at lower pay (s. 3.50). I am confidant that this is Alessandro, Fabio’s younger brother,
see below.
^ Fabio Costantini received pay for 10 and 17 February; he overlapped with tenor
Alessandro Pettorino for one month, then replaced Pettorino, CG 49, Censuale 1597, f. 38v, 67r-
v, ACSP.
16 In dedication to Motetti, 1634, see chap. 3 and apps. B-2 and D.
24
earlier than 1578 in order to have served as a soprano from 1589 until at least the
beginning of 1594. His voice could well have changed at age fifteen or sixteen, and he
would have been ready to sing again at the moment in which he reappeared securely in
the records. Such timing was not unprecedented when we consider the career of Stefano
Fabri, father o f the later seventeenth-century Roman musician of the same name, who
sang soprano in the cappella in Orvieto under the direction of his father, from 1568 to
17
1576, and who then sang tenor starting in 1577. The dates corresponding to the service
of the soprano “Fabio” in the Cappella Giulia, followed by the known date on which
Fabio Costantini began employment there as an adult singer, appear to corroborate that
the earlier “Fabio” and Fabio Costantini are one and the same. Costantini’s date of birth
should now be situated between 1578 and 1580. Alessandro is known to be younger as
shown by the date of the 1591 contract. Because music instruction was usually begun
when a boy was between eight and ten years old, Alessandro was probably bom between
1581 and 1583.18
Besides the lack of a baptismal record in Staffolo, there are other reasons
suggesting that Fabio Costantini and his brother Alessandro were both bom in Rome in
the late 1570s or early 1580s. Fabio Costantini called himself “Romano” on the title
pages of his publications, a practice he continued even after he was granted citizenship in
17
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 134-35.
18
John Rosselli, "L'apprendistato del cantante italiano: Rapporti contrattuali fra allievi e
insegnanti dal Cinquecento al Novecento," Rivista italiana musicologia 23 (1988): 158-59.
Rosselli reports a number of contracts, including the one between Domitilla and G. B. Nanino
concerning Alessandro, but the author seems unaware that this is Alessandro Costantini as he
does not cite the Cametti article of 1922, nor does he relate it to a further contract that he
describes involving Alessandro Costantini at Loreto, 168 n. 35.
25
Orvieto, a status he then appended to his name without dropping the “Romano” Notions
of citizenship were firmly tied to the city or town of one’s birth at this time, and
conceding citizenship to one not bom in a city was a prerogative of its local
19
government. In Costantini’s case, his later naturalization in Orvieto did not supplant
20
his identification with Rome.
Costantini’s Roman birth does not negate his links with provincial Italy, and it
does connect him with the demographic trends of the era. It is likely his father alone
came from Staffolo to Rome during a time of growth and opportunity that saw the
population of Rome double to well over 100,000 from the beginning to the end of the
21
sixteenth century. A large percentage of this population growth resulted from
immigration, particularly of young men coming to Rome seeking economic opportunities.
Those with basic literacy and a little Latin gravitated toward work in the Curia or as
22
notaries’ assistants. Aristocratic households offered opportunities as well. Erminio’s
19
Rome’s own citizenship procedure can be found in Laurie Nussdorfer, “City Politics in
Baroque Rome, 1623-1644,” Ph.D. diss. (Princeton University, 1985), 26, as noted in Nussdorfer,
Civic Politics, 69 n. 26.
20
Regarding the use of place of origin as identifier, the father of Vincenzo Albrici was
called “Domenico Alberici da Monte Bovio Diocese di Senigaglia” when he registered his son at
the German College, despite the fact that by 1641 he had not lived there for at least twenty years.
See Thomas D. Culley, "The Influence of the German College in Rome on Music in German-
Speaking Countries," Analecta Musicologia 9 (1970): 44; for more on Domenico, see chap. 3.
21
Christopher F. Black, Italian Confraternities in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), 284-85; Jan de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800
(Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1984), 276, 285; Francesco Cerasoli, “Censimento della
popolazione di Roma dall’anno 1600 al 1739,” Studi e documenti di storia e diritto 12 (1891),
174, quoted in Kimberlyn Winona Montford, "Music in the Convents of Counter-Reformation
Rome," Ph.D. diss. (Rutgers University, 1999), shows Rome’s population in 1600 to be 109,729.
22
Nussdorfer, Civic Politics, 28-29. Additionally, to obtain such jobs, young men
needed to know how to read and write, and be familiar with Latin. They might share living
26
profession, reported to have been that of a cocchiero, meant he would have been a
23
servant, perhaps a coachman, in the service of a noble employer. It is possible that
Erminio was attempting to better his circumstances by coming to Rome from tiny
Staffolo, although his access to the kinds of work requiring some education may have
been limited. His marriage, which indicated a certain measure of stability and basic
means to support a wife and family, could well have occurred after he had established
24
himself in the city. Such a step was evidently made possible by his job as a cocchiero.
When he died, albeit o f unknown age and cause, he left his wife with two young sons.
Erminio’s occupation, no matter its remuneration or relative ranking, remained one of the
servant class with no apparent educational requirements. It might be asked how the sons
quarters; the stati d ’animi of that period and slightly later show just such living arrangements
concentrated in the Borgo, one of the rione, or zones, of Rome near the Vatican. Personal
communication from Prof. Laurie Nussdorfer.
23
Cametti, "Un contratto," 39: “...Arminii de Esio dum vixit cocherii in urbe....” A
coachman was a new category of servant in the mid-sixteenth century, see Patricia Waddy,
Seventeenth-Century Roman Palaces: Use and the Art of the Plan (Cambridge, MA:
Architectural History Foundation and The MIT Press, 1990), 34.
24
There is a curious cluster of contracts involving G.B. Nanino, to teach the sons of three
such “cocchieri ” between 1591 and 1595, all reported by Alberto Cametti, "L'insegnamento
privato della musica alia fine del cinquecento," Rivista musicale italiana 37 (1930): 76-77.
Cametti comments that the profession must have been relatively well-paid and sufficiently
elevated socially, for a servant’s position, in order to support a music career for its sons. Still, a
career in music must have been more attractive, and upwardly mobile, than continuing as a
cocchiero. (One of Nanino’s three contracts was to train Domenico Allegri.) A report of
payment records in the household of Cardinal Montalto demonstrates that the social level of a
musician followed from his station in life and not necessarily from his profession. In Cardinal
Montalto’s household the musicians were sprinkled through the various levels: G.B. Nanino
himself was among the staffieri, which also included kitchen staff. See James Chater, "Musical
Patronage in Rome at the Turn of the Seventeenth Century: The Case of Cardinal Montalto,"
Studi musicali 16 (1987): 206, and Hill, Roman Monody, 1:21-23, 34.
27
of a man in his position were granted access to a specialized music education, and for this
we might look to the mother.
Little is known about Domitilla beyond the fact that her common Roman name
hints she may well have been Roman herself. Further speculation about her origins rests
only on the evidence of her sons’ careers. Whatever her background, she was able to
barter connections of her own or those of her late husband into the placement of her
children in the musical profession. In the 1591 contract with Bernardino Nanino, we find
a widow hoping to ensure her son Alessandro’s future livelihood by apprenticing him in
music at the appropriate age. It might be further mentioned that although the contract of
1591 was made between Nanino and Domitilla, she was accompanied by Francesco
Todaro, a Sicilian singer in the Cappella Giulia, who was identified by Cametti as a
25
“guarantor.” The Cappella Giulia records imply that her older son Fabio was already
started in musical training, and this in turn suggests that at least part of the family may
have had more than servant aspirations, if not connections, although such connections in
a cosmopolitan center could arguably be either Roman or provincial. Alessandro
eventually acquired a title of minor nobility which could have resulted from his
exceptional merit, or his profound ingratiation, but in this socially conscious period a
26
respectable family tree might also have led to his title.
25
“d. Franciscus Theodulus, siculus, cantor in ecclesia S. Petri de Urbe,” in Cametti, "Un
contratto," 39. Rostirolla confirms Francesco Todaro’s presence in the Cappella Giulia singing
bass from 1589 at least through 1594 in "Cappella Giulia," 201-9.
26
“Cavaliere” as well as other titles of minor nobility (marchese, conte) sprouted with
increasing frequency during the early seicento, Nussdorfer, Civic Politics, 100; see also chap. 7.
There appears to be no reason to believe that they were freely assumed without some justification.
28
Ciliberti observed that boy sopranos training at Orvieto cathedral came primarily
from the ranks o f borghesi-artigianale, the middle and artisan classes still important in
Orvieto, who no doubt supported this type of solid career for their young, hoping for
27
advancement possibilities for the talented. Although perhaps rooted in the provinces,
the Costantini family must have occupied a respectable, even if lower class position
within Rome. Although there is no evidence of a surname in the 1591 contract, a
situation not uncommon among rural populations as they moved to the cities, one was
28
soon added by both sons as they adapted to urban ways. The family’s subtle shift in
fortune from the later sixteenth century through the seventeenth parallels that
accompanying the larger shift in population from the provinces to the city that manifested
itself in Rome over the course of the sixteenth century, revealing the details of how
trajectories o f families were affected by large-scale social change.
Despite the evidence suggesting that Costantini was bom in Rome, his paternal
origins in the Marches linger in the subsequent development of his career, and even in the
growth of his family. For while all of the posts that Fabio Costantini subsequently held
were within the geopolitical borders of the Papal States, two assignments, in Loreto in the
1620s and Ancona in the 1630s, brought him to the Marches. Costantini’s earliest patron
at the Vatican, the Cardinal di Cosenza, was a native of Caldarola, also in this region, as
was the later patron Giovanni Battista Pallotta. His son-in-law also came from there,
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 47. There is evidence that musicians might come
from different classes of society, and continued to be treated accordingly. See Hill, Roman
Monody, 23.
28
Cametti, "Un contratto," 40. Cametti speculated that “Costantini” may have been a
grandfather’s baptismal name assumed as a patronimic by Alessandro and Fabio.
29
joining the family in Loreto. It is worthwhile noting this cluster of associations with the
Marches, a region recognized in the sixteenth century for its staunch opposition to the
encroachments of Papal power, and Ancona itself, on the seacoast facing the Levant,
29
home to the most cosmopolitan mix of ethnicities within the Papal States. Taken
together, these connections with the Marches hint at an ancestral link which may have
been behind Costantini’s decisions to seek positions in the region.
Boyhood Training: 1589-1593

The dedication of Fabio Costantini’s 1634 Motetti, opus 12, is autobiographical.
Addressed to Cardinal Giovanni Battista Pallotta, Costantini uses the occasion to outline
his musical career up to that year in terms of the illustrious bishops and cardinals who he
30
has served, and it has the authority of being his own description of the course of events.
This does not necessarily imply that he recites “facts” of his life, although they seem to
square in most respects with what is known from other sources. This description does
show that at this point in Costantini’s career, and with this particular dedicatee and
collection of pieces, he chose to characterize his career in terms of service to one cardinal
29
Delumeau, "Political and Administrative Centralization," 292; Giuliano Saracini,
Notitie historiche della citta d'Ancona (Rome, 1675; reprint, Bologna: Fomi, 1968), 400-406.
Saracini’s history describes the entrance of Pope Clement VIII into Ancona on his way to take
possession of Ferrara in April 1598, describing in rich detail how Jews, Turks, and Greeks all
greeted his entourage.
30
Hierarchia Catholica medii et recentioris aevi, ed. Conrad Eubel, et al., 8 vol.
(Regensberg, 1898-), 4: 22, and n. 10. G. B. Pallotta served as archpriest and papal nuncio in
several posts: Portugal, Vienna, and, according to this dedication, Ferrara. He was made a
cardinal on 19 Nov. 1629 by Pope Urban VIII, and was at the heart of diplomatic efforts in
Vienna in 1628-30, (see chap. 4). He died in Rome in 1668 and was buried in S. Spirito in
Sassia. Later his body was removed to Caldarola in the Marches where he, as well as his uncle,
were bom.
30
after another: a career in the service of the nobility. This framework places Costantini’s
career within the context of the patronage and protection of influential personages, whose
much-needed influence was required in order to succeed as a musician in the Roman
sphere.
With the welcome occasion to send to print this my twelfth work, it is fitting
that I combine together with it, first of all, specific expressions of true
devotion to your renowned eminence, [in order] to announce [through it] to
the world my long-standing service to your illustrious house, not unmindful
of my infinite obligations to your family from the beginning, commencing
almost with life. Since I being a little boy in the great Basilica Vaticana,
where His Eminence Signor Cardinal di Cosenza, of happy memory and
incomparable merit, wore the purple cloth, the adornment of the highest body
of priests. [He was] indeed your most worthy uncle, [and he] made me a
soprano under the tutelage of Palestrina, Father o f Music, whose glories in
31
song are not admired and proclaimed only by those who do not know him.
Placed in the Cappella Giulia of St. Peter’s Basilica by the Cardinal of Cosenza
whose memory he recalled at this time because Cosenza was an uncle to the present
dedicatee, Costantini reports that he sang soprano under Palestrina. In referring to
Palestrina, the “father of music,” Costantini is perpetuating, as well as taking advantage

32
of, the prestige of the “Palestrina tradition” still alive well into the seventeenth century.
Palestrina’s second term as maestro di cappella at the Cappella Giulia, from 1571 until
his death in 1594, coincided with Costantini’s youth there.33
31
App. A, document 11; the full dedication is transcribed in app. B-2.
32
The influence of Palestrina and his music subsequent to his death is treated, among
other places, in Stephen R. Miller, "Music for the Mass in Seventeenth-Century Rome," 3-16.
33
See NGII, s.v. "Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina."
31
The Cardinal of Cosenza to whom Costantini refers is Giovanni Evangelista
Pallotta, originally from the small town of Caldarola in the Marches some thirty
kilometers from Staffolo. By 1585 he was part of the Vatican Curia. In September 1587
he was named bishop of Cosenza in Calabria, and by December of that year was added to
the list of new cardinals named by Pope Sixtus V.34 Pallotta’s length of service in
Cosenza is delimited by the date of the appointment of the bishop who replaced him on 5
April 1591, but whether Pallotta served in residence in Calabria for all or any of that time
35
is doubtful. His life’s work was within the Roman Curia, where in the first two decades
of the seventeenth century he served as Archpriest of the Basilica of S. Pietro during the
36
time of the completion of the new Basilica and the destruction of the old. Whether
Pallotta was motivated as a Marchigiano to sponsor a boy with ties to his home region, or
34
For G. E. Pallotta’s appointment as cardinal see Hierarchia Catholica 3:52, esp. n. 2
for reference to his origins in the Marches. He had been appointed dataiy by the new pontiff,
Pope Sixtus V (Felice Peretti, 1585-1590), the position he held when he was appointed bishop.
The office of datary and its bureau was in charge of distribution of benefices, New Catholic
Encyclopedia, s.v. “Roman Curia,” and Partner, The Pope's Men, 21-23, 29-30.
35
The reason given for the appointment of a new bishop in 1591 was “JB[sic] card.
res[ignatio],” Hierarchia Catholica, 3:184. A Tridentine decree required bishops to reside in
their dioceses, but the rule was not strictly enforced until 1606 during the papacy of Paul V
(Camillo Borghese, 1605-1621).
36
Ludwig Pastor, The History o f the Popes, trans. Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, Ralph
Francis Kerr, and Ernest Graf (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co., 1891-1953), 26:380-89. Giovanni
Evangelista Pallotta served in the Congregazione della Rev. Fabbrica de San Pietro, and, as
Archpriest, was directly involved in moving all the relics which destruction of the old Basilica
required, Louise Rice, The Altars and Altarpieces o f New St. Peter's: Outfitting the Basilica,
1621-1666 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press and American Academy in Rome, 1997), 36,
319. A biography of Pallota by a contempory, Jacopo Grimaldi (d. 1623) the archivist of the
Chapter of St. Peter’s, is to be found in Miscellanea Arm., 7, t. 45, p. 188ff, Rvat, as noted in
Pastor, History o f the Popes, 26:378n, 382. Giovanni Evangelista Pallota died in Rome 22
August 1620, Hierarchia Catholica, 3:52.
32
whether his position in the Basilica made him the obvious go-between, he seems to be the
person who placed Fabio Costantini in the Cappella Giulia, under the instruction of
Palestrina, in April 1589.37
A slightly different version of Costantini’s early years is found in the dedication
to Costantini’s Raccolta de ’salmi, opus 2, signed in Naples in 1615. In it Costantini says
that as a boy he served the bishop of L’Aquila, identified in the dedication as the uncle of
38
Geronimo Pignatelli, that volume’s dedicatee. The Bishop of L’Aquila must have been
Basilio Pignatelli, who was appointed to this diocese in 1593, a post he resigned in
39
1599. A member of the Theatine order, the earlier Bishop Pignatelli was also a member
of the noble and numerous Pignatelli of Naples, and the relationship between Basilio and
Geronimo, himself appointed Bishop of Rossano on 18 March 1615, is confirmed in a
contemporary chronicle of noble families of Naples.40 The kinship was probably recalled
in Costantini’s sole Neapolitan publication, no doubt to lend meaning and authority to its
dedication.
37
In the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in the papal court or Curia, protection and
patronage can often be traced to show bonds of common regional origin, and sometimes on
further bonds of kinship. See Partner, The Pope's Men, esp. the introduction and p. 82.
38
“Io ho servito fin’da fanciullo Monsignor il Vescovo dell’Aquila, Zio di V.S.
Illustrissima presso il quale posso dire d’esser stato allevato, et e venuto in maniera con gli anni
crescendo, et confirmandosi in me questa consideratione di dovere esser’ a questa casa
infinitamente obligato, che dovendo communicare hora al Mondo do’l mezo delle Stampe alcuni
Salmi....” Dedication to Raccolta de ’salmi (1615), app. B-2.
39
Hierarchia Catholica 3:90.
40
Carlo De Lellis, Discorsi delle famiglie nobili del Regno di Napoli, parte seconda
(1663; reprint, Bologna: Fomi, 1968), 162, 168. The book shows in fact that the two Pignatelli
were second cousins. For more on the Theatine order, see “Chierici regolari teatini” in
Dizionario degli istituti diperfezione, 9 vols. (Rome: Edizioni Paoline, 1974 -), 2:978-99.
33
In 1593 Fabio Costantini was probably close to finishing his term as a boy
soprano in the Capella Giulia. Because the record of singers in the Cappella Giulia is
lacking for the years 1594 to 1596, Fabio’s activities and whereabouts after December
1593 remain undocumented until February 1597. Whatever employment he had with
Basilio Pignatelli likely originated in Rome during this period and may have been carried
out there, but he might also have left the city for a time then, possibly accompanying
Basilio Pignatelli to Naples.41
Although Costantini mentioned two different patrons linked with his youth in his
dedications of 1615 and 1634, this information does not conflict. His choice of who he
mentions as patron of his early training was influenced more by his desire to please the
current dedicatee than by the importance Costantini attached to presenting a clear
biography. In the 1615 volume the dedicatee is the Naples-related Pignatelli, and
Costantini’s mention of the bishop of L’Aquila, also a Pignatelli, is appropriate. With the
1634 volume, Costantini broadens the patronage picture of his early career by naming an
even earlier patron than the Bishop of L’Aquila, so as to emphasize the links to Rome, to
the Cappella Giulia, and to Palestrina.
A document similar to the contract between Alessandro Costantini and
Bernardino Nanino has not been found for Fabio. It might well be expected that one was
made between his family and the Capitolo of S. Pietro, although the brother’s was a
contract with a private teacher, and it may be that Fabio’s was as well. The terms of
41
Where Costantini’s Raccolta de ’salmi would be published in 1615. There are archival
notations indicating that Basilio Pignatelli may have kept a musical establishment of some size
during this period. See Giancarlo Rostirolla, "Policoralita e impiego di strumenti musicali nella
basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano durante gli anni 1597-1600," in La policoralita in Italia nei
secoli XVI e XVII, ed. Giuseppe Donato (Rome: Torre d'Orfeo, 1987), 30 n. 98.
34
Alessandro’s contract, also fairly typical, were that the boy remain a student for the six
42
years needed to complete an education in singing and “componere contraponto.” The
family agreed to pay roughly one scudo per month for the duration of the instruction,
remaining liable for the amount if the student should leave. Any outside income the child
would earn through singing during the term of the contract would be split with the
teacher, also a usual arrangement, and this allowed for the student’s outside employment.
Most of the responsibilities seemed to have fallen on the student, but if the teacher did
not teach, the student was free to leave. On 21 January 1591 when Alessandro’s contract
was drawn up, Nanino was maestro di cappella at S. Maria ai Monti, but on 1 April of
that year he was appointed to the more prestigious position of maestro di cappella at S.
Luigi dei Francesi which also offered musical training for boys.43 The interpenetration of
42
Cametti, "Un contratto," 39. Other private contracts for music teaching are known
from this era. See Vera Vita Spagnuolo, "Gli atti notarili dell'Archivio di Stato di Roma. Saggio
di spoglio sistematico: L'anno 1590," in La musica a Roma attraverso lefonti d'archivio, ed.
Antolini et al., 25-26, 32, as well as the previously cited Cametti, "L'insegnamento privato" and
Rosselli, "L'apprendistato." The fee for training a boy soprano with a private teacher was
considerably less than the fees charged by the German College for a music education. Compare
with contracts to study and to sing at the German College in Culley, Jesuits and Music, and
specifically that for Vincenzo Albrici in idem, "Influence of the German College," 44-45.
43
A regular music establishment at S. Luigi dated from 1514, but about 1590 the clerical
nature of the cappella began to evolve into a fully professional musical chapel. See Lionnet, La
musique a Saint-Louis, 7, 28-33. One of Nanino’s responsibilities there was the training ofpueri
cantores. The school at S. Luigi illustrates a second way of training young musicians, through
institutional affiliation. There is no evidence that Alessandro Costantini became one of the puer
at S. Luigi even though he was a student of Nanino’s. There is evidence, on the other hand, that
Alessandro sang soprano in the Cappella Giulia in December 1593, which he apparently did
while still Nanino’s student, see above. For an earlier study on music training at S. Luigi, see
Alberto Cam etti, "La scuola dei pueri cantus di S. Luigi dei francesi in Rom a e i suoi principali
allievi (1591-1623)," Rivista musicale italiana 22 (1915): 593-641, from which comes the
description of the group of boys in training as a scuola (594-96). The training program at the
Cappella Giulia was similar, see Rostirolla, "Cappella Giulia," 123-25, and Cascioli, Nuove
ricerche sul Palestrina, 21, as was reportedly that at S. Maria Maggiore, see Vito Raeli, Da V.
35
institutional and private music training illustrated by the stories of these individuals
adumbrates the situation for music-making as well, and is characteristic and typical of
Rome.
An institutional affiliation at first seems more likely for Fabio if we assume that
being a young child in the Vatican meant being under the tutelage and in the household of
the maestro di cappella. Students were taken on by the maestro at St. Peter’s, who was
given extra pay for their training and upkeep. Although no contract has been found that
would explain the precise circumstances of his early training, Costantini’s later retelling
seems to place him on the Vatican premises. On the other hand, if Alessandro was
privately trained, yet sang in the Cappella Giulia for a time, it seems there was a
mechanism for privately tutored students to have a regular institutional job. The
professional network of musicians in Rome might have enabled that mechanism.44 Four
other contracts for private music instruction from this period show no prejudice toward
means of instruction in relation to future prospects. Economic exigencies on the part of
the student, or distance from Rome on the part of families, might have had something to
do with the choice of training.45
Ugolini ad O. Benevoli nella cappella della basilica liberiana (1603-1646) (Rome: Tipografia
Artigianelli, 1920).
44
Steps toward professionalization in training and in working conditions were underway
already with the early formation of the Compagnia dei Musici di Roma, which indicate musicians
congregated as members of a shared profession independent of their patronage or employment.
William J. Summers, "The Compagnia dei Musici di Roma, 1584-1604: A Preliminary Report,"
Current Musicology 34 (1982): 7-25.
45
Two contracts of the Nanini brothers drawn up with the father of Gregorio and
Domenico Allegri, a third made around the same time with a certain Bernardino Donangeli di
Aspro, and a fourth for Melchiorre “figlio di Giovanni Pricche,” together show the mix of
prominent and obscure musicians in training, Cametti, "L'insegnamento privato."
36
Early Career in Rome: 1597-1610
Fabio Costantini returned to the Cappella Giulia as an adult singer, singing tenor
from 1597 until June 1610 when he was offered the post of maestro di cappella at the
cathedral at Orvieto. Despite the fact that next to the Cappella Pontificia the Cappella
Giulia was the most prestigious in Rome, assuming an important post at Orvieto would
seem to call for further credentials beyond a singer’s portfolio. According to his own
account, Costantini admitted that he was meant to be trained as a singer but found he was
not happy to be always under someone else’s “beat,” literally the musical direction of
46
another, which can also be interpreted metaphorically as wanting to be his own agent.
He resolved to “put notes together” and to have other singers under his direction. In fact,
Costantini’s name appears on the rolls of occasional musicians employed by Roman
institutions for special feasts while he was a member of the Cappella Giulia, in the decade
before and after 1600, with at least one instance in which he took the role of maestro.
Late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Rome, with its numerous churches
and aristocratic households, provided abundant opportunities for the working musician.
However, the fluidity of such employment is revealed by the fragmentary nature of the
archival evidence, itself an exact reflection of the piecemeal nature of the working life of
even talented musicians. While there were some stable and remunerative situations for
maestri, organists, and singers, most musicians in Rome took occasional work, and some
made a career of it.47 Even though there was more honor as well as more money attached
46
App. B-2, dedication of Motetti (1634) “...dopo alquanti anni a segno, che non
contento del preggio di sempleci cantanti, sotto altrui battuta, incominciai a porre insieme note, e
ad havere altrui sotto la mia.”
47
Documentary studies of Roman institutions and aristocratic households where detailed
payment records were kept are key to plotting the paths of individual musicians: a partial list
37
to permanent positions, this did not prevent even the most highly paid from working
48
elsewhere when they were requested to do so. Those in the Cappella Pontificia usually
were paid more than others for occasional jobs because of their status in this prestigious
49
institution. Thus even a full-time job did not keep a musician off the occasional rolls,
but it may have made him more costly. As to whether jobbing could lead to a permanent
position, it may have been the case that proximity was advantageous, but there were
factors o f clientage and connection that merged with a musician’s merit which may have
had at least as much influence, depending on the institution.
includes the studies of Lionnet, especially La musique a Saint-Louis', Noel O'Regan, "Processions
and Their Music in Post-Tridentine Rome," Recercare 4 (1992): 45-80; idem, "Music at the
Roman Archconffatemity of San Rocco in the Late Sixteenth Century," in La musica a Roma
attraverso lefonti d ’archivio, ed. Antolini et al., 521-52; idem, Institutional Patronage in Post-
Tridentine Rome: Music at Santissima Trinitd dei Pellegrini 1550-1650 (London: Royal Music
Association, 1995); idem, "The Performance of Roman Sacred Polychoral Music in the Late
Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries: Evidence from Archival Sources," Perfomance
Practice Review 8 (1995): 107-46; idem, "Early Roman Polychoral Music: Origins and
Distinctiveness," in La scuolapolicorale romana del Sei-Settecento, ed. Francesco Luisi, Danilo
Curti, and Marco Gozzi (Trento: Provincia Autonoma di Trento, 1997), 43-64; Francesco Luisi,
"S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli e la festa della Resurrezione in piazza Navona," in La cappella
musicale nell'Italia della controriforma, ed. Mischiati and Russo, 75-103; Chater, "Musical
Patronage in Rome"; Frederick Hammond, "Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, Patron of Music,"
Studi musicali 12 (1983): 53-66 and “Postscript”; idem, "More on Music in Casa Barberini,"
Studi musicali 14 (1985): 235-61; idem, "Girolamo Frescobaldi: New Biographical Information,"
in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Alexander Silbiger (Durham: Duke University Press, 1987), 13-29;
Luca Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici vocali-strumentali nella basilica di Santa Maria
Maggiore a Roma: 1557-1624," Studi musicali 29 (2000): 3-57.
48
For example, the records of S. Luigi dei Francesi listing the extra musicians hired each
year to perform on the patronal feast of St. Louis, often denote institutional affiliation. The
“cappella” and “S. Pietro,” i.e., the Cappella Pontificia and St. Peter’s Basilica at the Vatican,
were well-represented. Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 2: documents, passim.
49
Noel O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 72; Lionnet, La musique a Saint-
Louis, especially 2: document 40 and following.
38
As evidenced by Costantini, the itinerant nature of a typical Roman musician’s
career took shape early.50 The singers of St. Peter’s are discovered frequently in the ad
hoc choirs of Roman churches; even the sopranos of the Cappella Giulia were called
upon outside the Basilica. Costantini was the only singer by the name of Fabio in the
Cappella Giulia during his years there, so his presence can be ascertained fairly securely
in the pay records of other churches when hired musicians were named along with their
home institution. In 1593 the Santissima Trinita confraternity hired outside musicians for
their principal liturgical celebrations.51 For the feast of the Holy Trinity four boys were
hired and paid descending amounts for their participation in two vespers, a mass, and a
procession on the eve and the day of the feast. The top pay, one scudo for all services,
went to “Un putto di San Pietro.” Four days later, musicians again were hired for the
Corpus Christi procession, but now were reimbursed by name. The first of the four putti
in this list was “Fabio,” who received a little more than the other three on this occasion as
well. It is likely that the boy soprano on the second occasion was from S. Pietro— listed
first and paid slightly more—and was Fabio Costantini, who could easily have been the
singer at the first occasion, too. This pattern of occasional employment for musicians,
50 A soprano “Fabio” appeared in the payment records for the first time in November
1588 of the Archconfratemity of S. Rocco, whose musicians were all occasional, O'Regan,
"Music at the Roman Archconfratemity of San Rocco," 547. This predates Costantini’s service in
the Cappella Giulia, but not by much, although it raises the question of what he did in his earliest
years.
51 O'Regan, "Processions," 60-61.
39
even among those with steady jobs, apparently continued throughout many of their
52
careers.
It is likely that when Costantini was older, he was hired as a tenor for the special
feasts that churches in Rome celebrated by augmenting their musical forces for such
occasions. Notice o f this kind of employment can only be found by chance in the
archival records o f the various churches, and as more studies of these archives are
undertaken, Costantini’s working pattern will be more fully documented. For now there
are scattered examples. One is found in a study of the seventeenth century celebrations in
53
the Spanish churches in Rome. On one occasion between 1606 and 1610 “M[esser]
Fabbio di S. Pietro” sang tenor in a choir made up of singers from many of the regular
cappellas, for the Forty Hours celebration at the church of S. Giacomo, and at a mass
celebrated for a visiting duke. While this document is not dated specifically, other
evidence ascribes it to 1606 or soon after. The only “Fabio” singing tenor at the Cappella
Giulia in this period was Fabio Costantini, which was still the case in 1609 when the
tenor “Fabio di S. Pietro” sang for the three big Marian feasts celebrated at S. Maria
Maggiore, 5 and 15 August, and 8 September: the patronal feastday of S. Maria delle
Neve, the Assumption, and the Nativity of Mary.54
52
Even among the most successful, see Noel O'Regan, "Ruggero Giovannelli's Freelance
Work for Roman Institutions," in Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo eforse ilprimo
del suo tempo, ed. Carmela Bongiovanni and Giancarlo Rostirolla (Palestrina (Rome):
Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, 1998), 63-78 [Eng. and It.].
53 Luisi, "S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli," 82, 99-100.
54
Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore," 40-41.
40
Costantini’s own ambitions seem to have carried him beyond his initial
expectations, or those held for him. He said himself that eminent cardinals had called
upon him to lead the music in their churches at different times, indicating his own role,
but also the role that cardinals of titular churches played in their musical
establishments.55 The only certain, contemporary reference to Fabio Costantini’s likely
employment as a maestro during his early years in Rome is to a ten-scudi payment for the
music he provided at the possesso, or ceremony of assignment of the cardinal’s hat, to
Jacopo Sannesio. The ceremony was paid for by Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini and held
at Aldobrandini’s titular church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo on 4 August 1605.56 Although
Costantini’s service as maestro was not mentioned specifically, ten scudi would have
55 “Per lo che vari Eminentissimi Signori Cardinali personaggi, che in dignita, come fa
ogni’uno teste Coronate pareggiano, perche nelle Chiese loro commesse la Musica reggessi in
diversi tempi, mi chiamorono.” Dedication of 1634, app. B-2. The role of the cardinal in his
titular church could include funding for music. See Amaldo Morelli, "Musica e musicisti in S.
Agostino a Roma dal Quattrocento al Settecento," in Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, ed. Renato
Lefevre and Amaldo Morelli, Lunario romano 15 (Rome: Gruppo culturale di Roma e del Lazio:
Fratelli Palombi, 1985), 332; Graham Dixon, "The Cappella of S. Maria in Trastevere (1605-
1645): An Archival Study," Music and Letters 62 (1981): 30-40.
56 Claudio Annibaldi, "II mecenate 'politico,'” 158, and Hammond, "Cardinal Pietro
Aldobrandini, Patron of Music," 65, both quote the same document, “a Fabbio Costantino musico
di San Pietro per la musica fatta nella Chiesa de santi Gio: et Paolo per la mattina che si piglio il
possesso et Consacratione dell'Illmo. S. Card'6 Sannesio.” The entry refers to the possesso of
Card. Sannesio for which Costantini provided music, although neither Annibaldi nor Hammond
read it that way. Jonathan Couchman does, however, in "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church
and for the Altemps Cappella," Ph.D. diss. (University of California at Los Angeles, 1989), n.
170. Sannesio’s own titular church was S. Stefano in Monte Caelo during his cardinalate, 1604-
1621. He was appointed bishop of Orvieto 20 June 1605, a post he held until his death, see
Hierarchia Catholica 4:8, 50. For more on Sannesio in Rome see Zygmunt Wazbinski, "La
cappella di Fra Mariano in San Silvestro al Quirinale e il suo restauratore Cardinale Jacopo
Sannesio," in Polidoro a San Silvestro al Quirinale, ed. Lanfranco Ravelli (Bergamo, 1987), 121-
41. For Sannesio in Orvieto, Rita Santimani, "Visita pastorale di Mons. Giacomo Sannesio,
vescovo di Orvieto (1605-1621)," Tesi di Laurea (Universita degli studi di Perugia, 1973), copy
available in I-Oas.
41
been too much to pay a singer, but sufficient for a music director who would then pay an
57
entire musical ensemble in addition to himself. In the document recounting this
employment, he was called “musico di San Pietro,” and the Cappella Giulia records
confirm that he was still employed there.
Costantini disappeared from the rolls at the Cappella Giulia only once, for a few
58
months, when he began a new job as tenor at another church in Rome. In September
1605 Costantini joined the cappella of S. Luigi dei Francesi, where he replaced
59
Domenico Massenzio who had left his position as tenor the end of August. At that time
the chapel at S. Luigi regularly employed two altos, two tenors, and two basses, as well
as two instrumentalists and an organist, and had pueri in training at the church to sing
soprano. The maestro was still Bernardino Nanino, who Costantini no doubt knew, and
Nanino may have helped with Fabio’s appointment, although the motivation for this
57
For examples of musicians’s payments by the “service” see O'Regan, "Processions," as
well as numerous reports from institutional archives recorded in studies by Lionnet, Luisi and
Morelli. For lump sums given organizers for various combinations of service see Della Libera,
"Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore." For a report of a proposed budget for music at
a canonization see Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Europe: Pietro
Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995),
245.
58
Costantini received half his regular pay or 3.50 scudi for the month of August 1605,
which was picked up by Josuea Giustiniani, CG 58, Censuale 1605-1606, f. 49r, ACSP.
59
Massenzio (d.c.1650) was trained at S. Luigi and sang soprano there as a boy. His
early years as a mature singer were also at S. Luigi, but he would replace Costantini, if only for a
year, in the Cappella Giulia when the latter left for Orvieto in 1610. Massenzio’s small-scale
motets appeared in Costantini’s anthologies in the 1610s, but Massenzio’s individual publications
were numerous in the 1630s and 1640s. See chap. 6.
42
change of primary employment is unclear.60 Lionnet reports that Domenico Massenzio,
Costantini’s predecessor, was paid four and one-half scudi per month, considerably less
than Costantini’s pay of seven scudi per month at the Cappella Giulia.61 Remaining less
62
than six months, Costantini left S. Luigi on 14 January 1606. He appeared back on the
payroll at the Cappella Giulia for the second half of the month of January 1606.63
Although the reports are few of Costantini’s activities in Rome outside the
Cappella Giulia during the first decade of the seventeenth century, he may have been
increasingly active as a rising maestro as well as singer, so much so that he was sought
out for the significant post of Orvieto’s maestro di cappella in 1610. In any case, two
letters of recommendation written by Francesco Soriano, maestro di cappella at S. Pietro
from 1603 to 1621, to the soprastanti of the Duomo in Orvieto, document the beginning
of Costantini’s move there.64 The two letters, one written as negotiations with Costantini
6°Although at Costantini’s Cappella Giulia payment in July 1605, a brief notation in the
records, “Ita di 17 di luglio per pena,” perhaps of some type of penalty, may be worth noting. CG
58, Censuale 1605-1606, f. 63v, ACSP.
61 Among the increased comings and goings of regular singers that characterized the
choir of S. Luigi in those months, it was reported that a bass left in July 1605 to be replaced by a
Giovanni Battista Nanino (not to be confused with Giovanni Bernardino Nanino) who took over
the part on 1 August, Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 22: “En 1605 les changements
continuent. Mathurin Dumigny s’en va le 15 juillet; le ler aout, c’est Giovanni Battista Nannino
qui le remplace.” A singer by this same name came to Orvieto in 1612.
62
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 23-24, 138.
63 CG 59, Censuale 1606-1607, f. 42r, January 1606, ACSP. Fabio Costantini, tenore,
received 3.50 scudi for the month.
64
As maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giulia it was not unusual for Soriano to be
consulted, and even do a little negotiating himself, when it came time to recommend musicians
who had worked for him. See Giuseppe Radiciotti, L'arte musicale in Tivoli nei secoliXVI, XVII,
e XVIII, Seconda edizione ampliata (Tivoli: Stab. Tip. Maiella di Aldo Chicca, 1921), 60. There
are at least two other letters in Orvieto from Francesco Soriano in favor of a tenor for the choir,
43
were beginning and the second written after the job offer had been extended, were
different in tone, but both complimentary toward, and informative about, Costantini.
The first letter dated 25 May 1610 is the most revealing. Soriano wrote to
Vespasiano Aweduti, the camerlengo or elected official pro-tem of the Opera of the
cathedral in Orvieto. Vespasiano’s brother Angelo, along with the organist of Orvieto
cathedral, Giovanni Piccioni, called upon Soriano in Rome in order to inform him of the
death of “Maestro Leonardo,” Orvieto’s late maestro di cappella Leonardo Meldert, and
to tell Soriano that the cathedral’s leaders were considering Fabio Costantini as Meldert’s
replacement.65 The envoys from Orvieto asked Soriano for his opinion and he strongly
recommended Costantini. In his letter Soriano said that Fabio “is a lively person, has
practical experience in the choir, sings well and plays the violin as well as he sings, also
plays the organ and does so as needed, and sings bass beautifully as well.”66 But it also
seemed to Soriano that Costantini would never leave S. Pietro or Rome, with his many
Luigi Cittadini. They are dated 1611 but they are bundled with financial records from 1612. In
one (No. 15) Cittadini is reported to have sung at the “Domo di Milano,” and Fabio Costantini is
also mentioned. Cassieri, 1612, no. 14 and 15,1-Od.
65 App. A, document 1. Leonardo Meldert died 8 April 1610 after serving as maestro in
Orvieto about twenty years, and was among the very last oltremontani active in Italy. For more
on Meldert see chap. 2. The family settled permanently in Orvieto and remained after Meldert’s
death, as indicated by the notation in Riformagione 322, f. 17v, 14 Feb. 1623,1-Oas, that shows
Amaldo Meldert was among the conservatori extracted from the bussolo, the method for election
of city officials.
66A Magnificat by G. M. Nanino, preserved in Cappella Giulia manuscripts copied
during Costantini’s tenure (Rvat Giul. XIII25) has an obligato violin part. The choir may thus
not have needed to hire extra players in order to perform it. The Magnificat is discussed in
O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome,” 247-48, and transcribed in vol. 2, 165-178. The
piece is also transcribed but with reduced rhythmic values in Richard Joseph Schuler, "The Life
and Liturgical Works of Giovanni Maria Nanino (1545-1607)," Ph.D. diss. (University of
Minnesota, 1963).
44
other commitments, although that would be something for negotiations between the
“illustrious gentlemen” of Orvieto and Costantini to resolve. Soriano is compelled to say
once more that they could not do better than this virtuoso, assuring them that in Rome
67
“there is not a person with the ‘qualita’ that Fabio has.”
The second letter from Soriano was dated 1 July 1610, and is a response to two
letters, one dated 15 June and the other 22 June, received by him from Vespasiano
68
Avveduti. Soriano indicated he had been very busy with the main festival of S. Pietro,
which would have been the patronal feast of SS. Peter and Paul on 29 June. He
understood that the negotiations for the job of maestro di cappella in Orvieto were
concluded in favor of Fabio Costantini. Soriano continues that nothing is left for him to
say other than he would be unhappy to lose him from S. Pietro, but if he must, is pleased
that the cathedral at Orvieto would have Costantini’s services—courteous sentiments of
congratulations on Orvieto’s newly hired maestro.
The meeting minutes of the Opera of the Orvieto cathedral for 26 June 1610
relate that upon the recommendation of the camerlengo, and of Francesco Soriano, it was
agreed to elect Fabio Costantini maestro di cappella for a period of one year at the salary
69
of 150 scudi per annum. The parallel memorandum kept by the same camerlengo, the
above-mentioned Vespasiano Avveduti, noted that after consultation with Raffaelo
Orienti, another prominent citizen from Orvieto who was likely reporting from Rome,
67
In addition, Soriano mentioned that the organist Piccioni had talked of the great need
of the Orvieto choir for singers, which led to the hiring of two new singers in Orvieto from Rome.
See chap. 3.
68 App. A, document 2.
69
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 243; 1-Od, Riformanze 31, 85r (89r), [26] June 1610.
45
and after the letter (evidently the first) from Soriano attesting to the worthiness of
70
Costantini for the job, it was agreed to hire Costantini at 150 scudi per year. The
payment records in Orvieto show that on 9 August Costantini was paid four and three-
tenths scudi for moving expenses from Rome, with his wife and belongings. By the end
of the year he had been paid seventy-five scudi for the half-year that he served from July
through December. Also, for the “pigione della casa, ” or house rental, agreed to be five
71
scudi per year, he was paid two and one-half for this period. The pay records for the
Cappella Giulia in the same period show that Costantini was paid there through the end
72
of July, a total of forty-nine scudi for his service for the year. Salary payments for the
month o f July from the Cappella Giulia and the Orvieto cathedral seem to overlap, as he
was paid for that month by both institutions. Whether there was any corresponding
overlap in duties carried out during that month is not known. By the end of July 1610,
however, he had settled in Orvieto.
70
“Mastro di cappella in San Pietro di Roma del molto valore del signor Fabio
Costantini,” Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 282; I-Od, Memoriali 33, 440v, 26 June 1610.
71
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 413; I-Od, Cassieri, 1610, 85a-b.
72
Filippo Turrino, another tenor in the CG, picked up Costantini’s pay for January and
February: “quatordici.” “Io Filippo Turrino ho ricevuto per m. Fabio scudi sette per il mese di
marzo.” Costantini picked up his pay for April through July in person: “Io Fabio Costantini ho
ricevuto, per Aprile, a Maggio, scudi quatordici.” “Io Fabio Costantini ho ricevuto, per giugno e
luglio scudi quatordici. 14.” CG 63, Censuale 1610, January through July, f. 55r, ACSP.
CHAPTER 2
Orvieto, Administration of the Duomo, and the Cappella musica
The provincial city in which Costantini’s career developed possessed its own
history and institutions which, well before the 1600s, forged an identity too strong to
regard it simply as a pale reflection of Rome. By the seventeenth century, however,
Orvieto’s cultural expressions had begun to emulate the vivid artistic and religious
developments in the cosmopolitan center. Yet, as Ditchfield noted from the perspective
of historiography, the “simplistic binary conceptualization [in which] center versus
periphery with the progressive weakening of the latter in favor of the former” needs to be
understood as a relationship nuanced by ‘“ local knowledge,’ whereby ‘local’ is
understood as enjoying a reciprocal relationship with the center.”1 Following
Ditchfield’s lead, my analysis recognizes the proximity of the institutions of Orvieto with
those of Rome, and their sometimes shared spirit, but necessarily from the local
perspective, which so profoundly shaped Costantini’s career and professional outlook.
The city o f Orvieto that welcomed Fabio Costantini in 1610 had long been
associated with Rome, or more specifically the papacy, and since the late Middle Ages
had been one of the cities under its dominion. Orvieto’s history was significantly
different from other cities in the Papal States in that it had also served as a residence and
refuge for popes from its earliest days. The city’s alignment with Rome was reaffirmed
in the post-Tridentine period, which can be seen in the important sixteenth-century
renovation projects of its magnificent cathedral carried out under Hippolito Scalza (1532-
1 Simon Ditchfield, "In Search of Local Knowledge: Rewriting Early Modem Italian
Religious History," Cristianesimo nella storia 19 (1998): 259.
46
47
2
1617) reflecting the reform spirit of the age. Despite political and economic links to
Rome, the structure and strength of its local governance had changed little from the
administration worked out during the late medieval period when it had been an
independent city-state. Paradoxically, Orvieto was typical among the network of cities
in the Papal States during the sixteenth century where the measure of difference and
independence of each o f those cities was related to its earlier existence as a commune. In
this sense each was typical in a unique way. The present chapter on Orvieto is meant to
outline briefly the city’s history and its relationship with Rome for the purpose of
understanding Orvieto’s particular place in the Roman sphere during the early
seventeenth century, and ultimately how the musical establishment, and Costantini’s
professional presence, fit into this setting.
The City of Orvieto: Relationship with Rome and the Papacy

The geography of Orvieto, atop a plateau of sheer rock, is a significant factor in
the identity of the city and introduces every modem description as well as any serious
discussion of its history. Its topography may have accounted in part for its importance
strategically in the Middle Ages, and the history of Orvieto in the late medieval period is
2
Marietta Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza and the Sixteenth-Century Renovation Projects at
Orvieto Cathedral," Ph.D. diss. (New York University, 1998).
3
The strategy of the Papal Administration, institutionalized in the two temporal
administrative bodies of the Sacra Consulta and the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Govemo, was
to allow each locality to retain its traditional statutes and laws, with oversight but without
interference. See Alberto Cedrone, "Note sulla finanza locale in regime di ‘Buon Govemo’," in
Seicento e Settecento nel Lazio, ed. Renato Lefevre, Lunario romano 10 (Rome: Gruppo culturale
di Roma e del Lazio: Fratelli Palombi, 1981), 547-64. See also Delumeau, "Rome: Political and
Administrative Centralization," 295, and Eric Cochrane, Italy 1530-1630, ed. Julius Kirshner
(London: New York, 1988), 46.
48
well-documented.4 Despite its nominal shift from independence to part of the Papal
States in 1367, Orvieto’s mode of local government and the relationship of inhabitants of
the town to it developed in its communal days and put a seal on the character of the city
that was still in evidence in the early seventeenth century.
In the medieval period, Orvieto’s alternating wars and alliances with Siena and
Florence aligned its stature with these other two communes, even if it was the smallest of
the three.5 Considered part of Tuscany, its cultural orientation at that time was also
4
This includes the history of the cathedral of Orvieto because the two entities are seldom
separated. Early studies based on archival sources are: Luigi Fumi, IlDuomo di Orvieto e i suoi
restauri (Rome, 1891); idem., Orvieto. Note storiche e biografiche (Citta di Castello, 1891);
idem, ed., Codice diplomatico della citta d’Orvieto; Documenti e regesti dal secolo XI al XV e la
Carta delpopolo (Florence: Vieusseux, 1884; reprint, Florence, 1997). Daniel Waley, Medieval
Orvieto (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1952) is still a standard and has been translated into
Italian. Pericle Perali, Orvieto: Note storiche di topografia e d'arte dalle origini al 1800
(Orvieto, 1919; reprint, Rome: Multigrafica Editrice, 1979) is less well documented but useful.
Quantitative studies based on principles of the Annales school have been carried out by Elisabeth
Carpentier, Une ville devant la peste: Orvieto et la Peste Noire de 1348 (Paris: SEVPEN, 1962);
idem, Orvieto a lafin du XIII siecle: Ville et campagne dans le cadastre de 1292 (Paris: Editions
su Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1986). Recent research employing new data-
control methodologies, a modem historian’s training, and a local citizen’s deep understanding of
the city and its people is led by Lucio Riccetti, II Duomo di Orvieto (Bari: Laterza, 1988); idem,
"II cantiere edile negli anni della Peste Nera," in ibid., 139-215; idem, La citta costruita.Lavori
pubblici e immagine in Orvieto medievale (Florence: Le Lettere, 1992); idem, "Le origini dell'
Opera, Lorenzo Maitani e l'architettura del Duomo di Orvieto: In margine al disagio di una
storiografia," in Opera: Carettere e ruolo delle fabbriche cittadine fiino all'inizio dell'Eta
Moderna, ed. Margaret Haines and Lucio Riccetti, The Harvard University Center for Italian
Renaissance Studies, 13 (Florence: Olschki, 1996), 157-265; see also Marilena Rossi Caponeri
and Lucio Riccetti, Chiese e conventi degli ordini mendicanti in Umbria nei secoli XIII-XIV
(Perugia: Editrice Umbra Cooperativa, 1987).
5 In this period Siena’s population was at least 40,000, Florence was upwards of 70,000,
and Orvieto, including city and contado, the area over which it had jurisdiction, was somewhere
between 23,000 and 40,000 altogether. Population figures are from Carpentier, Orvieto a lafin
duXIIIsiecle, 237; Christopher F. Black, Italian Confraternities in the Sixteenth Century
(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), 284-85. See also appendices and bibliography in de
Vries, European Urbanization. Among the seicento population models in Athos Bellettini’s La
popolazione italiana, the city of Cento’s numbers seem closest to Orvieto's, e.g. c.300 births per
year 1615-1619 (Turin: Einaudi, 1987), 53-93. A 1607 document lists 6,000 inhabitants in
49
skewed toward Tuscany, evidenced by the provenance of artists responsible for paintings
and furnishings in the churches and palazzi in Orvieto, although local artists, too, were
entrusted with important commissions.6 Even though the cathedral, begun in 1290, was
thought to be modeled after S. Maria Maggiore in Rome, strong artistic ties with Rome
were forged only in the sixteenth century.
In the late fourteenth century political ties were formalized with Rome, and by the
late sixteenth century Orvieto’s economic and cultural orientation was thoroughly Roman
as well, a situation exemplified by the fast and direct communication system organized
between the two at this time. Daily courier service, which facilitated banking and served
g
a postal function, was established from Rome to Orvieto in 1592. The renovations in the
Orvieto proper and 1,050 in the periphery, according to Santimani, "Visita pastorale di Mons.
Giacomo Sannesio,” who references Libri Litterarum visitationum SS. Liminum Urbevetera 1, c.
271, relazione 10 December 1607, Archivio Segreto Vaticano. Orvieto to this day has not
reached the same level of population density it enjoyed in the Middle Ages.
6 Perali, Orvieto; Giusi Testa, La Cappella Nova: o di san Brizio (Milan: Rizzoli, 1996).
Notable examples would be the fa?ade of the cathedral as planned in the early fourteenth century,
the Italo-Byzantine icon of the Madonna della Tavola whose origin is even earlier, and the gold,
silver and enamel reliquary holding the sacred relic of the Santissima Corporale commissioned of
a Sienese goldsmith in 1337 (see below). Fra Angelico, a Florentine, began the fresco cycle in
the Cappella Nuova in the mid-fifteenth century which was completed by Luca Signorelli at the
beginning of the next century. The Orvietano, Ugolino di Prete Ilario, painted the Eucharistic
cycle of frescos in the Cappella Corporale between 1357 and 1361. Orvieto as a part of the
region known as Umbria, even the region itself, was late to develop a strong identity. See
Roberto Volpi, "II recupero del termine "Umbria" in eta modema," in Orientamenti di una
regione attraverso i secoli: scambi, rapporti, influssi storici nella struttura dell'Umbria, Atti del
X convegno di Studi Umbri, Perugia, Centro di Studi Umbri Casa di Sant'Ubaldo in Gubbio,
Facolta di Lettere e Filosofta dell 'Universita degli Studi di Perugia (Perugia, 1978), 109-17.
7
Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 23; David M. Gillerman, "The Evolution of the Design of
Orvieto Cathedral, ca. 1290-1310," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 53 (1994):
300-21.
g
Jean Delumeau, Vie economique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitie du XVI
siecle, 2 vols. (Paris: E. De Boccard, 1957-59), 1:40, includes maps of the courier and postal
routes. Delumeau also shows the development of the communication network from Rome to
50
cathedral in the sixteenth century, the progress of which has been documented by
Cambareri, shows ongoing correspondence with Rome concerning artists and materials.
An important part of Orvieto’s history is its direct relationship with the papacy.
During the Middle Ages and as late as the early sixteenth century, popes were frequently
in residence for extended periods of time in Orvieto. A permanent residence, the Palazzo
Papale, existed to accommodate the papal court when in town. Popes were living in
Orvieto when at least two events subsequently important to the city were initiated.10 One
was an early attempt at the establishment of the universal church feast of Corpus Christi
which was ordered by Pope Eugene IV in 1264, and celebrated by him in Orvieto in its
first year.11 The other was the founding of the cathedral of S. Maria della Stella in 1290,
12
presided over, according to city history, by Nicholas IV. When Clement VII, fleeing
destinations within the Papal States, Italy, and elsewhere in Europe, 1:37-79. A listing of postal
routes from a 1575 publication shows that neither the route toward Florence nor Venice included
Orvieto at that time, found in S. Borr.F.1212,1-Rv, Item no. 6, “Aggiuntevi di nuovo le Poste
d’Italia” (at the close of a pastoral letter dated 1575 from Cardinal (Carlo) Borromeo, Archbishop
of Milan), and continues with No. 7, Poste di Italia/ Posta da Roma a Bologna. Orvieto’s
inclusion was a fairly late development, then, and might have contributed to the isolation that
preserved its independence. Increased communications had implications for music in that
announcements of competitions held for vacant papal singers’ positions were circulated to the
most important cathedrals after the reforms of the Cappella Pontificia in 1586, see Jean Lionnet,
"La Cappella Pontificia e il Regno di Napoli durante il Seicento," in La Musica a Napoli durante
il Seicento, ed. Domenico Antonio d'Alessandro and Agostino Ziino, Atti del convegno, Naples,
April 1985 (Rome: Torre d'Orfeo, 1987), 542.
9 Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 117-19.
10 A new palace was begun during the Orvieto residency of Urban IV who was there
from 1262-1264, see Renato Bonelli, "II palazzo papale di Orvieto," Atti del 11° Convegno
Nazionale di Storia dell'Architettura (Rome, 1939), 211-20.
11 Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), 177.
12
Monaldo Monaldeschi, Commentari historici di Monaldo Monaldeschi della Cervera
(Venice, 1584; reprint, Bologna: Fomi, 1984); G. Della Valle, Storia del Duomo di Orvieto
(Rome, 1791).
51
the Sack of Rome, came to Orvieto in December 1527 and remained there through May
13
1528, this became the last extended papal stay in Orvieto but not the last intervention.
The Famese Pope Paul III (1534-1544) was one of the Orvietan branch of this
noble family and he took a direct interest in the city at least in the early part of his reign.
Over the course of the sixteenth and into the seventeenth century the relationship between
the leadership of Orvieto and that of Rome was close and collegial, unlike certain other
cities in the patrimony which were “subjugated” during the formation and centralizing
process of the Papal States.14 The people of Orvieto felt an affinity for Rome, whose
political domination appeared light-handed, and they could absorb the capital’s official
hegemony into a strong civic identity.15
Just as Orvieto never relinquished itself wholly to external rule, it never gave
itself over to a local oligarchy of nobles in that the rule of citizens was always strongly
felt. In fact, a balanced treatment of nobility and citizenry still found statutory expression
in the rules for the rotating elected office of conservatore even into the seventeenth
century, in quiet defiance o f an official push in the Papal States toward overt separation
13
Pastor, History of the Popes, 9:466, 10:1-19. This sojourn in Orvieto is credited by
sixteenth-century historians of the town for jump-starting the revitalization of Orvieto. For
example, the building of the Pozzo (well) of S. Patrizio according to the design of Sangallo was
begun during Clement VII’s residence to ensure a continued water supply (Monaldeschi,
Commentari historici, 165), and the earliest known printing in town was done on a press brought
out from Rome, see Lucia Tammaro Conti, Annali Tipografici di Orvieto, Fonti per la storia
dell'Umbria, 11 (Perugia: Arti grafiche Citta di Castello, 1977), x.
14
Delumeau, "Political and Administrative Centralization," 292.
15 This collegiality may have been more the rule than the exception in the Papal States,
see Bandino Giacomo Zenobi, Le ‘ben regolate citta Modelli politici nel govemo delle periferie
pontificie in eta moderna (Rome: Bulzoni Editore, 1994), 5-9.
52
of classes, and prerogatives for the nobility.16 The urban elite avoided self-descriptive
titles that set them apart from other citizens, a situation which lasted at least several
17
decades into the seventeenth century.
The Opera del Duomo di Orvieto

The symbol o f civic identity of Orvieto was and is its cathedral. The great striped
structure with its sculpted and mosaicked facade dominates the city, and is far grander
than one would ever expect to find in a city of this size. Begun at the height of Orvieto’s
power and eminence as a republican city-state, the cathedral was perceived by the
Orvietani as part of their civic tradition, an actual and symbolic structure built and
18
maintained by the will of the people. Eighteenth and nineteenth century Orvietan
historiography, which usually assigned a prominent role to the nobility in the earlier
Statutorum civitatis Urbisveteris volumen (Rome, 1581; reprint, Bologna: Fomi, 1983),
5-8 (Libro I, Rubrica 1).
17
Zenobi argues that “le ben regolate citta” characterizes the move toward formal
separation of social classes, a centralizing tool used by Rome in the urban network of the Papal
States, and was a significant turning point in favor of papal control occurring at different times in
each city. He finds that a 1563 papal breve required the first of Orvieto’s five conservatori [the
Statutorum civitatis of 1581 indicates six, and by the early seventeenth century there are usually
three or four] to be a nobleman with the designation “Confaloniero,” and identifies this as
Orvieto’s formalization of class separation. The characteristic Orvietan response in the
“Diplomatico,” I-Oas (citation in Zenobi is non-specific), says that the Confaloniero can be a
nobleman, or doctor, captain, or highly regarded citizen (155-56, emphasis mine). Prerogatives
of the nobility do not yet appear to be an overt concern in the early seicento, although a general
and political history of this period in Orvieto would shed some welcome light on the matter. It
was not until 1753 that the question was asked of the Sacra Consulta in Rome as to what the mix
of citizens and nobles should be among the soprastanti of the Opera, and the reply was that they
all were to be nobles, see Luigi Fumi, Statuti e Regesti dell'Opera di Santa Maria de Orvieto
(Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1891), xxvi. For more on the Sacra Consulta see Cedrone, "Note
sulla finanza locale," 547.
18
Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 1.
53
period, still allowed that the traditional nobility as well as the people of the town, “baroni
19
e cittadini,” together contributed generously and willingly to the building project.
The administration of the Duomo, which came to include the hiring and
supervision of the maestro di cappella, demonstrated the principle of control by the
people of Orvieto. The cathedral’s building, decoration, and renovation, its funding and
its uses were overseen almost from the beginning by the Opera del Duomo, a lay
governing board elected by, and answerable to, the local government, the Consiglio of the
20
Comune of Orvieto.
The Opera as it was structured at the beginning of the seventeenth century
consisted of a camerlengo and four soprastanti, plus a cashier/accountant or cassiere, and
an official notary. Each of these officers served for a term of one year, with the election
held at the end of the calendar year, and the officers installed during a ceremony taking
place in January. The camerlengo was elected by the Consiglio, and he appointed the
soprastanti, who were subject to approval by the same body. The bussolo, both a
container for holding the ballots, and a name for the list of candidates from which the
camerlengo was chosen, was made up of a subset of the elite citizenry of Orvieto, and
19
Della Valle, Storia del Duomo di Orvieto, 96-97, quoting Cipriano Manente, Historie
di Cipriano Manente da Orvieto (Venice, 1561, 1566). Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, vii-viii, notes that
“there was no one who died who didn’t leave something to the Opera, and [among the living] if
one did not have money, he gave bread, clothes, household goods and linens, wax, ornaments and
jewels.” The notion of Orvieto’s greatest glories being achieved in the thirteen and early
fourteenth centuries coincided with the beliefs of nineteenth-century local historians who had
labeled the late fourteenth and fifteen centuries a period of decline, and tended to minimize the
events o f the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Fumi, the m ost influential nineteenth-century
voice not only denigrated the achievements of the Duomo in the sixteenth century, but did his
part to dismantle any trace of them when a late nineteenth-century renovation was under way.
Fumi, II Duomo di Orvieto, and Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 40-41.
20 Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, viii.
54
the board positions were also filled, apparently, from the same group of citizens. The
same family names appeared year after year, even reappearing in subsequent
generations.21
The Opera was ultimately responsible to the conservatori of the Comune. For
important issues the numero grande, consisting of the conservatori and consiglieri of the
Comune, and the papal governor, was called into session. For day-to-day issues,
however, the piccolo numero consisting of the Opera proper would consult and decide.
The camerlengo, the chairman of the Opera, was required to hold public audience three
times a week to receive petitions, to give rights to the vassals as well as the signori of
lands, and to respond to the workers in the fabrica, with the obligation to give an answer
to every request. Their duties were to oversee the three properties outside the city walls,
Prodo, Benano, and Sala, which provided the income for the cathedral, and to administer
all the functions and funds of both long-term and daily operations within the cathedral
itself. The camerlengo and soprastanti were required to inspect the sacristy at least once
a month, and examine the inventory of the Duomo at least three times a year. The
statutes which prescribed the Opera’s duties and responsibilities were to be kept on a
22
table in the room of public audience, attached by an iron chain.
Music in the cathedral, that is a cappella led by a professional maestro, was not
addressed specifically in the statutes. A revision of their provisions was put into effect in
1554 just as the professional music establishment was evolving, but without addressing
21
See list of officials from 1291 through 1890 in Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 144-49. A
similar formal structure and mode of election operated for civil government in Rome at this time,
Nussdorfer, Civic Politics, especially chap. 5, “A Civic Space.”
22
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xxiv-xxvi.
55
23
the music program per se. However, references in the Opera1s documents to
deportment of singers, for example, indicate music was understood to be part of its
responsibilities and that music was performed early on. Further mention of music in
conjunction with the veneration of the Madonna di S. Brizio, a painted image thought to
be present in the cathedral from its founding, called for a solemn votive mass to be sung
every Saturday at her altar, and for a litany to be sung there “in musica" during every one
of the seven principal feasts of the Madonna 24
The name as well as the concept “Opera ” was not an unusual one, particularly in
25
Tuscany. Though used in many locales, this appellation had no standard meaning
beyond that of a cathedral’s governance. By the seventeenth century, the shapes of some
of these administrative bodies had evolved to accommodate changed forms of

26
government and social order in their respective cities. The Opera del Duomo of
Orvieto stands out among them, however, for its continuing oversight of all aspects of the
cathedral and its administration by a lay board of elected citizens, a system somewhat
improvisatory at its inception in the late thirteenth century but little changed from its
codification in 1421. And it is the only one of a group of similarly named governing
Capitoli which specified more particularly the duties of the camerlengo and changed
somewhat the ordering of books, minutes, and memoranda were formulated in 1553, promulgated
in 1554, and appended to the Statuti. Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xxiv, 67-72.
24
But the beginnings of specifically polyphonic music sung in honor of the Madonna di
S. Brizio, as implied by Fumi, is less clear in the actual source he quotes. Fumi, Statuti e Regesti,
xxxix, 5-7, 19.
25
Oscar Mischiati, "Profilo storico della cappella musicale in Italia," 25-26. Other
municipalities with the same administrative arrangement of city governance over the cathedral
and other churches include: Florence, Pisa, Siena, Lucca, and Naples, to which may be added
Bologna, Venice, and Milan, as well as the smaller cities of Cento and Udine.
26
Haines and Riccetti, eds., Opera: Carattere e ruolo.
56
bodies in other cities that by the late sixteenth century explicitly regarded the musical
27
cappella as under its purview, and not to be shared with canons or episcopal authority.
Ecclesiastical power and influence wielded by the bishops was distinctly separate
even from the papal support for construction and administration of the Duomo. From the
time of its existence as an independent city-state, the citizen of Orvieto would have
associated the papacy with governmental authority, the bishops and clergy with local
religious practice. Administration of the cathedral was a municipal function from 1300
onwards, with input from the chapter and the bishop, but by mid-century the elected
28
board was firmly in control. The Opera was formally established in 1420 when the city
requested and received support from Pope Martin V in the form of a bull reiterating non
interference on the part of bishop and clergy, and confirming the long-standing authority
29
of the citizens in the business of the fabrica. The Consiglio of the Ulllustrissima Citta
di Orvieto” erected statutes to preserve these rights, issuing Statuti e Regesti dell ’Opera
30
di Santa Maria de Orvieto in 1421. This codification of lay governance of the
cathedral modified in 1554 remained in effect through the eighteenth century. The
original document from Martin V was included among the important papers and precious
27 .
Riccetti, "Le origini dell'Opera," in Opera: Carettere e ruolo, 264.
28
It was the Opera that commissioned the building of the Cappella Corporale, the north
transept of the cathedral in 1350, a fresco cycle to decorate it in 1357, and the tabernacle to hold
the reliquary of the holy corporal in 1358. This followed an influx of offerings, bequests from
citizenry who had died in great numbers during the plague of 1348-9. Rossi Caponeri and
Riccetti, Chiese e conventi. For more on the Cappella Corporale, see Dominique Surh, "Corpus
Christi and the Cappella del Corporale of Orvieto Cathedral" Ph.D. diss. (University of Virginia,
2000 ).
29
Martin V had recently returned to residence in Rome after the papal dislocations of the
previous century. Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xvi.
30
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti', Riccetti, "Le origini dell'Opera," 262, 264.
57
objects for which each year’s newly-elected camerlengo and soprastanti took
31
responsibility—and kept the keys of access. Whenever a bishop tried from time to time
to assert himself in the running of the Duomo, the lay leaders of Orvieto sought the
pope’s backing in his role as sovereign of the Papal States, to reassert their municipal
32
prerogatives.
Throughout the sixteenth and into the seventeenth centuries, the Comune of
Orvieto continued to function according to the long-standing rule of local law. This body
of codicils, rubrics, and precedents was condensed and revised in 1574 by a committee of
leading citizens and city administrators, and was published in Rome as the Statutorum
Civitas Urbis Veteris in 1581. Along with the previously codified statutes this set of
rules, procedures, and the principle of citizen government that they supported governed
33
the actions of the Opera del Duomo dell’Orvieto which hired Fabio Costantini in 1610.
The continuity of Orvieto’s governance is reflected in the records the city kept
almost intact since 1292. Parallel records, similar in their continuity, were kept by the
34
Opera. The habits of Orvietan civic responsibility revealed in these public records had
developed over a long period, and they still influenced the city’s daily functions in the
31
See app. A, document 10.
32
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xxiii-xxiv.
33
The laws and institutions that had governed Orvieto since its days as an independent
city-state were still fundamentally intact in 1610. For the earlier formulations of law, and the
Carta del Popolo from which much of the 1581 Statutorum civitas took its substance, see Fumi,
Codice diplomatico.
34
The archives of the Opera del Duomo in Orvieto, as well as the Orvieto section of the
State Archives of Temi, and the Biblioteca Comunale in Orvieto, are the richest and in many
cases the only source for information on the musical chapel in Orvieto in the seventeenth century,
the activities of Costantini, and the society of Orvieto during this period. The different types of
documents and their sigla are listed in the glossary.
58
early seventeenth century. Further, the records of the Opera del Duomo show an ebb and
flow of attempted ecclesiastical interventions into what was, essentially, a community
function: the building, decoration, and uses of the Duomo, and the religious and cultural
life of the city.35
Ceremonial Life in Orvieto: Principal Festivals in the Seventeenth Century

Imbedded in the codices of the city and the Opera were the most important annual
ceremonies and celebrations with religious and civic significance. Feast days listed in the
Statuti of 1421 were to be observed by all workers in the cantiere, or cathedral

36
workshops, and all those with ties to the cathedral. The feast days which were also the
most important civic celebrations, Corpus Christi and Assumption, were treated under
separate rubrics in the 1421 Statuti and the 1581 Statutorum, and both involve
processions which put the Citta on display.
The feast of Pentecost was marked by a unique activity, the ceremony of the
Palombella, but despite its popularity, its treatment is left to the meeting records of the
Opera and not to official statutes. The feast of S. Brizio, too, seems to have played an
important role in city ceremony during the early seventeenth century, although its origins
and relative importance as a religious commemoration are not fully understood.
35
The continuity of record keeping is taken quite seriously in the late sixteenth century
when close attention was paid to organizing and binding these records, an activity duly recorded
in those same records. In 1557, the records of prior years were combed to compile a reference
book of ordinances the Opera needed to enforce. See Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 736,
document 723. Another attempt to organize the records is noted on p. 823, document 1032.
36
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 38-40. Easter is the only feast not listed that would have been
of utmost importance, it might have been in error, but since its occurrence was always on a
Sunday, its omission from a list meant to order workdays may not have been thought necessary.
Statutorum, 119-121, lists feastdays and adds the days before and after that are also observed.
59
In 1634 an Orvietan patrician named Giacomo Coelli wrote a “Breve Descrittione
della Citta di Orvieto” which was never published, although it was prepared with that end
37
in mind, complete as it is with footnotes and references. In it Coelli described the
principal festivals “of ancient institution” celebrated in his day: Corpus Christi, the feast
38
of S. Brizio on November 13, and the Assumption of the Virgin Mary on 15 August.
First among them, according to Coelli, was the “solennita of the miracle of the Santo
Corporale ordained by Pope Urban IV ‘in 1264’.” Whether by this date Coelli meant the
miracle of Bolsena, which the prized and revered relic of the Holy Corporal in Orvieto
cathedral commemorated, or he meant the date which Pope Urban IV instituted the feast
of Corpus Christi, is ambiguous. This ambiguity probably reflected the understanding of
Orvieto’s residents, who conflated these events, giving the universal feast of Corpus
Christi important local implications. The importance of these as civic celebrations is
indicated by the length of the festival surrounding each feast: for Corpus Christi the
festival extended for eight days before and eight days after the feastday, the Assumption
festivities extended four days before and four after, and S. Brizio three before and three
after.39
37
It is preserved today as “Descrittione della Citta di Orvieto,” Collezione Cartari, Ms.
16, I-Od. Reference to this manuscript is made in Perali, Orvieto, 263.
38
App. A, document 9.
39
The statutory holidays were evidently shorter than the customary celebrations.
According to the 1581 Statutorum, Corpus Christi had two days before and two after, Assumption
just one before and one after, and S. Brizio was given two before and two after.
60
Corpus Christi or “Santissimo Corporale”
The miracle at Bolsena, interpreted as an important illustration of the efficacy of
the Eucharist, is said to have occurred as early as the thirteenth century, but became an
important part of Orvieto’s identity by the early fourteenth century. By then its relic
came to be housed at the Orvieto cathedral and its commemoration became a part of the
local Corpus Christi observance.40 The city’s observance of this universal feast gained
particular meaning because of the local connections with the story of this miracle,
associated by legend with the feast’s founding 41 The first documentation of a Corpus
Christi procession in Orvieto is in 1337, the same year that a reliquary depicting the
miracle at Bolsena was commissioned to house the blood-stained relic, the Santissimo
Corporale,42
The reliquary, normally kept (as it still is today) in the Cappella Corporale, was
placed on the high altar on the feast of Corpus Christi, the one time when the high altar
and the locus of Eucharistic devotion became one and the same.43 Early in the morning
40
On the founding and history of the feast see Rubin, Corpus Christi, 173-176ff.
41
For the historiography of the relic of the Coporale see Surh, "Corpus Christi and the
Cappella del Corporale.” Further investigation into the meaning of Corpus Christi, or Corpus
Domini, in Orvieto is found in Carol Lansing, Power and Purity: Cathar Heresy in Medieval
Italy (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1998), 161-67.
42
The reliquary was commissioned by members of the Monaldeschi family in
partnership with the commune, Perali, Orvieto, 71-72. The route of the Corpus Christi procession
was laid out in the Riformagioni of the Commune on 24 May 1337, Rossi Caponeri and Riccetti,
Chiese e conventi, 37, document no. 2.2.80. This same route was still in use in 1618 when an
engraving of the city map entitled “Pianta di Orvieto, citta di S. Chiesa in Toscana” was
published with the contemporary route of the procession shown, by Antonio and Leandro
Carrarini. The Carrarini print also indicated that their plan was taken from that of the “Ecc.mo
Hippolito Scalza” Perali, Orvieto, 27. For a reproduction of this map see Rossi Caponeri and
Riccetti, Chiese e conventi, xxxii-xxxiv.
43
I am grateful to Marietta Cambareri for this insight.
61
on that day, the Corporate in its reliquary was carried through the streets in procession,
“by four priests as the Levites carried the ark o f the covenant through the desert.”44 The
archives of the cinquecento indicate that by that time prominent representatives of the
four rione (districts) of Orvieto, not four priests, had the honor of processing with the
reliquary.45
In the seventeenth century the local names for the universal feast of Corpus
Christi, the widely used Corpus or Corpo Domini, more often Santissimo Corpo Domini,
and very frequently Santissimo Corporate, appear interchangeably in the documents of
the Duomo. Reminders of the importance of the Corporate as a part of the patrimony of
the cathedral and the city abound in the records, and its place as the Eucharistic presence
in the Corpus Christi procession and liturgy is unquestioned. Two of the keys to the
tabernacle holding the reliquary of the Corporate, of which there were four altogether,
form part o f the “spettanti,” or combination of duty and authority of the camerlengo and
soprastanti of the Opera, which were delineated in the Statuti e Registi of 1421, and
reiterated in the Capitoli added in 15 54.46 Corpus Christi is also one of the occasions for
the many-faceted ritual of wax offerings, both distributed by the Opera to certain
individuals and groups, and collected from others, which had been in place since the late
“La mattina della festa del Corpus Domini, sul far dell’alba, dalla cappella sua propria
si pone sopra l’altar maggiore, donde si mena in processione per tutta la citta, trasportato da
quattro sacerdotis, come dai quattro leviti dell’antica legge si protava l’arca del l’alleanza.” Fumi,
Statuti e Regesti, xxxviii.
45
Rif. 247, carte 193a, 11 May 1551,1-Oas, “Si estraggono a sorte 4 uomini, per ogni
rione, che debono, provvedere al baldacchino durante la processione.”
46 Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xvii.
62
Middle Ages.47 The maestro di cappella and organist of the cathedral were two of the
48
recipients of “mazze” before the feast day.
Feast of the Assumption

The fifteenth o f August, Feast of the Assumption, was an important celebration in
many churches in Italy, particularly ones dedicated to the Virgin. At the Orvieto
cathedral it was celebrated as the patronal feast day, but its rituals were as much civic as
religious, even more so than Corpus Christi. A procession covering a different and more
ancient route than that on Corpus Christi took place on the day of the feast, but opening
rituals the evening before were held at the church of Sant’Andrea, in the same piazza as
the Palazzo Communale. The record of the feast’s celebration in the early seventeenth
century is consistent with its long tradition. The wooden statue of the Assunta would
have already been transferred to Sant’Andrea in anticipation of its ceremonial return to
the cathedral the next day. It would have been adorned with a diamond ring and crown of
jewels, donated by legacy of the late sixteenth-century bishop Simoncelli and on loan
47
Mazze, perhaps a bundle of tapers to be carried in procession, were distributed to
officials of the Duomo and the city, and to the confraternities and religious orders, and even to the
children of the town, before Corpus Christi day. “Cera arsiccia,” scorched wax, describes the
condition of the bundles of wax candles after they have been collected by the officials of the
Opera at the door of the Duomo as the Corpus Domini procession finished its course through the
city, Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 50n. Wax was a valuable commodity suitable for charitable giving
as well as tribute. The wax concession supplying candles to the faithful at the Duomo was
controlled by the Opera. Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xx. The Consiglio bestowed a wax subsidy on
the churches of the city and the religious orders operating them as a sign of their legitimacy and
the city’s support. The subsidy appears from time to time in records from the fourteenth century
on, Rossi Caponeri and Riccetti, Chiese e conventi, e.g.19, document 2.2.20.
48
List of 1611 in app. A, document 19.
63
from the current bishop. This statue was carried in procession from Sant’Andrea to its
49
usual location in the Duomo since the mid-fourteenth century, the Cappella Nuova.
On the eve of the feast, first vespers was celebrated with great solemnity inside
the church of Sant’Andrea, with the musical cappella from the Duomo singing
polyphonic versions of the required psalms and antiphons. The same evening a ceremony
was carried out whereby the leaders of the smaller communities which paid taxes to
Orvieto were ordered to pay a tribute in pounds of wax, and to call out their contributions
from the steps of Sant’Andrea. Earlier the Opera had distributed wax much as it did for
Corpus Christi, but here the participation of surrounding towns in offering this tribute
back to the leaders of the cathedral and the city echoed a much earlier, feudal mentality.
It was an act more class-delineating than that enacted for Corpus Christi. The precise
tabulation in the Opera archives of who gave and how much, and who did not give, “who
brought and who forgot” as it were, shows this ritual remained a meaningful sign of the
urban power structure in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Whether it
retained its earlier feudal meanings is unknown, but its preservation seems to indicate that
its hierarchical connotations resonated with city leaders at some level, despite
contradictions with civic tradition and statutes, perhaps paralleling the social and political
formulations promoted within the Papal States that emphasized class division.
Feast of S. Brizio
The feast of S. Brizio was perhaps most important to the people of Orvieto as the
anniversary of the Duomo’s founding. The Statuti e Registi of 1421 recorded an
indulgence granted from first to second vespers on that day, 13 November, in memory of
49
The uses for the Cappella Nuova were to change in 1622. See below, and chap. 3.
64
Pope Nicholas IV and the laying of the first stone.50 The same article emphasized the
devotion of the citizenry to the Virgin, their “principal advocate,” showing the connection
between S. Brizio and the cult of the Virgin, still important in the seventeenth century. In
the 1421 Statuti list of feasts to be observed, S. Brizio is not yet mentioned, and was not
added until 1454, then to be observed as the commemoration of the cathedral’s
consecration.51 The cult of a saint by that name was less influential than the practices
surrounding the image of the Madonna di S. Brizio in the Duomo. Identification of this
panel painting o f the Virgin, also known by the titles Maesta della Tavola and Madonna
della Stella, with S. Brizio had resulted from the particular veneration accorded the image
52
on the saint’s feast day. The identity of the “San Brizio” venerated in Orvieto may
have been a legendary Umbrian bishop, although the date observed was that of the Brizio
53
associated with S. Martin of Tours. The Italo-Byzantine painting was of uncertain
origin, but it was understood by the populace to predate the founding of the cathedral and
thus solidify their continuity with an ancient Christian past.54
50 Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 5.

51 Only feasts with fixed dates were listed, with Easter and all others regulated by its date
not mentioned. These were the holidays of the year in which those whose livelihood depended on
the Opera were obliged not to work, or if they did, be paid less than usual for their trouble, Fumi,
Statuti e Regesti, In, 38-40. The feast of S. Brizio is listed among the city’s holidays in the 1581
Statutorum civitatis, 121.
52
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 19.
53
Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vol. 3 (Istituto Giovanni XXIII nella Pontificia Universita
Lateranense, [1961?]-c.l970), s.v. "S. Brizio,"; Aurelio Ficarelli, Sancta UrbevetanaLegio
(Orvieto: Orfanelli, 1960), 423-24.
54 .
Giovanna Martelloti and Paola Refice, "L'enigma della ‘Maesta della Tavola’," in La
Cappella Nova: O di san Brizio, ed. Giusi Testa (Milan: Rizzoli, 1996), 277-87.
65
The feast was given a renewed prominence in 1622 when the painting was moved
from its location at the inner fa<?ade of the nave into the “Cappella Nova,” the east
transept o f the cathedral, this translation the final touch to a century of renovations within
the Duomo.55 The gated oratory which sheltered the image of the Madonna di S. Brizio
until 1622 was the location of the Saturday devotions of vespers and litanies prescribed in
the Statuti two centuries previously.56 The “new chapel” to which it was moved was
built in the fifteenth century and dedicated to the Madonna, housing (at least until the
translation of 1622) the wooden statue of Mary carried in procession in the city on the
feast of the Assumption.
Music at the Duomo in Orvieto before 1610

The archival study o f music at Orvieto cathedral by Brumana and Ciliberti, the
only historical treatment to date of its musical establishment, covers the time period from
57
1450 to 1610. Their study tracks all the strands of musical development—the organ,
the growth of polyphony, and the cappella—in the memoriali of the camerlengo, the
riformanze or official record o f the Opera, and the payment records kept by the cassiere.
The presence o f illuminated chant books in the archive attest to the performance
of chant by the canons employed at the Duomo, similar to late medieval practice at
comparable institutions. Polyphony took place on occasion before the sixteenth century,
but only from 1522 is it possible to document the presence of one or two professional
55 Chap. 3.
56 Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, xxxix.
57
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto. This discussion of music before 1610 follows their
study. Mention of Ciliberti alone refers to his essay covering the cappella musicale between 1550
and 1610 incoporated into the volume.
66
58
singers and thus regular polyphonic performance. A true cappella was not established
59
until 1544 when one of the singers was designated maestro. From that time forward,
the records show the Opera making a conscious effort to seek out singers to cover
different voices in the choir and to fill the position of maestro.
Musicians o f some prominence served at Orvieto. A very young Jacobus de Kerle
(1531/2-1591), Flemish bom and trained, filled this position from 1550 to 1555.60 At the
end of 1555 his assignment changed from maestro and singer to organist, and Francesco
Fabri, another Fleming recently working at Siena, was appointed maestro at Orvieto.61
62
Fabri served Orvieto, with only one interruption, until his death in 1589. In 1583 he
stepped aside as maestro and the position was filled for short periods by three individuals
58
Lucia Marchi, "Music, Devotion and Civic Life in Early Quattrocento Orvieto: A
Paired Gloria-Credo for the Cathedral of Santa Maria della Stella," in Conference Proceedings for
Musicfor Courts and Cities, ed. Karl Keugle and Lorenz Welker, Novacella, July 2000 (in
press). Pope Julius II brought his own musicians with him when he stopped in Orvieto during his
travels north which shows a tradition of polyphonic performance at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, but without a permanent local establishment. Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 22-23.
59
Ibid., 31-32. In that year Don Ippolito “francese,” who was on the payroll as a singer
in the previous year, was assigned the additional role of maestro di cappella.
60 Ibid. 47-51; Lewis Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo
Ruffo (Venice: Universal, 1970), 82-83; Glen Haydon, "The Hymns of Jacobus de Kerle," in
Aspects o f Medieval and Renaissance Music, ed. Jan LaRue (New York: Norton, 1966), 336-58.
61 Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 49, 334. Kerle retained his position in Orvieto
through February 1562.
62
The interruption lasted for five years, 1560-1565, when Fabri was back in Siena and
no name appears in the records as maestro di cappella in Orvieto. Frank A. D'Accone, The Civic
Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena During the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Chicago:
Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997), 350-51; Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 49, 56-57.
67
in the next five years: Orazio Tigrini (1583-1585), Paolo Magri (1585-1587), and
Teodoro Chinger (1588).63
In 1585 when the cappella was briefly without a maestro, the Opera’s
64
deliberations show it would have liked to hire Costanzo Porta or someone of his stature.
Magri, who came with the recommendation of his most recent service at the Santa Casa
at Loreto, was hired at the time, but when he left in 1587 the Opera agreed to look again
for someone of prominence suited to the prestige of the Duomo. Musicians mentioned
and in fact elected, although they never served, included Porta, Felice Anerio, and
Annibale Zoilo.65 These references to prominent musicians, the latter two Roman,
indicate the Opera’s musical aspirations.
After this period of relative instability in the cappella leadership, Leonardo
Meldert “fiammingo” (before 1550-1610) was nominated in September 1589, and on 1
April 1590 began twenty years of service as maestro di cappella. Although little has
been mentioned by modem scholars of Meldert, he came to Orvieto with the prestigious
credential o f having been a student of Orlando di Lasso, probably at the Bavarian court in
1568, and two of his compositions were published in collections alongside those of
63
For Tigrini, Magri and Chinger (Riccio) see bibliographies in Brumana and Ciliberti,
Orvieto, 60-61. All three appear in NGII, however Magri’s Orvieto service is not mentioned, and
Chinger was identified as Theodoro Riccio, whose Orvieto service is likewise unknown. Tigrini
did not begin in Orvieto in 1571, as reported in NGII. Fabri was still present through these
changes of maestro, singing bass in the cappella. After Chinger left, Fabri stood in once again as
maestro di cappella until his death in May 1589.
64
“II signor camorlengho con i signori soprastanti vedano d’intendere se Costanzo Porta
o altri vol venire,” Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 212.
65 Ibid., 60. In 1587, Zoilo was maestro at the Santa Casa in Loreto, and Anerio was at
the center of the new Congregazione della Santa Cecilia in Rome, to which it is reported that
Porta was elected a member in that year.
68
Lasso, affirming their relationship. Subsequently he worked for various members of the
della Rovere family in Urbino, serving as maestro di cappella for the Duke and for the
cathedral in Urbino before coming to Orvieto.66 Thus he was sufficiently credentialed to
satisfy the Opera's hiring expectations and sufficiently well-regarded to keep the job
until his death. He was eased into salaried retirement with reduced duties for the last four
67
of his twenty years there. During his tenure one elephant folio manuscript of three
masses by him was composed and copied, and remains today in the possession of the
68
Archivio del Duomo. In light of how little is known about Meldert, it is most
interesting to find his one known five-voice madrigal published in a 1609 Roman
anthology in the company of Felice and Giovanni Francesco Anerio, Ottavio Catalani,
and Giovanni Piccioni, the organist at Orvieto, their pieces linked by a theme of the grand
69
villas of the ecclesiastical aristocracy in Frascati. Meldert’s setting of “Felice ora
66 Ibid., 62-67, with bibliography.

67
Meldert’s tenure was interrupted briefly when he left to serve as maestro di cappella at
the Santa Casa of Loreto in 1593 but he returned in 1594. See Floriano Grimaldi, La cappella
musicale di Loreto nel cinquecento (Loreto: Ente rassegne musicali, 1981), 72. His departure
was not noted in the Opera's minutes, although his return seems to indicate he came when
requested by the Opera. In 1606, when old age was setting in, maestro Leonardo was pensioned,
that is his salary of 150 scudi a year was reduced to 120, Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 238,
278. The only assigned obligation during this period was to sing in the cappella musicale,
although no attempt was made to hire a new maestro di cappella until after his death.
68
l-Od, Music schedario, No. 163. See app. A, documents 16 and 17.
69
Sonetti novi di Fabio Petrozzi Romano, sopra le Ville di Frascati, e altri, posti in
musica a cinque voci da diversi Eccellenti Musici. Con uno a otto infine (Rome: Robletti, 1609)
[RISM 16097]. Assembled by Fabio Petrozzi, the five quarto partbooks and contents are listed in
Gaetano Gaspari, Catalogo della biblioteca del liceo musicale di Bologna, 4 vols. (1892; reprint,
four vols. in three, Bologna: Fomi, 1961), 3:42, and discussed in Amaldo Morelli, "Una raccolta
madrigalistica del 1609:1 Sonetti novi di Fabio Petrozzi sopra le ville di Frascati," in II madrigale
oltre il madrigale, ed. A. Colzani, A. Luppi and M. Padoan (Como, 1994), 161-74. See also
chap. 7.
69
ch ’Orfeo ” alludes to Felice Anerio, which Couchman suggests meant that Anerio’s music
70
was still admired at this time by contemporary poets, musicians, and patrons. Meldert’s
setting also reflects his and Orvieto’s connections with the contemporary music world in
Rome.
The most active musician in Orvieto before Costantini was the organist Giovanni
71
Piccioni ( c . 1550- c . 1619). Scattered inconspicuous references show him to have been
connected to the mainstream of Italian musical culture. For example, he accompanied the
brother of the camerlengo of Orvieto cathedral to visit Francesco Soriano at the Cappella
Giulia, when Costantini’s services were being sought.
Piccioni must have been composing regularly while at Orvieto. His twenty
volumes of motets, madrigals, and vespers collections were mostly published in Venice,
72
with some in Bologna and Rome. None show up in Orvieto inventories, although a few
73
pieces are found in Roman manuscripts. The works might bear examination in light of
the fact that he was never considered for the Orvieto maestro’s post. In any case,
Piccioni’s active musical presence in Orvieto and his publishing activity went
unrewarded at home. His inability to better his circumstances in the city might
demonstrate a component of the Opera’s decision-making processes that appeared
reluctant to promote someone local in favor of seeking a famous foreigner. This
70
Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," 173.
71
Often spelled Pizzoni, among other variations.
72
Piccioni’s works are found in Venetian, Roman, and even Florentine catalogs from
1591 to 1676: Oscar Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi e awisi degli editori e librai musicali italiani dal
1591 al 1798 (Florence: Olschki, 1984).
73
See inventory of manuscript partbooks linked with the confraternity of Santissima
Trinita dei Pellegrini in O'Regan, Institutional Patronage, 66-67.
70
reluctance sometimes stood in the way of recognizing and compensating great ability, as
was the case with the sculptor and architect Ippolito Scalza (1532-1617), who had to fight
for the recognition and salary he eventually obtained. He was the “capomastro ” of the
art and architecture in Orvieto cathedral for over fifty years, but did not command a
salary equal to his predecessor until he had already sculpted and delivered to the
cathedral his pieta, a masterpiece, because he could not bring prestige to the cathedral
and city through a reputation established elsewhere.74 In the seventeenth century,
Giambattista Rocchigiani, another Orvietano who began his musical training there, was
ordered by the Opera to spend time in another cappella before he could hold a paid
position in Orvieto. It appears he may have wanted to be maestro di cappella at Orvieto,
and he sang in the choir as well as published his own compositions and an anthology
15
there, but he was never considered for the position as far as the documents reveal.
Despite the fact that Piccioni was not bom in Orvieto, his long career there at the lesser
74 Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 121-34.

75
I-Od, Memoriali, 34, 146v (151 v), 27 September 1616. (marg) Eletione in musico
d’Gio. Batt. Rochigianj. “Fu anco sudetto Numero eletto in cantore delle cappelle Gio. Battis.
Rochigiano, con conditione che comincia di presente a servire in cappella a quelle parte che
preparera al m° di cappella [...] per tutto l’anno presente senza provisione si, et al principio
dell’anno sequente li cominciarono le provisione di sc.2 il mese per tutto l’anno 1619. Queste
eletione ha fece il numero essendovi stato da detto Gio. Batt presso memoriali, come appare pari
distintamente al libro sesto di Rif. : car:__ [sic].” In 1615 Rocchigiani was listed as a soprano-
in-training under one of the singers in the cappella, and was not paid directly by the Opera. He
served as a tenor in the cappella from 1618 through 1623, receiving thirty-six scudi per year
1618-1620, which was increased to forty-eight for 1621-1623. Rocchigiani was ambitious
although his professional efforts may have been misplaced, as might be deduced from the
anthology he published in 1623 in Orvieto which includes, without attribution, Monteverdi’s
Lamento d ’Arianna. He was maestro di cappella at Rieti from 1623 to 1635, a place that
chronically underpaid its musicians such that few self-respecting ones would take the job. A.
Sacchetti-Sassetti, "La Cappella Musicale del Duomo di Rieti," Note d'Archivioper la storia
musicale 17 (1940): 146.
71
position or organist may have locked him forever at that level in the perception of the
76
fabrica. Piccioni’s salary was reduced from his usual 100 scudi per year to 60 in 1614,
77
and he no longer appeared in the pay records at Orvieto in 1615. He served as maestro
di cappella at Montefiascone in 1616-18, then returned as organaro to Orvieto in 1619
after which no more is heard of him.
The Opera had attempted, before the end of the cinquecento, to lure the best
Italian-trained musicians they knew to Orvieto but in fact the office of maestro di
cappella in Orvieto had been filled, with a brief exception, by north-European trained
musicians for the first sixty-five years of the established cappella. Although the Opera
was willing to hire the new Italian professionals for musical leadership earlier, it
contented itself with continuation of sixteenth-century practices until a natural point for
change was occasioned by the death of Meldert.
The Function of the Opera Regarding the Cappella Musica and the Duties of the
Maestro di Cappella at Orvieto Cathedral
1. Power of the Opera to Form the Cappella Musica

In 1610 there was little question that the Opera, negotiating independently, was
responsible for the formation and financial support of the musical cappella. The lay
board’s lead in musical matters was not operative from the beginning, however. In
76
For the changing status of organists in Milan into the seventeenth century see Robert
L. Kendrick, The Sounds o f Milan, 1585-1650 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2002), 169.
Piccioni’s publications may have enhanced his reputation “abroad” more than the Opera was
aware. A number of his publications were on the 1596 list of the Venetian bookseller Scotto,
while on the same list Meldert appeared once. See Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in
Sixteenth-Centur Venice (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2001), 92.
77
I-Od, Cassieri, 1614 and 1615, found in alphabetical rubrica under “Giovanni
Piccioni.”
72
contrast to the workshops for Duomo construction and decoration which the Opera
oversaw almost from its inception, the administration of the musical cappella was only
clarified, sometimes painfully, over the course of the sixteenth century.
The occasional presence of one or two singers for the performance of polyphony
in 1522, for example, was paid for by one-third contributions from the Capitolo (chapter),
• 78 ♦ •
bishop, and Opera. Even in the early years of the formal cappella dating from 1544,
the local bishop was sometimes directly involved in decisions about the cappella, in
contrast to the marginal nature of the bishop’s involvement in other areas of the Opera’s
purview. In 1548 the ambiguity surrounding the authority to hire the maestro di cappella
was apparent. At that time Cardinal Ridolfi was at first perfectly willing to go along with
the Opera’s choice of maestro, but then learned that the vicario (the governor or his
deputy resident in Orvieto), and the chapter had elected someone else for the job. Ridolfi
then asked the Opera instead to go along with the other two bodies, exhorting the
soprastanti to “put the thing in the hands of the vicario.” For, according to Ridolfi, it was
79
a matter of greater concern to the vicario anyway.
The camerlengo of the Opera hired Jacobus de Kerle in 1550, but in 1555 it was
Bishop Girolamo Simoncelli who requested that Kerle’s job be rotated to that of organist,
78
This was done under the leadership of Bishop Cardinal Nicola Ridolfi, nephew of Leo
X who had promoted Ridolfi in 1517 and assigned him to Orvieto in 1520, Hierarchia Catholica
3:17, 323; Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 27.
79
“La causa sopra di cio sia commessa a prefato reverendo nostro vicario come cosa a
esso piu appartenente.” Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 33, 171. Although the exact sequence of
events and personages is unclear, the Cardinal Ridolfi who was negotiating over musicians may
have been a second Bishop Ridolfi, who was in charge of Orvieto from 1548-1554, but probably
was the same as the earlier Ridolfi, whose term in Orvieto was split in two by that of another
bishop, see Hierarchia Catholica 3:323. See also Cambareri, “Ippolito Scalza,” for Ridolfi’s role
in decoration at the Duomo.
73
and moderator of the clock, at the same time insisting that Kerle receive the same salary
80
he had been paid as maestro. The Bishop wanted Kerle to have more time to compose
81
in order to fill the repertorial needs of the music cappella with local production.
The authority of the bishop in the hiring of singers was evidently still acceptable
in July 1560, but by 1583 the Opera asserted its own authority unequivocally to do the
hiring, determine remuneration, and stipulate the duties of the maestro di cappella when
it raised the pay to “not more than” 100 scudi per year and imposed the obligation “to
• 82
teach the singing of contrapunto, canto fermo etfigurato to the clerics....”
A look at another avenue of the Opera's work reveals the flexible modes for
maintaining its prerogatives. In her study of the sixteenth-century renovations at the
cathedral, Cambareri argued that all decisions concerning the artistic and architectural
changes in the cathedral were made by the Opera, which, as the voice of the citizens of
Orvieto, jealously guarded this prerogative. At the same time this body graciously kept
the local bishop informed, but without yielding to his power or persuasion in its
83
decisions. A parallel attitude toward the musical cappella shows up in 1588. The
80
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 179-80. “11 moderatore dell’oralogio” was a job filled
by the Opera. The clock, named after St. Maurizio and still in place today, sits now atop a
building facing the Piazza del Duomo, with a cast bronze figure poised to gong the hour. It was
installed, so the story goes, to regulate the work days of the builders of the Duomo.
81
Kerle composed and published several works during the period between 1555 and
February 1562 while he was organist at Orvieto, but none are listed in later inventories, ibid., 48-
51, 57. See also below.
0 9
Ibid., 184, 209.

83
Ibid., 217-19. In December 1587, a letter from the governor indicated that
negotiations had begun with Annibale Zoilo, who expressed interest in coming to Orvieto from
his current position at the Santa Casa in Loreto. A letter to Zoilo would be dispatched the next
day by the camerlengo to ascertain what it would take to bring him to Orvieto, but the papal
governor, whether to help or wield power, had initiated the process. The Opera, already having
74
Opera apparently wanted to do its work where the musical cappella was concerned
through non-ecclesiastical channels and the assistance of Orvieto citizens. The
soprastanti could not be any more explicit on the issue of authority than in the memoriali
entry of 1 February 1607: “that the placing and withdrawing of a musician be done by the
84
numero and not the illustrious bishop.” This assertion by the Opera of its authority
over the cappella musica placed the now mature cappella on an equal footing with the
85
other functions of the cathedral overseen by the Opera.
The motivation for growth in the music establishment at Orvieto in the sixteenth
century was attributed by Ciliberti to actions by the papacy, or by the bishop of Orvieto,
86
arguing that it took this kind of outside intervention to precipitate change. Although
the motivations for regularizing the cappella in 1544 may have been manifold, the
immediate impetus may indeed have come from Paul III Famese, pope from 1534 to
87
1549, and “‘Domicello’ di Orvieto.” In 1536, while in the city, he initiated changes in
set its sights on the best-known musicians of the age, did not spurn the governor’s intervention.
In May of 1588 all the stops were pulled to hire Annibale Zoilo, shifting the initiative to the
citizens of Orvieto. Curtio Saracinelli, a leading citizen well-versed in the art of negotiation, was
to see if he could persuade Annibale to come for three years at 160 scudi per year, but he would
be backed up by the governor himself if difficulties developed in the negotiations.
84
Ibid., 280, “Che il porre e levare la musica stia al numero e non all’illustrissimo
vescovo.” This is the final word in a long argument concerning the placement of two singers.
85
Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 73-75. See also p. 95 showing the Opera maneuvering
itself past the interventions of the bishop and retaining decision-making power over the Duomo’s
renovation projects.
86
These would have represented two different kinds of intervention for the people of
Orvieto: governm ental w hen the papacy w as involved, and ecclesiastical w hen it w as the bishop.
See above.
87
‘^Domicello,, was a term also used by members of the Avveduti family to describe
themselves in the 1610s and 1620s on the title pages of the riformanze for the years they were
camerlenghi (1610-11, 1618, 1621, 1624-25, 1626).
75
the cathedral decoration beginning with the removal of the choir from the forward part of
88
the main nave to the very front of the cathedral, in the tribune, behind the main altar.
Ciliberti drew a connection between Paul Ill’s intervention in the artistic life of Orvieto
and the invigoration of its musical chapel, however Paul Ill’s direct involvement in the
cathedral renovations ceased after 1540, so it is more likely his influence in the matter, if
present at all, was more suggestive than actual for the cappella musicale*9 The
establishment of music at Orvieto cathedral parallels similar growth at other important
centers, and follows at an imitative offset that of musical cappelle in the churches of
Rome itself.90
The quality o f the cappella was the ultimate responsibility of the Opera, and the
purpose of the cappella was the enhancement of devotion in order to augment the piety,
the participation, and the satisfaction of the popolo, that is, the lay congregation, citizens
of the city. These motivations were put into words from time to time in the documents of
the Opera, in the context of which they seem consistent with the attitudes felt by this
body for centuries, particularly toward the popolo. That the very same wording was often
repeated in official and informal sources as reasons for post-Tridentine reforms in church
organization and practice is notable. But in the case of Orvieto, as in other Italian towns,
it was a shared piety built from the bottom up, not an imposition of doctrine or practice
from the church or papacy that motivated these sentiments.
oo
Cambareri, "Ippolito Scalza," 145.
89
Ibid., 151.
90
Morelli, "Le cappelle musicali a Roma,” 175-203.
The Opera, then, reserved the right to hire and fire all the musicians of the choir,
to approve their continued employment, to raise or lower their salaries, and to admonish
and penalize them when they thought necessary. This responsibility was overtly stated
toward the beginning of Costantini’s term of office. In January 1611 a certain Signore
Capitano Erasmo, likely the newly installed magistrate) of the Comune, reiterated the
responsibility o f the soprastanti of the Duomo to be fully informed of all the employees
or “salariatF to be reconfirmed at the beginning of the year. They were to seek out “with
all required diligence” the quality of the service these wage-eamers were rendering
before decisions about reconfirmation and salary were to be made. To carry this out most
thoroughly even the maestro di cappella was to be called before the numero to attest to
91
the quality o f the voices and the service rendered by the singers. The maestro di
cappella, then, was the person charged to bring about the results for which the Opera was
ultimately responsible. The Opera’s involvement in the details of the cappella appeared
to retreat as soon as all the physical parts were in place: singers, maestro di cappella,
books, choir loft, and organ. The musical content was entrusted to the musician in charge
and his knowledge of the liturgy, city functions, and what was happening in the wider
world. But the overall responsibility of the Opera for increasing the devotion of the
popolo, and increasing attendance, in sum the “universal satisfaction of all,” was often
reiterated in official records during the decades of Costantini’s activity.
2. The Teaching Function in the Cappella Musicale

It is likely that some means of musical training had been in operation since at
least the mid-1550s in Orvieto. One of Francesco Fabri’s acknowledged strengths in
91
See app. A, document 3.
77
92
Siena was his teaching, so he may have been hired with that in mind. In its zeal to
professionalize the position of maestro di cappella, the Opera in 1583 made explicit its
concern that the teaching o f singing be a part of his duties. Those expectations were
93
reiterated on the record each time a new maestro was hired. By 1610, however, the
obligation to teach music to either clerics or boy singers was no longer expressly
stipulated. This may be, despite attempts to formalize it as a responsibility of the
maestro, because teaching was carried out satisfactorily in a less formal fashion, a
94
situation which continued in Costantini’s early years at Orvieto. The push to regularize
this function that had been so strong in the 1580s was not to return until the 1630s. One
reason for a lack of emphasis on teaching may have been that the cappella appeared from
the 1560s not to have relied exclusively on boy singers to supply soprano voices. Both
. 9 5
falsettists and castrati were part of the cappella before Costantini’s arrival. The
continued hiring o f eunuci shows that at least some treble parts continued to be sung by
castrati at least into the 1640s but there is no evidence of the exclusive employment of
one voice type over the other.96
92
D'Accone, The Civic Muse, 346; Brumana and Ciliberti, 49.
93
For example, see Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 268.
94
See the case of Francesco Severi, chap. 3.
95
Although a 1561 payment to a “Fratino Tommaso de San Francesco tenore anzi
soprano" is somewhat equivocal as to age and perhaps voice. In an entry in the memoriale of 15
May 1610, Camerlengo Vespasiano Aweduti related that his brother Angelo had sent from Rome
a certain Nicolo Laurentij da Fossombrone “e u n u c o who had been much praised by Francesco
Soriano, to serve in the cappella. See Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 282.
96
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 169r (171 r) 29 July 1642. “Carlo Tamburini Eunuco soprano
s’intenda condotta....”
78
In the last half of the sixteenth century, however, various references indicate
teaching was meant to be ongoing. In 1566, Don Pietro, a singer, asked the Opera to
97
provide a room to hold school to teach clerics and others to sing. Francesco Fabri was
the maestro at the time, although it is not clear who was assuming the teaching
98
obligation, nor who, clerics or children, were being taught. Fabri’s own son Stefano,
who sang from his youth in the cappella, was appointed organist in 1580 and 1581,
although musical training within the family would not necessarily be indicative of the
general availability of training. During 1583 the Opera raised the pay and tightened the
job description in its search for Fabri’s replacement. No maestro was hired until October,
and in the meantime training of musicians remained ad hoc. In September Stefano Fabri,
now a singer in the cappella, addressed the Opera with the proposal that he would be
“obliged and happy” to take on the job of teaching young “Oratio,” the son of a mason, to
sing canto figurato in order to serve as a soprano in the choir. Fabri offered to do so for
75 baiocchi and one measure o f grain increase per month to the salary he already
99
received from the Opera for singing tenor and quinto, and playing the trombone. When
97
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 189, “...Provedere d’una stantia dove possa tenere la
schola per insegnare a cantare alii chirici et altri.”
98
In explanation of the Opera’s decision to give Fabri dowry money for a daughter, they
cite “l’eccellentia sua nella professione, et che insegna alii giovani di Orvieto che vogliano
imparare,” ibid., 199.
99
Ibid., 265, 366. There were 100 baiocchi to a scudo at that time. One idea of the
worth of the baiocchi is Giacinto Gigli’s report on the day in 1617 when the standard one-
baiocchi loaf of bread sold in Rome was reduced in weight by two “onc/a” from a libra to ten
oncia in a period of rising prices. See I-Rn, Memoria di Giacinto Gigli, di alcune cose
giomalmente accadute nel suo tempo, Ms. Vitt. Eman. 811, 24 August 1617, and in modem
edition, Giacinto Gigli, Diario Romano (1608-1670), ed. Giuseppe Ricciotti (Rome: Tumminelli,
1958). For more on the contemporary value of currency in Rome, see Richard E. Spear,
"Scrambling for Scudi: Notes on Painters' Earnings in Early Baroque Rome," Art Bulletin 85
(2003): 310-20, and Hill, Roman Monody l:xvii-xx and chap. 2 n. 96. On monetary equivalency
79
Oratio Tigrini of Arezzo was hired in October 1583 for one year at 100 scudi per annum,
his contract included the obligation to teach “canto fermo, canto figurato et contrapunto”
to the clerics.100
With the office vacant once again in 1587, the soprastanti were looking for a new
maestro di cappella, and apparently interest in the job was shown by Felice Anerio. In
November Anerio was elected as maestro, with conditions outlined which show some
negotiation had already taken place. He would receive 100 scudi per year and
consideration from the fabrica for saying mass, but the first order of business upon
arrival in Orvieto would be to “teach the clerics of the church of Santa Maria, and with
this condition the Opera intends to hire him and not otherwise.”101 Anerio never took
the job in Orvieto, and no further mention was made of the maestro’s obligation to teach,
either clerics or children, until the 1630s.
This could well be, however, because the teaching duties were covered by
someone else. In 1595 a supplication to the Opera by two of the long-term singers in the
cappella, Alfonso Freschi and Giovanni Francesco Manfredi, requested augmentation of
their salaries for “the effort they have made to teach the p u t t i and were each awarded
see Delumeau, Vie economique, 653-750; also Dinko Fabris, Mecenati e musici: Documenti sul
patronato artistico dei Bentivoglio di Ferrara nell' epoca di Monteverdi (1585-1645) (Lucca:
Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1999), 108.
100 Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 266.
101 Ibid., 216-17. “...che s’intenda approvato in mastro di cappella messer Felice Anerio
romano con la provisione di scudi cento l’anno, la stantia et la offitiatura della reverenda fabrica
quando dira messa et questo s’intenda per un anno et che il signor camerlengo facci opera quanto
prima facendolo anche obligare quanto sara venuto ad insegnare alii chirici de la chiesa di Santa
Maria et con questa conditione s’intenda condotto et non altrimente.”
80
102
one more measure of grain per month. Freschi had been an alto in the cappella since
1570, and Manfredi joined as a soprano in 1582, becoming an alto in 1587. Both were
still a part of the cappella in 1610, and Manfredi was active for more than fifty years, into
the 1630s when his anniversary was noted in the record. It might not be unreasonable to
think that a “scuole per putti ” continued without it becoming an employment issue for
the maestro di cappella or a matter of Opera policy, because the situation as it stood was
satisfactory.
3. Symbol of Duty: Consignment of Music Books

Although the performance of music was ephemeral, the books were the material
presence of music in the cathedral at Orvieto. The possession of these books, symbolic in
that they probably remained between uses on two tables in the Duomo, was physically
transferred from the statutory body with ultimate responsibility for their safety, the
Opera, to the person at the head of the cappella, as a symbol of his assumed
responsibility. Such physical signs and their manipulations were a regular part of the
• • • 103
civic ritual of the Comune and of the Opera in Orvieto. Although a maestro’s work
involved religious ceremony, in Orvieto this took place in civic space, the Duomo itself,
with satisfaction o f the citizenry a priority.104
102
Ibid., 227-28. The cathedral school was thrust into crisis when he retired in 1636, and
provision of teaching became a major concern at that time.
103 See app. A, document 10.
104
Consignment of objects was also involved in the swearing-in ceremony of the
Magistrato of the City of Orvieto, which took place in the Duomo with the participation of the
cappella musica: I-Od, Memoriali 34, 70r (75r), 16 January 1613. (marg) Che li Musici cantiano
alia Messa, dove piglia di Possesso lTlus.mo. Magistrato. “Si stabbila, che li musici, e tutta la
Cappella, insieme, con l’organista, siano obbligati Cantare alia Messa, dove Piglia il Possesso
l’illus.mo Sig.re Magistrato.”
81
The act of consigning music books, not unusual according to documents of other
music establishments, was first carried out at the Duomo of Orvieto in 1549, with one of
the first maestri di cappella .105 It was repeated, and recorded, usually when the job of
maestro changed hands. When new music books were acquired by purchase or gift, the
acquisition was also formally consigned to the maestro di cappella as on 26 June 1614
when a book of Victoria’s Masses was bought by Costantini in Rome for use of the
cappella, and was then consigned back to him.106
Costantini’s first anthology, Selectae cantiones, was presented by him to the
Opera almost as soon as it was published by Zannetti in Rome. Gianotto Simoncelli, the
camerlengo, noted in the memoriali on 4 July 1614:
Sig. Fabio Costantini, our maestro di cappella presented to the esteemed

numero a book of motets in nine partbooks by diverse authors, published by
our maestro di cappella and dedicated to the numero of the reverenda
fabrica, which can serve the cappella for all festivals of the year, chosen
from among the best composers in the profession. It was received by the
numero with much satisfaction, who accepted it with the goodness of spirit
and ready will in which it was offered by Signore Fabio, and acknowledged
also the work and expense put forth by him as a sign of his desire to serve
5 Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 36, 253. An elaborate ritual involving more material
items than just books formed the book consignment ceremony at S. Luigi dei Francesi in Rome,
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 12-13.
106 I-Od, Memoriali 34, 98r (103r), 26 June 1614. “In detto giomo consegnai al Sig.
Fabbio Costantini Mastro di Capella il secondo libro delle Messe del Vittorio quale feci comprare
in Roma dal detto Sig. Fabbio per servitio della Capella.” In 1568 when a richly bound volume
of Annimuccia masses was donated to the cathedral of Orvieto by native son Cardinal Monaldo
Monaldeschi, it was presented to the camerlengo, Aurelio Aweduti, at audience, who in turn
consigned it to the “sacrestano ” and to the maestro di cappella. Either the maestro di cappella
emerged as the sole person in charge of all things musical only later, or the special nature of the
gift and its giver called for acceptance by a representative of the chapter. Brumana and Ciliberti,
Orvieto, 258.
82
always and for every occasion the Illustrious City and this esteemed
107
numero.
Gianotto Simoncelli, the camerlengo, in turn consigned to Costantini, in his capacity as

108
maestro di cappella, the anthologist’s own addition to the Duomo’s repertory.
Repertory of the Cappella to 1610: Inventories of Music Books

The repertory of the cathedral before the establishment of a regular cappella was
109
limited to Graduates containing the chant. Only books of polyphony, not plainchant,
were part of the consignment to the maestro. That the Opera’s concern extended to the
books of plainchant in use in the Duomo was indicated when a “mastro Simone
Campanaro” was assigned to repair books of canto fermo by the Opera in January of
1612.110 He was not, however, a member of the cappella.m
107
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 98r (103r), 4 July 1614. (marg) Libri donati dal Sig.re Fabbio
Costantini M°di Cappella. “Memoria come nel sudetto giomo il Sig. Fabbio Costantini nostro
Mastro di Cappella presente al prestantiss0 numero nove pezzi di Libri di Mottetti di diversi
Autori mandati in stampa dal sudetto nostro Mastro di Capella intitolati al numero della Rev.
Fabrica, quali potranno servire nella Capella nelle Feste di tutto l’anno essendo cose scielte dalli
meglio di Autori che siano stati in questa professione. Furo [ricevuti] dalli Sig[nor]i del numero
con molta satisfatione, et accettato il bon animo, et pronta volunta di detto Sig.r Fabbio, et gradita
la fatiga et spesa fatta da lui in segnio del desiderio che ha di servire sempre, et in ogni occasione
lllus.ma Citta, et prestantiss0 numero.” The dedication implies that the soprastanti would have
contributed to the expenses associated with publication, although no specific payment has been
documented.
108
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 98r (103r) Ad 4 di Luglio 1614 “Li sudetti libri furono da me
Gionnotto Simoncello al presente Cam[erlengo] rice[v]uti, et nel istesso tempo consigniati al
sudetto Sig.re Mastro di Capella.”
109
Attempts to have new copies made were recorded by the Opera, Brumana and
Ciliberti, Orvieto, 36.
110 I-Od, Riformanze 31, 117r (121 r), 23 January 1612. (marg) Che a ms. Simone se
concede la cura di libri del canto fermo. “Che a ms. Simone camparono s’intenda concordato
quanto domanda per rifarvi [rifarceva] i libri del canto fermo, et di teneme cura senza
provisione”; I-Od, Memoriali 34, 49 (54v), 22 January 1612. (marg) Ms Simone Campanaro.
“Possi ms Simone Campanaro accomodare i libri del canto fermo, ma senza provisione.”
83
The polyphonic music acquired in the first half of the sixteenth century was listed
in an inventory o f 1551, and constituted the repertory sung by this cappella sporadically
before 1544, and regularly for sometime after. It comprised polyphonic masses by
Mouton, Brumel, Fevin, Josquin, Pierre de la Rue, Morales, and Layolle, plus a large
112
number of anonymous motets. An inventory of 1582 shows the shift to masses by
Palestrina, Jaquet de Mantua, Guerrero, and Animuccia; motets by Palestrina, Costanzo
Porta, Vincenzo Ruffo, and Francesco Vecoli; psalms by Jaquet and Rore, and
113
Magnificats by Animuccia. Despite the fact that Jacob de Kerle wrote and published a
substantial body of music while in Orvieto, as has been noted, none was in the inventory
of 1582. In all other respects this repertory is not very different from that in the Cappella
114
Giulia in Rome at the same time, although it was perhaps a skeletal version.
According to Ciliberti, this is yet another sign of the strong links between Orvieto and
Rome.115 Other inventories of early-seventeenth-century repertories with similar
The capitolo, members of which took the major role of singing chant, was also under
the authority of the Opera, but typically its chant singing function was considered separate from
the music function of the cappella. See Vincenzo Natalini, "II Capitolo del duomo di Orvieto ed i
suoi Statuti inediti," Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia 9 (1955): 177-232.
112
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 36-38, 49. All are choirbooks: Liber decem missarum
(Lyon: J. Modeme, 1532) [RISM 15328]; Liber quindecim missarum electarum quae per
excellentissimos musicos (Rome: Andrea Antico, 1516) [RISM 15161]; Missarum liber primus di
Cristoforo Morales (Rome: Valerio Dorico et L. ffatres, 1544) [RISM M 3580]; Contrapunctus
seu figurata musica super planu cantu missarum solennium totius anni (Lyon: Guaynard, 1528)
[RISM 15281].
113
114
Jeffrey J. Dean, "The Repertory of the Cappella Giulia in the 1560s," Journal of the
American Musicological Society 41 (1988): 465-90.
115 Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 59.
84
sixteenth-century items can be found in a number of Roman churches and cappelle, but
also in many other Italian cities and towns.116
At the end of 1611 an inventory of the music books of the cappella was entered
into the memoriali, and the books themselves were officially consigned to Fabio
117
Costantini as the practical and symbolic tools of the responsibilities placed in his care.
From this inventory we can see exactly what made up the Duomo’s repertory close the
time Costantini arrived, and how it had changed during the last half of the sixteenth
century:
116 Inventories are transcribed or discussed in the following selected sources:

Biancamaria Brumana and Galliano Ciliberti, Musica e musicisti nella cattedrale di S. Lorenzo a
Perugia (Florence: Olschki, 1991), 208; Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 1:91-92, 2:103;
Amaldo Morelli, "Alessandro Scarlatti, maestro di cappella in Roma ed alcuni suoi oratori. Nuovi
documenti," Note d'Archivioper la storia musicale, n.s. 2 (1984): 117-45; Fabrizio Mastroianni,
"Musica sacra e cappella musicale," in Istituzioni chiesa e cultura a Terni tra Cinquecento e
Settecento, ed. Tania Pulcini (Temi: Istituto di Studi Teologici e Sociali, 1997), 169-91; Della
Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore"; Michelangelo Pascale, "Vincenzo
Cossa e l'ambiente musicale perugino tra Cinquecento e Seicento," in Arte e musica in Umbria
tra Cinquecento e Seicento, ed. Biancamaria Brumana and Francesco F. Mancini, Atti del XII
convegno di studi umbri, Gubbio-Gualdo Tadino, 30 Nov.-2 Dec. 1979 (Perugia: Centro di Studi
Umbri, 1981), 159-99; Colleen Reardon, Agostino Agazzari and the Music at Siena Cathedral,
1597-1641 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 182-87; Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the
Church," 69-74.
117
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 43v-44v (48v-49v), 31 December 1611. (marg) Consegnia al Sig
Mr0 di Cappella di molti, et diversi libri di Musica. “Memoria come per utile, et commodo di
n[ost]ri Cantori et per meglio conservuare i libri di canto fermo et altri che si ritrovano al servitio
della n[ost]ra Cathedrale, come anco molti, et diversi libri di Musica per la nostra Cappella, ho
fatto fare dui credenzoni d’oppio depinti, con O.P.S.M al presente existenti nel Choro del nostro
Domo, qual libri di Musica, et di Canto Figurato con la d[ett]a Opera, qui infrascritti sonno stati
da me Vespasiano Aweduti consegniate al S.re Fabio Constantini n.ro M.ro di Cappella, chi, in
ogni caso, si dovevanno dal soprad[ett]o riconsegniare al sig.re Cam.o.”; Ibid., 44v (49v). (marg)
“va’in q[ues]to [libro] a’ C.71”
85
Table 2.1: 1611 Inventory of Music at Orvieto Cathedral, With Comparisons to

1589 Inventory and Current Holdings*
Libri Vechi
163 Un libro delle messe del Meldert scritte a mano da Giorgio [1603] Manuscript
158 Libri delle Messe del Palestrina, cioe Primo, (1554) [2],
secondo (1567) [3],
terzo (1570) [4],
et quinto Palestrina missarum quinto. Missarum liber quintus, 4- RISM P 670
6vv, Rome, 1590
160 Un libro delle Messe del Guerriere (1582) [10]
162 Un libro delle Messe del Pellegrino. Vincentii Pellegrini RISM P 1178
Pisaureri, Missarum liber primus, Venice, 1603
156 Un libro delle Messe del Morales (1544) [1]
157 Un libro delle Messe, e delle Magnificat dell’Animuccia, legati
insieme (1567-1568) [5-6]
169 Un libro dell’Hinni del Palestina [sic]. Hymni totius anni, Rome, RISM P 737
1589
II sesto libro delle Messe del Palestina a Cinqwe. Missae quinque, RISM P 676
liber sextus, 4-5vv, Rome: [Coattino] 1593/1594
II primo libro delle Magnificat del Palestina a quattro (“in libri RISM P 745
piccoli”). Magnificat octo tonum, Rome, 1591 [RISM reports
Venice: Angelo Gardano]
Libri Nuovi
161 Un libro delle messe del Vittorio. Missarum, libri due, Rome: RISM V 1431
[Alessandro Gardano], 1583
159 Un libro d’Hinni del Vittorio. Hinni totius anni, Rome, Francesco RISM V 1428
Zannetti, 1581
Un libro di Responsorij del Natale, e della Settimana Santa, e la Manuscript
Messa di Morti con dui Passi, et Lamentatione di diversi autori a anthology no
mano. longer extant.
Un libro, o muta della Magnificat del Morales, a quattro (“in libri RISM 15429 or
picoli”). Venice: Scotto 1542 or 1545 [partbooks] M 3594
Motetti Vechi
Motetti del Palestina Cinq[ue] cioe offertorij totias Anni. RISM P 746 or 749
Offertoria totius anni, Rome:[Coattino], 1593 [pars 1 or 2]
Motetti Nuovi
Motetti del Palestina sei. (?)
*Numbers in square brackets correspond to 1589 inventory (found in Brumana and Ciliberti,
Orvieto, 57-58); other information in square brackets is editorial; numbers in bold correspond to
current holdings in the Archivio dell’Opera del Duomo (see app. A, document 18); notes in italics
and RISM numbers identify the book if not in the 1589 list.
86
The repertorial changes from 1611 forward, specifically those that occurred
during Costantini’s term, are less easily tracked as this is the only formal inventory found
in the documents in the first half of the seventeenth century. Some acquisitions are noted
118
in the archives, but no full list has been found. The only attempt at updating occurred
in January 1613 amidst the beginning-of-the-year rituals of the newly elected Opera.
Books by Palestrina and Morales, and a collection of psalms, a “psalter” unlikely to
contain polyphonic settings, had presumably been recently acquired and were consigned
119
to Costantini, formally adding them to the same inventory recorded at the end of 1611.
Exactly what the “vechi ’’(old) and “«wovi” (new) mean is not clear. All the
“new” books and motets are new to the repertory since 1589 (if the inventory of that year
is complete), but so are some o f the books listed as “old.” Which, if any, of these books
were added after the start of Costantini’s tenure is not known, but the January 1613
additions might give some insight into the direction the cappella was beginning to take
under his leadership. Palestrina’s music continued to be important even if it is not clear
what the “prima, secunda, e terza muta del Palestrina” might be. There were already
118
Traces of seventeenth-century music can be found in a manuscript inventory of music
held today in the Archivio del Duomo: “Opera del Duomo/Archivio Musicale/Inventario/Anno
1931 IXo/Luigi Petrangeli, Presidente.” Many seventeenth-century publications included in this
inventory have now disappeared from the Archivio dell’Opera del Duomo as well as from a more
recent inventory of the music now held there. Remnants of what appears to be this group of
books are now held at the Biblioteca Comunale “Luigi Fumi” in Orvieto. The dislocations of the
Second World War account for what has been lost or severely damaged.
119
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 71r (76r), 21 January 1613. (marg) Consegna dei libri di musici
al Sr. mas.o di Cappella. “Ho consegnato di Sr Fabio Costantini, nostro M.° di Cappella,
L’inf[rascrit]ti libri di musica, oltre alii sua di questi, consegnateli dal Sr. Vespasiano Avveduti,
Sr. Cam0 come in questo a C44.” [C44 refers to the Inventory of 1611 listed on page 44 in this
book.] (marg) Va a carte 98. “Prima, Seconda, e terza muta del Palestrina .n.3; Le magnificat del
Morale, II lib. grande no. [sic]; ‘Un libro chiamata il salterio, o’vero salmista grande’.”
87
many books of masses and motets as well as liturgical items by Palestrina in the
repertory. The “muta” might refer to additional motet books, as the identity of the ones
120
already owned is not certain. The new Morales Magnificats, “il libro g r a n d e must
have been the 1562 Venetian publication in choirbook format, which combined both sets
121
of Morales Magnificats published in 1542 and 1545. One or the other of those earlier
sets was already part of the library, but the new book made sure that all of Morales’
122
hugely popular Magnificats were available to the cappella. Other music for vespers
was gradually making its way into the repertory, including a group of four double-choir
123
psalms by Victoria in his 1581 hymn collection found among the new books. These
publications and the new psalter attest to the continued if not increasing importance of
vespers at Orvieto, which would be amplified by Costantini’s own contributions.

* * *
Thus we find the cappella musica at Orvieto cathedral, as overseen by the Opera
del Duomo di Orvieto, to be a mature musical establishment one decade into the
seventeenth century. Evidence shows it aligned with the models of other musical
cappelle organized in the sixteenth century with sufficient size and resources to carry out
a full annual calendar of performances, and its inventory shows that it owned and
120
“Muta” almost certainly refers to a music book in partbook format, from the reference
in the inventory (table 2.1) to “un libro, o muta della Magnificat del Morales, a quattro,”
meaning either Morales’ 1542 or 1545 publication, both of which were in partbooks.
121
Magnificat omnitonum, A. Gardano [RISM 15621]
122
There w ere at least sixteen editions o f M orales’ M agnificats betw een 1542 and 1619.
123
The four psalms for eight voices in Victoria’s Hymni totius am i (Rome, 1581) are for
double choir, and also have written organ parts. It is not clear from either the worklist in NGII on
Victoria or the Opera Omnia, ed. F. Pedrell, vol. 7, exactly which edition first printed organ parts
for the double-choir psalms: 1576, 1581, or 1600.
88
probably performed the mid- and late sixteenth-century Roman mass and motet repertory
of Palestrina, Morales, Victoria and others. However, the masses in manuscript, though
recently composed perhaps, were in the style consistent with their author Meldert who
was among the last of the oltramontani active in Italy. They are a sign of the sixteenth-
century practices governing the cappella during his tenure, now drawing to a close.
The current leadership of the cappella was about to change and the Opera sought
someone consistent with its ideas of continuity, that is, someone who was credentialed in
traditional ecclesiastical circles, yet up-to-date on current musical developments. They
chose a new young maestro di cappella who had trained at the Cappella Giulia under
Palestrina, was by all accounts talented and energetic, and would bring with him the
newer styles, and it turns out, the very works of a vastly expanded group of Roman
composers. In so doing the generally conservative Opera made a bold decision in favor
of professional preparation and talented potential, based on the judgement and
recommendation of its own citizens.
CHAPTER 3
Fabio Costantini, Romano, Maestro, and Cittadino di Orvieto
Fabio Costantini’s move to Orvieto as maestro di cappella in 1610 began a thirty-
two-year association with the city where his career first blossomed. While his tenure in
Orvieto was interrupted by appointments elsewhere, it remained the city with which
Costantini was, and chose to be, most strongly linked. His identification with Orvieto
was declared publicly on the title pages of his anthologies from the first, even during
periods when he was not employed in the city: in 1614, “Fabio Constantino Romano
Urbevetanae Cathedralis Musicae Praefecto;” in 1630, “Fabio Costantini Romano, e
Cittadino d’Orvieto;” and in 1639 augmented by “Uno de’Conservatori deH’Illustrissima
Citta d’Orvieto.”
The choice of Costantini, a musician relatively young and untried for the position
of maestro for a major cathedral, was deliberate on the part of the Opera del Duomo, and
the vote to offer him the position was unanimous. The soprastanti were looking for a
musician who would bring prestige and stature to the cappella whose growth paralleled
the reinvigoration of the city in the second half of the sixteenth century. These perennial
aspirations had motivated previous configurations of the Opera to set their sights on a
“famous” musician, but in 1610 the soprastanti seemed willing and eager to place their
hopes on a musician of a new generation, one they perceived as up and coming in Rome.
Costantini appealed to dual impulses in the Orvietan citizenry: the Comune’s conception
of itself as a willing participant in the ceremonial life of the Church of Rome, and the
desire of the Opera to remain current during this period of cultural change in its
performance of music, as it had in the standards set for the recent renovations of its
89
90
cathedral. His hiring aligned with these goals through Costantini’s training and position
at the Cappella Giulia, through his own performance skills, and through his active
involvement with churches and palaces in Rome outside the Vatican, as well as through a
web of connections within its musical circles. Costantini was an active participant in the
mainstream o f musical life in Rome, and the Opera viewed itself and Orvieto as a part of
this mainstream of Roman cultural as well as religious life.
For Costantini, the job at Orvieto vaulted him into a permanent position at an
important institution, one goal of a successful contemporary maestro. Before his arrival
he had already benefited from aristocratic patronage to some extent, another component
of success in the profession, but his position in Orvieto was to open further opportunities
in this regard. His first music publications followed after his move to Orvieto, as he
transformed the responsibilities of a maestro di cappella into a publishing program, his
successful solution to this professional requirement.
First Term in Orvieto, 1610-1614
The circumstances of Costantini’s hiring have already been outlined. The
musical establishment he was to lead had the usual concerns, the hiring of musicians to
keep the cappella up to strength seemingly paramount among them. Records from the
years 1590, 1600, and 1610 show the number of singers in the Orvieto cappella to
number ten or eleven, made up of a mix of professionals, clergy who were members of
the Capitolo (as shown by their lower salary for the musical part of their duty) and young
boys in training singing soprano.1 In 1590 the cappella consisted of one bass, two
tenors, four contraltos, and three sopranos. O f these, three were priests and probably
members of the Capitolo (one tenor and two contraltos), a proportion which remained
1 Brumana and Cilibert, Orvieto, 378-380, 394-95, 413-15.
91
approximately the same for at least the next twenty years. Of the three sopranos, just one
was a boy, although ten and twenty years later that number had risen to three or four.
Jhan Gero, a French singer and composer of some note, served part of this year as an
additional bass, although his salary, and probably his service at the job, had shrunk
drastically from two years before when he had started.
In 1600 the cappella was made up of the same personnel for the entire year: two
basses, tenors, and contraltos, and five sopranos comprising four boys and an adult,
likely a castrato. There is some continuity to be seen in the personnel of the choir from
boys-in-training to lifelong choir member. Two of the three names which appear on all
three rosters, Freschi and Manfredi, had been there already for eighteen and thirty years
respectively, and the third, Cioi, along with Freschi, had sons singing soprano in 1610.
Unlike Siena, however, which had long supported a thriving school precisely to provide
personnel for its music organizations, Orvieto still relied on the hiring of outsiders for the
majority of its positions, and even those it trained seemed to make their careers
elsewhere.3
In 1610, as might be expected in a year of transition, there was more movement
among the singers. The year began with two basses, two tenors, three contraltos, and
five sopranos (four boys, one castrato). One bass was fired 1 October and another began
service 15 November. The castrato, Fabrizio Chioppa from Temi, was also fired 1
October, and a boy soprano left 1 August. Two of the three new hires made after
Costantini came were a tenor, Filippo Tomini, and a castrato from Perugia, Francesco
2
Ibid., 376. Gero (sometimes Ghero), also a priest, received the highest singer’s salary
offered by the Opera, sixty scudi in his first year, 1588, although this was much reduced in the
two additional years he was in Orvieto.
3
D'Accone, The Civic Muse, 7.
92
Severi.4 The tenor, who started 1 December, was paid at the rate of six scudi per month,
or seventy-two scudi for the year, the highest pay yet approved for a singer. Severi, too,
was paid at the significant rate of sixty scudi per year (five scudi per month), remarkable
for such a young singer. The cappella finished the year under Costantini with two
basses, two tenors, three contraltos, three boy sopranos, and one castrato. One other
singer, a castrato from Rome who had been recommended by Soriano, lasted from mid-
May until September before he was fired.5
Both the castrato from Rome, paid four and one-half scudi a month, and the one
from Temi paid three scudi, did not last the year, but these singers’ employment
preceded Costantini’s tenure. The higher pay granted the new castrato and tenor hints
that Costantini had higher expectations as well for singers in his choir, and that the
Opera concurred and was willing to pay for it. Severi went on to membership in the
papal choir and a measure of celebrity as a virtuoso. Previous estimates of his age would
have made him about fifteen when he arrived, but since he was hired at the remuneration
given a valued adult professional in Orvieto he must have shown more than promise.
Nevertheless it appears that Severi spent up to a year under the new maestro’s tutelage,
perhaps receiving specialized instruction, at the same time that he sang in the cappella.
His singing abilities appear to have progressed greatly with Costantini as his teacher,
which may mean that Costantini, himself a singer, was also expert in the improvisation
of the sort of embellished psalm singing that Severi codified in his Salmi passaggiati
which he published in 1615, four years later. Thus it appears that improvised psalm
singing, widespread in the seventeenth century, was also practiced at Orvieto Cathedral.
4
Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 414.
5 Nicolo Lorenzo de Fossombrone, whose expenses had been paid to move from Rome,
and who would have earned a respectable yearly salary of fifty-four scudi. Ibid., 415.
93
Further, the practical side o f a particularly capable singer’s preparation was also
addressed by the Opera and carried out by Costantini. In August 1611 the documents
tell us that in order that no injury be caused by the effort expended for the instruction of
the “giovanetto bonissimo” who gave such great satisfaction, provisions of grain and
wine were added to Costantini’s salary (and presumably used to offset expenses incurred
by the maestro di cappella as he gave the singer special training).6 Severi is found on the
7
roles at Orvieto through the end of 1611.
The capacities of the choir in Orvieto thus came to be utilized by Costantini in
both old and new ways, exemplified by his interest in hiring capable singers and in his
additions to the repertory. Both of these interests influenced the direction his own
publications were to take. Costantini’s purchase of the Victoria masses for the Duomo at
almost the same time as he published and presented his own anthology of double-choir
6 I-Od, Memoriali 34, 16v (21v), 9 August 1611 “Congregato il Numero di SS.mi
soprastanti di sopradetto come al lib. 6° delle Refor.ze a C.105 L’Ecell. Sig.re Horatio della
Rovere consulto sopra la domanda di Francesco di severo Perugino Eunuco che stante che il
Sig.re M.o di Cappella habia ritirato appreso di se il d[et]to Francesco, accio faccia maggior
progresso nel cantare. Come anco per non disviarsi dalle virtu et non parendo cosa ragionevole
che il d° Sig.re m° di Cappella, per far cosi buon’opera venghi dannificato et vi [ci] rimetta del
suo s’intenda dall autorita al Sig.re Cam.° per essere il giovanetto bonissimo per la Cappella et
dare grand.e sadisfatione, li faccia dare oltre alia sua provisione una soma di grano per tutto il
mese di dicembre 1611, et un barile di vino il mese cominciando dal tempo che vi ando’a stare
che fu alii dieci di Giugno prossimo passato.”
7
Severi is known to have joined the Cappella Pontificia on 31 December 1613, and to
have served the Borghese family sometime before that. He acknowledged Ottavio Catalano as
his teacher in the dedication to Psalmipasseggiati, although Catalani may have just been the
most recent, or perhaps politically expedient as they both were in the service of the Borghese. In
addition to Colin Timms, Francesco Severi, NGII, and Bradshaw (above), see Jean Lionnet, "The
Borghese Family and Music During the First Half of the Seventeenth Century," Music and
Letters 74 (1993): 323-25; Herman-Walther Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle an den
Sonntagen und hohen Kirchenfesten des Jahres 1616," in Melanges Eugene Tisserant, Studi e
Testi 236, VI (Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1964), 395-437. A revised
version in Italian of this last source is available as Herman-Walther Frey, "II repertorio dei
cantori pontifici in un ‘diario sistino’ del 1616," in La musica e il mondo, ed. Annibaldi, 139-65.
94
pieces represent his dual-pronged approach. Although the number of choir members and
the distribution of voices in the choir as Costantini found it would have made possible
the performance in Orvieto of the double-choir repertory then current in Rome as early as
1590, the only such pieces in the repertory around the time he started were a few psalm
settings included in the Victoria hymn collection of 1581. Most of the masses and
motets in the repertory, with the newly acquired masses by Victoria no exception,
provided settings for four, five, and six voices, which was the common configuration for
polyphonic music sung by the cappella on Sundays, feastdays and other occasions in
Orvieto.
The vicissitudes of singers remained a concern of the Opera and Costantini’s
recommendations for hiring singers were noted with some regularity after his first six
months on the job. In February and March 1611 one contralto from Rome and another
from San Marino, the latter then serving as the Prior at the Convent of the Servites in
g
Orvieto, were hired with written recommendations from the maestro di cappella.
The singer situation was addressed more aggressively in April 1612 when
Costantini asked the Opera for leave from his regular duties to go in search of new
g
See inventory of 1611 in table 2.1.
9
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 5v (lOv), 18 February 1611. (marg) Elettioni di M. Antonio
Buttafuoco per Contralto, et sua provisione. “Congregato il Numero Minore a di soprafdetto]
come al sesto libro delle Reformanze a C.102 il Sig.[nor]e Conte Francesco Pollidori consulto
che stante la renuntia del Rev. M Gasparre Gratiani Contralto, s’intenda a detta parte detto, el
condotto per un’Anno M. Antonio Buttafuoco Romano per essere di molto valore [...] afferma il
Sig[nore] Fabio Constantini nuovo M° di Cappella, con provisione di scudi cinqe il mesi...”; I-
Od, Memoriali 34, 8r (13r), 16 March 1611. (marg) Elettioni del R. Padre Fra Ambrosio servita
da S. Marino per Contralto, et sua provisione. “Per vigore del soprad[ett]o decreto io Vespasiano
Avveduti Cam[erleng]o per modo di provisione et a beneplacito come sopra fece elettione per la
parte del Contralto del Rev. Padre Fra Ambrosio da S. Marino dell’Ordine di serviti al p[rese]nte
Priore del detto Convento havendone prima havuto bonissima relatione dal Sig Fabio Constantini
n[ostr]o M° di Cappella, et anco l’approvatione, con darli scudi tre per mesi per sua provisione.”
95
singers. This followed a months-long struggle between the Opera and either the bishop
or the governor, that turned on the matter of who was in charge of hiring, a struggle
reminiscent of previous controversies.10 As determined before, the ultimate
responsibility for the hiring and disciplining of singers was the Opera's, although this
authority was separate from the task of selecting the singers, in which the maestro
participated.
Past contests for control of choir personnel were recalled in several memoranda
recorded by the camerlengo in office in 1612, Raffaello Gualterio. He stated in no
uncertain terms that camerlenghi of the Opera had the authority to hire and fire
musicians, and to set their salaries.11 The issue may have involved the previous
camerlengo's decision to raise salaries for musicians which he had justified by saying
12
that such a step was prudent in order to bring the music to its previous perfection.
Unrelated to hiring, but directly related to authority, rank, and status as it
functioned in Orvieto and in the lives of musicians, is an exchange of letters between the
I-Od, Riformanze 31,119r (123r), 1 April 1612. (marg) II ms.° di Cappella domanda
essersi liberato dall’obbligo de far’vi fare delle qualita di cantori. “Petitio per Fabij Constantini
Capella Prefetti petitione confirmari in detto, et liberari ab oneri riflcendi qualita di cantori.” It
may also have something to do with a power struggle of sorts obliquely suggested by a decree
from the Congregaton of Sacred Rites, see below.
11 I-Od, Memoriali 34, 49v (54v), 22 January 1612. (marg) Provisione de Musici.
“Possi il Camborlengo [sic] pigliar in servitio della Cappella quei Musici, et a qual provisione
che a lui parera.”; I-Od, Memoriali 34, 50r (55r), 22 January 1612. (marg) Autorita di levar i
Musici. “S’intenda data autorita alii Cambor.i che saranno di passar levare, e cassare quei Musici
che a loro parera.”
12 I-Od, Riformanze 31,116v, (120v), 23 January 1612. (marg) Che il S.re Cam.° prova
da le voci per la musica. “Che mancando le voci della musica il Sig.re Cam.° provi trovarle di
quelle perfette che potra con statuirle il salario paremente al meglio che potra et in fatti questo
nigotio tutto sia riporto alia prudentia di li si a fin’che la musica era di inanzi con ogni
perfettione.” According to the Cassieri records for 1612, however, salaries do not seem generally
to have been raised in that year.
96
13
bishop, Cardinal Sannesio, and the Congregation on Sacred Rites. The cardinal
apparently had submitted to the Congregation a dispute related to processional protocol
in order to determine where the unnamed maestro was supposed to march in relation to
other officials in the procession. The question was submitted on 20 November 1610,
which shows it came up not long after Costantini began work. The documents intimate
that the director of music had clung rather tenaciously to a different ordering than suited
the cardinal, but the decision of the curial body came down on the cardinal’s side. The
full meaning of this tiny power struggle requires a fuller understanding of the rituals and
roles of the principals in Orvieto, but from the evidence of Costantini’s subsequent
successes, his position was more closely in line with the citizenry and not the episcopate.
Indeed, Costantini was highly valued by the Opera. In April 1611 an increase in
his pigione della casa was granted him by the Opera for carrying out his office in a
manner “most diligent.” This raise of three scudi, added to the five already granted for
his rent when he arrived, was to be retroactive to 1 January of the present year, 1611.14
13
Robert F. Haybum, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music: 95 A.D tol977 A.D.
(Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1979), 416: 15 January 1611, Decree Urbevetana, no.
289. "...20 Nov. 1610, [The] Congregation of Sacred Rights declared that it was not allowed for
the director of the choir to walk between the Beneficiaries or Chaplains of the group, but he must
walk, with his singers, after the cross, before those Beneficiaries, or in the place where he has
been told by the Most Eminent Cardinal Synnesio [sic] the Bishop of Orvieto. Nevertheless, the
same director of the choir, under the pretext of custom, with his singers, lay claim to go to walk
between the Beneficiaries themselves, and the Canons of the Cathedral Church....The first decree
must not be overlooked, and no matter what custom may be alleged, or any use to the contrary,
the director of the choir and his singers must walk immediately after the cross and in front of
those Beneficiaries, or in the place assigned by the most eminent cardinal.”
14
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 9v (14v), 21 April 1611. (marg) Augumento al Sig.re Fabio M°.
di Cappella per la p[i]gione della Casa. “Fu anco terminato per Consulta del
medesimo[Vincenzo Magonio] che al Sig[nor]e Fabio Constantini n[ost]ro M°o di Cappella, per
esser diligentissimo nell’offitio suo, s’intendano accresciuti per la pigion della casa, tre scudi,
oltre alle cinque gia concessali; comminciando d° accrescimento nel principio di Gennaro del
presente Anno.” The minutes indicate the raise was a response to the official request or
“supplicatione” of Costantini himself, see I-Od, Riformanze 31, 103v (107v), “Super petitione d.
97
In August, when Costantini had been in Orvieto a year, his provisione, the quantities of
wine and grain that were part of his remuneration over and above his annual monetary
pay, were raised.
Costantini’s starting salary of 150 scudi per year equaled the highest amount paid
regularly to any maestro di cappella in Orvieto.15 Only Meldert received a similar
amount, and this only through 1606. Most other maestri at Orvieto cathedral in the first
half of the seventeenth century were paid a standard 120 scudi per year, and none were
paid more than Costantini. Nicolo Stamegna’s (1642-1659) salary was raised to 148
scudi in 1644 where it remained until he left.16 The Cappella Giulia in the same period
paid its maestro 180 scudi annually. Siena, however, paid its maestri di cappella
anywhere from thirty to almost fifty-nine lire per month during the period, a yearly sum
17
equivalent to about 100 scudi. In Orvieto, a city considerably smaller than Siena and
Fabij Costantini dixit Che il sig Fabio Constantini m.ro di Cappella per messa diligentia il’usa
nel’officio suo, s’intendino augumentati; et accresciuti tre per la provisione della casa, ...li cinque
scudi gia prenotatigli, cominciando nel principio di gennaro passato del presente anno.”
15 160 scudi appears to have been the salary offered in 1588 to Annibale Zoilo, who
never came, but this amount was paid to the musician hired, Chinger, who only stayed one
month. It appears an attempt was made to raise Costantini’s salary to 160 when he was
reconfirmed in 1622, but there is no record that he was ever paid the increase.
16 Stamegna’s dates in Orvieto have not been reported with certainty before: I-Od,
Cassieri 1643, c.65, “ II Sig.re [Don] Nicolo Stamegnia m° di Cappella deve havere scudi ottanta
pagati per mesi otto che ha servitio l’anno 1643.” I-Od, Cassieri 1659, “Stamegna: 98.61 per
l’anno 1658 [added to 49.39 he had already received, to cover the full salary for the year 1658],
18.80 per presente anno.” Nicolo Stamegna was maestro di cappella at Orvieto cathedral from
May 1643 to mid-February 1659.
17
Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 36. In the early seventeenth century the Florentine lire,
which was equivalent to that of Siena, equalled about one-seventh of a scudo, according to
personal communication from Colleen Reardon. Six lire, four soldi equalled the ducat of account
in Venice; a ducat, aflorin, and a scudo were roughly equivalent according to Paul F. Grendler,
The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540-1605 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press,
1977), xv. The rate of pay for both organists and maestri di cappella in Siena varied widely with
the person and over time as they continued in office, but Siena’s highest salary for maestro di
cappella still fell below Orvieto’s.
98
Rome, with commensurate lower living costs, the maestro’s salary demonstrated the
considerable value placed on the music cappella, although it also tells something about
18
the wealth o f the city and the resources of the Duomo itself.
The Opera continued to be pleased with Costantini and renewed his contract on 1
April 1612 for three more years, to begin when the first three years of his employment in
Orvieto were completed. This meant that some time soon after starting in Orvieto,
Costantini’s contract was adjusted to three years from the annual contract mentioned at
his hiring, and that this contract was renewed for three years starting in July 1613,
19
extending it through July 1616. It so happens that the date of the notice in the
Riformanze of the contract extension coincides with the date of Costantini’s request for
leave to seek out new singers for the cappella. It could be that the Opera, sensing an
opportunity for Costantini to be recruited elsewhere, wanted to do what it could to secure
Costantini’s long-term services, as this was not the usual time for contract renewals.
There was precedent for the Opera’s offer o f multi-year contracts, but none was offered
as eagerly as this one. The Opera continued to treat its maestro di cappella
18
For salaries paid maestri di cappella in Rome see Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis,
2:documents; idem, "La musique a Santa Maria della Consolazione au 17eme siecle," Note
d ‘Archivio per la storia musicale, n.s., 4 (1986): 153-202; Burke, Musicians o f S. Maria
Maggiore; O'Regan, "Processions”; idem, "San Rocco.”
19 I-Od, Riformanze 31,119v (123v), 1 April 1612. (marg) Confirma di m’di cappella
per tre’ altri anni. “Che vendendosi che il ms.° di cappella, cioe ms Fabio Constantini Rom°
ripporta nell’officio con molta diligenza, et ardire per darli animo a seguire tuttavia con la sua
med.ma diligenza, et accio se consuli che la sua tenuta ne egrata, che gl’ s’intenda in victu del
presente decreto data ha riferma per tre altri anni di incominciarli in fine delli tre anni dalla prima
condotta con la med.ma provisione, e peso.” I-Od, Memoriali 34, 52v (57v), 10 April 1612.
(marg) Riferma per tre anni del M.ro di Capella. “In questo med[esimo] Numero fu' il Sig.re
Fabio Costantini M’ro di Cappella della Chiesa vinto per tre altri anni da cominciarsi li tre primi
finiti come Rifjormanze] 6° al...[sic].”
99
conscientiously as well as deferentially. In September 1612 he was compensated an

20
extra two measures of grain for singing tenor in place of the missing Claudio.
The birth of Fabio Costantini’s only known offspring, a daughter Plautilla, was
recorded in 1612. The baby was bom on 4 March and baptized that same day at the
Duomo, where baptisms of all children in Orvieto, regardless of the family’s parish, were
performed. Raffaello Gualterio, the current camerlengo of the Opera, and Emilia
Avveduti, a member of another notable family in Orvieto, served as godparents. The
baptismal record also tells us the name of Costantini’s wife, Innocentia Toriggio
(“Turigi”), and the name of the parish in Orvieto in which they lived, the old and
21
respected Sant’Andrea. At the time the customs surrounding the choices of godfather
and godmother, compare and comare, extended kinship through these honorary
22
relationships, and the choice of godparents usually was made among peers. Fabio
Costantini thus must have had a close personal relationship with the camerlengo, a
position always occupied by Orvieto’s upper classes. In town less than two years, his
20
I-Od, Riformanze 31, 123v (127v), 18 September 1612. (marg) Recap.ne di dieci
some de provisione di ms.° di Cappella. “Che al m°. di Cappella per recop.e della fatiga fatta in
esserti adossato la parte del tenore per la partita de ms. Claudio s’intendano donate doi some de
grano, et (quanto di) e per allegrezza che mostra nel servitio della servitu.”
21 I-Oas, Parrochiali 141, 1609 to 1615, 122v, Entry 903, 4 March 1612. “Plautilla
fig[liuo]la del S. Fabio Costantini M°. di Cappella et della S. Inocentia Turigi sua leg[iti]ma
consorte della parrochia da S. Andrea nacque a di questa della hore 4 et 14 incirca fu batiztata[sic]
da me Don Rj Benede.ti. Fu compare il S. Raffaello Gualterio camerlengo della R.de Fabrica di
questa citta, comare la S.ra Emilia Ierratigia[Vantaggi?] dell’ Avveduti la porta d.a Giulia
ric.ce. [ricoglitrice].”
22
John Bossy, Christianity in the West, 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1985),
16.
100
relationships within the urban elite included more than the current camerlengo, as shown
23
by the member of the Avveduti family who was the godmother.
The parish of Sant’Andrea where Costantini and his family resided was also the
one most intimately linked with Orvieto’s leadership. The church was located in the
Piazza Communale, next to the palace of the Conservatori, and every year its front steps
held the traditional roll call on the eve of the feast of the Assumption in tribute to the
Illustrissima Citta. The social position of the maestro di cappella at Orvieto was
significantly higher than that of the salariati of the Duomo, the category in which all the
other musicians fell with the exception of the organist.24 Giovanni Piccioni, the organist
from 1590 to the mid-1610s, held a position somewhere in between the two. He was not
paid as much as the maestro di cappella and evidently had no other viable resources,
because he had to ask for extra money from the Opera from time to time. It appears he
was respected professionally, though, as he accompanied the camerlengo to discuss the
hiring of Costantini with Soriano, and he was included among those receiving the cere,
or wax candles, to be carried at the procession of Corpus Christi. However, even though
Piccioni dedicated some of his publications to the elite of Orvieto, there is no evidence
25
that he moved within their circles the way that Costantini did.
23
Vespasiano Avveduti was camerlengo when Costantini was hired so an early
connection was made with this family of the urban patriciate. A relationship continued as shown
by his marriage collection in 1621. See chaps. 4 and 7.
24
Galliano Ciliberti, Antonio Maria Abbatini e la musica del suo tempo (1595-1679)
(Perugia: Stabilmento Tipografico "Pliniana," 1986), 50, treats maestro and singers together in
this respect.
25
101
Costantini thus lived in the rione with the highest concentration of wealth in the
26
town, traditionally, and where members of the urban elite resided. He possessed status
as an urban, educated person, even though, perhaps because, he was an outsider from
Rome. The Orvieto leadership had shown a pattern of valuing the gifted outsider over
hometown talent. His position as maestro di cappella placed him at the intersection of
musical performance, local politics, civic expression, religious life, and relationships
with Rome, and he seems to have carried out his responsibilities with long-term
27
success.
On 21 September 1614, Fabio Costantini asked the Opera for leave to enter the
service of Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini in Rome. The record documenting Costantini’s
request also shows that: Aldobrandini was a protector of the city of Orvieto, the Opera
was well aware that Costantini had twenty months left on his contract, it was willing to
grant him leave to go as long as he served well, and his salary was to be prorated to five
days short of the end o f September. The camerlengo comments further that to him
personally it seemed that Cardinal Aldobrandini was “tearing [Costantini] away from
28
them.” Although the Opera had to capitulate to the wishes of the prelate, they were not
happy about it.
26 '
Elisabeth Carpentier, Orvieto a laJin du XIII siecle, 230. The data is from the late
middle ages, although perhaps by the sixteenth century rich and poor may have been more
integrated, according to an observation by Marietta Cambareri that renovated sixteenth-century
palazzi were found all over town.
27
It might also be expected that Costantini made some investments in the town. He and
Luca Vantaggio are recorded as meeting with the Cancellerio, or financial officer of the city,
over the matter of a land deal in 1620, although the details are unclear. I-Oas, Riformagione 300,
1619 c.47r).
28
I-Od, Memoriali 34, lOOr (105r), 21 September 1614. “Si congrego il numero dell
Sig.ri Soprastanti nel quale il Sig.re Fabbio Costantini Mastro di Cappella dimanda licentia
dicendo volere a per dare alii serviti dellTll.mo Sg.re Card.le Aldobrandino, qual licentia li fu
concessa con ordine che li si facci il ben servito, et li fu condonata [...] lasciata di cinque giomi et
102
Pietro Aldobrandini may have had a relationship with Orvieto as “protector” for
some time. His protege Cardinal Sannesio, who was consecrated bishop of Orvieto in
1605, had risen to prominence under the protection of Aldobrandini, whose household he
joined in 1591 when Aldobrandini was cardinal nephew during the papacy of Clement
29
VIII. It will be recalled that Sannesio’s possesso ceremony, where his own cardinalate
was conferred, took place at Aldobrandini’s expense in his titular church, S. Giovanni e
Paulo and Fabio Costantini was hired to lead the music for this occasion. There is not
enough information in the Orvieto archives on Aldobrandini’s role in the city to assess
the extent of his involvement there, but what becomes clear is that all the players, the
city, the musician, and the clerics, were already familiar with each other.
When their maestro di cappella requested leave, the Opera expected him to
return. This was demonstrated by the reconsignment of the music books, not to the
camerlengo who would have held them until a new maestro was hired, but to one of the
singers, Alfonso Freschi, who seems to have been the member of the cappella musica
with the most seniority. The books were symbolically passed from maestro to singer the
manche siano per il presente mese come al libro delle Riformanze a C...[sic].” I-Od,
Riformanze 31, 148r-v (152r-v), 21 September 1614. (marg) II S. Fabio Constantini ms.° di
Cappella dimanda licenza di partira dal servitio della Rev. Fabrica...Lic.z concessa al m° di
Cappella. “Compt. per Fabbius Constantinus Prefectus Capella...supp.to...et petij licentio de _
andare ad servitio II Card.le Aldobrandini.”/ “Volendo il d.° Fabio Costantini n.ro M° di Cappella
partire da questa condotta ancor’che rimandino, venti mesi per finire il tempo di esser per andare
a servire lTll.mo Sr. Card.le Aldobrandini protettore di q.ta Citta et ancor’che dispiaccia
universale con queste a tutti essendosi egli partito nel servitio di questo pio luoco con tanti
valore, e diligentia non dovendosi nondimeno empedire la volunta sua, andando maggioramente
a servire d.° S. M[astr]o le s’intenda pero concessa licenza con il presente decreto, e condonata li
rata del salario, che manca di cinqe giomi per finire il presente mese di settembre, per quando il
S. Cam.° voglia farli il ben servito, et accompagnarlo contra diretta al d° Illus. Card.le
Aldobrandini di qui la tirare, che parera al S. Cam.0[italics mine].” At this time the camerlengo
was Gianello Simoncelli, according to Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 148.
29
Wazbinski, "La cappella di Fra Mariano,” 121-41; Santimani, "Visita pastorale.”
103
day after Costantini requested his leave, the ceremony taking place in the presence of the
camerlengo and the notary of the Opera. The camerlengo did not miss the opportunity
to recite the list of his predecessors who had, each in his turn, consigned the books to
30
“Signore Fabbio.” This action vividly expressed the Opera’s perceived duty to
maintain continuity and stability in one of its areas of responsibility.
Despite a visit to Orvieto by Costantini in July 1616, or at least the arrival at the
Duomo of another of his publications, his absence from the job stretched for more than
31
two years. Although he was on leave without pay, the job had been held open for him
for the length of his contract, ending July 1616. The hiatus from Orvieto occurred at a
crucial time in Costantini’s career, for it placed him back in the Roman milieu and in
close contact with an important music patron. The planning for his 1615 anthology was
probably underway before he left Orvieto, but his subsequent publications reflect his re
exposure to the Roman scene.
Naples, 1615
During his association with Pietro Aldobrandini, from September 1614 through
about March 1617, the record of Costantini’s known activities begins with his presence
in Naples. Aldobrandini himself was in Naples as the guest of the Spanish viceroy from
16 February to 7 May 1615, and Costantini would have been with him among his
30
I-Od, Memoriali 34, lOOr (105r), 22 September 1614. (marg) Consegna delli libri
della Musica. “II sig. re Fabbio Costantini Mastro di Capella volendo partir li consegno alia
presenza mia, et del Sig.re Cassiero a ms. Alfonso Freschi Cantore tutti i libri della Musica gia
consegniati al detto Sig.re Fabbio, dalli Sig.re Vespatiano Aveduti, Raffaello Gualtieri, et Pietro
Albani miei Antecessorei, et da me.” I-Od, Cassieri, 1614. Payments in April and July show the
usual quarterly amount, plus a quarter’s back pay [37.50 5.] which was given in February. Some
additional money for July, plus all the provision payments make a total of 152 scudi received in
this calendar year. Minus the quarter’s back pay, the total earned for the year was 114.50 scudi.
31
See chap. 4, and app. A, document 4.
104
32
familiari. Costantini signed the dedication of his second anthology, Raccolta de ’salmi,
on 25 April 1615, which was then published in Naples by Carlino. He called this
collection of double-choir vespers psalms and other vespers items a companion volume
to his first work, also for double choir, the motets published in 1614 in Rome.
The Raccolta de ’salmi was the volume already mentioned for its dedication to
Geronimo Pignatelli, the nephew of the bishop of L’Aquila who Costantini had served as
a youth. Geronimo himself was at that time Bishop of Rossano, which may provide the
connection with Pietro Aldobrandini, who was also known as Prince of Rossano. In the
33
dedication Costantini mentioned his current service to Aldobrandini. Costantini may
have been legitimately trying to cultivate the support of more than one patron when he
mentioned Cardinal Aldobrandini in his dedication to Pignatelli, although it is done in
such a way as to be flattering to the dedicatee.
A manuscript ascribed to Costantini is also found in Naples, what would be his
only autograph manuscript known to survive. Fabris described and discussed this
manuscript, which contains guitar tablature seemingly meant for chitarra tiorbata, vocal
music for one to three voices, and theory exercises.34 He suggested that it perhaps was a
teaching tool, hypothesizing its use by Costantini or by one of his students. It is
doubtful, however, that the author was originally Fabio Costantini. The first name has
been written in over an erasure, and in fact a different name is ascribed to this manuscript
32
Claudio Annibaldi, "A Ritratto of Frescobaldi: Some Problems of Biographical
Methodology," in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Alexander Silbiger (Durham: Duke Univ. Press,
1987), 36, 52 n. 35.
33 App. B-2.
34
Dinko Fabris, "Danze intavolate per chitarra tiorbata in uno sconosciuto manoscritto
napoletano (Na, Cons., Ms. 1321)," Nuova rivista musicale italiana 15 (1981): 405-26.
105
35
in an 1801 catalog. The manuscript appears to be two or three fascicles bound
together, however, obscuring its exact nature as well as its provenance. Fabio
Costantini’s name appears twice more in the body, although these may be later additions
or signs as actual use.
It is possible that a portion of this manuscript survives from one which Costantini
himself used for his own study during an earlier period in Naples. He could have spent
time there between 1594 and 1596 while in the service of Basilio Pignatelli. The older
Pignatelli was mentioned in letters and reports from Theatine institutions in Naples,
36
where he lived after resigning the L’Aquila bishopric in 1599. During Pignatelli’s
tenure as bishop, however, the time in which Costantini was a musician in his household,
the bishop probably lived in Rome; but he may have spent time in his hometown of
Naples even then. This gives an earlier window when Costantini may have been in
Naples, and some aspect of this manuscript may be physical evidence of his time there.
The question remains open, then, as to whether a small portion of this manuscript may
have been written by Costantini while he was in Naples, whether in the 1590s or the
1610s.
35
Using the 1801 conservatory catalog, Eitner, Quellenlexikon, 3: 77, attributes a “libro
di Duo, Terzetti, Madrigali e Canoni a 4,” in the possession of the Bibl. des Conservat. Turchini,
“under the name ‘Francesco Costantino,’ to Francesco Costanzi, Hofmusikus in Miinchen in
1726. I would like to thank Mauro Amato for calling attention to the now-altered name on the
first page, and for the cataloging evidence.
36
Carlo Padiglione, La biblioteca del museo nazionale nella certosa di S. Martino in
Napoli (Naples: Stabilimento Tipografico di F. Giannini, 1876), 227-28, 523. Further mention of
Basilio Pignatelli is found among letters covering the years 1606 to 1628 cataloged in the
collection of the Certosa di S. Martino at the Museo Nazionale in Naples, which also includes
reference to Cardinal (Pietro) Aldobrandi. Among the letter writers, Basilio Pignatelli is
identified as the Bishop of Aquila, and Girolamo Pignatelli, the Archbishop of Rossano. Basilio
retained the title after he resigned from the diocese since these letters post date the resignation.
In listing the authors of letters, the editor paused, as he did only for Naples-related individuals,
and elaborated: ..Aldobrandino, che scrive da Napoli dalla Villa Belvedere il di XI ottobre del
1616 . ”
106
Rome, 1615-1617, S. Maria in Trastevere
Returning to the Rome-Naples orbit was particularly fruitful for Costantini at this
time, insofar as contacts with fellow musicians, employment opportunities, and firsthand
exposure to the current performance and publishing fashions in Rome were concerned.
His Neapolitan sojourn was followed by the beginning of his service as maestro di
cappella in October 1615 at Rome’s S. Maria in Trastevere, Cardinal Aldobrandini’s

37
titular church since 1612. His termination date is not documented although at S. Maria
in Trastevere the appointment of a new maestro usually confirmed that the previous one
38
had left. In Costantini’s case, however, there was no precise date of appointment for
39
the subsequent master, believed to be Paolo Agostini. The next documented
appointment of a maestro at S. Maria in Trastevere was made in 1619.40 If, as Dixon
assumed, Costantini continued at this Roman church until he returned to Orvieto, then his
service at S. Maria in Trastevere lasted from October 1615 through March 1617, about
eighteen months.41
37
38
Dixon, "The Cappella of S. Maria in Trastevere," 39.
39
Ibid., 32. Agostini’s appointment as organist at S. Maria in Trastevere is documented
from April 1615 to May 1618, but his appointment as maestro there is inferred from remarks in a
1627 publication. Agostini’s service at the church ended in May 1618 when he became maestro
at S. Lorenzo in Damaso. If he took over when Costantini left S. Maria before April 1617,
Agostini would have been maestro as well as organist for over a year.
40
Pellegrino Scacchi, in August 1619 at the latest. Ibid., 39.
41
I-Od, Cassieri, [26 March] 1617, “Al Fabbio Costantini M.o di cappella deve havere
sc. cento dodeci et mezzo per sua ordinate provisione dal primo Aprile per tutto anno 1617a
ragiunti s. 150 00 l’anno rincomincia a servizia da l.a di Aprile et per pigione della casa s.8
l’anno.”
107
The nature o f Roman musicians’ work patterns which allowed those with
permanent positions to serve as occasional musicians at other institutions and households
continued to hold true for Costantini during his time with Aldobrandini and at S. Maria
in Trastevere. For example, a singer called “Fabio, tenore” was employed by the
Venerable English College in 1615 on the occasion of its major celebration, the feast of
the Trinity. This feast falls on the first Sunday after Pentecost, which in 1615 would
have been 14 June, more than a month after Costantini’s return from Naples. On this
occasion the tenor was paid at a slightly higher wage than the other singers. No maestro
for the event was indicated, but “Fabio” received marginally more than the other singers,
two scudi to one or one and a half, even more than the “basso di San Pietro” who would
usually have the highest pay among the singers in the absence of someone from the
Cappella Pontificia. For this occasion the extra amount shows Costantini to be a highly
valued singer, if not the organizing maestro.42
The timing of Costantini’s opportunities to work for Cardinal Aldobrandini and
serve as maestro at S. Maria in Trastevere was significant, and no doubt influenced the
shape of his next publications, both few-voice motets. The first of these, Selectae
cantiones, Opus 3, was issued early in 1616 by Bartolomeo Zannetti and dedicated to
Costantini’s patron, Pietro Aldobrandini. A companion to the first, Scelta de motetti,
Opus 4, was published in 1618. Its dedication was signed in Orvieto on 1 July 1618 and
42
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 299. An examination of pay records
for occasional music at churches and oratories in Rome shows that in some cases the maestro for
each occasion received and distributed the pay to individual musicians, although records where
this is broken down are helpful, for example O'Regan, "Processions." Employment for an entire
feast would include first and second vespers plus a mass, and the usual pay ranged between 1.50
and 2 scudi for three services, depending on the occasion and the size of the institution’s treasury
What is unclear from these records is the maestro’s pay for the occasion, although there seems to
be no reason to think it is any more than marginally larger than the musicians’.
108
the recipient was Cesare Bentivoglio, a member of the Curia, a residual of Costantini’s
time in Rome.43
Second Term in Orvieto, 1617-1625, Return from Rome
When Costantini had not returned to Orvieto by January 1617, the Opera began
holding discussions about hiring a new maestro di cappella. There had been musicians
seeking to replace Costantini as soon as he had left with Aldobrandini, but the Opera
made no move to replace him until now 44 The long-time cappella singer, Francesco
Maria Manfredi, had substituted for Costantini at the choirmaster’s post during his leave,
but the Opera felt it was time to fill what was now deemed a vacant position. At this
same time they voted to award Manfredi a salary supplement for having served as
45
maestro in the interim, although he was clearly not a candidate for the permanent job.
Word somehow reached Costantini that his job had been declared vacant, and
sometime before 2 March 1617, he signaled the Opera in Orvieto that he would like to
return as maestro. The soprastanti duly elected him on 2 March, noting “from
experience” his worthiness, and how well he had satisfied them before, welcoming the
range of his musical abilities—“suonare e concertare.” This last reference recalls
43
Despite the familiar surname he does not appear in Fabris’ Bentivoglio family tree in
Mecenati e musici, 101, and no other biographical information has been found on Cesare.
44
I-Od, Cassieri 1612, [bundled with the account books] letter of 14 octobre 1614 from
a Francesco Carpano to the soprastanti of the Opera, seeking the maestro position.
45 I-Od, Memoriali 34, 156v (161v), 9 January 1617. (marg) Del M° di Cappella.
“Sopra l’eletione del M°di Cappella fu fatto decreto consulenti il Sig.re Cap° Raffaello
Vaschiensi et sopra sieda a finit si debba pigliare piena informatione dei gentilhuomini e che se
referisca a in un altro numero per la risolutione.” I-Od, Memoriali 34, 156v (161 v), 9 January
1617. “Furo anco condinati a Rev.do ms Gio:Francesco Manfredi scudi quindici per haver lui
servito per M° di Cappella molto tempo Consulenti il S.r Vincenzo Magonio.” Manfredi was a
cappellano as well as a contralto, and his total salary came from two different accounts.
109
Soriano’s recommendation of Costantini, praising his abilities at the organ and violin as
well as his singing, which must have proved important during his earlier years in
Orvieto. Yet, no explicitly instrumental music appears among his compositions or in his
anthologies, raising questions about varieties of performance practices in Rome disguised
by the homogeneity of vocal music in the printing tradition. The Opera decided to offer
Costantini a three-year contract at the salary and benefits he had been receiving when he
left.46 He accepted the offer at an audience with the camerlengo on 3 March and he was
present and working by 1 April 1617.47
Costantini’s second term at Orvieto was eventful for him, for the cappella, and
for the city. Fewer references appear in the Opera’s documents concerning the day-to-
day business of hiring musicians and buying books than in Costantini’s previous term,
but perhaps business as usual now became unremarkable, as a known and trusted person
46
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 162r (167r), 2 March 1617. (marg) Eletione del m°di Cappella
nel S.re Fabbio Constantini. “ Che sapendo noi per sperienza del valore del S.re Fabbio
Constatini et quanto sia stata grato l’Opera sua non solo della voce ma anco del sonare et
consertare et pero s’intenda condotto per m.° di Cappella per anni tre con la provisione che gia
haveva quando stava in condotto quo come al Lib.ro delle rifermanze a C.180.”
47
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 162v, 3 March 1617. (marg) Acettatione del m.° di Cappella.
“Essendo di nuovo detto il Sr Fabbio Constantino per M° di Cappella all. nostra cathedrale come
me e memoria adietro in questo Libro 162. Viene a di sud[ett]o da me Antiocho Orienti Cam.80
nella nostra solita audienza atenuti infmiti gratie et al fu favore et gli haveva fatto questo
Prestant.mo numero et se esebi pronto servire con quella affetione et diligentia et per il passato
haveva fatto et [magioranza] fara per l’avenire.” [Added after:] “La provisione del S.re Fabbio:
150 scudi, 5 grano, 3 vino.” In each of the three quarters in 1617 Costantini was was paid 37.50
scudi, beginning April 1, plus 6 of 8 scudi per pigione.
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 162v (167v), 1 April 1617. “Essendo di nuovo detto il S.r Fabbio
Constantino per M.° di Cappella alia nostra Cathedrale come ne e memoria adietro in questo libro
viene a di sudetto da me Antioche Orienti.” I-Od, Riformanze 31, 1617, 173v (178v). “Intenda
remesso a q.ta servitio per mastro di Capella Sig. Fabbio Costantini gia maestro di Capella
passato con la provisione parimente et haveva nella sua partita quali m.r Fabbio, et cio [altri] con
essendo vinto il presente decreto debba ciascheduno di loro andare appartito le partiti ” I-Od,
Riformanze 31, 175v (180v), 1617. (marg) Rinaminato maestro di cappella ms Fabbius
Constantinus con solita provisione.
110
guided the musical establishment. During this period Costantini achieved several notable
accomplishments. He published five more volumes of music, four of them in Orvieto
(commencing when Costantini’s Roman printer, Bartolomeo Zannetti, established a
workshop in Orvieto). Costantini developed close relationships with civic leaders as well
as the newly-appointed bishop, according to the dedications to those volumes. He was
praised in the Opera1s documents for the magnificence of the music he provided for the
civic and religious highpoint of those years: The translation of the image of the Madonna
di S. Brizio into the Cappella Nuova of the Duomo in 1622. In that same year,
Costantini’s contract was renewed by the Opera through 1630, and he was made a citizen
48
of Orvieto sometime before the end of 1624.
A significant step toward expanding the performance possibilities at the Duomo
was taken in June 1617 when the Opera ordered the building of a portable organ to be
49
made by the organ builder for the fabrica, Gabriello Fulgentio. The authority for
ordering the organ, as with all the furnishings of the Duomo, rested with the camerlengo
and soprastanti, but for the organ the decision was made with the participation of the
maestro di cappella. It may have even come about at the urging of Costantini, just
returned from Rome, where the performance of polychoral works with additional organs
48
For the extended contract see below. An example of mode and motive for granting
citizenship in Orvieto can be found in app. A, document 20. Although a notation in the Opera’s
Riformanze of 1638 mentions Costantini’s conferral of citizenship by the Consiglia, it has not yet
been located in the documents of the city. Citizenship evidently was granted sometime after the
publication of his 1622 anthology, and since it must have occurred while he was still resident in
Orvieto it was probably before the end of 1624. He is identified as “Fabio Costantini Romano
Cittadino d’Orvieto” in a document dated 22 August 1625 at Loreto, Giovanni Tebaldini,
VArchivio Musicale della Cappella Lauretana (Loreto: A cura dell' Amministrazione di S. Casa,
1921), 8.
49
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 168r (173r), 13 June 1617. (marg) Obligo del organino con m°
Gabriello Fulgentj. A full bill with specifications for the organino is still to be found tucked into
the Riformanze. See also Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 84 n. 104.
Ill
for each of the choirs was called for in numerous churches for special occasions.50 The
practice had widened as the number of churches supporting musical establishments had
grown. In Orvieto, the reasons stated for needing the portable organ were to ornament
the church and to keep the large organ and the musicians in tune, considering the great
inconvenience it was for the singers to go up to the great organ, placed high up to the left
of the main altar.51 It is more than likely (and in 1622, documented) that more than two
choirs might be deployed at Orvieto, at least on special occasions, and a portable organ
52
was standard accompaniment for extra choirs arrayed around the church. The request
was further justified by repeating its fundamental purpose of “acresimento del culto
divino, frequenza al popolo, ” that is, increased participation by the people of Orvieto in
liturgical observances, as well as an increase in the grandeur of the Duomo itself, the
attractions of polychoral music being a part of this endeavor.
By January 1618 the soprastanti also agreed to increase Costantini’s benefits, by
two measures of grain and two of wine per annum, in recognition of the maestro’s efforts
50 O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 13-35. The renting and transporting of
portable organs to churches using them only on the patronal feastday is a frequently documented
indication of their use.
511-Od, Memoriali 34, 167v (172v), 12 June 1617. (marg) Organino de farsi dalla Rev.a
Fabrica. “Fu anco ordinato che per omamento della chiesa e concordar la musica state la grande
scomodita di hanno i musici di andare al organo grande, il Sr. Cam.° et S.r Sop.ti habbiano
autorita di far fare un’organino portabile al quella spesa modo a come parera alii detti Sr Cam et
Sop.ti con intervento all m° di Cappella per acresimento del culto divino frequenza al populo et
grandezza del Duomo con patto di quando d° organo non piacesse et non lo facesse convenuto in
detti Sig.r sia obbligato ripiglianelo come al lib° refor.ze a C. 182.”
52
For more on Orvieto’s main organ, and additional bibliography, see Brumana and
Ciliberti, Orvieto, 73-84, esp. n. 104. See also the discussion of the Orvieto organ in relation to
the organ at S. Giovanni in Laterano in Rome, Jack Freiberg, The Lateran in 1600. Christian
Concord in Counter-Reformation Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995).
112
to reenliven the music of the church, and also for teaching a student sent to him.53 There
appeared to be consensus among the soprastanti that improving and expanding the music
supported their goal of increasing the popolo ’s devotional activity, a priority of this
Opera but for other similar authorities as well. The 1566 provision for the choir at Rieti,
another independent city in the penumbra of Rome, uses this same wording: “ornamento
di culto divino...'” indicating that increased devotional efforts were linked with music
performance somewhat earlier in other locales.54 Explicit expression of this idea
continues to appear in Orvieto’s documents from time to time during the period under
study, linking religious identification and the reform spirit with decisions pertaining to
the musical establishment. Here religious reform translated into allocation of funds for
musical performance and detailed attention to personnel and practices in the music
organization, which encouraged greater communal participation in religious ceremony.
There is no apparent official reform, generated by the Council of Trent, promoting these
efforts, at least not until the arrival of Cardinal Crescenzi in the 1620s. Although Trent
looms large historiographically, it was not mentioned in local records until the mid-
1620s.55 What is increasingly apparent in the early seventeenth-century Orvietan records
53
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 196v (20lv), 18 January 1618. (marg) Accrescimento di
provisione di mastro di Cappella. “Memoria come nel sopradetto Numero fu acresciuto la
provisione di dui some di grano et dui some di vino l’anno al Sig. Fabbio Costantini m° di
Cappella, non solo per le onorati fatighe che continuamento si vede fa che nel servitio di questi
pio luoco della chiesa et insegnare imparticolare al figliolo del Bruscietta l’Eunuco, sicome si
vedi nel libri delle riformanzi a C. [sic]” One has to construe that the student was the
castrato.
54
Remo Giazotto, "La Cappella musicale del Duomo di Rieti," Note d'Archivioper la
storia musicale 18 (1941): 64-65.
55 I-Od, Memoriali 34, 382r [390r] (396r), 22 October 1625. (marg) Ordine di complire
con lTll.mo Sig Card. Crescentij per cosi segnalato favore fatta al Pio luoco. “Sig. Cam. sia
pregato ringratiare L’lll R.ma Sig. Card. Crescentio nostro Vescovo per la faculta data a questo
Prestant. mo Numero di nominare, et eleggere il soggetto, che dovere essere, figlio d’un Sig.
113
is a shared concern for the promotion of individual devotion by the Orvietani, shouldered
by lay leadership of the Opera, and its recognition of musical performance as part of this
effort.
Second Term in Orvieto, Music Printing
A heightened energy in the musical life of Orvieto in the early 1620s, both
religious and secular, can be traced to two significant events which are not necessarily
interdependent but are certainly coincident. The first was the transfer of the local
printing license to the Roman printer Bartolomeo Zannetti who came to Orvieto bringing
his music fonts with him, in 1620. The second was the appointment of bishop Pietro
Paulo Crescenzi in 1621. Both are important in shaping Costantini’s legacy in print.
The printing business in Orvieto was initiated in the second quarter of the
sixteenth century, according Tammaro Conti.56 Printing production was quite limited in
the early sixteenth century, and the last known edition in this first phase was published in
57
1557. When the printing operation was revived in 1581 the Consiglio was determined
58
that it should succeed, and actively supported it through subsidies and loans. Probably
as a result of financial default in 1587 of one in a succession of printers in that decade,
the Comune became the owners of the printing shop and its equipment, and the Consiglio
was henceforth directly involved in deciding who would operate the printing business.
Cittadino povero et che habia li requisiti, che [...] et vuole il sacro Con’ di Trento et che ad altro
il Pio Luoco non sia obligato et fu ottenuto favoritamente come al lib delle Rif. appare a C. 293.”
56 Annali tipografici, x.
57 Ibid., 4.
58 Ibid., x-xv.
114
59
No music was printed, however, until 1620. According to Tammaro Conti,
Antonio Colaldi, the printer since 1587, died in 1619 and in that year Rinaldo Ruuli,
presumably an Orvietano or at least resident in Orvieto at the time, sought the printing
license. He lost out, however, to Bartolomeo Zannetti, a Roman publisher with a
thriving business (of which music printing was an important part) who sought to
establish himself in Orvieto.60 Franchi assumes Costantini instigated Zannetti’s move to
Orvieto, although his account is based on the study by Tammaro Conti, and on the
knowledge that Zannetti had been Costantini’s publisher for the anthologies published in
Rome.61 Indeed, Costantini did know Zannetti well and may have had something to do
with bringing him to Orvieto to print music in the first place, but the policy established
by the Consiglio to require music printing capabilities by the city-owned press came only
after the experience of music printing in Orvieto.
By 5 February 1620 the decision had been made to give the printing concession,
along with the workshop owned by the city, to Zannetti under the condition that he
refurbish the fonts in order to improve the quality of printing, increase business, and
59
Nicoletta Guidobaldi, "Music Publishing in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century
Umbria," Early Music History 8 (1988): 1-36. Guidobaldi’s catalog is more thorough and
accurate than Tammaro Conti’s for music printed in Orvieto. Guidobaldi’s documentary
evidence is taken from secondary sources, however, so there is still room for a study of music
printing in Orvieto in the first half of the century. Another important source for musicians and
prints used by Guidobaldi but important in its own right is Biancamaria Brumana, Maria
Antonella Balsano and Michelangelo Pascale, "Bibliografia dei musicisti umbri del Cinque e
Seicento," in Arte e Musica in Umbria tra Cinquacento e Seicento, ed. Brumana and Mancini,
439-75.
60 Franchi, Le impressioni sceniche, 786-92, 798-803.
61 Tammaro Conti, Annali tipografici, xiv. In her study, however, Tammaro Conti
conflated the notations in the contemporary documents related to printing for 1620 and 1621,
implying that the Consiglio determined the necessity for music printing from the beginning of
their search after Colaldi’s death, including keeping type for music among the requirements for a
new printer.
115
maintain a bookstore in the city. The decree by the Consiglio instructed him to keep a
bookstore with “Latin and Italian books of every quality” with prices similar to those
“for the same books in Perugia.” The leadership wanted to make available a sufficient
selection for the book-buying public, which of course implied there was a market in
Orvieto for books in both Latin and Italian, confirming the reputation for learning in the
62 •
city. There appears to be no mention of printing music before Zannetti arrived.
Zannetti came from a publishing family in Rome, and had been in business
himself since 1607. For him the move was an expansion of his business, not a transfer,
as he continued to publish in Rome at the same time that his press was operating in
63
Orvieto. He seems to have moved the entire music publishing branch of his business to
Orvieto at this time, stayed a while to get it started, then returned to Rome leaving his
sister Lucrezia to run the concern. Setting up a satellite workshop outside Rome was a
way for publishers to broaden their financial base, and had been a common Roman
printing business practice even in the sixteenth century.64 It is notable that in this
62
I-Oas, Riformagione 302, 27 May 1621, 66r. “Che li med.mi siano obligato conforme
al decreto altre volte fatto nel Cons[igli]o ottenuto sotto li 22 Gennaro 1620 di tener aperta in
Orvieto una libraria formata de ogni sorte di libri latini e volgari d’ogni qualita, quali non
possano vendere non aprezzi convenienti e [...] a doi prezzi di assurdita deva regolarsi secondo il
prezzo che si vendono quei med[esi]mi libri di Perugia.”
63
Evidence for Zannetti’s production in both Rome and Orvieto in 1620 and 1621 is
found in several sources, including Tamarro Conti, Annali tipografici, 21; Franchi, Le
impressione sceniche, 798-803; Guidobaldi, "Music Publishing in Umbria," 33-36; Catalogue of
Seventeenth Century Italian Books in the British Library, 3 vols. (London: The British Library,
1986), 1185-86. After his death, Zannetti’s heir continued in Rome at least through 1631,
although there are no known music prints from the Roman press after Bartolomeo’s death.
64
Francesco Barberi, "Industria e arte del libro nel Lazio del '600 e '700," in Seicento e
Settecento nel Lazio, ed. Renato Lefevre, Lunario romano 10 (Rome: Gruppo culturale di Roma e
del Lazio, Fratelli Palombi, 1980), 3-20. A preliminary study is idem, “Libri e stampatori nella
Roma dei papi,” Studi romani 13, (1965): 433-456.
116
instance such an arrangement with the Comune of Orvieto led to music printing in a
provincial city for a mainstream market.65
Four editions are known to have come from Zannetti’s press in Orvieto before his
untimely death, with a fifth published posthumously by his heirs. These comprise both
musical and non-musical works.66 The first known music publication in Orvieto was
Costantini’s Opus 5, Scelta de salmi, published by Zannetti in 1620. His Salmi,
Magnificat, e motetti, Opus 6, followed in May 1521, but was published by the heirs of
Zannetti. Bartolomeo Zannetti died sometime in the first three months of 1621, for the
printing license was reopened for competition on 24 March. Applicants had to agree to
the requirement that they keep music type in order that “the maestro di cappella or
another ‘music virtuoso’ be able to print works dedicated to the Cittd or the Magistrato
67
or the Cardinale, or to other gentlemen of the Cittd'' Zannetti, possibly with support
of Costantini, had brought music printing to Orvieto, and the Consiglio, recognizing its
value to the city, subsequently made it a condition for future printers.
Rinaldo Ruuli, who reportedly remained in town as bookseller and operator of a
cartoleria, applied again, this time in partnership with Michelangelo Fei, probably from
68
the Roman printing family of the same name, who had joined Ruuli in Orvieto. In
65 Franchi, Le impressione sceniche, 776.

66 Guidobaldi, "Music publishing in Umbria," 22.
67
I-Oas, Riformagione 302, 24 March 1621, 42r-v. (marg) Stampa. “(Dicendosi) per la
morte di Sig. Bartolomeo Zannetti venire al elettione di un novo stampatore si doveva awentire
di metteme i Cap.ti principalm[en]te una conditione che devo tenere il carattere della musica, e
che volendo il mastro di Cappella o altro virtuoso di musica stampare opere dedicate alia Citta o
S. Mag[istra]to o al Sig. [Cardinale, Cavalieri] o ad altri gentilhomini della Citta.”
68
Tammaro Conti, Annali tipografici, xiv. Tammaro Conti’s catalog of prints lists one
work in 1619 and one in 1620 that could have been printed by Ruuli: see p. 24, No. 97, and p.
259, No. 1654. The reference to Ruuli operating a cartoleria in 1620 has not been found.
Franchi, Le impressione sceniche, suggests that Fei may have come to Orvieto with Lucrezia
117
March the printing concession was offered, however, to partners working in nearby
69
Temi. When they had not come to Orvieto by May to take over the workshop as
stipulated by the Consiglio, the license was finally granted to Fei and Ruuli. On 27 May
a full recitation of the duties and obligations on the part of both the city and the new
printers, plus an inventory of the contents of the print shop consigned to the new license
70
holders, was entered in the record of the Consiglio.
In October the first music printed under the new management was Costantini’s
Ghirlandetta amorosa, Opus 7, a volume of songs published for the marriage of a
member of the prominent Aweduti family with whom Costantini had personal ties. His
second volume of secular songs, L ’A urata Cintia, Opus 8, was published in September
1622 and dedicated, as his 1621 volume of motets had been, to Cardinal Pietro Paulo
Crescenzi.71
Although the local leadership was explicit in its intention that music printing in
Orvieto support works dedicated to local institutions and individuals, the fact remains
that Zannetti’s hiring meant that editions issuing from his presses were destined for
Zannetti, and that both Fei and Ruuli may have worked in the printshop when she ran it (788).
Michelangelo Fei’s relationship to the music publisher Fei is not specifically known, but Franchi
reports that Fei had worked in the shop of Luigi Zannetti before his death. Franchi also
speculates that Rinaldo Ruuli, with his unusual name and non-standard spellings, might be
identified as of the Reuli family that married into the Colaldi/Discepoli family of printers in
Viterbo. Fei may have teamed up with Ruuli because the Consiglio had specified, on the death of
Zannetti, that the new license holder must include the printing of music among his services.
69
They were Tommaso and Giuseppe Guerrieri. Tammaro Conti, Annali tipografici,
xiv; I-Oas, Riformagione 302, 24 March 1621, 43v. “...fatta super esercitio...Thomas et Josephi
de Guerrieri stampatori.”
70
I-Oas, Riformagione 302, 27 May 1621, 65r-67v.
71
Guidobaldi implies that Crescenzi had something to do with establishing music
publishing in Orvieto, although this seems unlikely since the negotiations for a music publisher
took place before Crescenzi arrived in his new diocese.
118
distribution through bookshops in Rome, evidenced by those prints which found their
72
way to contemporary collections there and even beyond Italy. Zannetti may have been
attractive to Orvieto’s leaders in the first place because he both published and sold books
in Rome. His music books were apparently sold through a specialty bookseller,
however, as there were few of his numerous music publications in the 1621 inventory of
73
his shop. The mechanism by which his music publications were sold is not known, but
the result—purchase and dissemination through Roman channels—appears to have been
the same both before and after he set up the workshop in Orvieto. And this practice
seems to have continued for at least several years after his music printing business passed
on to Ruuli and Fei.
The Consiglio, in wanting a local printer, seems to have been looking for a means
of enhancing Orvieto’s identity and local pride, as well as its economic stability. The
publication of music in Orvieto provided connections, economic and otherwise, with
Rome, and was a sign of the health and strength of the Citta as an independent entity at
the beginning of the 1620s.
Thus music publishing in Orvieto resulted from the confluence of the Comune’s
need for a new printer, Roman printing businesses seeking diversification, and a maestro
di cappella with relationships with both entities. From Zannetti’s point of view, his
move to Orvieto was a canny business decision that shifted the music segment of his
See table 4.5 for destinations of Costantini’s prints and source references. Other
Orvieto music prints—Rocchigiani, Op. 2, and Tullio Cima, 1621 are a sampling—appear in the
1649 catalog of King of Portugal Joao IV, Do index da livraria de musica do muyto alto, e
poderoso, Primeira parte ([Lisbon] 1649; reprint, Paolo Craesbeck, n.d.), as well as in the
Roman bookseller Franzini’s 1676 catalog, listed in Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi: Rocchigiani
(XII287), Cristoforo Piocchi (XII268) and Spirito Anagnino (XII 17).
73 . .
Patnzio Barbieri, "Musica, tipografi e librai a Roma: Tecnologie di stampa e
integrazione biografiche (1583-1833)," Recercare 7 (1995): 67, 82.
119
business, along with a portion of his regular printing operations, to take advantage of a
subvention from the Consiglio which could allow his business to thrive, while remaining
squarely within the Roman market. Material evidence of these printing and marketing
links can be seen specifically in Costantini’s Orvieto publications.
Second Term in Orvieto, The New Bishop, 1621-1622
Cardinal Pietro Paulo Crescenzi was appointed bishop of Orvieto in March 1621,
74
upon the death of Cardinal Jacopo Sannesio, who had died in February in Rome.
75
Crescenzi was the first bishop in Orvieto who was bom in Rome. Pietro Paulo was one
of six brothers from a prominent Roman family that had early on been strongly linked
with Filippo Neri. Their father, Yirgilio, had served as a conservatore in the Roman civil
government, and his sons included prelates, intellectuals, artists, and an official in the
76
Roman city bureaucracy. Among them Pietro Paulo achieved the highest standing in
the Curia, and he must have been marked for leadership early for he was the governor in
77
Orvieto in 1602. He was also appointed to two of the most important Congregations,
or administrative committees of the Curia, in which he remained active even while
serving in Orvieto: the Congregation of the Reverend Fabbrica of St. Peter’s, and the
Sacred Congregation of Rites, which he served as Prefect from 1641 until his death in
78
1645. The latter committee’s responsibility was to reform devotional practice in the
74
75 I. Polverini Fosi, "Crescenzi, Pier Paolo," DBI, 648-49
76
S ee DBI for entries on the other brothers.
77
Tommaso Piccolomini Adami, Guida storico-artistico della Citta di Orvieto (Siena:
Tip. All'Ins. di S. Bernardino, 1883), 359. Piccolomini Adami’s list shows another cleric
groomed for leadership within the Curia, Alfonso Litta, who did a turn as Papal Governor in
Orvieto in 1637.
120
church, which included the certification of canonizations. His support of the case for
sainthood of Filippo Neri early in his career is documented, and he was eventually buried
at the Oratorian church of S. Maria in Vallicella where he had funded music at least once,
in 1598.79
The arrival of a new and dynamic bishop in Orvieto seemed to coincide with
increased intervention by the bishop in the cathedral’s affairs, despite the Opera’s long
history of independence from ecclesiastical control. Whether this was due to Crescenzi’s
persuasive personality, the Opera’’s receptivity and compliance, or some directive from
Rome is unclear and it may have been a combination of all three. Yet an examination of
a few activities from Crescenzi’s first years in office, particularly from the well-recorded
year o f 1622, shows a change in energy and in tone focused on the events at the Duomo
that stepped up the tenor of ceremonial life in which the music, and Costantini, were
intimately involved.
Cardinal Crescenzi conducted a pastoral visit, probably early in 1622, after which
the Opera was asked to address a “list” of items. The first one was the translation, or
relocation, of the image of the Madonna di S. Brizio to an honored place in the Cappella
Nuova. The discussion of such a relocation had begun well before the arrival of
80
Crescenzi, however. The fact that it took place so soon after the new bishop’s arrival
78
Louise Rice, The Altars and Altarpieces o f New St. Peter's: Outfitting the Basilica,
1621-1666 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press and American Academy in Rome, 1997), 319;
Pastor, History of the Popes, 26:378; Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History, 88. In 1622
Crescenzi was appointed to the task of supervising the removal of martyrs’ bodies from the
catacombs to distribute in and beyond Rome, according to Ditchfield, who cites P. Testini, Le
catacombe e gli antichi cimiteri cristiani in Roma (Bologna, 1966) 15-87, particularly 17-21.
79
Polverini Fosi, "Crescenzi"; Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," 126.
80
Laura Andreani, "La ricerca d'archivio," in La Cappella Nova: O di San Brizio nel
Duomo di Orvieto, ed. Giusi Testa (Milan: [Rizzoli,] 1996), 441-42.
121
could be coincidental, but the inclusion of this change among the recommendations
generated by the pastoral visit seems to indicate that the bishop had something to do with
accelerating the project.
This was not an isolated case of transferring an icon from one location to another.
Similar ceremonial transfers had occurred earlier in Rome, notably at S. Maria in
Trastevere before the end of the sixteenth century, and more recently at S. Maria
81
Maggiore. The translation of the Madonna di S. Brizio into the Cappella Nuova in
1622 closely parallels the translation in 1613 of the icon of the Virgin into the Pauline
Chapel of S. Maria Maggiore in its reaffirmation of popular and official Marian devotion
centered around an object that connected such devotion spiritually, intellectually, and
physically with the church’s glorious past. The details of the events are also similar,
including the prominent role of city government. In Orvieto, as in the papal church in
Rome, Marian devotion was promoted through the renewed honor given the icon of the
Madonna, an embodiment of the Virgin and an empowered image combined in this
beloved object/relic, through its relocation to the new chapel. It also balanced in
architectural symmetry the veneration already accorded the Eucharist in the Cappelle
Corporale by placing the Duomo’s and the city’s most revered relic of the Virgin in a
82
space with equal prominence.
The translation was scheduled for 12 November, which local sources say was to
coincide with the feast of S. Brizio that had been recognized as the anniversary of the
81
Steven F. Ostrow, Art and Spirituality in Counter-Reformation Rome (Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996), chap. 3, esp. 118-25.
82
Interestingly, the ecclesiastical powers raised no official objection to the presence of
the frankly sensual fresco series in the Cappella Nuova of the End of the World and the Last
Judgement by the early sixteenth-century painter Luca Signorelli.
122
83
consecration of the Duomo since 1454. November 13 was the feastday of S. Brizio,
however, and 12 November was then recognized in the Martirologio romano as the feast
of the seventh century pope and martyr S. Martino, whose tomb was still a pilgrimage
84
destination at this time. Cardinal Crescenzi chose the date of the translation. The
subtle and canny choice of 12 November was set close to the alleged consecration date of
the cathedral in the midst of a week-long civic festival already established, but coincided
exactly with that of a saint whose validity was reaffirmed in the studies of Cesare
85
Baronio. Although perhaps lost on later local historians, the date selection was likely
purposeful on the part of Crescenzi, who was intimately involved with hagiographic
reorganization after Trent. With this choice the knowledgeable and politically astute
Crescenzi also reaffirmed the message of papal connection with his city and cathedral.
Preparations for the event took place over the course of the year, and the events of
the day itself were recorded by the camerlengo in the memoriali. With it comes the only
comment in the documents on music performed for a specific occasion under the
leadership o f Fabio Costantini.
On the same occasion Fabio Costantini, our maestro di cappella, made the
most superb music for two, three, and four choruses accompanied by two
organs, to praise and glorify the Blessed Virgin. Every day of the octave
sermons and prayers were given in the same chapel, particularly the
sermons by our illustrious bishop, along with the same musical forces
83
Fumi, Statuti e Regesti, 7n. The consecration commemorated the laying of the first
stone. The annual feast of the dedication of the Duomo “Di Santa Maria della Stella” was
celebrated on 15 August, the feast of the Assumption.
84
"Martino I," in Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vol. 8 (Istituto Giovanni XXIII nella Pontificia
Universita Lateranense, [ 1961 ?]-c. 1970).
85
Cesar Baroniusf Cesare Baronio] (1538-1607) was an Oratorian and historian who
published the twelve-volume Annales Ecclesiastici, 1607, which attempted historical accuracy in
its history of the early church, see DBI.
123
which perform every Saturday evening, being well attended and a great
86
devotion of the people.
Earlier in the year Costantini’s worth and popularity had already been
acknowledged, perhaps again in an attempt to ward off his leaving, by extending his
87
contract through 1630. The unprecedented length of this contract extension parallels
other new initiatives taking place after 1621, and appears emblematic of the optimism
and generally heightened level of activity urged upon a willing Opera, perhaps even the
whole city, by the presence of Crescenzi. The elected camerlengo and soprastanti of the
Opera widened the scope of their actions in this period to projects long dormant, or
unaddressed previously by this body. One which would take a few years to implement
86
I-Od, Memoriali 1622, 12 November 1622, “...e fatta in simile occasione dal Sig.
Fabio Costantini m° di Cap.la superbiss.ma Musica a dui, tre e quattro Chori sonando dui organi
a laude e gloria di questa S.ma Vergine, dove per tutta l’ottava ogni giomo si sono fatti sermoni,
et orationi in detta Cap.la particolarmente ms’ dall’Ill.mo et Rev.mo Sig Card.le Crescentio n’ro
Vescovo, con la med.a Musica il che, si seguira’ anco ogni Sabbato a’ Sera, essendoci gran
concorso, e devotione del populo...” See app. A, document 6 for complete transcription. Also:
Andreani, "La ricerca d'archivio," 442. This practice was to be continued every Saturday
evening, according to the dedication of Giuseppe Giamberti’s Laudi spirituale (1628) [RISM G
1830], transcribed in Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:426. However, these devotions were either a revival
or simply a continuation of traditional Orvietan practice connected with the Madonna di S.
Brizio, mentioned in the Statuti of 1421.
87
I-Od, Riformanze 31, 259v (268v), 14 April 1622. (marg) Riferma del ms.° di
Cappella per tutti l’anno 1630 “Essendo questo Chiesa servita tante esquesitamente dal S.e Fabio
Constantini mastro di Cappella e sapendoli che egli in essecutione dell’obbligo fatta per il suo
servitio per tutto l’anno santo ha revisato di andare a servire in altri luoghi con magior suo utile,
redendosi [chiedendosi] corrispondere alia (bona) volunta sua inserita del presente decreto si
intenda ordinato che il medessimo Sig.re Fabio sin condotto per tutto l’anno mille e sei cento
trenta facendo anche lui l’obbli[ga]ti com e ha fatto per il tem po passato.” I-Od, Memoriali 34,
31 lr (317r), 4 April 1622. (marg) Riferma data al Si.Fabio Costantini M.° di Cappella per tutto
l’anno 1630. “Simil.mente fu prolungato in dfetto Num[er]o consulenta il Sig.re Girolamo
Pollidori il tempo per tutto l’an[n]o 1630 a M° Sig.re Fabio Costantini M.ro di Cappella al
servitio della Chiesa come al lib delle reformanze a C ...[sic] con li med.i emolumenti, e presi il
haveva prima.” [There is a cancel, or rewrite, in both margin and body over ‘Sig.re,” possibly M°
in large letters.]
124
88
was the founding of a Jesuit seminary in the town. Another deserves mention as a
ceremonial representation of the current state of influence and relations between civic,
religious and papal government entities in the city. This was the negotiation of a new
pact for incensando, put into effect on Easter Sunday, 1622.
This seemingly arcane practice of establishing who among all the civic and
religious leaders in town, and in what order, were incensed during solemn liturgical
occasions was really a public manifestation of the city’s power structure. The fact that a
new pact was drawn up and duly notarized in the early months of 1622, taking several
meetings to work out, indicates that there was a formal change in practice at that time, or
89
that it was time to make official what had been taking place informally for some time.
This may have been an intensification of efforts to formalize in Orvieto the segmentation
and separation of nobility and populo related to the long-term political trend for
organizing and centralizing power within the Papal States.
Chronologically there can be no direct connection between the coming of
Crescenzi to Orvieto and the beginning of music publishing in the city. The activity
generated by the new bishop created an atmosphere which may have helped it flourish,
however. Several works were dedicated to the new bishop, first among them the
Costantini edition of motets already mentioned, followed in 1622 by a collection of
secular songs.
oo
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 374r [382r] (388r), 20 January 1625. (marg) Informatione da
pigliarsi sopra la fondatione del Seminario, et referire, at altri modi. 1-Od, Memoriali 34, 376r
[384r] (390r), 4 March 1625. (marg) Diligentia da farsi sopra il negotio del seminario. I-Od,
Memoriali 34, 381 v [389v] (395v), 22 October 1625. (marg) Modo di concorre il corrispondere
al seminario. I-Od, Memoriali 34, 383r [397r] (397r), 3 December 1625. (marg) Nominatione et
elettione dell’Alunno al‘ Seminario.
125
Second Term in Orvieto, Upheavals of 1623-1625
During this entire period Costantini was paid the same annual salary, with a small
increase in benefits, that he began with at Orvieto: 150 scudi plus eight scudi for housing,
four for wine and four for grain was budgeted and distributed in full each year through
1624. He continued as maestro di cappella for only eight days in 1625, however, and in
February his brother-in-law, Michelangelo Torrigi, picked up the remaining pay owed to
him.90
Costantini left suddenly at the beginning of 1625, without any documented
explanation. While most indications are that he served Orvieto well, a hint of trouble can
be found, however, in this notation from 1 February 1624:
Regarding the difficulties between the musicians and the efforts of the
soprastanti to sooth them: Since the musical chapel is all one Body, but
while all the members are being disobedient and disjointed from the Head,
and because the Head is not yet speaking with the members, [the chapel]
can thus become disformed, and not give the desired satisfaction to this
distinguished numero. For this reason we pray [that] the camerlengo call
in the maestro di cappella, as well as the singers, separately, and from the
one and then the other determine the difficulties and disagreements which
exist, and then with the soprastanti make everything peaceful, making
each one submit to what is right, and their duty, while giving in future
those wages which will seem best to [the patricians of Orvieto], [in order
to assure] the peace and harmony of said chapel; and if some of them do
not want to obey the resolution, even though they are reaffirmed for the
91
present year, the camerlengo will fire them and put others in their place.
90
I-Od, Cassieri 1625, c.53, 16 February 1625, “II Sr. Fabbio Costantini per contro
hauto preso di sua provisione resto d i... il tempo che a servito di tre &12 per lui pagati a ms.
Michelangelo Toriggi cogniato sonno per no° otto giomi che a servitio come in questo ... 3.12”
91
App. A, document 12.
126
Soon afterwards Costantini was actively seeking a new situation, as confirmed by a
newly discovered letter to Scipione Borghese. On 4 June 1624 Costantini wrote the
cardinal, who was then the protector at the Santa Casa in Loreto, asking—not for the first
time—to be recommended for the prestigious position of maestro di cappella there

92
which the musician had learned was coming open. Costantini’s sudden departure from
Orvieto a half year later is still somewhat of mystery, however. It appears that the Opera
may have been caught off guard. As the camerlengo and soprastanti met in March 1625
to take the necessary steps to hire someone new, they acknowledged the confusion in the
cappella engendered by his leaving. At the same time, the counsel of another well-
placed Orvietano living in Rome was sought, and a little-known but promising musician
was hired as maestro:
Meeting in full session on this day, Oratio della Rovere advises that
because of the departure of Messer Fabio Costantini, formerly Maestro di
cappella of our Duomo, [which has] put us in need of another Maestro di
cappella to retain the worth and greatness of our Cathedral, and also
because of the confusion that arose among the musicians, intend to elect
Sig. Anselmo Anselmi for Maestro di cappella for two years beginning as
soon as he arrives. According to the good knowledge and judgement from
Signore Giulio Cesare Bottifango, our agent [conevio] [which
recommends him to us], and by the recommendation of Signore Angelo
Avveduti to be of much value and of exemplary habits, [he] leads a good
life, and has all the requisites. [This body] awards him a salary of 10 scudi
per month, 2 measures of grain and six of wine per year, and he was
93
approved and elected as is recorded in this Riformanze, c. 291.
“Supplico di nuovo V.S.Ill.ma far di maniera che vacando detto loco [Santa Casa] sia
dato a me,” Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Carte Borghese, pacco 68. Caption on cover of fascicle:
“Epistolario del Card. Scipione Borghese 1603-1620, 1620-1629,” fully transcribed in app. A,
document 15. I am indebted to Professore Claudio Annibaldi for informing me of the existence
of this letter, and for furnishing a transcription.
93
App. A, document 13. Giulio Cesare Bottifango (1559-1630) was bom a citizen of
Orvieto and lived in Rome, serving as segretario to Cardinal Bemario di Ascoli, among other
127
Anselmo Anselmi, lately at S. Luigi dei Francesi in Rome, was elected to the
94
position, with the regular salary reduced to 120 scudi per year. He started on 1 April,
but only served about three months before he died. On 23 August, when the Opera met
to elect a new maestro di cappella for 1626, there were, rather forlornly, no nominations
95
(“non si venni alia nominatione de nessuno”).
things. In 1626 he published Bozza, ovvero il Corporate Sacratissimo di Orvieto (Rome: Heirs
of Zannetti), a poem in fifteen cantos dedicated to Cardinal Crescenzio. Bottifango was
considered an arbiter of taste in his connections with the Chiesa Nuova, but was buried in the
Church of the Gesu in front of the altar of Francesco Saverio. See Luigi Fumi, "Notizie di
scrittori orvietani per II Sig. Conte Mazzucchelli di Brescia estese dal Sig. Abate Gio: Battista
Febei nel 1751," Archivio storico per le Marche a per I'Umbria 3 (1886): 353-54, 368. For
Bottifango’s musical side, as well as further bibliography, see Amaldo Morelli, II Tempio
Armonico: Musica dell’oratorio dei Filippini in Roma (1575-1705), Analecta Musicologica 27
(Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1991), 21 n. 67, 83, 179.
94
Anselmi, not listed in NGII, came from Montebovio (Montalboddo, or Ostra), diocese
of Senigallia in the Marches, as did his uncle, papal singer Vincenzo De Grandis (see next note),
and Domenico Albrici. Giuseppe Radiciotti, "Aggiunte e correzione ai dizionario biografici dei
musicisti," Sammelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 14 (1912-1913): 557-58. He is
listed as maestro di cappella at the Collegio Romano in 1621-22 by Casimiri, '"Disciplina
musicae' e 'Mastri di capella' dopo il Concilio di Trento nei maggiori istituti ecclesiastici di
Roma: Seminario Romano, Collegio Germanico, Collegio Inglese," Note d'Archivio per la storia
musicale, 15 (1938), 51-52, and served as maestro at S. Luigi dei Francese from April 1623 to
March 1625, Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 48. Also mentioned in Cametti, "La scuola dei
pueri cantus,” 634.
95
I-Od, Memoriali 34, 380r [388r] 394r, 23 August 1625. (marg) Numero Grande.
“Radunato il Numero Grande per servitio et utile del Pio Luoco il M.ro Cavell’Sig Francesco
Vaschiende consulto che si dovesse venire alia nominatione et elettione d’un altro m° di Cappella
per la n’ra Catredale rispette alia morte del Sig.re Anselmo Anselmi gia m° di Capella con
provisione che parra al Prestant.mo Numero, et s’intenda eletto per tutto l’Anno 1626. Ma per
degni rispetti, non si venni alia nominatione de nessuno.” Anselmi was paid for three months
beginning 1 April, which means he probably served through June. In August his accounts were
settled. Anselmo had received sixteen scudi of the thirty-three he was to be paid, but the
remaining seventeen scudi were given to Francesco Adriano by order of Anselmi’s uncle,
Vincenzo De Grandis. I-Od, Cassieri 1625, c.93. “Sig Anselmo Anselmi m° di Cappella deve
havere scudi trenta per n° tre mesi che a servito cioe dal primo aprile per tutto Aug. 30.” “II Sig
Anselmo Anselmi di contro hauto scudi trentatre sonno per sua provisione di no° 3 mesi che a
servito in questo modo cioe scudi sedice conti al sudetto Sig Anselmi et scudi decasetti conti al
Francesco Adriano per ordine del S. Vincenzo Grandis suo Zio computatori scudi tre d’suo
viaggio di roma come in questo uscito...33.”
128
Rome and Loreto, 1625-1628
Whatever the circumstances that surrounded Costantini’s departure, their effect
on his career after leaving Orvieto is difficult to judge given the mix of positions of
varying prestige levels he subsequently held. The next decade in Costantini’s life is less
well-documented than the earlier years, and the two missing volumes of his anthology
series attributed to this period make the biographical holes seem even larger.
Nevertheless, through some archival notations and letters, the outline of his activities can
be sketched.
When in early 1625 Costantini left for Rome, he was hired to perform for
Francesco Barberini, cardinal-nephew of Pope Urban VIII, for occasions in February and
96
April of that year. On 25 June 1625, Costantini took up the post of maestro di cappella
at the Santa Casa in Loreto, where his name appears only once in the archives beyond the
97
pay records. His appointment at Loreto occurred a year after his supplication to
Cardinal Borghese in 1624, and there had been one more maestro at Loreto in the
intervening year.
On 27 December 1625 Costantini wrote to Cardinal Francesco Barberini from
Loreto:
From the day that Don Antonio Barberini made me maestro di cappella,
seeing what I had to bear, and that if I stayed in Rome any longer I would
be full of debt, finding myself with a numerous family on my shoulders
who have no one else to turn to there to provide housing; and having
nothing but the money that your Lordship left me, I prayed unceasingly to
96 Hammond, "More on Music in Casa Barberini," 236-37, 239n.

97
Tebaldini, L'archivio musicale, 8; Floriano Grimaldi, Cantori, maestri, organisti della
cappella musicale di Loreto nei secoli XVIl-XIX(Loreto: Ente Rassegne musicali, 1982), 36, 146.
On 22 August 1625 he was the maestro di cappella to whom a gift of a volume of masses by
Arcangelo Crivelli was consigned, see Tebaldini, ibid.; Floriano Grimaldi, Icodici musicali della
cappella di Loreto (Loreto: Ente Rassegne musicali, 1984), 20.
129
the most glorious Virgin, and for your Lordship that she give you health,
and a happy trip with a safe return, and my prayer was heard. I come now
as your devoted servant, to rejoice [in this outcome] and to wish you good
fortune for a thousand years; and I ask you not to forget me who lives and
will live in your eternal devotion; [and] I do not want to omit telling you
that Don Bartolomeo was not supposed to tell Girolamo, nor the tedesco
dello tiorbo [Girolamo Kapsberger], that your Lordship would have
wanted me to have some cappella, because they suddenly imagined that I
wanted to supersede [them] and they, for political reasons (per raggione
di stato), barred me. In San Luigi they placed their friend the priest
[Romano Micheli], worth nothing, and at San Giovanni they stuck II Ciffa
[Antonio Cifra.] I am here at the Santa Casa owing to Don Antonio,
nonetheless I am ready to serve your Lordship; if you command me to
leave it, I will leave. May you only know that that which I did, necessity
has driven me [to do]. In humility and reverence I kiss your
vestment....98
From this letter we learn that Cardinal Francesco, who Costantini had served on
occasion earlier in the year, had left on an extended trip from which he had now returned.
In the meantime Don Antonio Barberini, second cardinal-nephew of the pope, had
obtained for Costantini the position at Loreto, seeing that he needed a steady income to
address his mounting debts and pressing family responsibilities. Despite his earlier
request for the Loreto position, it appears that Fabio would rather have been appointed to
a permanent position in Rome, with its attendant opportunities for additional income, an
98
App. A, document 7. “Don Bartolomeo” remaines unidentified, as does this
“Girolamo.” Romano Micheli was maestro di cappella at S. Luigi dei Francesi from April 1625
to January 1627; he was preceded by Anselmo Anselmi (1623-1625) who left to take up the
vacant post in Orvieto, Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 48, 138. Cifra served at S. Giovanni
in Laterano from 1623 to June, 1626. Kapsberger officially entered the service of Francesco
Barberini in December 1624, Victor Anand Coelho, "G.G. Kapsberger in Rome, 1604-1645:
New Biographical Data," Journal o f the Lute Society 16 (1983): 122.
This letter, as well as the letter from Costantini to Carlo Barberini dated 1629, were
found by John Whenham, who graciously allowed a copy of his preliminary transcriptions to be
sent to me by Colin Timms, who made use of them in his New Grove articles. I am grateful to
them both.
130
advantage probably lacking in Loreto. He listed several jobs that were filled, and
revealed that he felt passed over “for reasons of state,” a phrase used euphemistically for
political motivations. Costantini addressed this matter in shades of intrigue, mentioning
situations o f specific musicians in Rome, Romano Micheli—of whom he thought little—
at S. Luigi, and Antonio Cifra at S. Giovanni in Laterano, as if to say that he himself
would have liked either of those positions. Noteworthy is Costantini’s perception of
Girolamo Kapsberger’s influence over major Roman musical appointments. Kapsberger,
“il tedesco della tiorba,” who had been a familiare of Francesco’s since 1624, and the
unidentified “don Bartolomeo” apparently exercised that influence in the absence of the
powerful cardinal, a situation that possibly Francesco could now rectify. Costantini’s
intent was to return to Rome, and he concluded by saying that he was ready to serve
Cardinal Francesco Barberini whenever he would command it.
Costantini vacated his post at Loreto on 8 June 1626, although there is no
evidence of a firm position back in Rome. In Loreto he was the last of the four maestri
di cappella appointed between Antonio Cifra’s first term which ended in 1622, and his
99
second, which commenced on 26 June 1626. Interestingly, Domenico Albrici, a singer
from the Marches who had been at Loreto for five years, left for Rome around the same
time.100 It is conceivable that the connection between the Costantini family, with
99
The others were Giovanni Boschetto Boschetti, 17 March - 22 May 1622, when he
died; Cristoforo Guizzardi, 10 July 1622 - 20 October 1624; Don Antonio Centi, 1 November
1624- 15May 1625, according to Tebaldini, L'Archivio musicale, 102. The table on p. 81
interchanges the dates of Guizzardi and the organist who served with him.
100 Helene Wessily-Kropik, Lelio Colista: Ein romischer Meister vor Corelli (Vienna:
Hermann Bohlaus Nachf., 1961), 27; Grimaldi, Cantori, maestri, organisti, 33, 145-6. Albrici,
from Montalboddo in the Marches, sang contralto at Loreto from 16 December 1621 to 30 June
1626.
131
daughter Plautilla now fourteen years old, and Albrici, the father of Bartolomeo and
Vincenzo, started in Loreto and continued in Rome.
Ferrara, 1629
The next firm evidence of Fabio Costantini’s employment, a letter from him to
Carlo Barberini, brother of the pope, was sent from Ferrara on 26 September 1629:
Last year I was granted the position of maestro di capella of the noble
Cathedral o f Ferrara by Cardinal Magalotti, with pay of two-hundred sixty
scudi per year between me and my son-in-law. Now seeing that there is
illness in my family, and a general famine, I cannot stay. I asked S.r
Cardinale [Magalotti] who with all kindness told me that he could not
raise the pay, because both he and the Capitolo were poor. But so that we
can look for a better situation he has granted us time without obligation to
serve him and where he can he will always give us help. Cavaliere
Alessandro my brother, organist at the Santa Casa, writes me that within a
few days there will be a vacancy in that cappella, that therefore I could be
helped by way of Rome [to get the position]. For this reason, with every
humility I would kindly deign to ask your excellency for this position as
maestro di cappella at the Santa Casa when it becomes vacant, that it
would be given to me by the good graces of Card. Borghese the bishop.
All need to act before the fact in order that they won’t give it to others.
As I am also the Elder o f the family I can combine thanks with this
request, having served the good memory of Sig. Alessandro Barberini
your brother, in the time of Pope Clement VIII of happy memory. With
every humility I make the humblest reverence, and pray to the Lord for
the continuance o f your noble house.101
Costantini’s letter appealed to Carlo Barberini, who was not only the brother of Urban
VIII but also husband of Costanza Magalotti, thus brother-in-law of Cardinal Lorenzo
102
Magalotti, Costantini’s current employer. He extended the personal appeal further,

102
Magalotti was made Cardinal in 1624, and served as Bishop of Ferrara from 5 May
1628 until his death in 1637, Hierarchia Catholica 4:19, 186.
132
referring to his long-time service to the Barberini family by remembering Alessandro

103
Barberini, whom Costantini evidently served during the time of Clement VIII.
Costantini had been in his service at the Duomo in Ferrara during the past year at the pay
of 260 scudi for both himself and his “genero,” or son-in-law, probably Domenico
Albrici. The letter appears prompted by some illness in Costantini’s family, but also by
104
the general famine which had affected the region. Fabio was requesting appointment
to the maestro position which would soon be vacant at the Santa Casa in Loreto,
according to a letter he has received from his brother, then serving as organist there.
Alessandro had precipitated the tone of urgency when he communicated that the
maestro’s job, currently held by Antonio Cifra, would be coming open in a very short
time, and Fabio urged his Roman contact to intercede quickly, before the need became
acute by the death of the present occupant and the position filled by another. Cifra
would, in fact, be dead by 2 October of what was described as a mysterious and
contagious illness.105
The connections between Loreto and Rome have often been noted in the
musicological literature, but the closeness of the link in the late sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries was a direct result of the papacy’s administrative structure. This widely known
pilgrimage church was administered directly from Rome, with a Cardinal Protector
stationed in the Curia active in appointing the head of music there, as intimated by
103
Alessandro Barberini (1563-1612) was one of the three other brothers of the better-
known Carlo, Maffeo (Urban VIII) and Antonio. In addition to Alessandro were Nicolo and
Gian Donato, who managed to be as lackluster as their brothers were powerful. See Pio Pecchiai,
I Barberini (Rome: Biblioteca d'arte editrice, 1959), 133-36; Marilyn Lavin, Seventeenth-Century
Barberini Documents and Inventories of Art (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1975), 64-65.
104
A severe famine due to crop failure affected areas in northern Italy in 1628 and 1629,
see Sella, Italy in the Seventeenth Century, 15, 91.
105 Tebaldini, LArchivio musicale, 80; Grimaldi, Cantori, maestri, organisti, 39-40, 147.
133
Costantini’s supplication. Cardinal Scipione Borghese is mentioned in the heading of
this letter because he was the Protector of the Santa Casa at this time, and the appeal
must be forwarded to him.106
Besides Cifra’s grave illness which was progressing fast enough to presage his
coming death with certainty, a second motivation may have prompted Alessandro’s
urgent letter to his brother. It is possible that Alessandro himself was infected with the
107
same illness, the “infirmity in the family” to which Costantini was responding. A
letter written by the governor of Loreto, Tiberio Cenci, commenting on the death of Cifra
108
added that he hoped that the organist did not succumb as well. As it happened
Alessandro did not die, nor did Fabio get the job. Lorenzo Ratti was brought from Rome
in December 1629 to take the maestro’s position in Loreto. Ratti died within the year,
however, and Alessandro Costantini himself was elevated from organist to maestro di
109
cappella there on 1 September 1630, a position he held until 31 May 1632.
Ancona, 1630
Despite the unsatisfactory response to his supplication to Barberini, it was not
long before Costantini had moved on. Very likely his next position was that of maestro
di cappella at the Compagnia del Rosaria in Ancona, the position cited on the title page
106 Floriano da Morrovalle, L ’Archivio storico della Santa Casa di Loreto: Inventario
(Citta del Vaticano: Presso L'Archivio segreto vaticano, 1964), lxxx.
107
Tebaldini, LArchivio musicale, 176n; Cametti, "La scuola dei pueri cantus" 627-28.
Cametti reported that the illness was not plague, which was not introduced into Italy until
December, but something akin to another mystery illness that preceded the plague also in Milan.
(His source for this is “the immortal pages of Manzoni,” referring to the nineteenth-century
novel, / promessi sposi, by Alessandro Manzoni, which is considered to represent quite
accurately historical events of the early seventeenth century.)
108
Cenci was also bishop of Jesi, 1621-1653, Hierarchia Catholica 4:71 n. 6.
109
Tebaldini, LArchivio musicale, 80, 176.
134
of his Opus 11, Salmi, himni, Magnificat, published in Venice in 1630. The dedication to
members of the confraternity was signed on 8 September 1630, the feast of the Nativity
of the Virgin. Apparently he had two motivations for seeking a change at this time: an
increase in salary and proximity to brother Alessandro. Costantini’s wish to go back to
Loreto culminated in a position in a different setting for him altogether, but in the same
vicinity. It may also be worth mentioning, in terms of discovering ever denser webs of
patronage and clientela, that Carlo Barberini himself had been a successful merchant in
Ancona, after leaving Florence and before settling in Rome when his brother became the
pope.110 Carlo died in February 1630, but it is not known when the position with the
Compagnia della Rosaria was secured, and what influence he may have wielded.111 The
few bits of information about the Rosary Confraternity in Ancona would indicate that its
activities— and budget—were on a par with other major confraternities of the type found
112
in Italian cities, which its hiring of a maestro di cappella confirms.
Ferrara, 1631-1634
However long Costantini remained in Ancona, he was back in Ferrara, this time a
familiare of the Papal legate, Giovanni Battista Pallotta, before 1634. In that year he
published in Venice a volume of few-voiced motets which was markedly different from
all his previous anthologies. A majority of the pieces were by Costantini himself, and
110 Pecchiai, I Barberini, 130-33.

111 Gigli, Diario Romano, 111.
112
L ay religiou s organizations proliferated in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
stimulated by the personal piety and lay religious devotion that paralleled, even preceded, official
Tridentine reforms. Confraternities devoted to the Rosary were not new at this time, but had
been given an added push by a) the Jesuits, and b) the power of the Rosary demonstrated in 1571
at the church of the Minerva in Rome resulting, according to belief, in the victory over the Turks
at the Battle of Lepanto. Among Italian confraternities, Black attributes a “strong parochial
community spirit” to confraternities “del Rosario,” see his Italian Confraternities, 103.
135
from a stylistic viewpoint they show an expansion of his range of expression. He was
moved to write a lengthy dedication to this work which is autobiographical to an extent
even he had not shown before. This year also marked the end of his association with
Ferrara. In 1635 when next we hear of Costantini, he had been nominated for a post at
113
Rieti which he did not take up, and instead he was back in Rome.
In the mid-163 Os Costantini had reached his mid-fifties. Although his publication
of 1634 shows his increasing fluency and flexibility as a composer, the economy had
slowed and the context of his profession had changed. The great blossoming of new
musical chapels was over, and musical establishments in all but the wealthiest churches
were moving to economize. Still, there were top jobs in Rome as well as numerous other
opportunities for a musician to make a living. The offer from Rieti, as can be deduced
from observing the process in Orvieto, could have come about without his presence or
aggressive pursuit of it. By this time, Costantini was known and respected in the musical
world circumscribed by Roman connections. But he was never to achieve a permanent
position any more prestigious than those he had already held by this time. Without the
demands of such a position, however, he may have had more time to compose, the
evidence o f which may be his opuses 11 and 12.
Rome, 1635-1636
We can assume that Rome was Costantini’s place of residence in 1635 and early
1636: the payment records at S. Maria in Trastevere show Costantini working as a
straordinario there in the basilica on a regular basis over the course of eight months from
113
A. Sacchetti-Sassetti, "La cappella musicale del Duomo di Rieti," Note d‘Archivio per
la storia musicale 17 (1940): 146-47; a list in Giazotto, "La cappella di Rieti,"50, confirms that
Costantini was never maestro di cappella at Rieti.
136
either October or November 1635 through May or June 1636.114 There was also a
payment made explicitly for service in March.115
The records of the capitolo at S. Maria in Trastevere mention Costantini’s
donation of music books to the basilica. It might be assumed that the donation was his
own work, possibly his most recent few-voice motets published in Venice in 1634.116
However neither this work nor the two earlier few-voiced motet publications, one
published at the time he was maestro there, are today in the music library of S. Maria in
117
Trastevere. The only Costantini work still present is his Selectae cantiones (1614).
Third Term in Orvieto, 1636-1642
In May and June 1636, Costantini was paid by the Opera del Duomo in Orvieto
for work there which must have included the feast of Corpus Christi, and he was back in
118
Orvieto at his full-time salary starting 1 July 1636. Reality had perhaps tempered
1141-Rsmt, Libro 274, Sacrestia Uscita, Armadio XII 13, 1624-1643, f. 79v, June 1636,
“A di sig.e al Fabio Constantini in recognit[ione]e di 8 mesi che ha servito et anco donato alcune
opere di musica alia chiesa s50.”
115 I-Rsmt, Libro 274, Sacrestia Uscita, Armadio XII 13, 1624-1643, 1636, f.78r, 12
March 1636. “E piu dati al sig.re Fabio Constantini sopranum[e]ris. per man.di del med.o 1.50.”
116 See note above. Many thanks to Claudio Annibaldi for the reference to the donation
of books, which led to the discovery of the months of service.
117 .
Beekman Cannon, "Music in the Archives of the Basilica of Santa Maria in
Trastevere," Acta Musicologica 41 (1969): 205. This handlist of music was prepared before the
removal of the music library from the basilica itself to the Vicariato. Eleonora Simi-Bonini,
Catalogo delfondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere nell'Archivio Storico del Vicariato di
Roma: Tre secoli di musica nella basilica romana di Santa Maria in Trastevere, Studi, catalogi e
sussidi dell"Istituto di bibliografia musicale, 7 (Rome: IBIMUS, 2000), corroborates the presence
of Costantini’s 1614 publication, and confirms there were no others. I am very grateful to Prof.
Giancarlo Rostirolla for the opportunity to see the catalog when it was in its final stages of
preparation.
118
Easter was 23 March 1636, therefore Corpus Christi would have occurred on 22
May. I-Od, Cassieri 1636, C.91 “[left] II sig Fabbio Costantini m° di Cappella deve havere per
sua provisione li inffascritti robbi et denari concessola dal numero grande celebrato il di... di
137
ambition, and the stable Orvieto job he so abruptly left eleven years earlier now looked
far more attractive. The same response, probably triggered by a reversal of fortune, had
made him seek the position in Loreto in 1629 which he so willingly left in 1626. This
time he was able to go back again.
The maestri di cappella who served in Orvieto between Costantini’s departure in
1625 and his return in 1636 were Anselmi (April-June 1625), Giuseppe Giamberti
(December 1626- November 1631), Giovanni Brunnetti (January-November 1632), and
Antonio Maria Abbatini (December 1632-February 1636). Giamberti and Abbatini went
on to make notable careers for themselves in Rome and the other two died in Orvieto. Of
these four only Brunetti, who had worked at Urbino before coming to Orvieto, apperently
lacked a Roman connection.

119
Abbatini was ultimately the best known, at least to posterity. Although in the
early stages of his career while in Orvieto, his tenure there seems to have been
unremarkable, save that he pleased the popolo and was confirmed for three years soon
120
after starting. This contract was extended by one year at the end of another six
121
months, seemingly as a favor to the governor. In early 1636, Abbatini decided to
maggio 1636 da cominciare il di primo lug0 di l’anno. Denari per maggio et giugno 20. Denari
per li ultimi dui mesi a ragione di li sc. 150 l’anno concessoli dal numero grande celebrato alii 10
guig° 1636 75. Denari per la condottura della persona [per musica] _3. [right] il S. Fabbio di
contro dare il di 10 giugno 1636 per tanti pagati per lui a Constantino Giantilini [Alzatore mantici
or organ pumper]. Denari per la pigione della casa 1.32. Grano per prone di otto mesi 1.12
2/3; Vino per otto mesi_ 8.”
119
Ciliberti, Abbatini', Anne Karin Andrae, Ein romischer Kapellmeister im 17.
Jahrhundert: Antonio Maria Abbatini (ca. 1600-1679): Studein zu Leben und Werk (Herzberg:
Bautz, 1986).
120 Ciliberti, Abbatini, 52, 71.
121
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 53r (54r) 8 June 1633 “Vedendosi sin hora, che il Sig.r Anton
Maria Abbatini M.ro di Cappella di questa nostra Cathedrale con quanta diligenza, et valore si
adopri nel servitio de essa, e sodisfatione di questo Popolo, et desiderando Mons.re Ill.mo n.ro
138
return to his home town of Citta de Castello, and on 7 February 1636 the soprastanti
122
were again looking to elect another maestro. Five names were bracketed together
under “Supplications,” and labeled “super officio Magistri Cappelle: Josephi Giamberti,
123
Tullij Cima, Agostino Diruta, Vincenti Fedeli, and Horatio Pollidori.” At least two of
these were familiar to the Orvietani already: Giamberti evidently wanted to return even
though he was currently maestro di cappella at S. Maria Maggiore in Rome, and Cima
had published music in Orvieto, although he was never a musician at the Duomo. With
candidates lining up, the soprastanti instructed the camerlengo to gather information as
to the quality of the aspirants, in order that a resolution could be reached at another
124
meeting.
Sometime between 7 February and 9 April, Fabio Costantini became a candidate
for the job. He had already been confirmed in the minutes of the 9 April meeting based
125
on the recommendation of his previous service alone. On 10 June, however, cooler
Gov.re che come e stato vinto a questa Cappella ad intercessione di SS. Ill.ma, cosi a prieghi suoi
habbia ancora la riferma, et sapendo noi quanto siamo obligati a SS. 111. ma per l’infinite gratie, et
favor fatti, et al publico, et al privato s’intenda pero rifermato per un’altr’anno oltre alia
Condotta, che segue, et ha gia dal prestantiss.0 Numero havuta con li soliti emolumenti, et pesi.”
Also Ciliberti, Abbatini, 56.
122
Ciliberti, Abbatini, 76.
123
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 89v (91v), 7 February 1636. (marg) “Congregato...”
[Supplicato No.] 5. “Electio magistri Cappelle stante renunciat.ione p.[q.] Antonij Maria
Abbatini.” “...Supplicationes Super officio Magisti Cappelle: Josephi Giamberti, Tullij Cima,
p[adre] Agostino Diruta, Vincenti Fedeli, Horatio Pollidori” [bracketed together with this text:]
“super officio Magistri Cappelle.”
124
Ciliberti, Abbatini, 76.
125
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 92v (94v), 9 April 1636. (marg) Electio m.o Cappella. “Idem
dixit perche nell’altro numero fu messo a partito per M.r° di Cappella q. Fabio Constantini altre
volte servito si honoratam.te e con si esquisita di Cap.a la Rev.a Fabbrica per M.ro di Cappella
con sodisfat.ne Universale di tutte la Citta e perche vi erano altri Proposti per M° di Cappella e
non parte Convenevole che il d.° S. Fabbio dovesse esser proposto solo senza altri
raccommandati da Diversi Principe e Card.li pero fu il d° S.r Fabbio perso et essendo giusto che
139
heads prevailed and the provisions of Costantini’s contract were made more explicit: he
126
would have to teach and sing vocal parts as necessary without additional pay.
Although the economy in Orvieto for this period has not been studied, the 1630s found
most parts o f Italy in an economic downturn, and there is no reason to assume that
Orvieto, if not hard-hit, was totally exempt. As such, perhaps economic measures taken
by the Opera were motivated by the state of its finances rather than its judgement of the
127
maestro. Despite cutbacks on benefits, Costantini was rehired at his former salary,
which was still considerably more than anyone had received in the interim. Costantini
was confirmed for three more years in August 1638. Owing to his good service and even
better attitude, he was now to be paid extra for teaching, despite what was decided to the
128
contrary in “un altro numero, ” a previous administration.
di novo con tutti gPaltri che saranno nominati siano messi a partito e ciascuno separatam.te a
quello che haveva piu voti in favore oltre all esser vinti per li dui terzio s’intenda dovere essere
M.ro di Cappella per tutto l’anno 1637 con la provisione che haveva II M.r di Cappella
ultimamente partito.” Also in Ciliberti, Abbatini, 76, but with slight variation in transcription.
126
l-Od, Riformanze 32, 94v (96v), 10 June 1636, “Quid agendum sup. relatione per
cam.o relatione q. Mutio Ma[rabbotini] a q. Fabio Costantini..” I-Od, Riformanze 32, 95v (97v),
10 June 1636. (marg) Maestro di cappella. “Idem dixit super d[ict]a relatione perche la
sufficienza et ottimo servitio che fa il S.r Fabio Constantino M° di Cappella di questa Cathed.le
riesce tuttavia di compita sodisfatione e corrisponde a quello che ha fatto per il passato et con
Pesperienza fatta questi giomi, e festivita trascorse anco all’opinione, che sempre se n’e tenuta, e
perche con qualche segno di gratitudine ci potiamo render certi della sua volunta, che per
Pawenire s’intenda condotto con la med.ma provisione che haveva quando parti da questi
servitio con obligo pero, che sia tenuto Insegnare alii soprani senza domandare la provisione che
per tale effeto si da ad altri Cantori e M.ri di Cappella et anco perche nella Cappella fa e canta la
parte di un tenore o basso secondo che bisogna.”
127
Nussdorfer, Civic Politics, 27-32. The general economic crisis was to affect Rome
later than other parts of Italy and by virtue of Orvieto’s Roman connections, this might indicate
Orvieto took a similar course.
128
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 120r (122r), 14 August 1638, (marg) Riferma per tre anni ms.°
di Cappella “Idem per Raphael dixit, et consuluit. “II sig.re fabbio Constantini fu vinto da
questa Prestantissimo Numero, e richiamato a questo servitio et havendola altre volte, che ve e
stato la Citta honorato anco di farlo suo Cittadino, et havendo servitio sin hora senza domandare
riferma propostosi di voler servire solam[en]te per il temp°, che fiisse passo a questo Prestant.mo
140
In general, the record keeping in both the Memoriali and Riformanze during the
1630s was far less meticulous than in the previous two decades, and this holds true for
news about the music establishment as well. The few notations there are indicate that in
general the cappella continued as it had before with the exception of greater attention
paid to the teaching o f the putti, the boys who served as sopranos. The explicit
assignment of this duty might have been necessitated by the retirement of the singer
Francesco Manfredi, who had probably maintained this responsibility through the
129
years. Relying more heavily on sopranos from the school would have also been a cost
cutting measure as it was cheaper than hiring well-paid eunici.
On 1 February 1641, during the customary process of reaffirming the cappella for
the coming year, Costantini was reconfirmed at the lower salary of 120 scudi per year,
with his only obligation being to sing bass from time to time. This would be effective 16
April, presumably when his current contract expired. Although perhaps a further
economic measure, it was more than likely a recognition of length of service and
Numero, volendo la sodisfattione universale di tutti, e non la propria poiche confessandosi

obbligatissimo a tutti, et intendendo di voler servire tutti, e particolarm[en]te la Cappella di
questo Duomo con quell’affetto, et ardore, che pud, e sa fare maggiore, et vedendosi in vero li
attitudine grande sua in dare sodisfatione a tutti in universale, si intenda pero rifermato per tre
anni prossimi con la solita sua provisione, et peso d’insegnare a i putti, che vogliono servire in
Cappella nonostante qualsivoglia decreto in contrario.”
129
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 114r (116r) 27 January 1638 [fifteenth year of the papacy of
Urban VIII]. (marg) Allievi cantante .... “Essendo ancora utilita publica di questo luogo, che si
allevino putti per soprani in servitio della Cappella, poiche con il pagari musici forastieri sempre
sia nec.rio di dargli assai piu provisione di quello, che si da a quelli di questa patria, et havendo il
Sig. Mastro di Cappella gia fatto tre putti, che gia cantano in Cappella, che sono desiderio figlio
de [sic] hoste dell’ Hosteria della Stella, Fausto fig.lo di m.ro Gio Batt. Santini, Fabio et
Gioseppe di Trionfavelo faneparolo, a i quali essendo stato per antichissimo tempo solito la Rev.
fabrica di constiurli per la prima volta quattro giulij il mese per ciascheduno s’intenda pero per
tutto l’anno 1638 constribuita la d.a provisione delli quattro giulij il mese per ciascheduno delli
detti tre nominati, con speranza di havere con il meglioram.to del sapere e della voce tutta via
d’haver miglior provisione.”
141
retirement age. The pay records for the year do not indicate why there was a change, and
they are ambiguous about what amount was actually paid out. Nevertheless, it was
eventually perceived as a mistake by the Opera. On 15 October of that year, a long entry
in the riformanze indicates the issue of pay for Costantini was brought to the Opera by
130
“Raphael.” After hearing a long soliloquy on the maestro di cappella's virtues and
hard work, which had evidently continued even when the duties were officially relaxed,
the Opera extended Costantini’s contract for two more years after the end of the present
contract, and his salary was restored. In the midst of his remarks Raphael noted: “to tell
the truth, we have never had a maestro di cappella who has given as much satisfaction as
he.”131
Tivoli, 1642-1644
Despite the vote of confidence, Costantini decided that the position at Orvieto had
become too precarious, he was made a better offer, or he wanted to move back to Rome
for other reasons. In any case, he became maestro di cappella at the cathedral in Tivoli
132
in November 1642, and the records show him remaining there until June 1644.
Tivoli was a post suitable for a musician resident in Rome. When the edict
requiring bishops to live in their districts was promulgated, the episcopate at Tivoli,
usually reserved for a cardinal, was also convenient for those who had responsibilities in
Rome, and such might have been the case for the maestro di cappella there as well.
130
Possibly Raffaelo Gualterio.
131
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 163r (165), 15 October 1641. “... et essendo la verita che non
habbiamo havuto mai M.ro di Cappella che in Cappella habbia dato piu sodisfatione di lui.” For
the full text see app. A, document 14.
132
Giuseppe Radiciotti, L'arte musicale in Tivoli, 63. Radiciotti notes that Costantini’s
service comes at the end of a long and honorable career.
142
Despite efforts to engender religious reform, Tivoli, owing to its history as a center of
d’Este family’s sumptuous life and intellectual pursuits in the previous century,
continued to evince worldliness and rather loose social discipline well into the
seventeenth century. Costantini had extracted himself from a more demanding setting in
Orvieto, even if for practical reasons, and found himself in surroundings with lower
133
expectations for sacred music performance. Perhaps it is an indication of his light
duties in Tivoli that Costantini was hired at Rieti to direct the music for the feast of the
Assumption in 1643, for the pay of one scudo.
Costantini appears in no known documents after 1644. Because he seemed more
eager to work than not, he probably died or became incapacitated at that time. There is
no record of Costantini’s death in 1644 in Tivoli, however it is quite possible that he left
Tivoli after his appointment was over. He also may have remained resident in Rome
while carrying out his responsibilities in nearby Tivoli, and any record of his passing has
been lost or lies buried in a parish record in Rome. Indeed, the likeliest scenario is that
he died in Rome. With his brother then occupying the organist post at S. Pietro, and the
possible existence of a fairly large extended family, he had every reason to be back in
Rome, whatever his health, and if he was not there, he probably had “passed to a better
life.”134
133
Camillo Pierattini, "Aspetti della societa di Tivoli nel Seicento," in Seicento e
Settecento nel Lazio, ed. Lefevre, 445-69.
134
Similar words were used by Vespasiano Aweduti, when his brother Angelo, serving
a second consecutive year as camerlengo of the Opera del Duomo, died in office: I-Od,
Memoriali 34, 380r [388r] (394r), 25 September 1625. “Memoria a me Vespasiano Aweduti
come essendo passato a meglior vita la B[eata] Memoria del Signore Angelo Aweduti mio
ffatello....”
143
Musical Tradition in the Family
The second generation of the Costantini family produced Vincenzo and

135
Bartolomeo Albrici. Pitoni mentioned a relationship between Vincenzo and the
Costantini brothers in his composers’ biographies, referring to Fabio Costantini and his
brother Alessandro as “professori,” and calling Vincenzo Albrici their nipote, a term that
136
can mean nephew or grandchild. It has already been mentioned that Costantini was
employed together with an unnamed “son-in-law” at Ferrara in 1629. They worked
together again in Orvieto from 1636 to 1642, and this time the son-in-law was called by
name, Domenico Albrici. Domenico, a contralto known to scholars for his service at
Loreto, which happens to have overlapped with Costantini’s tenure there as maestro, was
137
very likely married to Fabio Costantini’s daughter Plautilla.
Costantini’s return to Orvieto as full-time maestro on 1 July 1636 certainly
occasioned the employment of Domenico Albrici who joined the cappella at Orvieto
within the next four months. As a singer “for life” in a Vatican Cappella, one like
Domenico would ordinarily not have become a candidate for a permanent position at an
outlying cathedral. On 30 September, however, the Opera deliberated about the
replacement for Anton Maria Ricci, a valued contralto at the Duomo who had announced
he was leaving for a cappella in Germany. The soprastanti discussed a contralto
bonissimo, Signore Domenico Albrici, who was at the time contralto in vita at the
Cappella Giulia in Rome. They thought they might persuade him to come since he was
135
Sometimes Alberici, Albrizzi, Albrigi. The most extensive work to date on the music
of Vincenzo Albrici is Frandsen, "Sacred Concerto in Dresden."
136
Pitoni, Notitie de' contrapuntisti, 326.
137
Radiciotti, "Aggiunte e correzione," 551; Wessily-Kropik, Lelio Colista, 27;
Grimaldi, Cantori, maestri, organisti, 33, 145.
144
the son-in-law of their maestro di cappella, and because they might offer better
provisione, perhaps a better living in Orvieto, beyond what straordinari could earn,
presumably to augment their salaries, in Rome. They argued that he would not come for
less than seven scudi per month, the standard salary for singers at the Cappella Giulia, so
they voted to match that sum and added three some of grain and six of wine for each year
138
of a three-year contract. Domenico started 13 October 1636, and was reimbursed for
139
his transferal, and evidently that of his family, from Rome. In the end he took the job
for a salary of six scudi instead of seven per month, but even the slightly lower salary
plus the three-year contract were more generous terms than almost any other singer had
ever been offered in Orvieto.140 His contract was renewed at the end of 1639 for three
more years, and he was still in Orvieto for a few months after it was up at the end of
1642.
In January 1638 a remarkable notation appeared in the riformanze concerning
Vincenzo, grandson of the maestro di cappella. From the day his father had arrived in
Orvieto to sing contralto at the Duomo, this little boy had sung soprano in a maimer
“truly astonishing for his very young age.” Since there was no other soprano but the
138
App. A, document 18. Originally, a soma was the quantity of grain that could be
carried on the back of a mule, information I owe, with thanks, to Prof. Raffaele De Benedictis.
139
I-Od, Cassieri 1636, C95. “Domenico Albrici contralto in Cappella deve havere per
sua provisione dalli 13 ottobre per tutto dicembre 1636. Denari 6 per conduttura di feste 4 di
. Denari per conduttura di 4 di rubbi ...28.80.”
140
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 141v (143v), 7 December 1639. (marg) Cappella contralto.
“Essendo finito il tempo della condotta del S.r Domenico Albrici contralto della Capp.a, e genero
del S.r Fabio Costantini m.° di Cappella che gia [...] de° prest.e anni, essendo in q.sta luoco
cantare eccellente si nel sapere come nel Ingleterra [...] terra in cuore difficile a trovati cantori
buone, et habili, et essendo anco si perd’ di si che per il cantano e necessario di si fermarlo
poiche difficiless.te si potria seguire il concerto della Capp.a senza la [...] s’intenda per essendo
la spesa della musica ridotta apera somma secondo il solito per partita di Francesco Maria
eunuco, e per morte di Gio. Battista Felice.”
145
castrato Francesco Maria who could sing passaggi, implying that young Vincenzo could
also do just that, they agreed to grant him one scudo a month for the year to start, which
would go up later.141 The pay records report this amount beginning in February 1638
and in 1640 one soma of grain—but no wine—was added to it.142 In 1641 his allotment
was still twelve scudi, but he collected less than four, a sign that he was gone in late
April. Thus he entered the German College in Rome where, until now, his biography
had begun, as an experienced boy soprano on 12 May 1641.143 Vincenzo Albrici’s birth
was reported to have been in Rome on 26 June 1631, although the source for such an
exact date is not known. If it is correct, Vincenzo was already singing with some
accomplishment when he was a little over five. Furthermore, his first teachers must have
been his father Domenico Albrici, and grandfather, Fabio Costantini. As for his younger
brother Bartolomeo, it is possible that he was bom in Orvieto and not in Rome as
previously thought, for the estimated year of his birth is around 1640 since he was listed
as a soprano at the Cappella Giulia in 1650.
141
I-Od, Riformanze 32, 114v (116v), 27 January 1638. (marg) Cappella contralto.
“Havendo Vincenzo Nepote del Sig.r Mastro di Cappella dal giomo, che venne a servire il Padre
suo per contralto della Cappella, servito il d.o putto veramente con meraviglia per la poca eta sua,
e cantando con ogni sicurezza, e non havendo oltre a Francesco Maria Eunuco soprano altro, che
questo, che possa far passagi, et [...], gli s’intenda pero concessoli per tutto l’anno 1638 uno
scudo il mese, accio gli sia un poco di principio di havere [potere] avanzare tuttavia a maggiore
provisione.”
142
I-Od, Cassieri 1638 [January-August], C70. “Vincenzo Albrici, 1 [scudo x 11
months].” I-Od, Cassieri 1638 [September-December], “Vincenzo Alberigi ragazzo in Cappella
il di di detto 28 novembre[?] 1638, 11 per la [...] partita del pres.te Anno.” I-Od, Cassieri 1639,
C46. “Vincenzo Alberigi—12 [paid 12].” I-Od, Riformanze 32, 149v (151v), 25 January 1640.
“Che al Sig.re Vincenzo Alberici soprano in q.sta Cappella con vote buona essende la sia
provisione cosi tenere, che e di un solo scudo il mese, gl’s’intenda acresciuto altre alio scudo uno
soma di grano, et confermano per tutto l’anno 1640.” I-Od, Cassieri 1640, C95. “Vincenzo
Albriggi soprano in Cappella— 12 + grano 1.” I-Od, Cassieri 1641, C49 “Sig. Vincenzo
Albrigi, soprano - 12 - [but only paid 3.80 in 1641].”
143
Culley, Jesuits and Music, 216-18, 308; idem, "Influence of the German College,”
44-45.
146
On 2 May 1643 the books closed on Domenico Albrici in Orvieto and
presumably he left for Rome.144 They closed on that same date for grandfather Fabio
too, when the final payment was made to Nocentia Torigi, consorte di detto Signore
145
Fabio Costantini, for the ten months he had served as maestro di cappella in 1642.
When Alessandro Costantini died in 1657, his will stipulated that all his
.1 4 6
possessions were left to his grandniece Camilla Albrici, the daughter of Domenico.
This meant that Camilla’s mother would have been Alessandro’s niece, and presumably
she was no longer living. He named Camilla his herede universale or sole heir, although
her three sisters and two brothers each received something in the will. Conspicuously
absent from any mention was either Vincenzo or Bartolomeo Albrici, who at this time
were both in Dresden and had been gone from Rome since 1652.
Judging by the familial relationship between Fabio Costantini and Domenico
Albrici gleaned from letters and documents dating from 1629 it appears that Plautilla
Costantini was the mother of Camilla, Domitilla, Pauola[sic], Leonora, Stefano and
Fabio Albrici, those named in the will, as well as Vincenzo and Bartolomeo, Albrici
(table 3.1). The list resounds with Costantini family names: Domitilla, the name of
144
Domenico Albrici was paid for singing alto for the feast of Santiago at the Spanish
church in Rome, 25 July 1643, according to Lionnet, "La musique a San Giacomo degli Spagnoli
au XVIIeme siecle a les archives de la Congregation des Espagnols de Rome," in La musica a
Roma, ed. Antolini et al., 501.
145
I-Od, Cassieri 1643, 2 May, C27, “Sig.re Domenico Albrici contralto deve havere
sua provisione di mesi tre e giomi vinti per sua che ha serva la nostra catedrale dal p° Gen 1643
per tutto li 24 aprile che si parti. 22.80”. Ibid., C l6, “il di contro Sig.re Fabio Costantino
haveva scudi sei e cinquanta quattro 6.54 per detto fatta di il Sig.re Bartolomeo Cass.ro mio
Anticessore per resto delli mesi dieci che ha servito l’anno 1642 si come ne appare ricueto di
morto del Rev. de Don Vincenzo Pierone di ordine della Sig.ra Nocentia Torigi consorte di de°
Sig.re Fabio Costantini al al q[ues]ta C15. 6.54 [scudi\C
146
I-Ras, Notai dell'A.C., Testamenti and Donationi, Jacobus Simoncellus 1653-1657,
Buste No. 31, f. 596r-598v, f. 597r. “Mia pronipote.”
147
Alessandro’s and Fabio’s mother, and that of Fabio himself. The beneficiaries all had
remained in Rome, and probably in Alessandro Costantini’s good graces while the two
brothers were abroad. What appears to be an oversight, or worse a deliberate slight, may
have just been a matter of logistics and practicality. Domenico Albrici returned to his
family in Rome in 1654, and since he was given nothing in the will, it might be assumed
Domenico was no longer living in August 1657 when it was drawn up.
Table 3.1 Costantini Family Tree

[Musicians in bold]
Erminio (Staffolo) — Domitilla
Fabio Costantini c. 1579-c 1644 Alessandro Costantini c.1581-1657

m. Innocentia Toriggi (Rome)
Plautilla(b. Orvieto, 1612-d.before 1657)

m. Domenico Albrici (Montalbaddo)
Camilla Paola Stefano Fabio Vincenzo Bartolomeo Leonora Domitilla
It is possible there could be more to this story, with the plot revolving around an
ambitious father favoring and promoting two talented children while ignoring six others
at home, leaving their well-being in the hands of his wife’s relatives. However, there is
no evidence except the exceptional talent manifested by Vincenzo, and the rather odd
configuration of Alessandro’s will to suggest such a scenario. In fact, there is evidence
that Leonora was a musician and later joined her brothers in England showing that family
147
ties and the musical legacy had not been cut off by Alessandro. It was Leonora who
147
Margaret Mabbett, "Italian Musicians in Restoration England (1660-1690)," Music
and Letters 67 (1986): 237-38; J. A. Westrup, "Foreign Musicians in Stuart England," Musical
Quarterly 27 (1941): 78-79. Many thanks to Mary Frandsen for additional information on
148
was given the spinetta, the only musical instrument that great-uncle Alessandro specified
in his will.148
Domenico, Vincenzo, and Leonora Albrici. For a reference to Stefano Albrici see Morelli, II
Tempio Armonico, 173.
148
I-Ras, Testamenti, Buste 31, f. 597v. “Alla quarta [pronipote] che si chiama
Leonora, et alia sudetta Leonora, lascio la spinetta.”
CHAPTER 4
The Anthologies: Project and Program
This chapter focusses on four aspects of the Costantini’s anthology series: their
genres and styles, the composers, the particulars of patronage including insights gained
from the inscriptions, and evidence of the prints’ dissemination. This cluster of concerns
is informed on the one hand by Costantini’s personal and professional motivations, and
on the other by the exigencies and opportunities of contemporary Roman musical culture.
The publications he assembled grew out of the environment in which he worked, and this
analysis of them will argue that they present an authoritative collection of the music
generated by institutional and professional elites, here intended to appeal to a broad
music-buying public.
The pattern o f professional activity of a maestro, such as Costantini, or any other
talented performer of the early modem period included composition of pieces for
themselves to conduct or perform, and subsequent publication of such compositions for
purposes of professional advancement, prestige, and economic gain. The works
Costantini published between 1614 and 1639 fit this pattern but with a difference, as he
was the only maestro-composer in Rome who published anthologies instead of single
composer editions. The presentation of his prints conforms to conventions of
contemporary Italian editions of individual composers, but the contents represent an
array o f composers’ efforts in sacred and secular vocal genres intended for public
religious performance and for private gatherings.
Single pieces are not the only items of interest in the prints, however. While the
anthologies contain the musical expressions of individuals, as printed editions they
149
150
provide both historical and anthropological evidence of this period’s musical culture.
The interplay among all their components, the poetics of the anthologies, increases our
understanding of the position this music held in the culture, how it was used and what it
meant—the way it may have been heard by the people of the seventeenth century. For
this reason the anthologies of Costantini are considered as a whole in this chapter before
proceeding in subsequent chapters to the particulars of the music.
Proposed taxonomies of anthology production in sixteenth-century Venice and
Bologna outline traditional forms and motivations for this type of print against which
Costantini’s anthologies can be measured. This comparison shows the Costantini
anthologies to be in some ways consistent with, and in others a departure from north-
Italian conventions.1 One assumption borrowed from previous studies is that the
anthology was a commercially viable print form, but most striking and original is the
way Costantini enhanced the role of compiler, a role he treated as analogous to that of
composer. As a result, his anthologies reflect, and perhaps helped shape, the repertory
associated with the common practice of musical culture in early seventeenth-century
Rome more than any single composer’s works.
Genres and Styles in the Anthologies

Almost all contemporary genres of sacred vocal music and contemporary secular
song are represented in the anthologies, with the exception of masses. The extant sacred
1 Franco Pipemo, Gli“eccellentissimi music della Citta di Bologna": Con un studio

sull'antologia madrigalistica del Cinquecento, Historiae Musicae Cultores 39: Madrigalisti
dell'Italia settentrionale, 2 (Florence: Olschki, 1985); idem, "Musicisti e mercato editoriale nel
'500: Le antologie d'ambiente di polifonia profana." Musica/Realta 5, no. 15 (1984): 129-51;
Marco Giuliani, "Antologie, miscellanee, edizioni collettive nei secc. XVI-XVII." Nuova rivista
musicale italiana 22 (1988): 70-76; Giulio M. Ongaro, "Venetian Printed Anthologies of Music
in the 1560s and the Role of Editor," in The Dissemination o f Music: Studies in the History of
Music Publishing, ed. Hans Lenneberg (Lausanne: Gordon and Breach, 1994), 43-69.
151
anthologies can be divided into two print types, motets and vespers collections, and the
motets divide further into the double-choir and few-voice idioms. Musical choices
related to text settings relied heavily on the nature and function of the text types
themselves, which will be probed further in the following chapters. The secular
collections, which resemble the few-voice motet collections that preceded them, were
part of Costantini’s larger project and shared similar motivations and goals. Together
they add pieces to the known repertory by some composers known today either for their
sacred music (Antonelli, Gargari), or secular work (Heredia), and reinforce the notion of
the contemporary professional composer as competent in all genres. Music
historiography has traditionally given separate consideration to sacred and secular
genres, perhaps to the detriment of our full understanding of the interplay of those genres
in an age when the boundaries between sacred and secular were permeable. The
collections are indeed separated along those lines as well, but correspondences between
them of composers and patrons, and even of musical styles, invite us to look at them
together for a fuller picture of the musical enterprise.
The first of the eleven extant anthologies was published in Rome in 1614, and the
last in Orvieto in 1639 (table 4.1). At least two other volumes are lost. Contemporary
catalogs of the Venetian printer Vincenti attribute to Costantini one collection of four-
voice Lamentations and another of psalms for four and five voices that are no longer
2
extant. If the opus numbers continued chronologically, numbers nine and ten would
have appeared between 1622 and 1630. Confirmation that the missing volumes fill the
publishing gap comes from the listing of a Venetian-published Costantini psalm
2
Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi. “Lamentationi a 4 con l’organo” appeared only in the
Vincenti catalog of 1635. “Salmi a quattro, e cinque” was listed in Vincenti catalogs of 1649
(IX: 494), 1658 (IXbis: 544), and 1662 (X: 644). See table 4.5.
152
collection found in a 1639 Utrecht bookseller’s catalogue, revealing its year of

3
publication as 1626.
3
Salmi magnificat e salmi per la compieta con I'Hymne Ave regina celaorum e letanie
della madona 'a 4. e 5. voci. [Venice] 1626, in Henri Vanhulst, ed., The Catalogus Librorum
Musicorum o f Jan Evertsen Van Doom (Utrecht 1639), Facsimile edition, Catalogi Redivivi, 9
(Leiden: H&S, 1996), p. 62 and B1 verso.
Table 4.1. Costantini Editions
C ostantini/
Opus RISM Title Place & D ate o f Dedication Publisher Date Contents Total
[Op. 1] 16143 Selectae cantiones Numero Reverendae della Fabricae, Rome, 1614 28 motets 8vv 2/28
Orvieto, 25 May 1614 B. Zannetti
Op. 2 16151 Raccolta de1salmi a otto Girolamo Pignatelli, Vescovo di Naples, 1615 8 psalms, Magnificat, 3 1/12
Rossano, Naples, 25 April. 1615 G.G. Carlino antiphons 8vv
Op. 3 1616* Selectae cantiones Card. Pietro Aldobrandini, Rome, 1616 27 motets 2-4vv 2/27
Rome,[1616] B. Zannetti
Op. 4 16183 Scelta di motetti Cesare Bentivoglio, Rome, 1618 27 motets 2-5vv 4/27
Orvieto, 1 July 1618 B. Zannetti
[Op. 5] 16201 Scelta de salmi a 8 Conte Ferdinando Saracinello, Orvieto, Orvieto, 1620 8 psalms, Magnificat, 3 2/14
30 June 1620 B. Zannetti antiphons, 2 litanies-8vv
Op. 6 1621 Salmi, Magnficat, e motetti a sei Cardinal P.P. Crescenzi, Orvieto, 1621 4 psalms 6vv, Magnificat 6vv, 2/12
Orvieto, 9 May 1621 Heredi del Zannetti 6 motets 5-6vv, Easter
sequence 8vv
[Reprint, 16211 Sacrae cantiones [no dedication preserved] Antwerp, 1621 [Reprint o f 16143]
Op. 1] P. Phalese
Op. 7 162114 Ghirlandetta amorosa Adriano Canali and Caterina A w eduti, Orvieto, 1621 28 arie e madrigali l- 4 w 8/28
Orvieto, 5 October 1621 Fei & Ruuli
Op. 8 162210 L'Aurata Cintia Cardinal PP Crescendo, Orvieto, 1622 19 arie, madrigali, dialogues, 5/19
Orvieto, 15 September 1622 Fei & Ruuli villanelle l-4vv
[Op. 9-10] [lost] Lamentatione V enice 1622-30
[Op. 9-10] [lost] Salmi, Magnificat, e salmi per la V enice 1626
compieta
Op. 11 1630 Salmi, himni et Magnificat Campagnia di Rosario, Venice, 1630 10 psalms, 4 hymns, 2 7/16
concertati Ancona, 8 September 1630 Gardano (Magni) magnificats 8vv
Op. 12 16341 Motetti a 1, 2, 3 ,4 e 5 voci Cardinal Palloto, papal legate, Venice, 1634 28 motets l-5vv 17/27
Ferrara, 15 October 1634 B. Magni
Op. 13 1639z Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti a otto Roberto Cennini/Conservatori, Orvieto, 1639 10 psalms, 10 motets, 2 11/22
voci Orvieto, 25 March 1639 R. Ruuli Magnificats 8vv
153
154
An early attempt at a numbering arrangement by genre and performing forces on
the title pages of the surviving books, a sixteenth-century practice, appears to break down
in Costantini’s anthologies and in seventeenth-century publications in general.4 These
numbering changes reveal an evolving attitude toward genre classification on
Costantini’s part, perhaps fueled by his various publishers. The opus numbers continue
chronologically regardless of genre or style, publisher or place, but with the first
publication of few-voice motets in 1616, a “book” number, in addition to the
chronological opus number, was applied. The few-voice motets were thus perceived to
be different from the polychoral motets published previously. The sequencing of “book ”
numbers was related to the genre as well as the number of voices, shown by the second
polychoral psalm collection for eight voices published in 1620, “opus five, book two,”
the second double-choir psalm collection.5 When the third volume of psalms, for six
voices now mixed with motets, was published in 1621, the sequencing began anew.6
This sequencing was skipped in 1630, the next volume with double-choir psalms and
Magnificats, but also hymns. With Costantini’s last known print in 1639 the book
sequencing was back, but the previous publications were counted differently. This mixed
collection of double-choir psalms, Magnificats, and motets was designated Libro sesto di
Salmi, and is the sixth publication with psalms of any number o f voices, alone or mixed
with other genres, if the lost 1626 edition is also included. Apparently Costantini
4
For example, Cifra’s motets for two to four voices published between 1609 and 1618
were numbered I-VIII, a numbering system abandoned when the scoring of his motets became
more varied.
5 The title page reads Libro Quinto, Opera Seconda, although it is an obvious printer’s
error.
6 Opera sesta, Libro primo.
155
dropped the practice o f differentiating collections of psalms either according to numbers
of voices or their mixture with motets, and counted all of his collections containing any
psalms as a related type, for a total of six (table 4.2).
Table 4.2. Anthologies by Genre and Style

Psalms (Vespers Motets Secular Song
collections)
1. 1615 Raccolta de ’salmi, 1. 1614 Selectae cantiones, 1. 1621 ...arie, madrigali,
8vv. 8vv. sonnetti[sic]...libro primo
2. 1620 Scelta de Salmi, 8w. 2. 1616 Selectae cantiones, 2- 2. 1622...Arie, Madrigali,
4 w . (libro 1) Dialogi, e Villanelle, l-4vv.,
libro secondo
3. 1621 Salmi, Magnificat, e 3. 1618 Scelta di motetti, 2-5
Motetti, 6w. vv. (libro 2)
4. 1626 [lost] Salmi, 4 . 1634 Motetti a l-5vv. (libro
Magnificat, e salmi per 4)
compieta, 4-5vv.
5. 1630 Salmi, himni et
Magnificat 8vv.
6. 1639 Salmi, magnificat, e
motetti
[lost] Lamentationi
By the same reckoning, the motet collections which were purposefully
differentiated by number of voices in the 1610s may have ceased to maintain that
distinction by the 1630s. Motetti a 1-5 published in Venice in 1634 was opus 12, “book
four.” This meant that the polychoral motets of 1614 were now grouped with the few-
voice motets of 1616 and 1618 to bring the total number of motet publications to four by
1634. The lost Lamentationi for four voices fits into none of the above categories,
although as a collection of functional liturgical texts it would have been closest to the
psalm collections.
7
Apparently unique in Costantini’s output, the Lamentations fit best with psalms as they
were settings of liturgical texts for widely attended Holy Week services.
156
There is variety, then, in the organization of the sacred music collections, but in
general they can be divided into vespers collections containing psalms, Marian
antiphons, Magnificats, sometimes mixed with motets, hymns or litanies on the one
hand, and motets alone, arranged according to number of voices, on the other. The
mixtures of psalms and Magnificats with motets, including hymns and Marian antiphons,
would appear from this sampling to correspond to the trend, beginning in the late
sixteenth century, away from homogenous vesper collections, that is, all psalms or
Magnificats. Mixed collections were intended to cover the various requirements of a
polyphonic vespers service, and in the case of Costantini’s collections, for a broad
selection of feastdays. They functioned as libraries of available pieces and not
complete, self-contained services, for no systematic provision is made for polyphonic
antiphons or their substitutes. The psalms he includes are the most frequently set during
the period, and the range of feasts they accommodate as wide and versatile as those
served by his motet collections.
As for the two secular collections, their title pages enunciate the different styles
contained therein, and the various numbers of voices needed for performance, with the
collections linked together as first and second “books.” Included in the first were arias,
madrigals, and sonnets, and in the second, in addition to arias and madrigals, dialogues
and villanelle.
g
Jeffrey Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers o f 1610: Music, Context, Performance
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 98-99.
9
See liturgical uses of Psalm texts in tables 5.4 and 8.2. A table of double-choir psalms
most frequently printed in the period is found in O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome,"
86-87.
157
A few stylistic features and publishing conventions deserve mention and a word
of explanation. All of Costantini’s anthologies were published in partbooks, and a
continuo part is present for all pieces.10 The continuo part is printed as a single-line bass,
with one exception, and without bar lines, with a few exceptions.11 The intended
liturgical designation of sacred pieces is not specified in the indexes of the early
anthologies, although an occasional rubric appears in the body of a book. The indexes of
the anthologies after 1630 are more rigorous in this respect, as they are for other specifics
such as psalm tone. Characteristics of style that affect performance, e.g., “concertato
appear for the first time in the 1618 Scelta di motetti index. There was precedent for
precise contemporary classification of this kind appearing in Roman publications before

12
Costantini’s, but there was no standard. Only in the later Costantini publications would
the desire for greater specificity in these matters be reflected in the indexes and rubrics.
If this refinement was not based on printing fashion alone, perhaps it reflected
Costantini’s awareness of the uneven knowledge and experience of provincial musicians
using the volumes, a level of understanding which may have become more uneven after
the devastation among the ranks of Italian music professionals resulting from the 1630
plague. The 1630 vespers collection marks the biggest shift toward greater style and
performance specificity.
10 The instrumental accompaniment was called “basso per l’organo” in the earlier sacred
collections, by 1630 it is called “basso continuo” regardless of genre, or instrument to be played.
11 Imogene Horsley, "Full and Short Scores in the Accompaniment of Italian Church
Music in the Early Baroque," Journal o f the American Musicological Society 30 (1977): 466-99.
It is notable that none of Costantini’s organ parts resemble the score arrangement common in
north Italy.
12
. The first Roman use of “concertato,” for example, appeared in the 1611 Anerio print,
along with the first figured basses in Roman prints. See chap. 5.
158
Composers in the Anthologies
The composers and their range of venues, both institutional and aristocratic, relate
the music o f these publications to the working Roman repertory of the era, a theme which
will recur as individuals and repertory become the focus of subsequent chapters. Aspects
of each composer’s individual role in the contemporary cultural fabric are of some
consequence in obtaining a full reading of the anthologies’ significance. However,
counting, grouping, sorting, and otherwise looking at the composers as an aggregate is
also revealing. Fifty composers are represented in the anthologies, all active in Rome
some time between 1580 and 1640. Because enough of the composers are recognizable
to be able to identify patterns that explain their inclusion, Costantini’s anthologies can
also serve as a guide to musicians of stature in Rome who may have escaped previous
notice, and hint at how those already familiar to us may have been perceived among their
contemporaries. Costantini’s own compositions are in these volumes, sixty pieces out of
13
a total of 232. His brother Alessandro is represented by thirty-two pieces, so the family
contribution is 40% of the total. One hundred thirty six pieces, the remaining 60%, are
divided among forty-eight other composers who come from the overlapping generations
active from the mid-sixteenth century through 1639, according to the distribution shown
in table 4.3.
The sheer number of composers, most of whom are known to have held
recognized positions in Rome contemporaneously or in the recent past, is testimony to
the decentralized nature of musical activity in Rome. Several published their own music
extensively, others here and there, but very few composers in Costantini’s anthologies
are not recognized professionals of the era. Among the forty-eight, thirty-four have
13
With the exception of one litany published in 1626. See chap. 8.
159
works in the sacred publications, six in the secular, and eight appear in both. There are
three anonymous pieces, all in editions where content appeal takes precedence over the
roster of composers (to judge by the nature and ordering of the pieces in these books),
plus one mysterious attribution consisting of the initial “P”.14
For anonymity in anthologies see Martha Feldman, “Authors and Anonyms:

Recovering the Anonymous Subject in Cinquecento Vernacular Objects,” in Music and the
Cultures o f Print, 163-199.
Table 4. Composers and Number of Pieces in each Anthology

Name 16143 16151 16161 16183 16201 1621 162114 162210 1630 16341 16392 Totaj Name
Agazzari, Agostino 1 1 2 Agazzari, Agostino
Agostino, Paulo 1 1 2 Agostino, Paulo
Allegri, Domenico 1 1 2 Allegri, Domenico
Allegri, Gregorio 1 1 2 Allegri, Gregorio
Anerio, Felice 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 12 Anerio, Felice
Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 10 Anerio, Gio. Francesco
Antonelli, Abbundio 1 1 1 1 1 5 Antonelli, Abbundio
Ben'lncasa, lacomo 1 1 Ben'lncasa, lacomo
Boschetto Boschetti 3 3 Boschetto Boschetti
Brissio, Gio. Francesco 1 1 Brissio, Gio. Francesco
Caccini, Francesca I 1 r 1 Caccini, Francesca
Catalano, Otttavio 1 1 I 1 3 Catalano, Otttavio
Cifra, Antonio i i 1 1 Cifra, Antonio
Costantini, Alessandro 2 1 2 2 1 3 7 4 3J 5 2 32 Costantini, Alessandro
Costantini, Fabio 2 1 2 4 2 H 2 8 5 7 17 10 60 Costantini, Fabio
1 I
Crivello, Arcangelo 2 1 1 I 5 Crivello, Arcangelo
De Grandis, Vincenzo i 1 2 1 I I 4 de Grandis, Vincenzo
del P I 1 1 del P
d'lncerto 1 2 3 d'lncerto
Frescobaldi, Girolamo I 1 1 1 1 4 Frescobaldi, Girolamo
Gargari, Teofilo 1 2 2 5 Gargari, Teofilo
3 1 2 2 1 1 10 Giovanelli, Ruggiero
Giovanelli, Ruggiero
Grappuccio 1 1 Grappuccio
Heredia, Pietro ! 1 1 Heredia, Pietro
lusquino 1 1 lusquino
Landi, Stefano 1 i 1 Landi, Stefano
............ I I i
Lucatello, Gio. Battista 1 i l l ' 1 Lucatello, Gio. Battista
Marenzio, Luca 1 i ! ! i I 1 Marenzio, Luca
Martini, Francesco 1 1 Martini, Francesco
Massentio, Domenico 1 1 1 3 Massentio, Domenico
Mazzochi, Virgilio I 1 1 Mazzochi, Virgilio
160
Mutii, Pelegrino 1 1 2 Mutii, Pelegrino
Table 4. Composers and Number of Pieces in each Anthology
Name 16143 16151 16161 16183 16201 1621 162114 162210 1630 16341 16392 Total Name
Nanino, Bernardino 3 1 2 1 1 1 9 Nanino, Bernardino
Nanino, Gio. Maria 3 1 1 1 1 7 Nanino, Gio. Maria
Pacelli, Asprilio 1 1 Pacelli, Asprilio
Palestrina 3 i 1 1 1 6 Palestrina
Pasquini, Ercole I r 1 Pasquini, Ercole
Pianti, Ascanio 1 1 Pianti, Ascanio
Puliasca, Gio.Domenico 1 1 Puliasca, Gio.Domenico
Quagliati, Paolo 1 1 1 1 4 Quagliati, Paolo
i 1 Roi, Bartolomeo
Roi, Bartolomeo 1 ;
Santini, Prospero 1 “I .... ! 1 Santini, Prospero

Soriano, Francesco 1 1 1 i 2 Soriano, Francesco
Tarditi, Paulo 1 | 1 1 ! 1 1 5 Tarditi, Paulo
Tasoni, Carlo 1 T 1 Tasoni, Carlo
Troiani, Giovan 1 1 Troiani, Giovan
Ugolini, Vincenzo 1 1 Ugolini, Vincenzo
Vailerij, Roberto 1 1 Vailerij, Roberto
Victoria, Ludovici de 1 1 Victoria, Ludovici de
Zoilo (Roilo) Cesare 1 1 ; 1 3 Zoilo (Roilo) Cesare
Zoilo, Anibal 1 ! 1 2 Zoilo, Anibal
Zuchelli, GB.org Alias il i
I 1 Zuchelli, GB.org Alias il
Cieco 1 ^ Cieco
28 12 27 j 27 14 | 12 28 19 16 27 S 22 232
i Agazza !gm 232
ri piece jNanino
I revised \piece
by FC revised
by FC
161
162
Palestrina’s presence delimits the earliest generation represented. At this time his
name was still familiar to all and his works lent prestige to many publications well into
the seventeenth century.15 The addition of a work by Palestrina legitimized Roman
sacred music publications, a fact which Costantini used to his advantage by including
Palestrina pieces in four of the anthologies. At the same time, Palestrina’s appearance in
the anthologies suggests that his music—beyond masses—was still in the active
repertory, a thread which runs through all the anthologies. Whether unconsciously or
deliberately, Costantini selected Palestrina for the very first piece in Selectae cantiones
of 1614, and the last in the 1639 Salmi, Magnificat e motetti. This hint of homogeneity
belies the range of selections within the anthologies as a whole. Yet the apparent
symmetry of the placements highlights Costantini’s attitude toward his own publications,
one in which he balanced older and newer works. In the three early polychoral
collections, Palestrina’s name is first among equals, each of his pieces one among others.
This contrasts with the final anthology, a retrospective of polychoral pieces with a wider
chronological range for which Costantini reached back to his earliest composers, and for
which he relied more heavily on previously printed sources. Costantini used this
approach once before, in the 1621 anthology, also called Salmi, Magnificat e motetti and
published in Orvieto, whose only double-choir piece is a Palestrina Victimae paschale
laudes. In 1639 Palestrina is identified in the index, iconically, as “Padre della M usicaf
a phrase used only once before, also in 1621. In 1614 the pieces by Palestrina were
often-performed (though not yet published) pieces of an esteemed composer. Palestrina
15
Stephen R. Miller, "Palestrina and the Seventeenth-Century Mass at Rome: Re-use,
Reference, and Synthesis," in La recezione di Palestrina in Europafino all'Ottocento, ed.
Rodobaldo Tibaldi, Societa Italiana di Musicologia, Strumenti della ricerca musicale, 6 (Lucca:
Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1999), 67-103.
163
shares with most of the composers in that edition the fact that he was known personally
by Costantini for, by one account, Palestrina was his teacher, and was also maestro di
cappella of the Cappella Giulia that Costantini sang under as a youth and young man.
Costantini the singer would have known and performed Palestrina’s works at the
Cappella Giulia; Costantini the straordinario, the occasional musician and organizer of
musical performances, would have participated in their performance in the churches of
Rome; Costantini the maestro would have brought these particular pieces by the already
renowned composer to Orvieto, perhaps for the first time. The final publication includes
Palestrina for perhaps symbolic reasons, the same ones that motivated the inclusion of
the Palestrina piece in 1621, but the inclusion is poignant in its reprise eighteen years
later. On the other hand, Palestrina’s presence may also affirm Costantini’s own
commitment not so much to conservation of a style of music from an earlier period—he
published more up-to-date collections in 1630 and 1634—but to his admiration for works
that did not die along with their composers, whose artistic worthiness transcended
changes in fashion. Costantini’s gesture may also be something of a conventional
response to the power of the Palestrina legend, however. His own musical, and perhaps
personal, homage to an earlier luminary comes in the same final volume as a revision of
a psalm by Giovanni Maria Nanino, an earlier figure who, in the twilight of Costantini’s
own life, he may have come to regard with greater respect.
The only other Roman anthologies resembling Costantini’s that were published in
the first four decades of the seventeenth century were Sacchi’s 1607 collection of
polychoral motets, and the few-voice motet and secular song collections published in the
early 1620s by Robletti, the latter almost simultaneously with those Costantini published
164
in Orvieto.16 In addition, other anthologies considered to be “Roman,” but which in
reality draw their pieces and composers from sources beyond Rome, include the 1625
Sammaruco sacred collection and the Rocchigiani secular collection published in Orvieto
17
in 1623. These latter publications resemble each other in that they both include well-
known composers from the north with no known personal connections with the compiler.
Costantini, however, never looked beyond his Roman web of well-chosen colleagues for
his anthologies. The case can be made for personal and collegial connections, either
certain or likely, among Costantini and almost every one of his composers, a
generalization which accounts, for example, for the presence of a work by the Florentine
Francesca Caccini, with whom he had quite likely become acquainted on one of her
sojourns in Rome.
Analysis of the selection and ordering of pieces for each anthology reveals
Costantini’s clear and sophisticated understanding of issues of prestige and authority
associated with the composers. The result is subtle differences in the organization of
each of his volumes depending upon its patron. The considerations prompted by an
individual composer’s status as well as professional and artistic merit were not
incompatible with the expectations of the intended commercial market which anthologies
particularly targeted.
Some of the composers chosen for the few-voice collections of 1616 and 1618
were the same ones who had appeared in the first two polychoral publications: Felice and
G. F. Anerio, Arcangelo Crivelli, De Grandis, G. M. and Bernardino Nanino, Tarditi,
Cesare Zoilo, and as always, the Costantinis. However, the balance in the few-voice
16RISM 16071, 16213, 162115, 162116and 162211.

17 RISM 16238 and 16251.
165
collections swung in favor of the younger, currently active professionals, contemporaries
of the Costantinis instead of their forebears. It is interesting to note that the only
composers with works in the first two polychoral anthologies, in the two few-voice
motets of the 1610s, and in the secular anthologies of the 1620s, besides the Costantinis,
were Bernardino Nanino and G. F. Anerio. This reminds us of the variety of their output,
and also shows the relative chronological position of Costantini himself: these were the
“modems” o f his youth, one generation older than he. Their continued presence in his
collections is motivated not only by the quality of their works but also by their
continuing contemporary performance. After 1622 and 1630 respectively, however, their
works cease to be included, perhaps because their music did not continue to be
performed much beyond that time.
Patronage and Dedications: The Compiler’s Relationship with His Product

The dedication, or inscription, of each print will serve as the point of departure
for a discussion of patronage, and the compiler’s authorship role. While dedications are
usually noted for their addressees, scholarly perceptions of them as puff pieces has
sometimes diverted attention from what their writers might have intended to
communicate, a situation particularly true for lesser-known figures. Costantini’s
dedications are as various in content as the character and personalities of his dedicatees,
and each one mirrors their interests and concerns, as do the details of the collections
themselves. Ever present, however, is Costantini himself, conveyed through his
reflections on his own endeavor. A great deal of dedicatory language is conventional and
Costantini’s is not exceptional in this regard, but noteworthy are the formulas that he
chooses to apply in his writing. His words can be read as contemporary commentaries
on musical culture from a quarter different than that of often-quoted cultural critics,
166
among whom were many musical amateurs, whose opinions have influenced our
18
understanding of the era. I propose to show the value of the dedication as a source of
broader historical insight by analyzing each dedication, along with other facts of
.1 9
publication, for Costantini’s extant anthologies.
Polychoral Motet and Vespers Collections: Selectae cantiones (1614) and Raccolta
de’salmi (1615)
It is reasonable to suspect that Costantini’s early experience in Orvieto convinced
him of the general usefulness of collections of polychoral motets and vespers music for
churches with a regular music cappella and high expectations for music on feastdays,
much like the one he led. In Orvieto there were some polychoral pieces in the inventory
of music recorded in 1611: four double-choir psalms by Victoria in a volume otherwise

20
devoted to hymns for four voices. The volume could have been a recent addition
because it was listed in the inventory among the “new” books, along with a volume of
masses by the same composer, although how recent is not known. Victoria’s double-
18
Vincenzo Giustiniani, "Discorso sopra la musica de' suoi tempi [1628]," in Le origini
del melodramma: Testimonianze dei contemporanei, ed. Angelo Solerti (Turin: Fratelli Bocca,
1903; Hildesheim: Olms, 1969), 98-128, ibid., trans. Carol MacClintock in Musicological Studies
and Documents, 9 (Rome: American Institute of Musicology, 1962), 63-80, and revised reading
in Hill, Roman Monody, 1: 84-118; Pietro Della Valle, "Della musica dell'eta nostra [1640]," in
Le origini del melodramma, 148-79.
19
A similar approach has already been taken in the following studies: Tim Carter,
"Printing the TMew Music'," in Music and the Cultures o f Print, ed. Kate van Orden (New York:
Garland, 2000), 3-38; Susan G. Lewis, "Danish Diplomacy and the Dedication of Giardino novo
II (1606)," Dansk Arhogfor Musicforskning 28 (2000): 9-18.
20
Hinni totius anni, Rome, 1581. See table 2.1. The psalms are Dixit Dominus, Laudate
pueri, Laudate Dominum omnes gentes, and Nisi Dominus, all with organ parts.
167
choir psalms may have been the first in the idiom performed in Orvieto, but beyond that
21
there appears to have been little music available for these forces.
Because of his connections in Rome, Costantini had access to the sources he
needed, both composers and manuscripts, to assemble a selection of pieces which would
satisfy customary needs for music for the most important feasts of the year in the
polychoral idiom then in use in Rome. The ones he chose could be performed in any
church with a regular cappella, a trained maestro whether temporary or permanent, and
22
the ability to augment the choir for special feasts. Such a collection was apparently
useful in Roman cappelle, even long-established ones, as the presence of Selectae
cantiones (1614) at S. Luigi dei Francesi attests; and its usefulness elsewhere is borne out
by its presence in other contemporary inventories. Its commercial success can be judged
by the number of libraries to which it found its way, and how far it traveled from home.
Pieces from it were reprinted in Strasbourg in the Promptuarii musici of 1617, most
23
likely transmitted by the print itself. It was the only volume that saw a reprint, in 1621
by Phalese in Antwerp.24
21
The reference to Palestrina motets in the inventory is too ambiguous to know for sure
if it included the Motettorum liber tertius (Venice, 1575) which would have contained about six
double-choir motets.
22
Evidence of this practice in churches and confraternities of every size and affiliation is
revealed with every new archival study. This is particularly clear in O'Regan, "San Rocco," and
idem, "Performance of Roman Sacred Polychoral Music." See also, Eleonora Simi-Bonini, II
fondo musicale deU'Arciconfraternitd di S. Girolamo della Caritd, Quademi della rassegna degli
Archivi de Stato, 69 (Rome: Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali-Ufficio Centrale per i
Beni Archivistici, 1992); Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore"; and
several of the studies of Lionnet and Morelli.
23
(Strasbourg: A Bertram, 1617) [RISM 16171]. The pieces from Selectae cantiones are
Locatello, Superflumina Babilonia; Marenzio, Jubilate Deo. G. B. Nanino, Bead omnes\
Palestrina, Fratres. See also Jerome Roche, "Anthologies and the Dissemination of Early
Baroque Italian Sacred Music," Soundings (Wales) 4 (1974): 6-12, and idem, '"Aus den
beruhmbsten italianischen Autoribus': Dissemination North of the Alps of the Early Baroque
168
More speculative but surely possible is that this and other volumes may have
accompanied an itinerant maestro hired for the patronal feastday at a cappella
maintaining little more than a regular organist, to augment the repertory he himself
would have composed. Opportunities for such a scenario were common in Rome and
other Italian towns, but private possession of printed music as a tool of the choir-
director’s trade may have been a widespread practice in Europe as well. It is documented
in the case of the cantor Martin Lincke at Lubeck, who added to the inventory he made of
works he found at his new post in 1630, “a list of the musical authors which I have
25
purchased for myself.” He persuaded the church to purchase most of his personal
collection of music in 1636, one volume of which happened to be Costantini’s 1614
anthology.
A number of factors indicate that Costantini, and not the publisher Bartolomeo
Zannetti, initiated the publication of this, the second seicento anthology of Roman
polychoral music, a type of publication that Costantini would become the leader in
26
producing. The success shown by Costantini’s first volume could not have hurt plans
for future anthologies, and Zannetti continued as Costantini’s publisher through 1621,
(with the exception of one edition published in Naples), as long as he and his heirs
Italian Sacred Repertory Through Published Anthologies and Reprints," in Claudio Monteverdi
und die Folgen, ed. Silke Leopold and Joachim Steinheuer, Bericht iiber das Internationale
Symposium Detmold 1993 (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1998), 13-28.
24 1
Sacrae Cantiones [RISM 1621 ]. See below.
25
Kerala J. Snyder, "Partners in Music Making: Organist and Cantor in Seventeenth-
Century Lubeck," in The Organist as Scholar: Essays in Memory of Russell Saunders, ed. Kerala
J. Snyder (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1994), 237, 239.
26
O'Regan, "Early Roman Polychoral Music,” 50-51. The publications list shows only
Sacchi (1607) with a previous anthology in the seventeenth century.
169
remained in the music publishing business. Costantini’s were the only anthologies of
music known to have issued from Bartolomeo Zannetti’s presses.
The Raccolta de ’ salmi of 1615, a companion volume to the Selectae cantiones,
was published in Naples by Carlino while Costantini was there as part of Cardinal
Aldobrandini’s household. The two publications were intended to complement one

27
another, as Costantini stated in the dedication to the Raccolta. He probably prepared
the publication before leaving for Naples, or at least had his materials with him, as it
includes exclusively Rome-based composers and pieces found in manuscript sources
similar to his first anthology. Apparently he had no reservations about publishing with
someone besides Zannetti and doing so away from Rome. This volume’s intended
Roman market argues for commercial connections between Naples and Rome, and the
existence of copies of what appear to be the 1615 psalms listed in the catalogue of a
Roman bookseller later in the century seems to confirm that such a distribution network
28
functioned between the two cities. The immediate motivation to publish might have
been the ready offer of a patron in Naples, or some other favorable financial
arrangement, which spurred Costantini to act while still in that city. In the early
seventeenth century, music printers in Naples, as elsewhere, acknowledged on their title

29
pages the names o f booksellers or other financial backers. The notation “ad istanza di
Gio. Ruardo” hints that some form of partnership was backing this publication.30
“...delle Stampe alcuni Salmi di diversi Eccellentissimi Musici per accompagnare

un’altra simil’opera publicata nel tempo, ch’io era Maestro di cappella dell’Hlustrissima Citta
d’Orvieto...” See app. B-2.
28
See table 4.5: Franzini catalog of 1676.
29
Pompilio, "Editoria musicale a Napoli," 94. Sixteenth-century Roman business
practices among Roman music publishers also sometimes called for the formation of financial
relationships among booksellers, printers, and occasionally another party, a practice which likely
170
Costantini himself carried or sent the 1615 psalm collection back to Orvieto just
as his contract there was running out in the summer of 1616. The camerlengo of the
Opera had the “music in nine pieces (partbooks), entitled ‘Psalms,’” bound and
31 . . . . .
consigned to the acting maestro. A single partbook of the psalm publication is listed in
an earlier twentieth-century music inventory at the Duomo, confirming that Costantini’s

32
work was once part of the library.
Dedication: Selectae cantiones (1614)

33
The dedication of Selectae cantiones was signed 25 May 1614 m Orvieto.
Written in Latin and addressing the illustrious lordships of the numero of the reverenda
fabrica, the volume appears to be an effort on Costantini’s part to honor his supervisors
by praising the Duomo in their charge, the symbol of the city on which he depended for
his employment. This he did in the cultivated manner that Latin implied, appropriating
carried over into the Seicento, see Bianca Maria Antolini, "Aspetti dell'editoria musicale a
Roma," in Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, ed. Lefevre and Morelli, 16. See also Patrizio Barbieri,
"Musica, tipografi e librai a Roma," which inexplicably leaves Robletti out of the biographies of
Roman music printers, but expands documentary sources on Zannetti.
30
Pompilio, "Editoria musicale a Napoli"; Angelo Pompilio and Keith A. Larson,
"Cronologia delle edizione musicale napoletane del Cinque-Seicento," in Musica e cultura a
Napoli dal XValXIXsecolo, ed. Lorenzo Bianconi and Renato Bossa (Florence: Olschki, 1983),
103-40.
31
App. A, document 4.
32
I-Od, “Opera del Duomo/Archivio Musicale/Inventario/ Anno 1931 IXo/Luigi
Petrangeli, Presidente,” which lists an entire group of seventeenth-century composers with
holdings that are no longer to be found in the Archivio dell ’Opera del Duomo. The only entry
under Fabio Costantini is Raccolta, and the only publication where that word comes first in the
title is Raccolta de ’salmi (1615).
33
Title page, dedication, table of contents, and signature information for each anthology
is found chronologically arranged in app. B-2. A preliminary translation for each dedication is
found in app. D. Each print will be referred to in the text by its short title, and date where
necessary.
171
the values and rich past inherent in the language, among them the dual signs of
34
humanistic learning as well as full participation in the contemporary Catholic Church.
Costantini had already won hearty support from current and previous configurations of
the Opera del Duomo in the four years he had served as maestro, and he had also forged
personal relationships with some of its members. The formality of the dedication may
have been meant to repay that support in an honorable and public way. The “numero” he
addressed probably referred to the official oversight board of the Duomo known as the
numero grande, which may also account for the official tone and language Costantini
adopts. He praised his benefactors for their enrichment of the “cappella” with “great and
noble musicians,” which might seem self-serving if it were not also true, at least to the
extent that the Opera had always attempted to procure well-known musicians. He
described ‘7a Citta,” Orvieto, as beneficiary of the praise continually offered by the very
stones of the Duomo itself, its famous facade, and its magnificent organ, projects recently
completed or renovated under the leadership of the Opera with the approval of the Citta.
Costantini justifies his own efforts in preparing the work he now inscribes by
saying he owes it—the Duomo, the Opera, the City—“more than others.” He offers
fruits of the “most skilled in the art of music,” which he implies were the only works
good enough to match his desire and duty in bringing them to light. The works are
worthy offerings to the “most great Author of light” as well, acknowledgement of a
34
Frederick McGinness, "The Rhetoric of Praise and the New Rome of the Counter
Reformation," in Rome in the Renaissance: The City and the Myth, ed. P. A. Ramsey, Medieval
and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 18 (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Early
Renaissance Studies, 1982), 355. For a recent critique of the place of Latin in Western thought
see Peter Goodrich, "Distrust Quotations in Latin," Critical Inquiry 29 (2003): 193-215.
172
35
personal religious spirit he expects will be shared. He continues at some pains to
reinforce the quality of the composers by deflecting any hint of dissatisfaction with the
work back toward himself in his “rashness” (perhaps meaning presumption), and away
from “the work itself, [and my] colleagues, [as these] compositions are the progeny of
the best parents” (his metaphor for “musical offspring” that Costantini will return to in
later inscriptions). Whether truth or flattery, and probably a mixture of both, Costantini
relates that the composers were so pleased at the patronage of the City of Orvieto that
they “were willing for those compositions to be committed to print,” assigning an active
role to the collected composers that in reality was solely mediated by Costantini as self-
appointed agent and spokesperson. O f course, Costantini dared to add twin compositions
of his own, hoping they would not go unnoticed at least by his patrons, but suggesting
that by “the darkness o f these [his own pieces] the brilliance [of the others] may shine the
more, and it may thus come to pass that, having gone unnoticed by some, they may more
easily be kept away from the envious bites of others,” the last a nod to the realities of
competition in the music profession, a recurring concern of the compiler.
There seems to be no hint of ghostwriting here because the voice is consistent
with evidence of Costantini’s biography and his other writings, even when filtered
through the formidable Latin. A reasonable skill in the language could have been
expected from a professional musician trained at the Cappella Giulia. And despite the
requisite application of somewhat obsequious formalities within the dedication, and the
introduction of self-deprecating themes he will rehearse in similar metaphors later, one
might be right to assume a certain underlying practical reality on the part of Costantini.
35
For strategies of dedications see Chartier, "Princely Patronage and the Economy of
Dedication," in Forms and Meanings: Texts, Performance, and Audiences from Codex to
Computer (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 25-42.
173
His commitment to the city and its institutions, which later would earn him citizenship
there, is already apparent. In the end he mentions the efforts of the camerlengo,
Cavaliere Giannotto Simoncelli, in bringing these works to print, hinting at a specific
role for which there is no additional evidence, but which was probably the customary
contribution toward printing costs.
While dedicating a music publication to an employer was a usual move for a
composer with the hope, if not the guarantee, of financial subvention for the project, in
this instance Costantini probably required assistance from someone other than the
printer. Zannetti, in business since 1607, had already published a number of individual
prints by active musicians, but the assertion that this first anthology from his press was
probably initiated by Costantini is supported by evidence beyond the dedication. In 1614
Zannetti incurred financial difficulties which led to his arrest and incarceration, and it is
doubtful he either underwrote or completed personally the publications that issued from
his press that year which, like the Selectae cantiones, bear the designation “Ex
36
Typographia Bartholomaei Zannetti.”
Dedication: Raccolta de’salmi (1615)

The 1615 collection of poly choral psalms, already shown to be a mate to the first,
was inscribed in a somewhat different tone. The dedication to Cardinal Girolamo
Pignatelli, written in more accessible Italian, acknowledges an old relationship with the
Pignatelli family and mentions Costantini’s current service, which is at this time to a
different cardinal. Two additional items warrant mention. The first is the brevity of the
statement of the “quality of the authors as more than suitable,” indicating Costantini’s
Franchi, Le impressioni sceniche, 787.
174
composers are well-enough known to the cardinal’s elite circle to need no further
supporting argument. Each author’s name, and not the title, prominently heads each
piece in every partbook. The printer, however, was not as well informed as the dedicatee
was assumed to be. There are spelling errors in the composer’s names in this print that
show the typesetter to have been unfamiliar with certain of the names being interpreted
from handwriting. The recurring mistakes are “Antrio” instead of Anerio, used in the
index and partbooks for both Felice and Giovanni Francesco, and “Roilo” instead of
Zoilo, also used consistently for the work by Cesare. Other errors appear more typical
of an age that did not know how to standardize orthography very tightly (e.g. Surano,
Suiano, Suriano as well as Soriano), but the range of errors suggest that neither
Costantini nor anyone else familiar with contemporary Roman composers corrected
proofs for this volume.
The second dedicatory item of note is Costantini’s wish to “give something that
37
has as its goal religion, and the service of the church.” The two notions of “religion”
and “church” are stated separately, perhaps revealing a contemporary musician’s
perception of the place and use of music in differentiated roles: first, as expression and
enhancement of a shared spirituality, and second, as regulation formulas in prescribed
liturgy.
The collection, containing psalms, Marian antiphons, and a Magnificat by
eccellentissimi autori, includes one piece by Costantini. In the company of composers
who were older contemporaries, Costantini deposited his own double-choir composition
among others in a similar mature polychoral style. He placed this composition first,
which is not unusual since it is a Dixit Dominus, often the first psalm in the vespers
37
“...il donare cosa, che per oggetto ha il culto Divino, e il servitio della Chiesa.”
175
service. Costantini felt this step required further explanation, however. On the last page
of each partbook, printed with the table of contents and far from the official dedication,
Costantini addressed “the reader.” This address, which was specifically aimed at
colleagues and practitioners (and put where they would see it), reveals the editor’s
38
awareness of an audience other than the dedicatee, and spoke directly to it.
Costantini’s note explains that his own piece leads the collection not just because it is a
Dixit Dominus, but because his own “attitude toward art” will be better noted with a
39
piece in the first position of his collection. In addressing his colleagues his tone is
40
unapologetic, stating exactly how he wants his composition perceived.
A short solo is imbedded at the beginning of the doxology in this psalm by
Costantini, a concertato effect which indeed sets it apart from the others in the collection,
and will be discussed further in chapter 5.
First Few-Voice Motet Collections: Selectae cantiones (1616) and Scelta di motetti
(1618)
These two collections of few-voice motets from the 1610s cast the widest net in
terms of Roman composers. Previous brief assessments of Costantini have pointed out
38
For questions raised by bibliographical evidence about the audience for musical print
see Kate van Orden, "Introduction," in Music and the Cultures of Print, ix-xxi. See also Chartier,
"Princely Patronage and the Economy of Dedication."
39
“A1 Lettore. Non tanto, benigno Lettore, perche l’ordine dell’Opera, richiedeva, che’l
Salmo, da me composto, fosse nel principio di questa allogato, mi sono io preso ardire di cosi
fare, quanto, che per tal dispositione ho veramente creduto, ch’egli habbia a recevere sofficiente
lume, accio se non altro almeno appara la volonta mia verso l’arte, la quale sempre cerco
d’aggradire con forze di valenti huomini a pro di chi se gli compiace. Pero voglia Lettore non
ascrivere a prosontione l’haver io si sattamente ordinato: e con questo restati felice.”
40
Additionally, the first piece commences on page four In the Basso per Vorgano part
instead of page three as in the other partbooks. Something may be missing which was intended
for the continuo partbook and none of the others, and the fact it was in this part alone indicates it
was meant for the maestro or organist. See chap. 5.
176
that his collections drew from all ranks of Roman musicians that were in some way
linked with the Confraternity of the Crocifisso at S. Marcello, thus providing the raison
d’etre of these particular anthologies.41 The idea that the anthologies of 1616 and 1618
represented musicians connected with the performances at the Crocifisso, in the same
way perhaps as the madrigal collection of 1589, Le Gioie, included many of the
musicians associated with the newly formed Compagnia dei Musici di Roma, was first
expressed by Alaleona, and echoed by Testi and Hammond.42 A preliminary analysis of
both the contents and the composers in the volumes shows interrelationships among them
not necessarily reliant on their associations with the Crocifisso, although it would no
doubt be included among the institutions where intersections were probable. Alaleona
suggested a connection to Lenten services at the Crocifisso was indicated by the dialogue
settings by Antonelli and Catalano in the few-voice collections. Dialogue settings were
not confined to Lenten confraternity services, however, even though the text for
Catalano’s was appropriate for L ent43 Furthermore, such variety in musical style was a
The primary source of the Crocifisso connection for all subsequent writers has been
Domenico Alaleona, Storia dell'oratorio musicale in Italia (Milan: Fratelli Bocca, 1945), 334-
341 for the musicians hired for Lenten music. Costantini’s volumes are discussed on pp. 168-
173.
42
For an assessment of Le Gioie, see Summers, "Compagnia dei Musici," and for further
related prints see Nino Pirrotta, '"Dolci Affetti': I musici di Roma e il madrigale," Studi musicali
14 (1985): 59-104. Alaleona, Storia delVoratorio,\l\, cites pieces in Gregorio Allegri’s
Concertini of 1619 as of the incipient Latin dialogue type consistent with practice at the
Crocifisso, but Allegri’s volume also has connections with (and pieces by) Duke Gianangelo
Altemps, to whom it is dedicated and who maintained his own music cappella (see below), and
includes one piece by Roberto Vaileri, probably the organist at this time at the Chiesa Nuova.
See chap. 6.
43
Alaleona, Storia dell’oratorio, 169-70. Adiuro vos is singled out for mention in NGII,
s.v. “Abundio Antonelli,” as is Percussit Saul in Graham Dixon, "Lenten Devotions: Some
Memoriae of Baroque Rome," Musical Times 124 (1983): 157-61.
Ill
normal part of the organization of Costantini’s prints. Selected pieces might
appropriately be linked to Crocifisso Lenten observance, but as a whole these motet
collections neither were destined for nor reflect the practices of a single institution.
Moreover, the composers who were documented maestri di cappella or organists for the
services at the Oratorio of the Crocifisso between 1595 and 1616 included Luca
Marenzio (whose only piece was in Costantini’s first anthology), Paolo Quagliati,
Francesco Brissio, “Theofilo cantore di S. Luigi” [Gargari], G. F. Anerio, G. M. and G.
B. Nanino, Paolo Tarditi, Ottavio Catalano, Stefano Landi, and Ruggiero Giovannelli.
Yet these composers had too many connections to each other through institutions across
Rome to say that these specific volumes were generated by the Crocifisso association
alone. Nor does Costantini mention a specific connection with the Confraternity
anywhere in his dedications.
The fifty-four pieces in these two volumes of motets, along with their text sources
and uses, are found in tables 6.2 and 6.3.44 The motet texts are suitable for feasts across
the liturgical calendar, and their flexibility extends to adjustable texts: two motets use a
“N”construction allowing the name of the honored saint to be inserted at the appropriate
45
place. There is no systematic organization within the prints driven by liturgical
destination, although a system is indeed present which will be explored in chapter 6.
Dedication: Selectae cantiones (1616)

Costantini’s volume of Selectae cantiones for two, three, and four voices was
published in Rome by Zannetti in early 1616. The dedication was signed but not dated,
44
More on the texts can be found in chap. 6 and apps. C-2 and C-3.
45
Erat vir Domini in Selectae cantiones (1616) and Calistus est vir martyr in Scelta di
motetti.
178
the only one of Costantini’s publications lacking this detail. The title pages of some of
the partbooks, however, carry the date 1615, so it might be reasonable to assume that the
volume was published early in 1616, with the typesetting having begun at the end of the
previous year.
In the dedication Costantini relates how he has always found “pleasure of mind in
the company of the leading men of music, taking down some passage that had most
delightfully slipped into the ears, and that a great number of people had demanded of him
“... to print what in this style he judged pleasing and sweet.”46 The dedicatee was
Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini whose patronage Costantini, at the beginning of 1616, had
enjoyed for about a year and a half. Costantini hopes that the cardinal will find particular
pleasure in this offering because “several persons most skilled in the art of music have
contributed their labor to the harmonious putting together of this little book.” He
proceeds to point out at some length the cardinal’s active patronage of his titular church
of S. Maria in Trastevere, the basilica under his care since 1612. Aldobrandini’s projects
to adorn the church’s building and enhance its music were meant to increase both the
basilica’s fame and attendance. In being plucked from the cardinal’s household to be
47
maestro at S. Maria in Trastevere, Costantini played a part in the cardinal’s efforts.
The cardinals at Trent depicted in the painting of Pius IV Promulgating the Papal Bull
Bene die tus Deus by Pasquale Cati (ca.1590) found in the Altemps chapel at S. Maria in
46
App. B-2.
47
Cardinal Aldobrandini was given responsibility for S. Maria in Trastevere 4 June
1612, see Hierarchia Catholica 4:4. His most visible renovations were the carved and gilded
ceiling in the nave, and the clock on the exterior, both of which Costantini mentions in the
dedication. Despite further rounds of renovation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the
results of the elaborate ceiling decoration can still be seen. High up on the Romanesque bell
tower outside, a large clock with Roman numerals, unaccounted for in guidebooks, may be
Aldobrandini’s clock.
179
Trastevere are a reminder o f this body’s reforms that found expression in architecture,
48
painting, and music, this church being a prime example. The history of the basilica and
its position as the first to be dedicated to the mother of God in the early Christian era in
Rome was recalled in Costantini’s dedication, which also found Aldobrandini’s special
devotion to the Virgin, a reference to the cardinal’s personal piety, worthy of remark.
The motive behind the renovation efforts and expansion of the musical cappella, to
render the basilica both more famous and better attended, was addressed forthrightly. In
support of these goals the piety of the songs and the excellence of the composers in the
anthology, the “fruit of your basilica,” was offered, with choices made according to
49
Costantini’s judgement. Moreover, whether consciously aware of the cardinals on the
wall or the official implications of what they dramatized, Costantini tacitly promoted
Tridentine themes in the anthology. Its contents reinforced ideas of accessibility and
propriety of music and text as a matter of course, without any hint of regulation or
coercion, the apparent product o f a shared piety and approach to religious observance in
the early seventeenth century. Thus two generations after the end of the Council, and a
much longer time than that from the first mobilizations of Catholic reform, these ideas
were part of a professional Roman musician’s practice.
48
Roberto Luciani, Santa Maria in Trastevere (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 1993), 45. This
fresco shows Pius IV (Gian Angelo de’ Medici), uncle of Cardinal Marco Sittico Altemps, whose
titular church this was 1580-1595, proclaiming the Bull of 26 January 1564 approving the Acts of
the Council of Trent. Pasquale Cati (cl550-1621), originally from Jesi, was a student of
Michelangelo.
49
“quicquid in hoc genere iucundum, ac suave iudicarem,” see app. B-2.
180
Dedication: Scelta di motetti (1618)

Scelta di motetti (1618) was published over a year after Costantini returned to his
post of maestro at Orvieto Cathedral. It was dedicated to an individual in the Roman
Curia, Cesare Bentivoglio, whose title, Maestro di Campo, Generale del Patrimonio di
Nostro Signore, indicates he oversaw the administrative aspect of the Patrimonio di S.
Pietro, of which Orvieto at this time was one of the jewels.50 Although probably based
in Rome himself, Bentivoglio would likely have recognized the importance of
Costantini’s position at Orvieto, with its historic papal links and current reinvigoration.
The precise nature of the relationship between Costantini and Bentivoglio is unknown,
but the dedication, signed 1 July 1618 in Orvieto, intimates that it is of long duration, the
result of past favors shown the musician. With dedications serving as often to curry
favor as to enhance an existing relationship, there is always the chance that Costantini
might have been looking for a better situation, although no hint of that comes from his
subsequent actions.
From the first sentence Costantini’s language conveys his lively long-standing
interest in the composition of famous composers, meaning specific pieces which he has
collected. He acknowledges as well the continued “favor” that has kept him on good
terms with these same composers:

Now hardly a lazy Jeweler, from here and there (thanks to the goodness and
humanity of others) I collected, or rather, as with beautiful gold thread, wove
(forming of it a graceful and noble necklace), varied and rich pearls of
51
harmonious music, which we call Motets.
50 Despite his famous surname, he is not one of the Bentivoglios listed in Fabris,
Mecenati e musici, and no information on Cesare Bentivoglio nor his patronage has been found.
51 “Hora quasi non pigro Gioielliero, e da questa parte, e quella (merce dell’altrui virtu, e
humanita) ho raccolto, o pure, come in belle fila d’oro intessuto (formandone vaga, e nobil
181
Perhaps his extended jeweler’s metaphor is meant to reassure himself, his patron, and his
colleagues of the industry necessary to realize a collection such as this. He hints at the
audience for the works themselves as the reason for collecting them: so that “elevated
spirits might be acquainted with them, and noble singers would take pleasure in them.”
Despite the fact this is music suitable for liturgical performance the emphasis is on
pleasing the singers and listeners, and domestic devotion or recreation can well be
included among the performance options. The only connection drawn between
Bentivoglio and the music collection is what Costantini describes as the excellent match
of the patron’s “love for spiritual harmony” with these harmonious musical gems. As
Costantini implores Bentivoglio to accept the offering with pleasure, he asks as well for
the patron to protect the work from those who might be aggravated or offended.
Costantini thus hints that there might be disapproval in some quarters, which could be the
usual trope against occupational jealousy, or, perhaps, an acute recognition that his
organization of pieces in the print according to his understanding of current professional
hierarchy (a topic pursued in chapter 6) may draw dissenting opinions from his
colleagues.
The Orvieto Prints of 1620-1622

Costantini’s next four publications all issued from the print shop in Orvieto, but
the printer, as noted earlier, was his Roman publisher, Bartolomeo Zannetti, at least in
the beginning. In two of the anthologies Costantini returned to vesper settings, at that
52
time the largest single category of sacred music publication. The first, Scelta de salmi
collana,[)] varie, e ricche perle de musici concenti, che noi chiamamo Motetti.” Full
transcription in app. B-2.
52
Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 99.
182
a otto (1620), adds a third volume to the two he already published of Roman polychoral
music. Together they form a compendium of what were probably the most useful and
most often performed pieces in the Roman polychoral repertory, a veritable survey of the
53
first fifty years of polychoral composition in Rome, all complete with basso continuo.
The second, Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti a sei (1621), is Costantini’s first mixture of
psalms and motets, a common plan in sacred music prints at this time, and one with a
great deal of variability in its arrangement of contents exemplified by this and his other
mixed collections.54 The two collections of Italian secular song, Ghirlandetta amorosa
(1621) and L ’A urata Cintia (1622), share with the previous anthologies a link to the
central Roman repertory, and in Cardinal Crescenzi they share a dedicatee with a sacred
music volume. The evidence of these four prints also reveals Costantini’s strongest
bonds with Rome, and his most personal ties with Orvieto.
Dedication: Scelta de salmi (1620)

This 1620 double-choir psalm collection was dedicated to Ferdinando Saracinelli,
known for his work as a writer and impresario in Florence, but not identified before in
the musicological literature as an Orvietano.55 Saracinelli (1590-C.1640), belonged to a
later generation of the same noble family as Cipriano Saracinelli whose bequest was
responsible for regular masses sung at Orvieto cathedral.56 Ferdinando was Bali of
Volterra, a hereditary title just established in 1600 and meant to be passed down to the
53
O'Regan, "Early Roman Polychoral Music," and chap. 5.
54
Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 97.
55 Frederick Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi: A Guide to Research (New York:
Garland, 1988), 163; Fumi, "Notizie di scrittori orvietani," 407.
56 Brumana and Ciliberti, Orvieto, 402, 409, 412.
183
57
first bom of this family, and also a Knight of St. Stephen in Florence from 1606. His
status at the Florentine court may have derived from his titles, but his position there
58
placed him in charge of the music. He was still remembered in nineteenth-century
Orvieto for Liberazione di Ruggiero (Florence, 1625), the published libretto of an opera
with music by Francesca Caccini which he had stepped in to write in place of the court
59
poet. He wrote the text for the 1615 Ballo della zigane, also with music by Francesca
Caccini (now lost).60 His position in Florence, along with his Orvieto origins, made him
a good strategic choice for a dedication if Costantini was casting about for entree to the
Tuscan court. Although Saracinelli’s personal or professional activities in Orvieto are
unknown, they, too, may have been substantial enough that Costantini might have been
motivated to enhance his position in his adoptive city by establishing a connection with
him. Further, this was the first volume published by Zannetti after the relocation of his
music printing business to Orvieto. The combination of prominent repertory by Roman
composers, an ambitious Roman maestro di cappella in Orvieto as editor, and a noble
dedicatee from Orvieto well-placed at the Tuscan court may have provided a good means
57
Fumi, "Notizie de scrittori orvietani," 407; Tim Carter, Jacopo Peri 1561-1633: His
Life and Works (New York: Garland, 1989), 75 n. 13.
58
Frederick Hammond, "Girolamo Frescobaldi in Florence 1628-1634," in Essays
Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, 2 vols., ed. Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus (Florence: La
Nuova Italia, 1978), 2:415 n. 11; idem, Frescobaldi: A Guide to Research, 163; Carolyn Raney,
"Francesca Caccini, Musician to the Medici, and Her Primo Libro (1618)," Ph.D. diss., New
York University, 1971, 62, 64.
59
Suzanne G. Cusick, "Of Women, Music, and Power: A Model from Seicento
Florence," in Musicology and Difference: Gender and Sexuality in Music Scholarship (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1993), 281-304.
60 Hammond, "Girolamo Frescobaldi in Florence 1628-1634," 407, 415 n. 11.
184
of drawing attention to music publishing as an important economic and civic function in
Orvieto.
In acknowledgment of Saracinelli’s literary endeavors, Costantini presents an
abstruse argument in imitation of the dialogical jousting over matters of beauty, in a
manner perhaps perceived by him as characteristic of Florentine intellectuals. The two
sides of the argument are represented by the “Writers,” in pursuit of “immortal beauty,”
and the “Excellent Musician” (perhaps meant as a generic stand-in for all the good
musicians Costantini represents), who pursues “harmonious beauty.” The latter does so
“without any rhetorical color,” yet the argument in the dedication depends on nimbly
following a grammatical thread involving manipulations of “quella” and “questa” that are
inspired by the poetry of the era. The argument proceeds thus with each party able to
moderate extremes with their art: The part of immortal beauty consisting of reason
“moderates the affections.” Beautiful sound, a component of harmonious beauty,
moderates harshness and discord, high notes and low, “acute and grave,” “uniting them
and thus perfecting the harmony.” Both writers and musicians have their audiences, but
this is where the proponent of harmonious beauty gains ground. When presented with
immortal beauty, the Reader approves of it, is charmed by it, and can never praise and
admire it enough. When confronted with harmonious beauty, the Listener, with voices in
imitation of “Celestial Spheres, the Angels, and God himself’ is “tom out of himself’
and rises to heaven. The Listener’s transportation by beautiful harmony to the joys of
divine contemplation is intensified by use of the mystical “enraptured” [rapito\ not once
but twice, so the argument tends to make the beauties of harmony seem more
consequential. However, blending the two is the ultimate goal: “Immortal beauty
embellished by the spirit renders it capable of harmonious beauty (Quella abbellito
Vanimo habile lo rende a questa).” But there is no artifice in the conclusion Costantini
185
wants to reach, when both harmonious and immortal beauty “send the abducted spirit on
its way to sweet rejoicing,” for “this is exactly what these excellent composers are
seeking to do with the collection of their psalms.”
Costantini reveals his own awareness of Florence as home to rhetorical and
harmonic experiment, obviously a process he does not relegate to secular music alone.
Perhaps the dedication to Saracinelli is a way available to Costantini to make his own
work—and works—known to the Tuscan court. He both flatters and exhorts Saracinelli
as a person of Orvieto not only to accept, but protect and defend his offering in the
favorable atmosphere of so great a prince, the Medici duke, which Saracinelli himself
basks in by his own merits and that of the highest Happiness (literally, the happiest
Highness), a reference to the grace of God.61 Costantini also shows himself acutely
aware of his patron, and his milieu.
Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti a sei (1621)

When Crescenzi became bishop in 1621, Orvieto was perceived by the Vatican as
being close to Rome ideologically as well as geographically, for the post was now filled
with a valuable member of the Curia. Crescenzi may have had close ties in Rome with
Filippo Neri, but his politics appear to have been non-partisan, as he retained his stature
in Rome throughout the papacy of Urban VIII (Barberini, 1623-1644).
The dedication to Salmi, Magnificat e motteti was signed 9 May 1621. A
collection for vespers mixed with motets, it was published by the heirs of Zannetti,
apparently family members of Bartolomeo who had died in January. They kept the
printing shop going until the new proprietors already chosen by the Consiglio were ready
61 “Per gratia quell’Altezza felicissima.”
186
to take over. This print appeared soon after the new cardinal’s appointment on 17
March, showing Costantini’s participation in the subsequent “universal jubilation” of the

62
Citta in “a way keeping with my profession...to accompany the joy of all the PopoloP
Costantini briefly reminded the dedicatee (and the public) that in addition to being the
maestro di cappella of the cardinal’s new city, he “has always been numbered among
your true servants.” Apparently Costantini had worked for Crescenzi in some capacity
before, a surmise bom out in the words of the dedication to Crescenzi of a second work,
L ’A urata Cintia in 1622. Inclined toward originality in each of his dedications,
Costantini’s first to Crescenzi is more concise, and less given to hyperbole and extended
metaphors than those addressed to Bentivoglio or Saracinelli. Customary imagery does
return, although it is manipulated somewhat differently. In the typical self-deprecating
manner, Costantini juxtaposes his own “poor” offerings in this volume with those of
illustrious figures whose presence will illuminate his own shadowy works, revivify them
and maintain them happily in life, assuring his dedicatee (and himself) that they will not
“merge into the deepest fog of oblivion long before my life concludes.” This “fog of
oblivion” contrasts well with its opposite, “bringing to light,” the common phrase
meaning publication, in the end enlivening the conventional formulas. This will not be
the first “token of [his] special devotion” that Costantini will offer the cardinal.
Evidence of a relationship already begun is apparent in the contents, which would seem
to relate to the patron’s taste, in this case with pieces that reach furthest into the previous
generation of Roman composers esteemed in circles Crescenzi frequented. There is also
a relationship with existing Orvieto repertory. Costantini used his knowledge of
“Onde non rappresentandomi si per hora also modo piu proportionate alia mia
professione, per accompagnar l’allegrezza di tutto questo Popolo.”
187
Crescenzi’s milieu in Rome, and perhaps of the cardinal’s personal preferences, to
assemble a small publication anticipating the cardinal’s efforts to invigorate devotional
life in Orvieto, efforts he will pursue most aggressively in the coming year.
This collection is the first of Costantini’s to mix motets and psalms, and to
include vespers music for fewer than eight voices (table 4.4). The music, alas, is
unavailable. Only two tenor part books remain, one badly damaged, so while the secrets
of the music will remain hidden for the time being, the evidence of the remaining
partbooks will be explored in this chapter.
188
Table 4.4. Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti (1621): Contents, Performance Instructions,
Text Identification
Piece Composer Voices Style/performance Text
instructions Identification/
Destination
Dixit Dominus (109) Anerio, F. CATTBBar dell’ottavo tono, Ps. 109
Confitebor (110) Costantini, A. SSATTB Concertato, del Ps. 110
Primo tono,
Beatus vir qui timet Costantini, F. SSATTB Concertato, del Ps. I l l
(111) primo tono,
Laudate pueri (112) Catalano SSATTB senza intonatione, Ps. 112
Concertato
Magnificat Costantini, A. SSATTB del 5 Tono, Vespers
Concertata. canticle
Avertite, che il
Sicut locutus est e
a 2 canti in ecco.
Vidi speciosam Victoria SSATTB Assumption
Confitemini Domino Costantini, F. SSATTB concertato in 2 Ps. 105: 1-4

chori, si puol
cantare assieme ho
vero a 2. chori
divisi come piu
piacera a chi
Concertata
Amor Jesu amantissime Anerio, F. Hymn [in style
o f S. Bernardo];
Eucharist; name
o f Jesus
Deus Deorum Dominus Costantini, A. SSATTB Concertato, Psalm cent., Ps.
locutus est 49, 94, 87
Quae est ista, quae Anerio, G.F. In dialogo, Assumption,
processi concertato BVM
Laudate Dominum in Iusquino [Josquino a 5 con 2 Canti Ps. 150
sanctis eius dela Sala]
La Sequentia di Pasqua Palestrina a8 Concertata del Easter sequence
di Resurrettione Palestina Padre
(Victimae paschali della Musica,
laudes) accomodata per
cantare nell’
organo da Fabio
Costantini
Four vespers psalms and a Magnificat are joined by six motets and the Easter
sequence Victimae paschale laudes. The psalms provide four of five settings for the
189
male cursus, Sundays, and first or second vespers for numerous other feasts. The six
motets, two for five and four for six voices in varying combinations, include two (Vidi
speciosam, Quae est ista) for the feast of the Assumption, the patronal feastday in
Orvieto. Among the other four is the hymn Amor Jesu amantissime with a Eucharistic
theme important everywhere, but with special meaning in Orvieto because of the
veneration of the relic of the Sanctissima Corporate. The three remaining psalm-motets
have multiple uses, two overtly laudatory in nature and the third a centonization of verses
with themes of praise and supplication (Confitemini Domino, Laudate Dominum, and
Deus Deorum Dominus). The Sequence for Easter, the only setting for eight voices, and
63
the only vespers collection to include this piece, is at the end.
The array of composers assembled with Crescenzi the Roman prelate in mind
include Victoria, Palestrina, Felice and Giovanni Francesco Anerio, Ottavio Catalano,
and a somewhat mysterious “Iusquino,” in addition to Fabio and his brother. Victoria’s
appearance is unique in the anthology series, although not surprising here in that the
Spanish composer had been highly regarded by Filippo Neri, and the cardinal and his
family had been close friends of Neri in life. The brothers Anerio were intimately
connected with Neri’s Oratorian movement as well, although they were also staples of
Costantini’s assemblages. Palestrina, too, had such connections although his reputation
for sacred composition, which Costantini emphasizes by the appellation “Padre della
Musica,” would be enough to justify his inclusion in any general sacred collection,
particularly for a patron of the ecclesiastical establishment. Catalano was well known to
insiders at the papal court as he worked for the Borghese family.*’4 His music was
63
I am grateful to Jeffrey Kurtzman for this observation.
64
Lionnet, "The Borghese Family and Music," 525-26.
190
performed by the Cappella Pontificia around the time that Crescenzi himself celebrated
mass there.65
Because the others can be connected with Crescenzi, this is a clue that perhaps
“Iusquino,” identified as Josquino della Sala, might have been in the employ or otherwise
known personally to the cardinal.66 A mass by Josquino is reported in manuscript
partbooks copied in the early seventeenth century and housed today in the Vatican,
67
although they belonged initially to the German College. The only motet remnant is the
single tenor part for Josquino’s Laudate Dominum in sanctis eius in Costantini’s print.
We can only speculate that Josquin della Sala, or works by him, were performed for
Crescenzi, to his pleasure, and Costantini was provided with the piece. Hints of
68
Josquino’s activity in Rome are also found in the Altemps records.
In his early publications Costantini seldom anthologized a piece already in print
but here he included a previously published piece, Victoria’s Vidi speciosam, to which
69
was added a basso per I ’organo. As has been noted, the instrumental bass is standard
65 Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 409.

66 Josquino is mentioned in early records and one early publication of the Compagnia dei
Musici di Roma. See Summers, "Compagnia dei Musici di Roma," 13; Pirrotta, "Dolci Affetti,"
61.
67
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome,” 110-11. A Missa Ave Regina
coelorum in 8w by “Josquin de Sala” is present today in I-Rvat Sist. 171/172, a set of small
choirbooks probably copied in the first half of the seventeenth century. After the German
College it came into the possession of a certain Gerolamo Chiti, and from there to I-Rvat.
O’Regan reports that it is the only source for the Sala mass, but the Palestrina mass with it was
published in 1602, and the Agazzari was published in 1614.
68 See chap. 6.
69
Tomaso de Victoria, Motecta, 4-6 voci (Venice, 1572; 1583). A six-voice Vidi
speciosam by Victoria is also found in I-Rvat, Sist. 29, ff. 103v-106 with the indication “in
Assumptionis Beatissimae Virginis Mariae,” J. M. Llorens, Cappellae Sixtinae codici (Citta del
Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1960), 60.
191
for all pieces in Costantini’s collections, even those originally lacking this part.
Although he may have added it tacitly to Vidi speciosam and to others not originally
equipped with it, there is plenty of precedent for added organ parts before the turn of the
century, and Victoria himself was one of the first to include them in a print. Costantini is
explicit in this anthology’s index, however, about having provided the organ bass for
Palestrina’s “concertata” Victimaepaschale laudes printed here, which suggests that he
derived the Victoria piece from a source already fitted with a basso continuo.
Palestrina’s sequence offers two notes in the tavola which makes the loss of most of the
partbooks particularly frustrating. The first is “concertata del Palestina [sic]” and the
second “accomodata per cantare nell’organo da Fabio Costantini.” The first refers to an
70
“orchestration” of this double-choir sequence whose provenance is unclear.
“Concertata” may refer to its layout in the Costantini print, apparent from the tenor part,
. . . . 71
or to an unidentified factor in its source. “Cantare nell ’organo” is a more complicated
matter, having nothing necessarily to do with adding a basso continuo part, but rather
72
related to performance practice associated with solo singer and organ.
70
The Victimae in Haberl, Oper Omnia VII, 194-198 shows the first choir bass part to be
concordant with the tenor primo part in the 1621 print, with both on C3 clef. Haberl’s
transcription was attributed to a manuscript at the Collegio Romano. Another promising
Victimae is listed in the Altemps manuscripts, see Luciani, “Biblioteca Altaempsiana,” 311,
Collectio Minor: no. 50, which may well have the same cleffing (CCAT-ATTB).
71
Not so far-fetched if other anachronistic characteristics are found to be operative in
Palestrina sources, see Patrizio Barbieri, "On a Continuo Part Attributed to Palestrina," Early
Music 22 (1994): 587-605.
72
See Amaldo Morelli, "‘Cantare sull'organo’: An Unrecognised Practice," Recercare
10(1998): 183-208.
192
Dedication: Ghirlandetta amorosa (1621)

Between the two prints dedicated to Crescenzi, Costantini published a wedding
collection, his first volume of secular song, for the couple Adriano Canali and Caterina
73
Aweduti, with the dedication signed 5 October 1621. More familiar and personal in
tone, the inscription conveys a warm relationship between Costantini and his entire
family with the family of the bride, even though the groom’s name is in the largest
typeface on the dedication page.
Costantini opens by calling upon “Santo Himeneo” to prepare the marriage bed, a
reference to the Hymen of classical mythology in the language of a saintly patron.74 This
juxtaposition of a religious honorific with a classical figure, in the absence of irony,
reveals a level of common understanding within an elite circle—even in relatively
provincial Orvieto— for whom the languages of Christianity and of neo-antiquity freely
intermingled. That this should occur in the introduction to a volume of music celebrating
the social and religious institution of marriage shows the extent to which an easy
familiarity with sacred and secular conventions formed the cultural context of seicento
Rome and its environs.75
The prominent Aweduti family had been involved with Costantini since his
coming to Orvieto, and he recognizes the parents of the bride, as well as the bride herself,
73
A check of the marriage records remaining from that period have not produced
evidence of the wedding taking place in the Duomo, although it may have been celebrated in the
parish of S. Andrea, whose records are incomplete. Further investigation of the notary records
for a dowry contract in the city may yet yield information. The likely origins o f the Canali
family in Rieti might redirect a search there.
74
“che gia scende dal Cielo il Santo Himeneo per apprestarvi il Talamo nuttiale.”
75
For comments on a similar weaving of official and folk religion see Bossy,
Christianity in the West, 19-26.
193
for the favor always shown “my wife, my daughter, and me...over the course of the many
years that I have remained in the service of this Illustrious City.” The godmother of
Costantini’s daughter, now ten years old, was an Aweduti, as was the camerlengo when
Costantini was hired. Costantini reiterates his many years in the service of Orvieto, and
deftly honors the citizens, and flatters the Aweduti family as important among the
people. While doing so he communicates that the groom is from Rieti: “...at the
announcement of this marriage the People of Orvieto rejoice and [those of] Rieti
celebrate....” He speaks of a knot uniting peace and love in the hearts of the couple,
hoping— as the citizens who wish them well all hope—that the marriage is soon enriched
with numerous offspring.
The collection itself, with its repertory related to manuscripts traced to princely
patrons in Rome, reflects the still-current chamber entertainment of the Roman elite, here
prepared and perhaps performed for provincial nobility. This is the first collection where
Costantini reversed his usual rationale for assembling a collection saying instead that for
the occasion he had composed a few musical works, and resolved to have them published
under the protection of the beloved patron. Of course he added works of other “rare
talents” in order to make an appealing (and marketable) collection, which he knew how
to do successfully. Yet in casting it as a gift for the dedicatee, the emphasis was on his
own compositions. Indeed, eight of the twenty-eight pieces are his, including an
intermedi-like group framed by Costantini pieces set to a text, printed at the back of each
partbook, by Francesco Maria Turigii, a Vatican historian and probably related to the
composer uby marriage.

• 76
76 See chap. 7.
194
Among the composers are papal singers and church musicians, but also Francesca
Caccini and Pellegrino Mutii, who were well-known contemporary performers as well as
77
composers. Two anonymous pieces are included too, which suggests Costantini
prioritized favored texts and tunes over a hierarchical roster of known composers tailored
78
to the patrons’ ranks and tastes.
Dedication: L ’Aurata Cintia armonica (1622)

The second work dedicated to Crescenzi was also Costantini’s second collection
of Italian songs: “arie, madrigali, ‘dialoghi, ’and villanelle.” It contained only nineteen
works compared to the twenty-eight pieces in the wedding collection the year before.
The poetic title L ’A urata Cintia, “brilliant Cynthia,” addresses Artemis, goddess of the
moon, but also refers to the three crescent moons of the Crescenzi family emblem which
is part o f the cardinal’s stemma pictured on the collection’s title page. In the lengthy
dedication dated 15 September 1622, references to classical mythology and humanistic
learning frame the discussion of his musical theme. The erudition which Costantini is at
some pains to display is based on contemporary sources which he cites by name. The
contemporary sources are not the usual texts quoted by musical theorists, but might be
the more frequent conveyors o f the humanist’s approach to music for an educated public.
By this he shows that he, a musician of a certain professional level and also an educated
Roman in Orvieto, was acquainted with humanist learning, a straightforward example of
Only one piece, and possibly another, were published elsewhere before Ghirlandetta
amorosa. Dov "e io credea was printed also in Francesca Caccini, IIprimo libro delle musiche
(1618), and anonymously in Affetti amorosi (1618). Splendor degl ’occhi miei by A. Costantini
appeared in Robletti’s Giardino musicale (1621) whose dedication was signed before
Ghirlandetta amorosa. Since the piece was Alessandro’s, Costantini would not have needed to
refer to a print.
78
Vaghe, ninfe e pastori and Giosce I 'aria il del.
195
79
self-validation in service of Costantini’s desire to move among the elite and educated.
Costantini matches this intellectual approach to his understanding of the dedicatee, a
righteous prelate and rigorous intellectual not noted historically for his patronage of the
arts, but evidently hosting chamber music at the level expected for all cardinals of his
status.80
The extent of Costantini’s display of humanist learning is a new element in his
dedication. As he constructs a framework of stories exemplifying the ancient, magical,
soothing, and uplifting qualities of music, he refers to the Iconologia of Cesare Ripa, the
81
Giardino of Padre Contarino, and Problemi of Garimberto. He manages to invoke the
79
Mobility, social and otherwise, was one factor governing sensitivity to identity
construction, see Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare
(Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1980), 7.
80
Crescenzi was known as a collector of antiquities, keeping them in his palazzo in
Rome, according to Polverini Fosi, “Crescenzi.” His collection eventually became part of the
Arundale collection at Oxford.
81
Cesare Ripa (fl. 1600). Reprinted in Padua in 1618 as Nova iconologia di Cesare Ripa
Perugino ampliata ultimamente dallo stesso auttore di tricento imagini, e arrichita di mold
discorsi piene di varia erudidone, this was a collection of illustrated moral emblems, images
labeled with their conventional allegorical meanings, which served as a source for painters of the
seventeenth century. Its first edition was published in Rome in 1593, without illustration; Luigi
Contarino (fl. late sixteenth/seventeenth century), II vago e dilettevole giardino, over si legino gli
infielicifini de mold huomini illustri, i varij mirabili essempi di virtu [et] vidj de gli huomini,
[etc], Raccolto dal padre luigi Contarino, crucifero, (Vicenza: Perin e Giogio Greco compagni,
1586), reprinted with additions and corrections through at least 1619; Girolamo Garimberto
(1506-1575), Concetti divinissimi di Girolamo Garimberto, e d'altri degni autori racold da lui
per iscrivere, e ragionare familiarmente. Di nuova con somma diligenda, e giuditio, per
maggiore utilita del lettore, corretti, e emendad con la gionta (Venice: Comin da Trino di
Monferatto, 1562), first edition published in Rome, 1551. Although this appears to have the
relevant content, it is possible that there is another with the title Problemi, as Garimberto
published throughout his life. His other books include: De regimentipublici de la citta (Venice:
Scotto, 1544); II capitano generale (Venice, 1556 and 1557), a book on military art and science;
Dellafortuna libri sei/nuovi corretti, (Venice, 1550); Laprimaparte, delle vite overo fatd
memorabili d ’alcunipapi, e di tutd i cardinalipassati. Di Hieronimo Garimberto vescovo di
Gallese (Venice, 1567). It appears this author began in the military and eventually became a
prelate.
196
names of the ancient Greeks, Aristotle, and Theophrastus, early Christian thinkers
Boethius and Guido d’Arezzo, and the philosopher-scientist of Islam, Avicenna.
Whether his sources of knowledge would have perhaps impressed Costantini’s patron
might be discovered through the perusal of a contemporary prince’s library shelves, but
they illuminate one aspect of this musician’s personal education in terms of the books he
might have read or known about. As for aspects of his musical education, the mention of
Boethius, for one, may have been on the musician’s mind because the philosopher’s
work had finally been translated into Italian in the late sixteenth century, probably
82
because it was now seen as a resource for the study of Greek music theory and practice.
This association alone, not necessarily its substance, was likely the perception of a well-
informed practicing musician such as Costantini.
Costantini switches argument from ancient authority to the appropriateness of
music within the realm of princes, not differentiating between sacred and secular princes
as he does not differentiate between sacred and secular music:

Music was and is presently as great a friend of Religious Princes as of
Secular Princes; moreover of all the praises made by the world to God and
the heavenly court, almost all are expressed with music; it is no wonder your
Excellency not only takes such a delight in the musical functions of the
church, but often at recreation time, with much pleasure you wanted to hear
me sing in your chambers these lively and pleasant compositions; to pass
some leisure time appropriately, without disturbing the Religious and chaste
intellect of your Excellency. Although hoarse and inexpert poet though I am,
when it comes to song, a little melody could carry it to perfection, even to
, 83
your sharp ears.
82
Claude V. Palisca, "Boethius in the Renaissance," in Studies in the History of Italian
Music and Music History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 168-88, appeared originally in Music
Theory and its Sources: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, IN, 1990), 259-80.
See app. B-2
197
Costantini elaborates on the value that Crescenzi seems to attach to the sleep-
inducing qualities of music, a value it is difficult to imagine a professional musician
could share in any literal sense, but which invokes an idea of calm and disposition
toward spirituality attributable to the ancients, in keeping with the theme of his
84
dedication. The compiler places himself in the cardinal’s chambers at the “hour of
recreation,” singing these very songs that would not disturb the cardinal’s religious cast
85
of mind. In addition to the flattering humanist references along with the usual
obsequies of the dedication, the work’s name and the patron’s name both appear on the
title page in the same large type; no other anthologies of Costantini name the dedicatee
on the title page in this way. Despite the pattern established by now that Costantini’s
publications were intended for the public marketplace, this print appears to have as its
main purpose to flatter a powerful cardinal while trolling for a place in his household.
Noting Crescenzi’s perhaps circumscribed musical interests, the smaller number
of pieces in this collection seems well-suited to accomplishing its goal of pleasing the
patron. The arrangement of pieces emphasizes Costantini as composer and singer, for
pairs of compositions by him open and close the collection. Two of his dialogues
highlight the structure, framing a series of duet arias by other composers. The last group
of pieces is through-composed and includes one by Frescobaldi and two by Alessandro
Costantini, preceding the final two by Fabio Costantini. Some of these composers are
known to have performed for recreational gatherings of powerful cardinals outside of
84
“Trovasi ancora, che anco e atta ad’indurre in noi la quiete del dormire, che pero i
gran Principi (Illustrissimo, e Reuerendissimo Signore) anticamente andavano in letto
accompagnati da suoni, e canti, per mezzo de quali si addormentavano.”
85
“Bene spesso all’hore de recreationi, con molto suo piacere ha voluto nelle sue
Camere sentir da me cantare le presenti allegre, e piacevoli compositioni; convenienti al passar
l’hore otiose, senza pero turbare la Religiosa, e casta menta di V.S. Illustrissima.”
198
Rome and it is plausible that the rest can be accounted to have done the same, thus
making all the selected composers ones with whom Cardinal Crescenzi was personally
familiar.86
The choice o f composers already mentioned is particularly interesting as it
represents musicians who are different from the ones usually found on the rosters of
noted musical patrons of the era, in addition to some upon which those patrons often
relied. The less familiar names are known primarily for their sacred music publications,
and positions, but they, too, worked in the chambers of cardinals, perhaps for ones not
known for their musical patronage, performing and composing secular music. Another
publication which hints of the world suggested by Costantini’s 1622 print, and which
raises the same questions of musical taste outside the chambers of the most committed
connoisseurs, is the 1609 madrigal anthology, Sonetti novi di Fabio Petrozzi romano,
87
sopra le ville di Frascati mentioned earlier. One composer, G. F. Anerio, is included
in both these volumes, an indication of the extent and nature of his chamber music
activities.
Venetian Prints and Final Publication in Orvieto: Salmi, himni et Magnificat (1630),
Motetti (1634), Salmi, Magnificat e motetti (1639)
The missing anthologies deprive us of an important link that might explain a
change in the orientation of the remaining sacred anthologies. Both the 1630 and 1639
polychoral vespers collections show a pronounced shift toward Costantini as composer,
not just compiler, as does the motet collection of 1634. He included many more of his
86 See chap. 7.
87
Morelli, "Una raccolta madrigalistica." Three other composers in the 1609 madrigal
print appear in Costantini’s sacred music collections only: Catalano, Giovannelli, and F. Anerio.
199
own works as well as his own revisions of works by Agazzari and G. M. Nanino. A few
more of the selections can be traced to printed sources. The printing conventions
employed, too, shifted toward specific style descriptions for more of the pieces,
designating, for example, not only which pieces are “concertato,” but which others are
“non-concertato.” These increasingly specific print indications reveal a growing interest
in the differentiation of performance styles and a need to classify them, which might
have come from the Venetian publisher now issuing his works. There are, however, a
confluence of factors which point to Costantini’s own concern for embodying the
performance o f his anthologized pieces in the details of the print, beginning with his
dedication to the 1630 volume.
By 1630 Costantini had been employed occasionally in Rome, for a year in
Loreto, and for at least a year in the Ferrara cathedral, so the position in Ancona
continued his residence in a region where his works were more likely to be printed in
Venice than Rome. Ancona and Loreto had closer ties with Venetian publishing than
88
other cities in the Papal States, as did Ferrara. There is a hint in the dedication to the
1634 Motetti that Costantini might have worked before in Ancona in addition to his
known position at the Confraternita del Rosario, which may have occurred between
1626 and 1628, a period as yet unaccounted for in his career. Despite his own
geographical shifts, and the new Venetian publication venue, the Roman character of the
composers and repertory was unchanged.
The second of the extant Venetian prints is Costantini’s last few-voice motet
publication, the Motetti of 1634, whose presence has never been documented in Rome.
88
Grimaldi, I codici musicali, 7. Purchases of choir books for the cappella at Loreto
were made both in Venice and nearby, “a Venetia, e nelle Marche.”
200
Two copies are known to have traveled northward, both, incidentally, to nominally
Protestant destinations. One found its way to an English collector by way of a London
89
bookseller, and the other to a bookseller in Utrecht. The collection of motets, the
majority of which are by Costantini, include four for solo voice by himself and his
brother, a first for him in the motet genre, and for his collections. The texts represent a
range of the customary Roman types used as antiphon substitutes and motets for feasts
across the liturgical calendar. It still includes Song of Songs texts and freely composed
affective compositions on Eucharistic themes, as well as traditional and new texts treated
with clearly organized refrain structures (table 8.13).
Dedication: Salmi, himni, et Magnificat (1630)

The Rosary confraternity in Ancona which hired Costantini had been in existence
at least since the 1580s, and was organized and sufficiently financed to support a
90
school/orphanage, as well as a cappella musicale. Its ceremonial life was well-
developed as well, as it was one of the major confraternities in the city to travel to Rome
91
on pilgrimage in 1603, with all the attendant pomp and ceremony. The date of the
dedication, 8 September, commemorates the Nativity of the Virgin, although the
collection of vespers music is not intended solely for Marian feasts. In the dedication
89
D. W. Krummel, "Venetian Baroque Music in a London Bookshop: The Robert
Martin Catalogues. 1633-50," in Music and Bibliography: Essays in Honour of Alec Hyatt King,
ed. Oliver Neighbour (London, 1980), 1-27; Jonathan P. Wainwright, Musical Patronage in
Seventeenth-Century England: Christopher, First Barron Hatton (1605-1670) (Brookfield, VT:
Ashgate, 1997); Vanhulst, Catalogus Librorum Musicorum.
90
Arsenio D'Ascoli, La predicazione dei Cappuccini nel Cinquecento in Italia (Loreto
(Ancona): Libreria "S. Francesco d'Assisi," 1956), 233. In late sixteenth-century Ancona, an
institution founded for the refuge of orphans became a charity school under the administration of
the Rosary confraternity.
91
Saracini, Notitie Historiche della citta dAncona, 406.
201
Costantini comments on the type of music appropriate for singers and cappellas, and for
the first time comments on the nature of the music profession in his time. He makes a
strong and perhaps anguished statement on the encroachment of unworthy music, and
those who make it, into the world of the professional musician.
Costantini begins by addressing the kindness of the brothers of the famous and
honorable confraternity for appointing him, which “convinced the world that in this
musical profession I was o f some value.” This rather defensive stance perhaps stems
from his immediate difficulties in securing a position, but it may also allude to a greater
chasm developing between his conception of appropriate music, particularly for sacred
spaces, and what the public was now expecting. He then proceeds through his customary
disclaimers as to his capabilities not matching his willingness and then demonstrates his
gratitude to confraternity members by dedicating the collection to them, appealing “as I
usually do in my time of need to those who can help, that is, to the most distinguished
Musicians of our day.” Compilation is what he does, but while doing so he retains
artistic and stylistic responsibility as if all the compositions were his own. The style he
has chosen is appropriate to that of this “devoted congregation” as well as other
“illustrious chapels,” with the “taste of good singers” in mind. The result he most wants
to see in putting his works in print in the company of illustrious others is that all of them
92
would be regularly—and properly—performed. He speaks metaphorically of his own
compositions as servants in the company of their masters having access where, by
themselves, they would be excluded. Upon the “shoulders of the eagle they would have
92
“Mando questa undecima opera alle stampe sperando, oltre accio, quello, che per me
non potrei io solo, in Compagnia di questi ottenere, che e, non la loda di buon Musico (che non lo
merito, ne l’affetto, assai bastandomi si quella otterro di Servitor grato) ma l’uso, e la
durevolezza dell’opera.”
202
93
a smooth road to the summit, to celebrated musical choirs.” However he treats his role
as compiler not as a passive agent or busy collector only eager to show his acquisitions:
[I hope] the defects of the composer’s judgement are perhaps made good by
the compiler (li difetti del Componitore dal giudicio forse adempiti del
94
Compilatore.)
He asserts his judgement as a music professional to shape his “work”—the collection as
a unit—as transcending the imperfections of his own compositions. What follows is key
to Costantini’s perceptions of the quality, appropriateness, and performability in the
hands of well-trained musicians of the contemporary sacred music he publishes,
commenting on the present environment for music in the church:
I also think that in this manner the work, even if my poorest, at least in my
view will be more secure vis-a-vis [in the face of] the [just] rigor of our age,
which is against the old custom whereby works outlived their authors.
Necessitated by the common crowd of innumerable and intolerable
composers, it [my work] condemns fathers who celebrate, by weeping, the
funeral of those children to whom they [fathers] gave life, with unworthy
95
song.
93
II Regolo is the name of the brightest star in Leo, and it is possible that Aquila refers
also to the constellation, and between them is woven a legend perhaps known through popular
sources of the type found in the dedication to L ’Aurata Cintia.
94
An analogy might be drawn here to the Renaissance idea of the collection per se,
which was very familiar in seventeenth-century culture.
95
“Estimo ancora, che in questa guisa, 1’opera, se bene del mio piu povera, almeno per
me piu sicura sara avanti il giusto rigore del nostro secolo, il quale contro l’antico uso quando
sopravivevano l’opere alia morte degl’Autori, e necessitato dalla plebe innumerabili de
Compositori insopportabili a condannare i Padri di celebrare piangendo il funerale de quei figli a
cui diedero con indegno canto la vita.”
203
Costantini is well aware that works today contrast with “ancient custom,” by which we
might understand him to mean the previous fifty years, about the age of Costantini at the
time. He sees his own works and those he chooses to publish to be secure in the face of
the “rigors of the age,” a reference to liturgical and stylistic expectations, if not yet
regulations, that he has had no need to address before now. He believes the better-
qualified compositions of his collection will cause the “crowd of innumerable intolerable
composers” to see the demise of their own unworthy music. He perhaps reveals here the
stance of a traditionally trained musician who is lamenting the lack of standards that has
accompanied the search for accessibility, but now we know to be compounded by a
growing number of inexperienced, and perhaps ill-trained musicians in positions of
leadership in the profession, here expressed as sacred music unworthy of its sacred space.
His choice o f “plebe ” to describe unworthy composers accuses them of being, in effect,
commoners, while his entire enterprise upholds the nobility of songs and singers.
Equating quality of music with nobility of songs and singers is a personal
reflection of a larger trend, embodied in the political arena in the term “refeudalizaton,”
mentioned in chapter 2. Here it is expressed in quite literal terms: the quality of music
depended on the class of the musicians making it. The concept perhaps crept into the
consciousness of this professional musician at the same time that it had been consciously
promoted by authoritative arms of the papal state. Costantini’s flowery assault on the
current state o f his musical profession may have been meant purposely to strike a
sympathetic chord among the confraternity brothers he is addressing, although proving
such a hypothesis would require investigation of the confraternity’s social and religious
attitudes.
The remainder of the dedication elaborates the legend of the rose and the song of
the nightingale or music itself, the two together the product of a single birth. Further, the
204
exemplum of the rose, appropriately connected to this volume through its Marian and
rosary allusions, is called into service in relation to music while keeping its function as
96
symbol of the innocent virgin, “when showing itself least appears most lovely.”
Costantini borrows this image for his compositions, perhaps for his entire compilation,
making the case for beauty in modesty: “I have treated my music so that it would
respond to the decorum of the holy place, rather than to the brazen and lascivious style of
97
the misguided composers of our day.” At the end he assigns attributes of his music to
the flower and fronds of the Rose, “spirited voices of gracious singers speak to the
flowers with gentle expression...deep-sounding (gravi) instruments speak so that with
noble adornment, affective and piquant counterpoints would accompany the thorns.” He
finishes with the hope that in the flowering confraternity their roses may have sweet
fragrance, heavenly serenity, fertile soil, a favored age, in short, the same thing he wishes
for his musical progeny.
In this collection of vespers music, all the pieces are labeled “concertato.” For
the first time in the anthologies Costantini offers two versions of some of the psalms, two
Magnificats, and several hymns. Explicit indications for solo falsobordone and organ
versets are woven into the concertato pieces, also for the first time in the prints.
Costantini’s overall presentation has not changed drastically from his earlier prints, but
the details of the pieces show a new concern for performance practice, addressing in the
music his concerns as a professional maestro for some of the details required for
96
For bibliography addressing the use of the exemplum see Timothy Kircher, "The
Modality of Moral Communication in the Decameron's First Day, in Constrast to the Mirror of
the Exemplum," Renaissance Quarterly 54 (2001): 1035.
97
“Ho tratteggiate io le mie Musiche, si che piu tosto al decoro del luogo Sacro, e delle
parole Divine rispondessero, che alio stile sfacciatamente dessoluto, e lusureggiante di alcuni
disaweduti della nostra eta.”
205
appropriate performance. Over half of the pieces are by Fabio Costantini and his brother,
while most of the remaining half are by composers who had recently died, some of them
prematurely. Costantini’s “judgement” as composer and compiler led him to compose
two additional verses to the double-choir hymn Exultet caelum laudibus, which Agazzari,
98
who is still among the living, had published in 1613. This anthology is tinged with a
feeling of preservation, not just of pieces of music but of a way of performance.
Dedication: Motetti a 1. 2. 3. 4. e 5. voci (1634)

The dedication, signed and dated in Ferrara 15 October 1634, is addressed to
Cardinal Giovanni Battista Pallotta, the papal legate to Ferrara, whose dedication
99
occasioned Costantini’s biographical efforts. Costantini relates short histories of the
careers of both himself and the dedicatee in a more narrative style than his previous
dedications, perhaps mirroring the language of politics and administration closer to
Pallotta’s world. In outlining his own career in terms of the cardinals he has served,
Costantini honors this cardinal-dedicatee by making his own musical career a point of
intersection between the cardinal, his illustrious family, and their aristocratic colleagues.
Costantini balanced this recital of positions with a similar recital of Pallotta’s
accomplishments of the last ten years by recalling the cardinal’s earlier roles in papal
diplomacy in Portugal, and as nuncio to the imperial court in Vienna.100 For Costantini’s
98
In Dialogici (Venice, 1613)
99
Bom in Caldarola in the Marches like his uncle, G. B. Pallotta was a “candidate” of
Emperor Ferdinando when he was made cardinal 19 November 1629. Hierarchia Catholica
4:22-23 and Pastor, History o f the Popes, 28:242.
100 From June 1624-1627 G. B. Pallotta was Collector for Portugal; he was appointed
nuncio extraordinary to the imperial court in Vienna in April 1628, replacing Carlo Carafa as
nuncio there in October; Ciriaco Rocci succeeded him as nuncio to Emperor Maximilian on 18
May 1630 and Pallotta returned to Rome, Pastor, History of the Popes, 28:190, 258; 29:127. G.
206
part, the recitation of his own service presented a homogeneous, even simplistic picture
of a music profession dominated by the role of Roman aristocratic patronage. Such a
narrative might be plausible if we did not know the complexities of his job searches and
the personalities, the entrepreneurial initiatives and the activities in Orvieto which shaped
his career. In 1634, Costantini was constructing his own autobiography in a different
way to emphasize his history of patronage, perhaps the way he knew it would be
appreciated by the named aristocrats themselves.
Less is learned in this dedication about Pallotta’s relationship with music than is
the case with Costantini’s earlier patrons. Costantini reports that their paths crossed in
Ancona, and their lives could well have intersected there when Pallotta was returning to
Rome from Germany in April 1631.101 He refers to Pallotta’s appointment as legate to
Ferrara between 1631 and 1634 as one meeting with great applause and the satisfaction
of all, and implies he has been in the cardinal’s retinue during that period. The present
occasion for which Costantini has “come prepared with these few notes,” seems to be an
anniversary of sorts as he mentions the three years as legate, and the ten years since
Pallotta’s first appointment to Portugal. Even if Costantini’s language reflects a standard
trope, he has not used it before, and seems determined to remain at an arm’s length from
his patron, even as he is praising his merits:
B. Pallotta served, as had Crescenzi, in the Sacra Congregazione della reverenda fabbrica di S.
Pietro, Pallotta from 1635-1668, see Rice, Altars and Altarpieces, 319.
101 Hierarchia Catholica 4:22, “E Germania redux Romam pervenit 25 Apr. 1631.”
207
Since the supreme worth of Your Eminence has kept you, in Portugal, in
Germany and in Rome, and here in Ferrara, in high affairs and management
completely occupied, I have no way intended with these my childish
melodies to place an obstacle, and impede the conduct of public affairs,
102
which I know has been, in every undertaking, your only goal.
A contemporary report praising the ability of Pallotta but saying he was “difficult of
103
access” may account for Costantini’s uncharacteristically direct locutions. A hint that
the years in Pallotta’s employ were not necessarily spent in Ferrara comes as Costantini
consecrates his music “to praise honorable actions, for Your Eminence and full retinue,
in and out of Ferrara, has, with highest approbation, been agent for all good people...”
Rome might be the other venue where the legation would have spent time.
Nothing is known about either the legate’s domestic practices or Costantini’s
responsibilities during this period in Ferrara. It is possible that there was more time for
Costantini to compose and more opportunity to rub shoulders with north Italian musical
styles than previously. This is the second time Costantini was in Ferrara, where the
composers Alessandro Grandi, Ignazio Donati, and Giovanni Battista Crivelli had also
spent much time between 1610 and 1630, working in that city’s cathedral, the Accademia
della Morte, and the Accademia dello Spirito Sancto.104
In this collection, Costantini alone is the only modem composer, along with his
brother Alessandro, for whom Fabio remained the most frequent publisher. The five
102
“Impercioche il sommo valore di V. Eminenza l’ha tenuta, e in Portogallo, e in
Alemagna, e in Roma, e qui in Ferrara, in alti affari, e maneggi di Govemo si fattamente
occupata che io non ho in verun conto giudicato con queste mie puerili cantilene porre ostaculo, e
impaccio al corso del publico, bene che solo in’ogni suo govemo e stato sempre il suo unico
bersaglio.”
103
Pastor, History of the Popes, 29: 160 n. 4.
104
Jerome Roche, "The Duet in Early Seventeenth-Century Italian Church Music,"
Proceedings o f the Royal Music Association 93 (1967): 33-50.
208
other composers are no longer living by this time, although Abundio Antonelli, in
addition to Domenico Allegri and Agostini, had been contemporaries.105 The other two
composers, G. M. Nanino and Felice Anerio, show he may have pulled all the pieces
from his well-used—and still-used—manuscripts, works he admits to having always
collected, a habit now stretching back to much earlier in his career. Perhaps G. M.
Nanino and Felice Anerio, whose names endure among composers of the decades
spanning the sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries, are included as “testimony to [his]
upbringing.” By including these two composers in his print Costantini may be
conveying something of his own professional credentials, as well as his career in
retrospect, a theme begun by recounting career highlights in the dedication.
One Gaudeamus omnes for two altos, an imitative duet, is attributed “del P.”
Although the occasional anonymous piece has turned up in Costantini’s collections,
nowhere else does Costantini make clear that he knows who the composer is but will not
reveal the name.106 An immediate candidate might be Paolo Agostino, although the four
voice Gaudeamus omnes which appears as an antiphon substitute in his Psalmi of 1619 is
unrelated.107
A different hypothesis is that this piece might have been composed by
Costantini’s daughter Plautilla, a fact he could have conceivably wanted to suppress. He
avoided writing “della P” which would have raised as many questions as her full name in
105 Antonelli is believed to have been dead by 1629, according to circumstantial

evidence in one of his publications, see NGII, s.v. “Abbundio Antonelli.”
106 Only one motet in all the sacred collections is unidentified, the duet “in dialogo,” Ave
gratia plena, in the 1618 Scelta di motetti. Two pieces in Ghirlandetta amorosa (1621) are the
only others.
107
My thanks to Jeffrey Kurtzman for comparing the two works, and to Stephen Miller
for ascertaining that Agostini’s mass based on a motet by this name, too, is unrelated.
209
a publication with the criteria for selection that Costantini appears to have used, although
it is his usual criteria that also disqualifies his daughter. Plautilla might well have been
trained to compose, for daughters of the nobility and urban patriciate received instruction
in music, along with anyone else who could afford it. She who would thus have had easy
108
access to music instruction. There are a number of precedents for women composers
at this time, too. Indeed, the most famous among them during Costantini’s life was
Francesca Caccini, and he had already included a piece of hers in one of his anthologies,
casting doubt on the likelihood he would have suppressed his daughter’s identity because
of her gender. Moreover, there were also precedents for sacred music collections by
women composers, as well as individual pieces by women in anthologies of sacred

109
music, where works were fully attributed to their female composers. Finally, while
the musical education of Costantini’s daughter is not at all improbable, the presence of a
piece by her in this anthology is unlikely for the reason that there is no evidence she was
ever a professional musician. Costantini limited his selections to the work of
credentialed professionals, an observation that can be corroborated by biographical
information about almost all of them.110 No room was made for the work of a talented
amateur in any o f the anthologies.
108
Jane Bowers, "The Emergence of Women Composers in Italy, 1566-1700," in
Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950, ed. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick
(Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1987), 129-33.
109
Bowers, "Women Composers in Italy," work list 162-67. For example, note the two
pieces by Isabella Leonarda in 16403, II terzo libro de sacri concenti a 2, 3 e 4 voci di Gasparo
Casati maestro di Cappella nel Duomo di Novarra (Venice: Magni, 1640).
110 Carlo Tassoni is the only one about whom nothing is known. The attribution of the
anonymous pieces would be revelatory, but if Costantini did not know their authors it is even less
likely we ever will.
210
A third and still viable candidate for author of the piece might be Paolo Quagliati,
for stylistic reasons.111 His music had appeared before in Costantini’s collections in
1618, and possibly 1621. Why his or any composer’s name would have been concealed
remains somewhat of a mystery.
Dedication: Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti (1639)

Costantini’s final publication in Orvieto is perhaps the most personal of all even
if his own compositions do not predominate. Although announced as spontaneous, this
print is hardly a random collection of pieces. His plan is clear even if hastily executed,
with pieces apparently drawn from a rich personal collection of works which he implies
have been heard and “kindly received by everyone.” He intended it, on the one hand, as
a tribute to his fellow members in the elective office of conservatore in Orvieto, and to
his city, with the dedication signed on his final day in office, and on the other as another
of his customary anthologies for the marketplace. With hindsight we recognize it as his
valedictory, the product of an older man approaching the end of his career in the city of
his greatest successes, yet not without a tinge of sadness. The institutions in Orvieto
were not substantially changed from his earlier tenure there, but the comfortable place
that Costantini occupied within them seems less hospitable, despite his recent honor of
election to the office of conservatore, and a hint of bitterness, uncharacteristic for
Costantini, enters his short dedication.
Gone from this inscription is Costantini’s usual trope appending his own inferior
efforts to those of excellent composers who allow his works to be carried along with
theirs to performance and to posterity. Instead, he treats all the pieces as if they were his
111 See chap. 8.
211
own (while still properly attributed), taking for granted his role as compiler, for him a
printed parallel to his role as maestro di cappella in the town where organizing and
assembling musical performances was his job. However, he hopes that the works “would
be received on their own merits, and not with regard for my station in life, although my
devotion opens for them the road which is closed to me for lack of merit.” He perceives
some chronic failing related to his “station in life,” which could hardly mean his role as a
musician which he has never before demeaned in print, but may have something to do
with heightened distinctions between classes in Orvieto which have shifted his position
in the town. He is not a noble, although previously he had moved in the circles of the
Orvietan patriciate.
The trend in the Papal States had been to more carefully delineate the classes
within communities, a trend Orvieto had resisted before, but the resistance was wearing
down. Up until now the role among the conservatori of “Confaloniero, ” which had been
decreed by papal breve in 1563 to be occupied by nobility, had been treated as no more
than a first among equals, with little differentiation made in the official documents. Even
though the conservatores continued to be drawn from the ranks of citizens as before, the
difference between ordinary conservatores and the Confaloniero had apparently gained
importance, as reflected in formal records which set the name of the Confaloniero apart,
and as shown by this dedication which addresses Roberto Cenini separately from the
others. The conservatori “della palla d’oro,” Costantini’s form of address, appears to
refer to some type of garment which was probably symbolic. Although some type of
clothing was often associated with an office, this was not a usual descriptor in city
records before, nor does it appear specifically in the Statutorum civitas of 1581. Thus
there seems to be a movement toward more overt display of the trappings of power as a
function of lineage than had characterized governance in Orvieto during Costantini’s
212
earlier activity there. These changes may have affected Costantini’s status in Orvieto,
and possibly led to petty slights despite his election to a prestigious post, as well as
decreased potential for future stability. If this hypothesis is true, it may explain why he
deprecated his “station in life,” and mentioned the way “barred to me because of
unworthiness.”
The city fathers who first hired Costantini and welcomed them into their circle
had for the most part passed the torch to another generation. We know that Angelo
Avveduti had died in 1624, and newer generations of old families were moving into
positions of leadership. As discussed earlier, Costantini left Orvieto rather suddenly in
1625, for unknown reasons. When he returned in 1636 it was to tightened purse-strings
on the part of the Opera: he was required to work harder for proportionately less pay.
The ultimate indignity was yet ahead, when Costantini would be pensioned, seemingly
against his will, with only a single, minority voice speaking up for his merits in the
Opera. The climate changed for Costantini in Orvieto, but he reverted to his strength, his
musical offering, the ultimate goal of which was to “exalt the worship of God.”
Although, even with that, he may have been quite deliberate in his choice of a motet, Ad
te levavi by Paolo Tarditi:
To thee have I lifted up my eyes, who dwellest in heaven.

Behold as the eyes of servants are on the hands of their masters,
As the eyes o f the handmaid are on the hands of her mistress: so are our eyes unto
the Lord our God, until he have mercy on us.
Have mercy on us O Lord, have mercy on us: for we are greatly filled with
contempt.
For our soul is greatly filled: we are a reproach to the rich, and contempt to the
proud.112
112
Tarditi’s motet sets the text of Psalm 122 complete, without the doxology.
213
The text of Psalm 122 requests mercy on those possessing the hidden riches of the grace-
filled soul, as a reproach to those with only worldly pride and riches, and perhaps his
own disguised reproach to those who had made his most recent tenure in Orvieto
difficult.
Half of the twenty-two musical psalms and motets are Costantini’s compositions,
with the other half by a mix of composers who are still current (P. Tarditi, G. Allegri, V.
Mazzocchi, A. Costantini), from an earlier period (Palestrina, Felice Anerio, G. M.
Nanino, Giovannelli, Quagliati), and a contemporary now dead (Agostino). The piece by
113
Agazzari, a contemporary, is from one of this composer’s earlier publications.
The vespers collection follows Costantini’s usual outlines, but with much
editorial intervention in the presentation. There are two versions of each psalm, a choice
of Magnificats, and motets for general use. The precision behind the flexible offerings of
the collection are illustrated by the choices between concertato or non-concertato psalm
versions, and by continuing attention to liturgical matters shown in the explicit tonal
designations for non-motet items.
Costantini honors two of his esteemed predecessors, one by imitation and the
other by acclamation. His concertato version of Dixit Dominus uses verses for eight-
voices by G. M. Nanino in alternation with Costantini’s own few-voice verses, and the
Ave Maria by Palestrina which closes the print lists the composer once again by the
epithet, “Padre della m usical
113
Sacrae laudes (Rome: A. Zannetti, 1603).
214
Costantini’s Place in the Musical Profession

It is possible to think of Costantini as, in effect, a commentator on the
contemporary music of his era. His role as a successful anthologizer required an astute
reading o f the current state of musical practice and demands that prompted a series of
publications addressing those ceremonial and practical needs. He measured his audience,
then gently pushed that audience to accept his vision of professional, worthy
composition. His orientation was toward the sacred sphere, as he says himself, although
not to the exclusion of chamber entertainment, and he was attuned to the nuances of the
publishing trade. He edited and saw through publication nine of the twelve known
sacred anthologies of Roman composers in the seventeenth century before 1640.114 Of
the other three, the Sacchi print of 1607 preceded him, the Robletti print of 1621 was
modeled on his collections of 1616 and 1618, and the Sammaruco collection of 1625
included several famous north-Italian composers and thus was not exclusively Roman.115
114
There are many “anthologies” listed in RISM B, and in Dixon, Liturgical music in
Rome, 392-94. Many of them are not true anthologies in that they contain only two composers,
or in the case of Missa, ac sacrarum cantionum (Rome: Robletti, 1629) [RISM 16296], three
members of the Antonelli family.
115 Missa, Motecta, Magnificat, et Litaniae BM. V Salvatoris Sacchi cirinolani in
Apulea Capellae magistri civitatis Tuscanellae (Rome: B. Zannetti, 1607) [RISM 16072]. Eleven
pieces are by Sacchi, with the rest by F. Anerio, A. Crivelli, T. Gargari, R. Giovanelli, B. Nanino,
G.M. Nanino, A. Stabile, F. Soriano, G. Troiano, C. Zoilo—all Costantini composers with the
exception of Stabile; Lilia campi binis, ternis, quaternisque vocibus concinata. A Io. Baptista
Robletto excerta atque luce donata (Rome: Robletti 1621) [RISM 16213], with pieces by G.
Allegri, G.F. Anerio, G.B. Boschetti, O. Catalano (2), A. Costantini, G. Frescobaldi, R.
Giovanelli, S. Landi, P. Quagliati (2), F. Severi, V. Ugolini, P. Tarditi, C. Zoili—all Costantini
composers with the exception of Severi; Sacri affetti con testi da diversi eccellentissimi autori
raccolti da Francesco Sammaruco romano a 2. a 3. a 4. e aggiuntui (sic) nelfine le letanie della
B. V (Rome: Soldi, 1625) [RISM 16251], with Roman composers P. Agostini, G. Allegri, S.
Bemardi (in Rome for a time), V. De Grandis, G. Frescobaldi, S. Landi, D. Mazzocchi, V.
Mazzocchi, L. Ratti, V. Ugolino and Sammaruco himself, but also A. Grandi, V. Guami, G. A.
Leoni, C. Monteverdi, F. Piccinini, A.M. Pizzinini, making it, therefore, a trans-Italian collection.
215
Costantini’s secular collections have more companions, but no precedents in the
Roman sphere. O f the true anthologies, the only ones with exclusively Roman repertory
were assembled by the publisher Robletti: Giardino musicale and Raccolta de varii
concerti musicali in 1621, and Vezzosetti fiori in 1622.116 As a publisher, Robletti’s
motivation for his collections would have been primarily commercial, one of the
117
attractions of his collections being the prominence of the composers. Because the
publisher was the compiler, the relative prominence of the composers was that perceived
by someone in the trade. His point of view coincided to a large extent with that of the
musician Costantini; two of Robletti’s three collections are made up primarily of
Costantini composers, along with a few others. The Giardino musicale was dedicated to
Paolo Quagliati, in his new capacity as a Vatican official, yet his stature among musical
118
professionals must have prompted this dedication to him
The other musician-compiled secular collection, the Rocchigiani print of 1623, is
a mixture o f pieces by a few famous northerners, specifically Monteverdi, composers the
compiler would not have known personally. In fact he makes no author attributions in
119
the print, thus making it more difficult to locate its motivations and plan.
1 Giardino musicale di varii eccellenti autori [RISM 162115], dedication and contents
in J.M. Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia. I. Manoscritti e edizione fmo al '700,
Studi e Testi, 265 (Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1971), 211-12, and
contents in Hill, Roman Monody, 387. Raccolta de varii concerti musical, [RISM 162116], ibid.
388. Vezzosettifiori di varii eccelenti autori, [RISM 162211], ibid. 390; facsimile edition in Gary
Tomlinson, ed., Italian Secular Song 1606-1636 (New York: Garland, 1986), vol. 3.
117
He, like Costantini, identified the authors of virtually all of his pieces, with only one
anonymous piece among the three prints.
1 1O
Brian Mann, s. v. "Paolo Quagliati," in NGII.

119
The Orvietano Giovanni Batista Rocchigiani trained at the Duomo but moved in
circles considerabley narrower than those of Roman musicians. He served as maestro at Rieti
216
Overall the repertory of Costantini’s anthologies helped soften the musical divide
between the ecclesiastical and aristocratic society whose venues enjoyed the
compositions of contemporary music and employed its composers, and the multiple
levels of society beyond these circles which shared a musical culture through the agency
of print. An understanding of this situation is tacitly evident in Costantini’s dedication to
the Scelta di motetti of 1618, and overtly stated in his earlier address to the readers, both
buyers and users, found in the Raccolta de ’ salmi of 1615.
Presentation copies or editions printed in score are wholly absent from
Costantini’s output. Each of the anthologies, regardless of printer, was published in

120
quarto or ottavo partbooks, paper-covered fascicles that were meant to be bound.
Even Costantini’s monodies and secular song collections assumed this shape. The
cathedral from 1623 until probably 1634, but was never maestro di cappella at Orvieto, as
reported by Guidobaldi. See Giazotto, Rieti, 50. Unfortunately this edition is incomplete.
120
Binding, in general, was carried out by the bookseller, see Philip Gaskell, A New
Introduction to Bibliography, 2d. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 153, but in the case of
music books evidence shows they were more likely to be bound by the purchaser, or the
recipient. For a Costantini print known to have been elegantly bound, see an inventory of the
possessions of a later Cardinal Aldobrandini see Franca Trinchieri Camiz, "Gli strumenti
musicali nei palazzi, nelle ville e nelle dimore della Roma del Seicento," in La musica a Roma
attraverso le fond d ’archivio,ed. Antolini, et al., 603. Partbooks, in particular, could be
configured in different ways, and if a subsequent rebinding is not obvious, a particular binding
might well indicate the music’s contemporary use. Costantini’s Motetti (1634) in GB-Och is
bound in leather with all four partbooks in a single volume suitable for a library collection,
consultation or copying. The motets of 1616 and 1618 held at I-Rsc, however, are grouped and
bound by voice parts along with three other prints of similar music, each set of voice parts bound
together with a handwritten index integrating the contents of all the prints, arranged according to
number of voices. (The other prints bound together with these were motets by Alessandro
Costantini (1616) and Gregorio Allegri (1619); the third of five is missing although its contents
can be culled from the index. Ghirlandetta amorosa is found in one instance (I-Bc) with simple
paper boards sewn on each fascicle, thus keeping the integrity of the partbooks. The single
partbook of the psalms and motets of 1621 at I-Rsgf is not bound but bundled and tied along with
other prints in partbooks dating from the early seventeenth century, the lack of trimming showing
this to have been their treatment from the start.
217
ultimate purpose of his works was dissemination through the marketplace, and the real
audience he was aiming to please was that o f “good singers,” his professional colleagues
who would, through performance, perpetuate his art and his stature in the profession.
This idea holds as much for his few-voice motets as for the secular song collections, and
eventually for the polychoral psalm collections too, as they relied more and more on
concertato techniques that highlighted the virtuosity of individual singers. The
transparent notation, for example, of the version of Dove io credea by Francesca Caccini,
is not indicative of blandness in performance practice, but rather trust in the
professionalism of colleagues to adapt the printed guide to contemporary performance
practice.121
The theme of each dedication reflects the nature or character of whoever is
honored, but the content is refracted through Costantini’s view, revealing as much about
himself and his profession as about the honored person or institution.
Post-Tridentine Historiographical Considerations

The choices o f text for Costantini’s first motet collection show how the
documented liturgical practices of the Cappella Pontificia and Cappella Giulia in the late
sixteenth century and into the early years of the seventeenth were transmitted well
beyond the Vatican. But was the motivation for publishing a collection of polychoral
motets by different composers in 1614, or subsequent collections, particularly of motets,
to meet the requirements of Roman ritual prescribed by ecclesiastical authority. There is
no evidence that they do, even if the collections might meet those very requirements.
121
Carter, "Printing the TSfew Music'," 23.
218
The usual lineup of decrees and promulgations that presumably shaped the
composition and performance of sacred music in the first half of the seventeenth century,
particularly in Rome, were not actually issued until after 1657. A telescoped view of the
century after Trent has juxtaposed the imposition of rigid rules of both composition and
professional comportment upon musicians that were unknown to the composers of
Costantini’s generation. The only prohibition to emerge from Trent regarding music had
to do with contamination of sacred music by profane, and even that was not formalized in
122
an official decree from Rome. Debates yielded a preemptory admonition to pay
attention to canonic texts, and a "warm invitation" to support intelligibility by avoiding
the too-dense stratification of polyphony. However, the actual implementation of these
"guidelines" was left up to bishops and local synods, such that records of discussion
assumed concrete form only as they were interpreted by bishops within their own
dioceses. Guidelines for music composition appeared in the synod publications of Milan
123
and Urbino in 1566 and 1569. No universally promulgated decree was issued by the
papacy then.124 In Rome, the continuing argument between the Compagnia dei Musici di
Roma and the singers of the Cappella Pontificia involving, among other things, the
printing privilege, is sometimes trotted out as further evidence of music controversy
somehow seated in the “Counter Reformation.” This fracas, ongoing from the 1580s but
reaching a crisis in the 1620s, was political, and perhaps professional, but not moral or
122
Paolo Fabbri, "La normative istituzionale," in La cappella musicale nell'Italia della
controriforma, ed. Mischiati and Russo, 17.
123
Fabbri, "La normative istituzionale."
124
Craig Monson, "The Council of Trent Revisited," Journal o f the American
Musicological Society, 55 (2002): 1-37.
219
125
doctrinal. The first of the detailed promulgations issued by a pope comes well after
the pontificate of the Barberinis, under Pope Innocent X Pamphili, followed by rigid
126
rules couched in moral language under Pope Alexander VII Chigi. These rules were
directed at musicians and institutions in Rome specifically and, had they appeared almost
100 years earlier, might have accounted for conservative tendencies in Roman sacred
composition, but they did not.
The choices of text for Costantini’s first motet collection show one means by
which the documented liturgical practices of the Cappella Pontificia and Cappella Giulia
in the late sixteenth and early years of the seventeenth centuries were transmitted well
beyond the Vatican. Emulation of Vatican practices, as perceived by neighboring Roman
institutions, effectively standardized musical practice at churches in Rome, which in this
case can be characterized as the “periphery” of the Vatican musical establishment,
extended to include S. Maria Maggiore and S. Giovanni in Laterano. Orvieto might well
be an outer ring o f this “periphery” because of its strong Roman ties. Standardization
among these institutions, a consequence of this practice of emulation, was not officially
promoted with ecclesiastical regulations during the period under study.
As an example, Costantini’s motets of the 1610s set primarily liturgical texts,
where, by definition, the integrity of the text was paramount. Congregations and
ecclesiastics further from the Curia, though probably less canonically expert, might have
been just as concerned with liturgical propriety because of the “tradition” to which they
were conventionally, rather than doctrinally, committed. Such a viewpoint might help
explain the variety of sources from which, for example, motet texts were derived, but
125
Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell'accademia, 98-111.
126
Haybum, Papal Legislation,!6-79; Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century.
220
127
then set over and over. Costantini’s works may reflect, then, his participation, and
that of his colleagues, in the (more or less) genuine, grass-roots religiosity of the era,
which was part of the professional ethos rather than a reaction to Church edicts.
Dissemination of the Repertory: Reprint in Antwerp, Sacrae cantiones (1621)

Contemporary inventories and archives provide evidence of where the
anthologies were found, a step toward understanding who may have performed and heard
the music. Tracking the single known reprint does this as well. Sacrae cantiones,
published in Antwerp in 1621, is a reprint of the 1614 Selectae cantiones, reproducing its
entire contents in the same order as the Roman original, but leaving out the dedication
and reordering the index. The publishing firm of Phalese, which in 1621 was still run by
Pierre Phalese the younger, had published reprints of Italian music of all types since at
128
least its move to Antwerp in 15 81. It was the largest supplier of such music to the
Dutch in the first three quarters of the seventeenth century, but also served a market
beyond the northern Netherlands which extended to France, Germany, and the Baltic,
129
and was multiconfessional. The Roman repertory was included in the Italian music
printed by Phalese for the most part only when it was originally published, or reprinted
first, in Venice, which is why the Sacrae cantiones reprint is particularly notable. It
appears to be the first northern reprint from a Roman publication that can be claimed
127
The frequency of text settings is apparent even within the Costantini repertory, see
app. C, Texts and Sources.
128
Alphonse Goovaerts, Histoire et bibliographie de la typographic musicale dans les
Pays-Bas (Amsterdam: Knuf, 1963), which contains a chronological bibliography of prints
including those in Antwerp from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, as far as was known
in 1881.
129
Frits Noske, Music Bridging Divided Religions: The Motet in the Seventeenth
Century Dutch Republic (Wilhelmshaven: Noetzel, 1989), 42-43.
221
130
with certainty. The Utrecht bookseller who did business with Phalese turned to
Venetian publications of Italian music when northern reprints, usually of the most
131
popular editions, were unavailable. He carried the Phalese reprint of Costantini’s
double-choir motet anthology, but also had his 1634 motet anthology and the now-lost
psalms from 1626, both Venetian editions, in stock (table 4.5).
That a large proportion of the Italian music readily available within the Protestant
Netherlands was sacred and liturgical, with Latin texts and sometimes Marian themes,
certainly raises the question of who was buying it. In the first half of the seventeenth
century it appears that this audience was rather wide, with the Catholic parishes of the
Spanish Netherlands obviously the largest, but the audience of private citizens and civic
music organizations in Calvinist regions substantial as well. A brewer from Delft, whose
will in 1653 listed the music books in his possession, showed that the works performed
in private settings were mainly vocal, that he had obtained three-quarters of his music
from Phalese in Antwerp, and that there were a large number of Latin motets, including
132
Marian ones, even though the gentleman belonged to the Dutch Reformed Church.
Costantini’s Sacrae cantiones was not, however, the first collection of Latin
motets for eight voices by Italian composers to come from the Phalese presses, and
133
collections of few-voice motets were even more popular. Both types of Italian music
130
Graham Dixon, "Jan van Geertsom, A Seventeenth Century Dutch Printer of Roman
Music," Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 32 (1982): 116-25.
131
Vanhulst, ed., Catalogus Librorum Musicorum, 8.
132
Noske, Music Bridging Divided Religions, 22-23.
133
Goovaerts, Typographic musicale dans les Pays-Bas, 332-33. In 1622, the year after
Costantini’s print (which is not listed in Goovaerts) was published in Antwerp, there were two
more volumes devoted to "Cantiones sacrae" for eight voices published by Phalese (nos. 541 and
542) along with Latin “concertato ” motets by Italian composers. An inventory of the Phalese
222
could also be found in the collections of collegia musica, amateur music organizations
who sometimes received support even from Dutch Reform towns. The inventory of one
such collegium musicum deriving civic support showed that its music collections
included a large number of Italian motets and a few mass settings, with some of each for
eight and more voices.134
Between the Phalese prints of Italian music and a few additional Italian prints
published by Jan van Geertsom in Rotterdam, Noske determined that sixty-four Italian
135
composers were known to the Dutch in the seventeenth century. The bibliography
used for this tabulation did not include, however, the Costantini anthology published in
Antwerp, to say nothing of other prints which are lost, so the tally is undoubtedly higher,
as is the number of those Italian musicians who were Roman. Just how exceptional the
reprint o f the Roman-published Costantini anthology was has not yet been determined,
but it shows that however the exemplar arrived in the hands of the printers, it was judged
a candidate for successful re-publication in Antwerp.
Dissemination of the Repertory: Contemporary Inventories

Some idea of the dissemination of Costantini’s prints can be determined by their
presence in contemporary inventories and libraries. Contemporary lists, inventories, and
bills of sale of printed music are only preliminaries to determining actual performance,
business in 1652, after the death of Madeleine Phalese, shows the range of booksellers, churches,
and private citizens who were the printer’s customers, ibid., 88-114. See also Noske, Music
Bridging D ivided R eligions , 42-43.
134
S. Spellers, "Collegium musicum te Gronigen," Bouwsteenen; jaarboek de
Vereeniging voor Noord-Nederlands Muziekgeschiedenis, 3 vols. in 1 (Amsterdam, 1869-1881):
23-29, although this represents a slightly later repertory since the earliest print is dated 1639.
135
Noske, Music Bridging Divided Religions, 43.
223
but they can serve as one measure of the popularity and usefulness of music publications
at the time. They also give evidence of the publishing trade’s distribution networks, and
the “knowledge, wealth and proclivities” of the individuals or institutions that chose
certain prints for their collections. The inventories and catalogs in table 4.5 have proven
useful for affirming the presence of Costantini publications in contemporary Italian and
European collections.
Table 4.5. Contemporary Inventories and Archives Holding Costantini

Publications
Date Source Costantini print
1615 Catalog of Kaspar Flurschiitz, bookseller in Augsburg: 1614s
“Officina Musica Variorum ac nobilissimorum auctorum. Qui
recens in Italia suas Cantiones in lucem ediderunt (1615).”a
1620 Inventory of Altemps palazzo in Rome and villa in Frascati 1614s, 16151, 16161
after the death of Duke Gianangelo Altemps, including his
private cappella, 1620.
1623 Catalog of the Frankfurt bookfair. 16211
1623 Catalog of the Leipzig bookfair. 16211
1631 S. Luigi dei Francesi, Rome, receipt for new music books 16143
purchased 31 May 1631.
1635 Indice dell’opere di musica che si trovano nella Stampa della [Lamentationi a 4]
Pigna di Alessandro Vincenti, Venice 1635.
1636 Printed music purchased for choir library, St. Mary’s Church, 1614s
Lubeck, 1636.
1638 1638 Inventory of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini, heir of 1616* (likely)
a
Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini.
1639 Catalog of the bookseller Robert Martin in London, 1639 and 16341
1640 h
1639 Utrecht bookseller Jan Van Doom’s music catalogue.1 [Psalmi, 1626],
16211, 16341
1649 King Joao IV of Portugal Do Index da livraria de musica ... 1614s, 16161
Rey Dorn IOAO o IV. (1649).j 1618s, 16201
162114
1649 Indice di tutte le opere di musica...Venice, 1649. [Salmi a 4, 5]
1657 Inventory of music books consigned to Pompeo Natale, S. 1614s,16151
Giacomo degli Incurabili, Rome, 1657.1 16161, 1618s
224
1658 Indice di tutte le opere di musica...Venice, 1658 m [Salmi a 4, 5]

1662 Indice di tutte le opere di musica...Venice, 1662." [Salmi a 4, 5]
1665 Innsbruck, Inventory at the death of Archduke Sigmund Franz 1630
in 1665.°
1676 Indice de libri della libreria di Federico Franzini, Roma 1676, 16161, 16183; 16151
per il Mascardi.p or 16201; 1630 or
16392
17th c. S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome, Catalog of seventeenth-century 16143
prints and manuscripts in the archives.^
17th c. Archivio dell’ Archiconfratemita di S. Giovanni dei 1621
Fiorentini, Rome. Seventeenth-century prints on the shelf in
r
the Archivio dell’ Archiconfratemita.

17th c. Biblioteche Communale, Orvieto, remains of the seventeenth- 16151
century music prints formerly at the Archivio dell’Opera del 1621
Duomo.s
Richard Schaal, Die Kataloge des Augsburger Musikalien-Handlers Kaspar Flurschutz, 1613-
1628 (Wilhemshaven: Heinrichshofen's Verlag, 1974), no. 298.
Inventario del Duca Altemps, Rome, 1620, Case MS +Z491.A468, US-Cn; Couchman, "Musica
nella Cappella di Palazzo Altemps," 181.
Q
Albert Gohler, Verzeichnis der in den Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564
bis 1759 angeziegten Musikalien (Leipzig, 1902; reprint, Hilversum: Knuf, 1965), part 2, p. 15.
dLionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 1:91-93, 2:103. Orazio Benevoli was commissioned by
Vincenzo Ugolino to do the buying; the Costantini print cost .80 scudi.
Q
Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi. VIII: 66, p. 157.
f
Snyder, "Partners in Music Making," 239.
p
Camiz, "Gli strumenti musicali," 603.
Krummel, "Venetian Baroque Music in a London Bookshop," 12. Christopher, First Barron
Hatton, purchased Italian books from Robert Martin in 1638, and a copy of Costantini’s print was
included in this purchase. See Wainwright, Musical Patronage in Seventeenth-century England,
29. This group of Italian books was eventually part of Henry Aldrich’s music collection now in
Christ Church, Oxford.
Vanhulst, ed., Catalogus Librorum Musicorum, Blv and D3r, 63, 81.
JKing of Portugal Joao IV, Do index da livraria de musica do muyto alto, e poderoso, Primeira
parte (1649; reprint [Lisbon]: Paolo Craesbeck, 19th c.), 7, 16-17, 42. See also Livraria de
Musica de El-Rei D. Joao IV: Primeira parte Do Index, 1649, ed. Mario de Sampaio Ribeiro
(Lisbon, 1967), 44, 67, 93-94, 135-36.
k
Mischiati, Indici, cataloghi, IX: 494, p. 178, offered for 7 lire.
225
lMorelli, "Alessandro Scarlatti," 136-37.

mMischiati, Indici, cataloghi, IX bis: 544, p. 204, at 7 lire.
"ibid. X: 644, 232.
°Franz Waldner, "Zwei Inventarien aus dem XVI und XVII..am Innsbrucken Hofe," Studien zur
Musikwissenschaft {1916): 128-47, 138.
pMischiati, Indici, cataloghi, XII: 10-12, p. 250.
qSimi-Bonini, Catalogo delfondo musicale di Santa Maria in Trastevere.
rI-Rsgf, Rubricella, parte II Chiesa: p. 375-379 D=Libri di musica, 576, No. 11. See also Helene
Wessily-Kropik, "Mitteilungen aus dem Archiv der Arciconfratemita di San Giovanni dei
Fiorentini, detta della Pieta in Rom," Studien zur Musikwissenschaft Band 24 (1960): 44-60.
sI-Oc, Musiche nel XVII0 secolo,.
The inventories reinforce suspected patterns of dissemination, but show some
surprises. Churches and collections in Rome contain Costantini’s publications from
Rome, but also from Orvieto and Naples. The editions in the Portuguese collection were
published in both Rome and Orvieto. The Innsbruck inventory shows only a Venetian
publication, as does the London bookseller, although the seller in Utrecht likely obtained
his Costantini anthologies from both Venice and Antwerp. The Frankfurt and Leipzig
bookfairs carried only the reprint published in Antwerp, but the choirmaster in Lubeck
arrived in that city in 1630 with Costantini’s Roman-published print among his
belongings. Augsburg’s bookseller also carried Costantini’s first Roman anthology, but
here a more vigorous relationship between the two Catholic centers can be seen, as
Flurschutz carried Roman publications in his catalogs regularly.
From the 1657 inventory at S. Giacomo and the 1676 Franzini catalog we can see
that the publications from Naples and Orvieto were available in Rome, but that the fate of
Costantini’s Venetian publications was less certain there. Mischiati thought that the
226
“Salmi, himni” in Franzini’s catalog was either the 1620 or 1639 Orvieto publication,
although the title more closely resembles the 1630 Venetian print. The source for the
anthologies in the Portuguese collection appears to have been Rome where both Roman
and Orvietan editions were sold. The Costantini anthologies in northern Europe, as in
the case of most Italian prints, were those published in Venice or reprinted in Antwerp.
The only one of Costantini’s Roman publications making it over the Alps when few
Roman musical publications did was the 1614 Selectae cantiones. It must have
circulated there in its first edition to have arrived in Antwerp for reprinting, and to have
wound up in the hands of the Lubeck cantor. The first anthology remained the most
widely disseminated o f all Costantini’s works in both original edition and reprint, and
generated further reprintings of a few pieces taken from it which found their way into
one of the large German sacred anthologies as well.
Determining what the early seicento repertory “in play” would have been for any
Roman institution is difficult because of the vagaries of library maintenance if for no
other reason. However, the collections of S. Maria in Trastevere and S. Giovanni dei
Fiorentini may be exceptional. There is no assurance that music collections today
represent their seicento structure, yet the music transferred from S. Maria in Trastevere to
the Vicariato in Rome, and the presence of a number of early seventeenth-century
publications currently in the Archivio dell’Archiconfratemita di S. Giovanni dei
Fiorentini, seem to have at least partially survived close to their original configuration,
and can still convey something of the kind of music available for performance at those
churches.
According to the recent catalog, the repertory at S. Maria in Trastevere included
the following editions published between 1600 and 1648 (excluding printed mass
collections and those without a known date) listed in table 4.6:
227
Table 4.6. Printed Editions Through 1645 in the Archive of S. Maria in Trastevere
(excluding masses)
Composer Title Publisher/date RISM no.
Fabio Costantini Selectae cantiones Rome: Zannetti, 1614 1614J
Abundio Antonelli Sacrarum cantionum 4-6v Rome: Zannetti, 1614 A 1270
G. F. Anerio Responsorie di Natale Rome: Robletti, 1614 A 1106
G. F. Anerio Responsorie di Natale; Rome: Robletti, 1629 A 1107
Motettini a due di
Abundio Antonellia
Camillo Cortellini Lit. 5-8v Venice: Vincenti, 1615 C 4170
Florentio Maschera Libro primo de canzoni R/ Venice: Gardano, M 1211
1621 appresso B. Magni
Antonio Mortaro 11secondo libro delle Venice, 1623 M 3760
canzoni
Alessandro Capocci Responsie di Natale 2-4v Rome: Robletti, 1623 C 913
G. F. Anerio Litaniae Deiparae Rome: Paulum A 1099
Massettum, 1624
F. Anerio, Benincasa, Raccolta di Litanie R/ Rome: Robletti, 1626 Unknown
Rontani, Troiano reprint of
16221
Santino Girelli Salmi, 5v Venice: Vincenti, 1626 G 2514
G. Maria Sabino Salmi 4v Napoli: Ambrosio S 38
Magnetta, 1607 [1627]
Agostino Diruta Lit and inni 4-6 v,org, Rome: Robletti, 1631 D 3125
Op. 15
Domenico Massenzio Davidica psalmodia Rome: Grignani, 1643 M 1324
Agostino Diruta Hymns for vespers D 3130
Virgilio Mazzocchi M 1681
aThe Anerio and Antonelli works are listed as separate publications, but RISM A indicates they
were the same 1629 print.
All o f these prints are in partbook format, although adding those in choirbook
136
format augments the list by only one. None are dated earlier than 1614, although it is
not known when these books were acquired. There is an interesting mix of Roman and
136
Passio D. N. Jesu Christi secundum quator evangelista (Rome: Soldi, 1619) [RISM S
3985]
228
Venetian (both Vincenti and Gardano) publishers, and range of locations from which the
composers come. There appears to be no known systemic reason why Costantini’s
Venetian anthologies have not appeared in any contemporary sources in Rome, with the
possible exception of the 1630 print in the Franzini catalog. As can be seen, other
Venetian prints were obtained in Rome. A book of five-voice psalms by a Brescian,
Santino Girelli, published in Venice in 1626, the same year as Costantini’s few-voice
psalms, is in the collection at S. Maria in Trastevere. Both Girelli’s and Costantini’s
psalm collections were together on the shelves, however, of the Utrecht bookseller Van
Doom in 1639.137
Polyphonic and few-voice repertory which was published in partbooks seems to
have been particularly susceptible to dispersal due to the smaller size and quotidian
appearance of the books. Such is the case for the remaining books in the archives of the
cathedral at Orvieto where works by Costantini, which were once in the collection, have
138
all but disappeared while contemporary works in choirbook formats remain.
Partbooks were less often rebound in leather than were larger choirbooks for
performance ease. This has meant, perhaps, that partbooks have survived less often in
collections that held counterparts in larger formats. Just as one shoe would be tossed
away when the other is lost, sets of partbooks missing a member have had a tougher time
surviving; incomplete sets would have been useless for performance. Although there
may have been manuscript copies made from them that would have allowed additional
performances for a time, the ephemeral nature of unbound fascicles signaled lesser
chance for survival than permanently bound choirbooks.
137
Vanhulst, ed., Catalogus Librorum Musicorum, Dir, no. 1.
138
App. A, documents 16 and 17.
229
Perhaps as eclectic a collection as any of the seventeenth-century musical
archives, the Archivio dell’Archiconfratemita di S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini preserves a
number of early seicento music prints in unbound partbooks which appear to have
remained in place since their acquisition. Although this collection is included in the
major RISM indexes, was reviewed by Wessily-Kropik, and consulted by Dixon and
others, it has not been highlighted as a particularly rich, intact, early seicento collection
139
typical of a Roman musical cappella. Its contains more prints from the first twenty
years of the century than does that of S. Maria in Trastevere, as its music program was
already firmly established at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Its collection
from the first decades of the century show Roman as well as Venetian publications. The
printed partbooks published between 1600 and 1646 held in this archive are listed in
table 4.7. The only Costantini volume in this archive is the vespers collection, the only
one extant for predominantly less than double-choir forces, published in Orvieto in 1621.
139
I-Rsgf, Rubricella, parte II Chiesa: p.375-379 D=Libri di musica, Raccolta di spartiti
ed Opere in musica per Canto ed Organo, 576-78; Wessily-Kropik, "Mitteilungen aus dem
Archiv der Arciconfratemita."
230
Table 4.7. Early Seventeenth-Century Music Prints in Partbooks in the Archivio
dell’Archiconfratemita di S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini
Print Place, Publisher, and Date
1. Concerti di Agostini Agazzari di Roma, Rome, Aloysius Zannetti, 1602
musici concentus 5-8vv
2. Salmi di Giacomo Gastoldi Venice, 1607
3. Motetti di Antonio Cifra di Roma Rome, [Zannetti] 1610
4. Motetti di Bernardino Nanninni di Roma [Robletti 1610
5. Antifone di Giovanni Francesco Anerio Rome, [Robletti] 1613
di Roma, [prima e seconda pars.]
6 . Salmi Vespertini del medesimo [G. F. Roma 1614
Anerio]
7. Canzoni sacre di Abbondio Antonelli di [Zannetti] 1614
Roma
8 . Inni sacri di Ottavio Catalani di Roma [Zannetti] 1616
9. Salmi Vespertini di Bernardino Nannini Roma 1620
10. Salmi di Antonio Laccetti Venezia 1620
1.Motetti e messe di Vincenzo Ugolini di Roma 1622 fasc.12
2.motetti e Dialoghi di Paolo Quagliati di Roma 1627 fasc. 3
3.Opere di Giov. Ferrari Venezia 1627 fasc. 5
4.Canti sacri di Lorenzo Ratti Venezia 1628 fasc. 6
5.Salmo dia Vespertina di Domenico Roma 1634fasc. 3
Massenzio
6 .Salmi per Vespero di Domenico Roma 1634 fasc. 3
Massenzio
1.Salmi davidici di Domenico Massenzio Roma 1636 fasc.6
2.Salmi di Domenico Massenzio Roma 1636. vi sono aggiunte alcune
carte sciotte di Musica
3.Canti Sacri di Antonio Cifra, 1638 Piccola di Roma
vol.
4.Canti sacri di Virgilio Mazzocchi Roma 1640 fasc. 4
5.Salmi di Filippo Vitali Roma 1641 fasc. 4
6 .Scelta di concerti di Domenico Bianchi Roma 1642 fasc. 5
7.Scelta di Motetti di Filippo Beretti Roma 1643
8 .Salmodia Vespertina di Domenico 1643 fasc. 2
Massenzio
9.Scrivi di Agostino Diruta Roma 1646 fasc. 2
lO.Messa di Papa Marcello dell’Anerio 1646 fasc. 1
11 .Salmi di Agostino Diruta Roma 1646
The Franzini catalog of 1676 shows that some of Costantini’s prints, as well as
other contemporary publications by his composers, remained on booksellers shelves
231
three quarters of the way through the century, a sign perhaps that a bit of the ancient
customs still stood, and at least some of the works of the era did not die with their
authors.
VOLUME 2
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
MARY PAQUETTE-ABT
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER 2003
CHAPTER 5
Double-Choir Collections per tutti
At the beginning and end of the Costantini series are anthologies of pieces written
for eight voices in the double-choir idiom . 1 His three earliest are among those
enumerated in the recent research by O’Regan on the Roman development and use of
polychoral composition between 1570 and 1621. In this and subsequent studies he
exposed an extensive repertory in this style, and evidence for its performance in Roman
2
institutions. Consulting existing manuscripts and prints along with archival documents,
O’Regan pinpointed the sources and established a chronology of style development in
polychoral writing in Rome, finding common elements in pieces written in each of
roughly three periods: before 1585, 1585 to 1605, and 1605 to about 1620. O’Regan
called Costantini’s anthologies of 1614, 1615, and 1620 a “comprehensive compilation”
of the Roman polychoral music written up to that time. From Costantini’s perspective,
they reveal a contemporary musician’s—and editor’s—vision of the most popular and
useful items of that repertory to be made available in the marketplace. Costantini was
knowledgeable and well-connected enough to assemble such an authoritative
1 “Polychoral” is used by O’Regan to mean two or more groups of four singers each.
The Costantini polychoral collections are all for double choir as printed, although a choir might
be doubled, and thus a work performed with three or more choirs in a “polychoral” idiom, see
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 1.
2
O'Regan, "Processions”; idem, Institutional Patronage', idem, "Early Roman
Polychoral Music.”
3
O'Regan, "Early Roman Polychoral Music," 44.
232
233
compendium from his experience in Rome, but only after observing the needs of cappelle
outside Rome through his work in Orvieto.
Between 1572 and 1621 more than forty individual prints were issued by Rome-
based composers which contained polychoral pieces, showing the extent to which
composers adopted the style .4 Yet in the early years of this period the published
repertory did not equal in quantity polychoral compositions to be found in manuscripts
associated with specific institutions which had fostered the performance of such works.
Among the published works, few were entire prints devoted solely to polychoral pieces.
Pieces for eight or more voices were usually placed alongside those for smaller forces,
which probably reflected the proportion of polychoral pieces actually performed in
relation to all musical performance in liturgical setting, and indicated that pieces for
different sized ensembles were performed on the same occasions. There were only two
anthologies of polychoral pieces by exclusively Roman composers that preceded
Costantini’s, and they were published in 1592 and in 1607.5 Although important and
interesting in their own right, these earlier anthologies are not as comprehensive as
Costantini’s by virtue of their early dates alone.6
4
The seminal Roman publication in polychoral style was Palestrina’s Motettorum 5, 6, 8
vv... liber tertius (Venice: Scotto, 1575) according to O’Regan. His tabulation concludes in
1621, although the Costantini evidence alone shows polychoral publications and performances
did not cease then.
5 Psalmi motecta, Magnificat, et antiphona, Salve Regina diversorum auctorum: octo
vocibus concinenda, selectaaJo. Luca Conforti. (Rome: Coattino, 1592) [RISM 15922], issued
by a virtuoso singer of the papal choir, and Missa, Motecta, Magnificat, et Litaniae B.M. V.
Salvatoris Sacchi cirinolani in Apulea Capellae magistri civitatis Tuscanellae (Rome: B.
Zannetti, 1607) [RISM 16072]. All the composers in both collections, with the exception of
Annibale Stabile and Sacchi himself in the Sacchi collection, were subsequently included in
Costantini’s anthologies.
6 See the concise list in O'Regan, "Early Roman Polychoral Music," 49-50, and catalog
of pieces by composer in idem, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," appendix V. The
234
The key to understanding the development and performance of the repertory lies
not in the work of one or two individual composers, nor in a single institution, but in the
works of composers in combination with their affiliations with musical organizations,
which is how O’Regan organized the repertory he has exposed. This same intersection
of institutions and individuals, seen from the vantage point of the second decade of the
seventeenth century and the personal history of Fabio Costantini, accounts for the shape
of his collections of 1614, 1615, and 1620, and argues for their centrality and
performance currency. His double-choir repertory, then, which consists of works by
composers at institutions most responsible for developing it, made those works available
to other musicians and institutions outside this circle.
This was the festal music with which Costantini grew up, and which he as a
young musician performed, both in the Cappella Giulia and in the frequent jobbing he
did during the 1590s and 1600s. Costantini’s long-time familiarity with both the
composers and the works chosen for these three volumes lends legitimacy to the
comprehensiveness of the collections, and also affirms their continuity with the recent
past and their continuing viability: motets in polychoral style by Palestrina or Annibale
Zoilo, for example, had by 1614 long been part of the active repertory of the Cappella
Pontificia and Cappella Giulia, and certain confraternities. If the cutting edge of
newness had long-since worn away as the repertory of Palestrina and his younger
contemporaries moved from the familiar to the traditional in the venerable institutions,
commercial possibilities for exclusively double-choir pieces had been spotted already in 1599
when Motetti et salmi a otto voci composti da otto eccellentiss. autori was published by Vincenti
in Venice [RISM 15992]. Included were some Roman composers along with others.
7
See O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 13-22, for a discussion of categories
of institutions. For classifications of a wider range of Roman churches and their musical
establishments, see Morelli, "Le cappelle musicali a Roma."
235
this was o f little concern to congregations and the musicians hired by them who would be
content with such a performable and authoritative repertory.
The combination of excellent composers working at the major institutions of
Rome: the Vatican, the major basilicas, the national churches, the German College, and
the thriving confraternities of Sma. Trinita dei Pellegrini and the Oratorians among them,
accounts for the development of this repertory in the first place. By the 1590s it was
sought all over Rome, and by 1614 it was a standard part of feastday celebrations, or was
aspired to, even at parish and monastic churches and the central churches of peripheral
areas. Those which sought to emulate this practice could do so with these publications in
hand, as the prints made this repertory accessible to musical establishments whose
amenities might not include a first rate Roman composer as maestro, but whose
ambitions for celebration of major feasts sought to keep pace with practices at the Roman
8
center. This printed repertory, then, filled the function of institutional manuscripts
where they did not exist, or augmented those that did. The prints might, conceivably,
have joined the manuscripts of the itinerant maestro, augmenting the repertory he could
provide when hired for single occasions.
Although the anthologies are retrospective in that some of the pieces may have
been composed decades before, they do not merely enshrine a remembered past. The
collections represented a contemporary working repertory of occasional music in Rome.
g
Perhaps not all the repertory of polychoral music in Roman sources was generated
there, however. Giovanni Piccioni, the organist in Orvieto between 1590 and 1615, evidently
composed some polychoral pieces which found their way to Roman manuscripts in 1610. See
O'Regan, Institutional Patronage, 67. There is no record of Piccioni’s music in Orvieto sources.
9
Musicians possessed manuscripts, and perhaps even prints, in their personal effects, as
the example of Alessandro Costantini’s will shows: his manuscripts were willed to the musician
Ignatio Olivati. Testamento for Alessandro Costantini.
236
Publication now opened the door to wider availability in Rome, and distribution beyond
its city limits. At the same time canonization of a polychoral tradition exemplified by the
active repertory took place with its publication in a market-sensitive anthology. This can
be seen particularly in the motet collection of 1614, the largest, most widely
disseminated, and perhaps most influential of all the Costantini collections. The motets
of 1614 include pieces in Roman double-choir idiom as it developed over the period
from about 1585 to 1605, with concertato elements woven into the polychoral fabric
after 1605 entering the psalm collections of 1615 and 1620.
In order to substantiate the centrality of the first three prints, and to show
Costantini’s connections with the composers and institutions, three concerns are
examined here. First, the repertory’s links with working manuscripts of the elite
institutions reveal that several pieces known to have been frequently performed while in
manuscript were published here for the first time. Second, an examination of the texts
show a repertory maintaining continuity with late sixteenth-century practice while
adopting new and congenial musical style features. Third, a survey of composers shows
that Costantini’s early years in Rome placed him in direct contact with the individuals
and institutions whose music he published. His was a clear picture of the professional
musical hierarchy of currently important composers, and he brought this knowledge to
bear on the organization of his work. Here the nexus of elite institutions and the
professionals who worked for them, the adoption of a repertory, and the role of
Costantini becomes apparent. Description of a few of the pieces from each collection
shows the range and mix of styles within the repertory and it links the fifty-four pieces,
defining a mainstream, working repertory with traditional ties and contemporary
presentation.
237
Manuscript Provenance of Pieces
About one-third of the pieces in these three anthologies can be traced to Vatican
and Roman confraternity manuscripts of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries, and they were published for the first time only in the Costantini anthologies.
The most widely used manuscript sources are described in table 5.1, followed by the list
of pieces found in them in table 5.2.
238
Table 5.1. Contemporary Vatican and Confraternity Manuscripts3

Manuscript Description
Rvat Sist. 29 CS, copied between 1580-91, assembled after 1592; choirbook,
no organ
Rvat Sist. 31 CS, copied sometime before 1608; choirbook, no organ part
Rvat Giul XIII24 CG, copied at end of 16th cent., possibly paid for 1584; 8
partbooks, no organ
Rvat Giul XIII 25 CG, copied in early 17th cent.; 5 partbooks including organ partb
Rvat Giul XV 62 CG, 17th cent., 9 partbooks including organ part
Rvat Barb 4184 full score, probably copied before 1650c
Rn Mss. Mus. 33-34/ 40-46 copied 1599 or after for Conffatemita SS. Trinita
[hereafter Rn 40-46]
Rn 77-88 early 1580s, partially copied by Zoilo for Sma. Trinita; linked
with Rvat XIII 24, therefore before 1584
Rn 117-121 17th C, possibly copied by 1608, housed at some point in the
Chiesa Nova
Manuscripts described in O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 104-37; idem,

Institutional Patronage; Llorens, Cappellae Sixtinae codici, 59-67; idem, Le opere musicali della
Cappella Giulia, 89-92, 98-102.
The earliest manuscript in the CG to have an organ part.
Q
Most of the pieces in Rvat, Barb. 4184, are attributed to Palestrina by concordance. It is
mentioned here because it is the only approximately contemporary source known for Caro mea
vere, although the dating of this manuscript and its relationship with Costantini is not clear.
Victimae paschale laudes by Palestrina in Salmi, Magnificat 1621, is likely in this same
manuscript.
239
Table 5.2. Contemporary Manuscript Sources for the Polychoral Anthologies

Composer Piece Source Print
Anerio, F. Magnificat Rvat Sist. 31 16201
Crivelli Laetentur caeli et Rvat Sist. 29 16143
exultet
Crivelli Beatus vir qui timet Rvat Sist. 31b 16201
Nanino, G.B. Domine Dominus Rvat CG XIII 25 (anon) 16143
noster
Nanino, G.M. Domine quis habitabit Rn 40-46 16143
Nanino, G.M. Cantate Domino [?] Rn 40-46 (anon) 16143
Nanino, G.M. Sancta et Immaculata Rvat CG XIII24, XV 62 16143
Nanino, G.M. Laetatus sum° Rvat Sist. 31; CG XIII 25 (anon) 16151
[O’Regan]
Nanino, G.M. Beatus vir qui timet Rvat Sist. 31 16151
Pacelli Factum est silentium Rn 40-46 (anon) 16143
Palestrina Sub tuum praesidium Rvat XIII24, XV 62, Barb. 4184 16143
Palestrina Fratres ego enim accepi Rvat XIII24, Barb. 4184 16143
Palestrina Caro mea vere/Hic est Rvat Barb. 4184 16143
Palestrina Letaniae della BV Rvat XIII24, XV 62,d Barb. 4184 1620*
Roy Gloria tibi Trinitas Rvat XIII 25; Rn 40-46 (anon) 16143
Zoilo, A. Beata mater et intacta Rvat XIII24, XIII 25, XV62; Rn 40-46, 16143
Rn 77-88, 117-121
Zoilo, A. Letaniae della BV Rvat XIII24, Barb. 4184; Rn 40-46, Rn 16201
77-88
aO'Regan, "Polychoral Music in Rome," appendix V. The O’Regan catalog, while missing an
occasional cross-listing within the appendices, is more valuable than Llorens for identifying a
specific piece as concordant among the sources.
The Crivelli Beatus vir is indicated to be Tone 6 in both the Vatican ms. and Costantini print,
which means that they might be the same, but the one in 16201is taken from a twelve-voice
version, so the one in the Vatican would also have to be the double-choir version of a triple-choir
piece.
Q
In the 1615 print this piece is attributed to G. B. Nanino, an attribution perpetuated in the
secondary Santini manuscripts which were likely copied from the Costantini print. O’Regan
concludes that the Cappella Sistina manuscript is probably correct since Giovanni Maria was a
singer there. This is the only likely instance of a misattribution made by Costantini who
otherwise is very reliable.
dTheAve Maria benedictus by Palestrina printed in Salmi, Magnificat (1639) is also found in
Rvat Giul. XIII 24 ff. 39, and XV 62.
240
These manuscript sources account for many of the pieces by the older generation
of prominent composers, those active before the 1580s in Rome, and place most of the
pieces in the working manuscripts of the two Vatican musical establishments despite the
occasion or the institution for which the work was originally composed. The constant
crossing o f institutional lines where hiring for special occasions was concerned insured a
shared knowledge among institutions of common types of repertory. In many instances
this likely meant sharing the repertory itself. Thus, for example, Roy’s Gloria tibi
trinitas for eight voices, present in the manuscript Rn 40-46, which has been linked to the
Confratemita di Sma. Trinita dei Pellegrini, is also found in Rvat CG XIII 25, a
manuscript in partbooks copied in the early seventeenth century for use in the Cappella
Giulia. Annibale Zoilo’s Beata Mater can be found in Rn 77-88 as well as in Cappella
Giulia manuscripts XIII 24, XIII 25, and XV 62, indicating continued performance from
the 1580s through the first decades of the seventeenth century at least, and outside the
Cappella Giulia as well as within . 10
For most of the other pieces, the Costantini print is the primary, if not the only
source known . 1 1 Only Giovanelli’s Gaudeamus omnes had appeared before in print, and
because the version in Selectae cantiones (1614) is a variant, Costantini may have
12
obtained it from a different source.
10 O'Regan, Institutional Patronage, 69; Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella

Giulia, 98-101; O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," appendix V.
See app. E-3 for a working list of primary print and manuscript concordances for all
pieces.
12
Gaudeamus omnes appeared first in Sacrarum modulationum, quae vulgo motecta
appellant, quae quinus, et octonis vocibus concinuntur, liber primus (Rome: Coattino, 1593),
with reprints in Venice (1598) and Frankfurt (1608).
241
Other Roman manuscript collections exist today only in transcription. The most
important of them is the Proske collection in Regensburg (D-Rp), which until recently
included the only available record of the Altemps partbooks compiled for the musical
chapel o f Duke Gianlorenzo Altemps by Felice Anerio around 1607, and the Santini
collection in Munster (D-Miis), copied by Fortunato Santini and taken from a wide range
13
of Roman sources. There are numerous concordances among the pieces in the
Costantini prints with these transcriptions, but the prints themselves appear to have been
the sources for some of them . 14 Disentangling the transcriptions and their actual
contemporary Roman manuscript or print sources is unlikely ever to be fully
accomplished. The two types of concordances, those with the later manuscript
transcriptions and those with other original sources, are often given equal weight when
pedigree for Roman repertory is sought, but recognizing the difference is important for
understanding the relative authenticity of a contemporary repertory on its home ground.
The chronology of concordances for a few of the pieces in Costantini’s anthologies is a
little clearer when the other sources are original. As mentioned earlier, Selectae
cantiones (1614) was likely the source for pieces by Marenzio, G. B. Nanino, and
Palestrina in a 1617 German anthology, and Ecce sacerdos magnus by Soriano, also in
Selectae cantiones, was included in that composer’s Psalmi et mottecta published in
13
On these and other Roman transcriptions see O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in
Rome," 130. On the Altemps chapel and collections, see Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for
the Church," and idem, "Palazzo Altemps." The Altemps manuscripts have recently become
available again, see Luciano Luciani, "Le composizioni di Ruggero Giovannelli nei Codici della
ex Biblioteca Altaempsiana," in Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo, 281-318.
14
For example, all the pieces of Raccolta de ’salmi (1615) are transcribed as D-Miis Hs
3588, in the Santini Sammlung, apparently taken from the print.
242
1616.15 In the latter case the piece was published first by Costantini and slightly later by
the composer himself.
Fifteen of the fifty-four pieces appear nowhere else. These include all the pieces
by Alessandro as well as Fabio Costantini, but also two by G. F. Anerio, and one each by
G. M. Nanino, G. B. Nanino, Giovannelli, Francesco Martini, Domenico Massenzio and
Prospero Santini. 16 The Anerio Confltebor, the pieces by the Naninos, Giovannelli,
Martini and Massenzio are clustered in the 1620 Scelta de salmi, which, in addition to
having no print concordances, was evidently circulated less widely, and not at all
northward to Germany. This does not make the collection any less representative of
Roman repertory and maybe more so because it balances the weight given to Italian
17
music incorporated into German libraries which was largely from Venetian presses
The historiographical implications of what was largely an economic situation will no
doubt figure into a revised picture of Roman practice in this period.
Texts in the Polychoral Compendium: Motets

The common thread running through the motet texts is their suitability for the
feasts o f the year, which is sometimes based on liturgical or thematic connections, but in
some cases also determined by tradition and practice (table 5.3). About seventeen of the
motet texts in Selectae cantiones are derived from liturgical sources, usually antiphons
for vespers or responds for matins for specific feastdays. These correspond closely to the
15 Venice: Vincenti.
16 G.F. Anerio: Aurora lucis rutilat, Confltebor, G.B. Nanino: Ave Regina caelorum',
G.M. Nanino: Laudate pueri; Giovannelli: Credidi; Martini: Laudate Dominum omnes gentes',
Massenzio: Ave Regina caelorum', Santini: Angelus Domini.
17
Jerome Roche, '"Aus den beruhmbsten italianischen Autoribus'."
243
18
formulation of the texts found in the breviary of 1568. Sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century practice documented at the Cappella Sistina, however, shows that

19
the performance o f motets was related thematically to their text origins. Motets were
most often performed at the offertory, elevation, or communion of the mass for the day,
and the most likely source for an appropriate text would have been liturgical in origin,
that is, the office for the same feast. Even though the practices of the Cappella Pontificia
cannot be considered typical of other institutions, this procedure is found in enough non
pontifical settings to look upon it as widespread. The number of composers with
pontifical connections included in a collection meant for broad distribution shows the
crossover of practice from elite to ordinary institutions. The theory of thematic
relationship of motets with the feast of the day underlies the choices made for the 1614
anthology. It explains as well the six psalm motets based on complete, partial, or
centonized psalms, the two texts taken from other biblical sources, and the three texts
which cannot be traced to a specific source but have ties with liturgical or biblical
language.
Locating the liturgical source of a text, then, can be useful to proper assignment
of a particular motet. A more reliable guide to actual performance is the contemporary
manuscript or print which includes a rubric for a motet or other type of piece indicating
its intended use. This information is occasionally given in the Cappella Giulia
manuscripts, as in the case of Laetentur caeli by Crivelli found in Rvat. Sist. 29. “In
18
Breviarum Romanum. Editio Princeps (1568), ed. Manlio Sodi and Achille Maria
Triacca (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1999).
19
Anthony M. Cummings, "Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century Motet,"
Journal of the American Musicological Society 34 (1981): 43-59, especially 47-49.
244
Dominica prima adventus” next to its title in the source indicates its performance by the
20
Cappella Pontificia on the first Sunday of Advent.
20
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 106; Llorens, Cappella Sixtinae, 59.
Table 5.3 Selectae cantiones (1614): Text/Liturgical Sources, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer Piece Text Source-Liturgical Usea Tonal Type
source/frequency Clefs* Sys. Final
1 Palestrina Sub tuum Marian. Ant. for Nunc dimitis at Compline (6629); Lf G2C2C3C4- G
praesidium subs. ant. at Vespers; Litany antiphon g 2 c 2c 3c 4-c 4
2 Palestrina Fratres enim ego Corpus Christi, capitulum at vespers (3119); BLf g 2c 2c 3f 3- G
g G2 C2C3F3-(C2F3)
Promptuariie
3 Palestrina Caro mea vero “in festo Corpus Christi”, “Ad Elevatione” John 6 : BLf g 2 c 2c 3f 3- F
56-57; Matins, Brev. (3146); g 2 c 2c 3f 3-
(G 2c 2F 3)
4 Nanino, G.M. Cantate dominum Ps. 149: 1-3; substitute ant. at Marian vespers; Bf C, F
c I,
canticum novum Promptuarii
5 Nanino, G.M. Domine quis Ps. 14 [no dox] Bf Cl G
habitabit
6 Nanino, G.M. Sancta et “In Navitate Domini”, “de Beata Vergine”; res., Lf g 2 c 2c 3c 4- D
immaculata Nativity, Brev. (861), res., BVM, (4681) (6646) g 2 c 2c 3c 4-c 4
7 Anerio, F. Venite ad me Matt. 11:28. language of John 6 , 48-5 [provides Bf g 2 c 2c 3f 3- C
text for Corpus Christi]; Miss. 1570 (3389) g 2 c 2c 3f 3-f 3 l
8 Anerio, F. Pastores loquebantur Nativity, Matins, lectio viii (870); Luke 2: 15-20 BLf g 2 c 2c 3f 3- \> G
g 2 C2C3F3-F3
9 Soriano Ecce sacerdos Common of Pope/Confessor, capitolo at vespers, Lf C, \> F
(6287); ant. (6323); Antiphonae , p. 101
10 Giovannelli Gaudeamus omnes All purpose; “... sanctum omnium;” introit at All Lf Cl L F
Saints; substitute ant. at Marian vespers
11 Giovannelli Puer qui natus est John the Baptist, Magnificat ant. 2" vespers Lf Cl c 3c 4f 4- F
l>
(4942) C, C3C4F4-(C2F4)
12 Giovannelli Angelus ad pastores Ant.3-4 at Laudes, Nativity (880-81); Cifra: “In BLf Cl G
ait Nativitate Domini”
K)
Composer Piece Text Source-Liturgical Usea Tonal Type
13 Crivelli Laetentur caeli “In Dominica prima Adventus” in Rvat Sist 29; Lf G2 C2C3C4- c
n
Nativity, matins res. (863) G2 C2C3C4-
F4 [organ part
transposed down
a fifth, |,-F]
14 Crivelli Crucifixus surrexit Laudes antiphon, ver./res. outside the octave Lf Ci F
\>
(2557)
15 Nanino, G.B. Beatus Laurentius Magnificat ant. 2nd vespers (5374); Cifra “In festo Lo Ci G
S. Laurentius martyriis” k
16 Nanino, G.B. Domine Dominus Ps. 8 [no dox] Bf C, $ G
noster
17 Nanino, G.B. Beati omnes qui Ps. 127 [no dox] Corpus Christi (3118) Bf C, F
\>
timet
18 Anerio, G.F. Aurora lucis rutilat Octave of Easter, hymn at laudes, (2534) Lo G2C2C3C4- c
G2 C2C3C4-C4 k
19 Pacelli Factum est silentium Michael the Archangel, Matins, res.l (5710); Lf C, G
Antiphonae, p. 98 \
20 Costantini, A. Inclina domine Ps. 85 [and Ps. 5] centonization and paraphrase Bf C, k G
21 Costantini, A. Dextera tua Domine Exodus 15: 6-7, 11 Bo g 2 c 2c 3f 3- \> F
G2 C2C3F3-(G2
c 2c 3F 3)
22 Santini Angelus domini Matt. 28:2-6, Easter Matins res. (2429); Cifra: “In BLf C, F
descendit die Resurrectionis, et tempore Paschali”
23 Zoilo, A. Beata Mater “De Beata Virgine;” Magn. ant. Sat., (6621); sub. Li G2C2C3C4 - C
antiphon at Marian vespers; Antiphonae5 g 2 c 2c 3c 4-c 4
24 Marenzio Jubilate deo (not the Ps. text); Cifra “De Tempore” f Cl A
K>
Q\
Composer Piece Text Source-Liturgical Use3 Tonal Type
25 Roy Gloria tibi Trinitas Trinity, ant. 1 at vespers (3085); Antiphonae, p. Li Ci G
n
100
26 Lucatello Super flumina Ps. 136: 1-5 Bf Q G
n
babilonis
27 Costantini, F. Sancti dei omnes Commemoration of All Saints at BVM, vespers, Lo Q G
laudes(6623)
28 Costantini, F. O lumen ecclesiae £ G
St. Augustine, Antiphonae, from medieval hymn 0 Cl
Standard clefs, designated by Ci, mean low clefs, Ci C 3 C 4 F 4 -C 1 C 3 C 4 F 4 -F 4 and F4 used for the instrumental bass from the outset.
a“Brev.” and numbers in parentheses refer to margin numbers in Breviarum Romanum (1568), ed. Sodi and Triacca; “Miss.” and parenthetical
numbers refer to Missale Romanum, Editio Princeps (1570), ed. Manlio Sodi and Achille Maria Triacca (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice
Vaticana, 1998); “Cifra” refers to liturgical designations for those motet incipits also in Selectae cantiones, 1638; “substitute antiphons” are
identified from the Salmi della Madonna of Paolo Agostino (Rome, 1619), in Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 107.
David Anthony Blazey, "The Litany in Seventeenth-Century Italy," Ph.D. diss., University of Durham, 1990.
Q
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 132 and appendix IV.
dAntiphonae indicates feast-specific vespers antiphon usage, according to the 1613 publication by G. F. Anerio, see James Armstrong, "The
Antiphonae, seu sacrae cantiones (1613) of Giovanni Francesco Anerio: A Liturgical Study," Analecta musicologica 14 (1974): 89-150.
Q
Ibid., 103, proper antiphon for the feast of S. Monica.
f
Ibid., feast of S. Augustine, text combines a respond at matins on the feast, plus a medieval hymn, see Analecta hymnica medii aevi, eds.
Clemons Blume and Guido Maria Dreves (1888-1922; reprint, Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1961), 5: 137.
248
Whether use was the same in institutions for which printed collections were
intended is more difficult to document. Such rubrics are lacking in Costantini’s earlier
collections, but they can be found in other Roman motet prints. Although circumstantial,
this evidence might suggest common usage for similar texts among all institutions in the
Roman sphere. One source of performance designations that represents contemporary

21
practice can be found in the 1638 collection of motets by Antonio Cifra. The Grignani
collection reprints motets originally published between 1609 and 1612. A note to the
reader points out two tavole for the collection, one according to text incipit and the other
according to the different parts of the liturgical calendar. This second table specifies a
group of motets for each feast, and serves as a guide for common use in the institutions
22
where Cifra’s music could be found. Eight of the twenty-eight motet texts in Selectae
cantiones were among those set by Cifra (as few-voice motets), and thus appear in the
1638 print along with their liturgical designation. Correlation of these texts with the
liturgical designations in the Cifra reprint further supports the assertion that in most cases
23
“motets with texts appropriate to certain feasts were actually sung during those feasts.”
Other indications of performance in contemporary prints supports rather flexible
employment for some of the motet texts. For example, a setting of Gaudeamus omnes,
Antonio Cifra, Sacrae cantiones quae binis, temis, quatemis, senis, octonis vocibus
concinuntur (Rome: Grignani, 1638), Basso per VOrgano partbook found in Case VM 2061
c56s, US-Cn. The German anthologies called Promptuarii musici (RISM 16111, 16123, 16132,
16171), in which a number of Roman double-choir pieces were reprinted, assign feasts for some
of them, see O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," appendix IV.
22
Inventories of medium and modest-sized churches, as well as larger churches, and
households and private cappelle of aristocrats include many of Cifra’s numerous publications.
See, for example, Couchman, "Palazzo Altemps"; Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 91-92;
Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 60-61, 64.
23
Richard Sherr’s hypothesis quoted in Cummings, "Sixteenth-Century Motet," 49.
249
the introit for the feast of All Saints, is used as an antiphon substitute in a 1619 vespers
collection by Agostini in 1619 indicating its suitability also for Marian devotion .24 Sub
tuurn praesidium, designated liturgically as the antiphon for Nunc dimitis at Compline for
the Office of the Virgin, is another common motet text often set throughout Italy, and
25
more than once in the Costantini anthologies. It, too, is used as a substitute antiphon
for vespers in the Agostini print, but Blazey has also linked it with the singing of litanies,
26
going so far as to call it the litany antiphon. Roche, calling it a Magnificat antiphon,
added that its use was not precluded elsewhere, allowing any of those mentioned above
27
to be correct.
The three-volume Antiphonae seu sacrae cantiones published by G. F. Anerio in
1613 represents a more thorough and liturgically precise practice in its provision of
polyphonic settings of vespers antiphons for first class feasts of “double” rank during the
liturgical year than was the intent of Costantini’s publications. .Anerio’s collection does,
however, include the types of feasts which would most likely use double-choir motets.
Five of the Selectae cantiones texts are found in the Antiphonae, where their feastday
designations for the most part corroborate intended use in the Costantini collection. The
remarkably few correspondences between Anerio’s antiphon texts and the polychoral
motets in Costantini’s anthology, only five out of almost 250 settings in Anerio’s
24
Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 106-8.
25
In addition to the Palestrina setting in 1614, Stefano Landi’s version for three voices is
in Selectae cantiones (1616). See chap. 6 .
26
David Anthony Blazey, "The Litany in Seventeenth-Century Italy," Ph.D. diss.,
University of Durham, 1990, 17-18.
27
Jerome Roche, "Alessandro Grandi: A Case Study in the Choice of Texts for Motets,"
Journal of the Royal Musical Association 113 (1988): 284, 274-305.
250
Antiphonae, show the differences between a publication intended for institutions,
including monastic ones, with a minimal number of singers on hand at all times, and
Costantini’s collections which were oriented toward more popular feastday devotion.
The specificity of Anerio’s Antiphonae contrasts with the versatility of Costantini’s. On
the other hand, the fundamental difference in idiom between these two publications
might call attention to the fact that there is any correspondence at all between motet texts
suitably set in few-voiced styles and those for double choirs. The texts found in both
publications are Gloria tibi Trinitas (Roy), Factum est silentium (Pacelli), and Ecce
sacerdos magnus (Soriano) which are part of the offices associated with their feasts
(Trinity, Michael the Archangel, and Common of Pope/Confessor). Beata Mater (A.
Zoilo) and O lumen ecclesiae (F. Costantini) are found in the Antiphonae’s third section
28
devoted to vesper antiphons for offices of the principal saints of four mendicant orders.
Beata Mater is shown there for the feast of St. Monica, but it addresses the Virgin and its
29
uses were flexible. O lumen ecclesiae mentions the Confessor and Doctor St.
Augustine by name so its use is far more specific. The text of Costantini’s motet is quite
close to that for Anerio’s antiphon intended for vespers on the saint’s feastday, and
combines a responsory from matins on the day of the feast with a medieval rhymed
30
hymn. The feast of S. Agostino was celebrated with the greatest solemnity at
Augustinian houses, of which there were no less than five in Rome and one in Orvieto, at
28
The four orders are Augustinian, Franciscan, Dominican, and Carmelite. S. Monica
would be important to the Augustinians, such as those at S. Lucia in Selci.
29
Its text is found in Brev. 1568 (6621), Magnificat antiphon for the Office of the
Virgin, outside Advent.
30
There are no matins responsories in the Brev. 1568 for the feast of St. Augustine and
Armstrong, ’’Antiphonae, ” lists only the source for the hymn.
251
31
least some of which hired musicians for the occasion. The usefulness of the anthology
is thus enhanced with attention to local Roman requirements that are in fact replicated in
numerous other locations, and Costantini himself supplied the motet appropriate for this
particular feast. 32
O’Regan uses the term “festal psalm-motets” for a group of motets prominent in
the Roman polychoral repertory with texts of a general nature, many of which are taken
33
from psalm verses or old testament canticles. Their generic texts (Cantate Dominum
canticum novum, Gaudeamus omnes, Jubilate Deo) usually correspond with themes of
praise, just the types of occasions on which the polychoral repertory would most
frequently have been employed. This usage is confirmed by the Jubilate Deo, labeled
‘‘de tempore” in printed rubrics. Three additional motets based on psalms cannot be
mistaken for songs of praise, but the Domine quis habitabit, Super flumina Babilonis,
and Inclina domine, which have no clear liturgical purposes, might express themes of
penitence and supplication suitable for Lent or Holy Week. Bead omnes, another psalm
motet, sets the entire text of psalm 147, prescribed at vespers for the feast of Corpus
Christi. As with the other psalm texts among the motets, this one lacks the doxology so
was not intended for vespers, but might well have been part of mass or procession
ceremonies on that day. The feast of Corpus Christi, although widely observed, held
31 See chap. 6 .
32
In Anerio’s third volume, the feasts of S. Augustine and S. Monica lead the list of
special saints, disregarding calendar order, implying their popularity in both monastic and parish
settings.
33
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 8 8 . For a listing of old testament
canticles see John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgyfrom the Tenth to the
Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 256-57.
252
special meaning in Orvieto, and for that reason may possibly have received extra
attention in this volume.
The solemn celebration of important feastdays, those designated “double” as
mentioned above or “duplex” in the Breviarium, included a cycle of three services, first
vespers on the eve, plus mass and second vespers on the day. Double-choir settings of
motets might have had a place at the closing of vespers as well as the points during and
following the mass on days when singers were assembled in sufficient number to
perform them. The 1614 Selectae cantiones with twenty-eight motets, and the 1615
Raccolta de ’ salmi with eight psalms, three Marian antiphons, and a Magnificat, form a
pair according to Costantini’s own description. The third volume of this polychoral
compendium, the 1620 Scelta de salmi, further augments the vespers repertory with
additional psalms and Marian antiphons, plus two litanies. Costantini’s expressed intent
that the first two volumes made a set, and the obvious continuation of the theme in the
third volume, suggests these editions were to be a kind of library of festive pieces for
vespers as well as added items for mass for the entire annual cycle of feastday services
and solemn liturgical celebrations.
Texts in the Polychoral Compendium: Vespers Psalms, Marian Antiphons, Litanies

The 1615 Raccolta de ’ salmi provides polyphonic settings of the five psalms
prescribed for first and second vespers on Marian feasts, those of female saints, and the
complete set for the dedication of a church, accounting for seven of the eight psalms
(table 5.4) . 34 An eighth psalm (Credidi) variously configured with the others yields the
full complement of polyphonic settings for second vespers for the feast of St. Lawrence,
34
Dixit Dominus (109), Laudate pueri (112), Laetatus sum (121), Nisi Dominus (126),
Lauda Jerusalem (147).
253
Common of one or more martyrs, and All Saints, plus four of the five psalms for both
vespers at Corpus Christi. The 1620 print adds one new psalm, Laudate Dominum, the
fifth for first vespers at Nativity, Epiphany, Pentecost, Trinity, All Saints, John the
Baptist, St. Lawrence and Common of Martyrs, Michael the Archangel, St. Augustine,
35
Common of Apostles and Evangelists, and Common of a Pope/Confessor. The final
psalm of the Sunday cursus, In exitu (113), was set polyphonically much less frequently
than the other four in any of the collections of the period, and in fact is not found in any
of the Costantini publications. Laudate Dominum was commonly substituted for this
lengthy psalm, making a group similar to that for the male cursus, and satisfying a
number of second vespers requirements. 36
35
36 Ibid.
254
Table 5.4. Psalms in Raccolta de’salmi (1615) and Scelta de salmi (1620)
03 o
/—\ fN
r? (N''
'W
SO
r-
n
Os O /-"S w
(N
^' SO
© VOi <N
w *— fN £
3 s (N
6 3 .3
13
Feasts with appropriate Holidays and Feastdays e s- F-H o >o o 3
cn C
C/3
3.
motets in Selectae specific to Orvieto, £o O CL .-H Q l
O
3O *§
X) C
cantiones (1614); Feasts Mentioned or listed in Q 4> C/5 uC3 <U
■K T3
o 4>
" ti y=: 3 T3 •3 -a T3
o f the year celebrated in Rub. XXX, Statutorum *x o3 3<D ce g < . 0g3
LL> 0Si3 33
most venues 1581 3 o u J -3
Sunday Sunday 1 st
2 "d b
X X X X X
Circumcision; Assumption X X X X X
Annunciation, Visitation, Mary Magdalene
Nativity, Assumption, S. Lucia
Presentation o f BVM (5)
Common o f Virgins
Nativity (3) Nativity 1st X X X X X
2 nd X X X
Epiphany 1st X X X X X
2 nd X X X X
b
X
Easter (3) Resurrection 1 st
2 nd X X X X
b
X
Corpus Christi (3) Corpus Christi X X X X
Pentecost (2) Pentecost 1 st X X X X X
2 nd X X X X
b
X
Trinity Is* X X X X X
2nd X X X X
b
X
All Saints 1 st X X X X X
2 nd X X X X X
John the Baptist X X X X X
S. Lawrence S. Faustino 1st X X X X X
Common o f One or More 2 nd X X X X X
Martyrs
Dedication o f S. Michael 1 st X X X X X
the Archangel 2 nd X X X X
Dedication o f a Church X X X X X
S. Augustine S. Thomas Aquinas X X X X X
Common o f 1st X X X X X
Pope/Confessor 2 nd X X X X
Common o f Apostles and Peter and Paul, 1st X X X X X
Evangelists Apostles 2 nd X X X
a(2)=one each in 1615 and 1620 bLaudate Dominum could serve as unofficial substitute for In exitu
Israel, according to Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 501.
255
Consideration of the three publications together suggests looking to the Selectae
cantiones of 1614 to see which of the feasts for which these vespers psalms could be
used were intentionally provided with appropriate motet settings. The largest number of
motets were suitable for Marian feasts (5), and for Corpus Christi and Eucharistic
devotions (5), followed by Easter and Paschaltide (4), Nativity (4), All Saints (2), and
one each for the feast of the Trinity, John the Baptist, Common of a Pope/Confessor, S.
Lawrence, S. Michael the Archangel and S. Augustine, plus six general texts of praise or
supplication, settings which served as all-purpose substitutes.
Three of the four Marian antiphons, Regina caeli used at Paschaltide, Salve
Regina for the long stretch from Pentecost to Advent, and Ave Regina for Purification (2
Feb.) through the Wednesday of Holy Week, plus one Magnificat, complete the 1615
collection. Another Magnificat and further settings of Ave Regina and Regina caeli are
joined by Alma redemptoris, sung from the beginning of Advent until Purification, in the
1620 collection, providing a full complement of Marian antiphons.
Two litanies “della Madonna” close the 1620 Scelta di salmi, one by Palestrina
and the other by Annibale Zoilo. This is the first evidence of the publication of either
one, and their inclusions makes this the first known vespers collection with litanies to be
37
published in Rome in the seventeenth century. The Litany of Loreto was the litany
most frequently set polyphonically in the seventeenth century after its approval for
37
Blazey’s otherwise thorough coverage of litany publications in the seventeenth
century missed the 1620 Scelta de salmi, and hence discussion of either of these two litanies. An
earlier study of the litany, one much concerned with categorizing texts, mentions two double
choir Litanies of Loreto by Palestrina but is not specific about sources, see Joachim Roth, Die
mehrstimmigen lateinischen Litaneikompositionen des 16. jahrhunderts (Regensburg: Bosse,
1959), 14-15, 19.
256
38
liturgical use in 1576, and after suppression of other Marian litanies in 1601. The
truncated treatments of the Litany of Loreto text in these two versions, however, show
that suppression of earlier Marian litany texts did not necessarily result in abandoning
previously written music. In the case of the Palestrina setting, there is evidence it was
retooled in manuscript to fit the new norms, possibly even after Palestrina’s death.
Bianchi transcribed the litany from Rvat Cappella Giulia XV 62, but reports that a
previous version of the same litany in Rvat X III24 shows portions of the text crossed out
39
with substitutions of words from the Litany of Loreto. The version of the litany in
Scelta di salmi of 1620 matches the modem transcription taken from Cappella Giulia XV
62, and incorporates the presumably revised text. Palestrina’s original version of this
litany was thus not written precisely for the Loreto text, and the changes only allowed a
partial setting of the Litany of Loreto, with various invocations seemingly chosen from
the official text. The setting finishes after the Agnus Dei with a reiteration of the Kyrie-
Christe-Kyrie text which opens the standard Loretan litany, and this version as well. The
Zoilo setting is similarly free with the Loreto text: not every invocation is used (and
different ones than Palestrina’s), and the closing Agnus Dei is not present at all.
Obviously the dogmatic promulgation of the Litany of Loreto text took second place to
the musical setting of a reasonably close text if it was set by the respected Palestrina or
Zoilo.
38
The 1576 date according to O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome,” but
Bianchi reports that Clement VIII promulgated the bull “Sanctissima” on 8 September 1601 to
suppress other forms of the litany of the Virgin in favor of the Litany of Loreto. Giovanni
Pierluigi da Palestrina le opere complete, ed. Lino Bianchi, vol. 20 (Rome: Istituto Italiano per
la Storia della Musica, 1955), x-xi. Blazey does not give a precise history of the text, but
provides useful bibliography.
39
Palestrina le opere complete, 20:106-115, transcribed without organ part.
257
Composers in the Poiychoral Compendium: Anthologies of 1614,1615, and 1620
These were not the first collections to assemble works by some of the same
composers. Roman anthology publications of 1586 and 1589 of unrelated genres show
remarkable parallels with the Costantini volumes in the list of composers anthologized:
F. Anerio, A. Crivelli, Giovannelli, Locatello, Marenzio, G. M. Nanino, Palestrina,
Quagliati, Soriano, and Zucchelli.40 These earlier canzonetta collections were in turn
reprinted in Venice, and as late as 1608 in Antwerp. It was not until 1614 that these
same composers’ polychoral compositions (many of them likely composed at the same
time) were seen as material for anthologizing. The contemporary commercial viability of
the sacred polychoral collections speaks to the currency of the genre in Rome, a trend
supported by the continuing presence of such music in individual prints and the
documentary evidence assembled in O’Regan’s studies. The identities of the composers,
too, was no small factor in the make up of these anthologies, and governed the
organization of pieces in the Selectae cantiones: the motets are arranged in order
according to the composers’ prestige, as Costantini, perhaps reflecting his audience,
perceived them. According to that ranking, Palestrina’s pieces are first, Costantini places
his last, and everyone else can be seen to follow in rank order according to Costantini’s
judgement, the composers represented by their most appropriate selections. This
40
Two strands of publications may be discerned, one in Rome, Diletto spirituale...
raccolte...da Simone Verovio (Rome: M. van Buyten, 1586) [RISM 15862] and related Diletti
spirituale, [RISM 15863 and 159216], and the second strand only beginning there: Ghirlanda di
fioretti (Rome: [Verovio], 1589) [RISM 158911], Canzonetteper cantor...libro primo-terzo
(Venice: Vincenti, 1591) [RISM 159114"16], Canzonette alia romana (Venice: Gardano, 1601)
[RISM 1601s], Canzonette alia romana (Antwerp: Phalese 1607) [RISM 160714], Newe teutsche
Canzonetten (Frankfurt am Main: Richter 1608) [RISM 160822]. In the second strand, local
composers would be added, then taken away in a subsequent version, but the core remained
Costantini’s 1614 Roman composers. Quagliati, also included among the Romans, is found in
Costantini’s 1639 polychoral publication as well as the Scelta de motetti of 1618. The latter
series has been noted before, but its significance has not yet been fully probed.
258
represents Costantini’s own perception, of course, but he intended for it to be marketable.
Since a large part o f his market would have been made up of other musicians, his peers
who also would be familiar with the criteria, it may be assumed that his perception was
generally shared.
As with all of Costantini’s collections, the composers in the three polychoral
collections are either Roman or worked in Rome sometime during the period when the
repertory was current. Even among those from an earlier generation relative to the year
of these publications, almost all had traceable ties to Fabio Costantini himself, to
manuscript sources he would have known from his earliest years at the Cappella Giulia,
or to performance experiences in the basilica or elsewhere in Rome. The twenty-two
composers, their dates and number of pieces, in order of introduction in the anthologies,
are listed in table 5.5.
259
Table 5.5. Composers in Order of Introduction and Number of Pieces in the
Polychoral Compendium
Composer Dates 1614 16151 16201
Palestrina 1525-1594 3 1
Nanino, Gio. Maria 1543/4-1607 3 1 1
Anerio, Felice c.l 560-1614 2 1 1
Soriano, Francesco c.l 548-1621 1 1
Giovannelli, Ruggiero c.1560-1625 3 1 1
Crivelli, Arcangelo c.1546-1617 2 1 1
Nanino, Bernardino 1560-1618 3 1 1
Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1567-1630 1 1 1
Pacelli, Asprilio 1570-1623 1
Costantini, Alessandro c.l 581-1657 2 1 1
Santini, Prospero fl,1583-1603a 1
Zoilo, Annibale c.1537-1592 1 1
Marenzio, Luca 1553-1599 1
Roy, Bartolomeo c.1530-1599 1
Locatello, Gio. Battista fl.1579-1595 1
Costantini, Fabio c,1580-cl644 2 1 2
De Grandis, Vincenzo 1577-1646 1
Tarditi, Paolo 16th C.-1649 1
Zoilo, Cesare 1584-C.1622 1
Massenzio, Domenico 16th c .-l650 1
Zucchelli, G.B. “il Cieco” act.1577-1630 1
Martini, Francesco C.1560-C1626 1
aSantini was organist at S. Luigi dei Francesi from 1583-1587, see Lionnet, La musique a Saint-
Louis, 1:140.
The composers can be clustered into three groups, the first including Palestrina,
Bartolomeo Roy, Annibale Zoilo, Arcangelo Crivelli, Giovanni Battista Locatello and
Giovanni Maria Nanino (table 5.6). All in this group were bom before 1550, several
much earlier, but were active in Rome and composing in the polychoral style in the
1570s and 1580s. Only Annibale Zoilo and Roy did not overlap with Costantini’s
earliest activity in Rome.
260
Table 5.6. Older Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation 1590-1610,
Pieces in the Polychoral Compendium
Composer Piece Institution Print
Palestrina Sub tuum praesidium CG from 1571-d. 1594 16143
Palestrina Fratres ego 16143
Palestrina Caro mea/His est panis 16143
Palestrina Letaniae della B.V. 16201
Crivelli, A. Crucifixus surrexit CS from 1583, concurrent duties in 16143
CG from 1597-d. 1617
Crivelli, A. Laetentur caeli 16143
Crivelli, A. Confitebor 16151
Crivelli, A. Beatus vir 16201
Locatello Super flumina Organist at CG 1580-91,1593; S. 16143
Spirito in Sassia up to 1595
Zoilo, A. Beata Mater [CG and /CS before 1577], Loreto 16143
1584-d. 1592
Zoilo, A. Letaniae della B.V . 16201
Roy, Bart. Gloria tibi Trinitas [Rome c l 570-1581] 16143
Nanino, Cantate Domino CS 1577-1607 16143
G.M.
Nanino, Domine quis habitabit 16143
G.M.
Nanino, Sancta et immaculata 16143
G.M.
Nanino, Beatus vir 16151
G.M.
Nanino, Laudate pueri 15201
G.M
With the exception of Roy these musicians had Vatican connections during their
careers, and all of them including Roy were represented in the manuscript collections of
the Cappella Giulia and Sistina in the period between 1590 and 1610 when Costantini
41
was there. Another venue where Costantini may have encountered this music would
have been the Arciconfratemita della Sma. Trinita dei Pellegrini, where the double-choir
Llorens, Cappella Sixtinae\ idem, Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia.
261
works o f Roy and Zoilo are also present in manuscripts associated with it. Sma. Trinita
was an organization at which apparently all in this group but Santini provided music at
one time or another. Participation there is a sign of prominence in the music profession
in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Costantini himself may have
performed there as a youthful soprano.42
Among other musical institutions served by these composers at some time in their
careers, the most frequent are the basilicas of S. Giovanni in Laterano and S. Maria
Maggiore, and S. Luigi dei Francesi, all of which had long-standing musical
organizations.
The second group of composers, bom somewhat later, are Felice and Giovanni
Francesco Anerio, Giovannelli, Marenzio, Martini, Giovanni Bernardino Nanino, Pacelli,
Santini, Soriano, and Zucchelli who were bom between 1550 and 1570 and were active,
for the most part, into the second decade of the seventeenth century, with the notable
exception of Luca Marenzio, who died relatively young in 1599 (table 5.7). For many of
this group who published actively, their first works appeared at least in the 1580s if not
earlier, and their productivity overlaps the older group. The institutional relationships
within this group shows a slightly wider mix of employment situations, reflecting the
increasing number o f musical cappelle in existence at the beginning of the seventeenth

43
century. Not everyone was connected with one of the Vatican institutions, nor did a
composer necessarily have to be in order to have a flourishing career even in sacred
music venues.
42
O'Regan, Institutional Patronage, vii.
43
Morelli, “Ze cappelle musicale a Roma. ”
262
Table 5.7. Second Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation 1590-1620,
Anerio, F. Venite ad me omnes CS 1594-d. 1614; Altemps 1606-8 16143
Anerio, F. Pastores loquebantur 16143
Anerio, F. Ave Regina caelorum 16151
Anerio, F. Magnificat 16201
Anerio, G. F. Aurora lucis rutilat 1600-03 Lateran, 1608 S. Spirito, 16143
1610 Verona, 1611-12 Coll. Romano,
1613-20 S. M. dei Monti
Anerio, G. F. Magnificat 16151
Anerio, G. F. Confitebor 16201
Giovannelli Gaudeamus omnes CG 1594-99; CS 1599-1625 16143
Giovannelli Puer qui natus est 16143
Giovannelli Angelus et pastores 16143
ait
Giovannelli Regina caeli laetare 16151
Giovannelli Credidi 16201
Marenzio Jubilate Deo d.1599 16143
Martini Laudate Dominum Coll. Romano 1694-1602; Chiesa 16201
Nuova 1603-1626
Nanino, B. Beatus Laurentius SLF 1591-1608; S. Lorenzo in 16143
Damaso 1608-18
Nanino, B. Domine dominus 16143
noster
Nanino, B. Beati omnes qui timet 16143
Nanino, B. Laetatus sum 16151
Nanino, B. Ave Regina caelorum 16201
Pacelli, A. Factum est silentium German Coll. 1595-1602; CG 1602 16143
Santini Angelus domini SLF & org. (S. Ivo) 1583-1587; 16143
discendit Chiesa Nova, org-maestro 1593-1603
Soriano Ecce sacerdus SMM 1595, 1601-03, SGL 1599- 16143
magnus 1601, CG 1603-1620
Soriano Credidi 16151
Zucchelli Dixit dominus S. Giov. Laterano-org 1599-1630 16201
*See table 5.6 for abbreviations.
A number of these composers had links with the newer Chiesa Nuova and the
German College, as well as the Vatican, major basilicas, and S. Luigi dei Francesi. All
263
but G.F. Anerio, Martini and Santini participated at Sma. Trinita, and Felice Anerio
served the singular Altemps chapel in addition to his other responsibilities. These new
establishments, or ones newly important musically, thus took their place beside the
Vatican and other older established music programs as favored employers.
Costantini was in a position to work with many of his fellow professionals in
various venues, one basis for the authority he lends his compilations. In the Cappella
Giulia he sang under Giovannelli (1594-1599), Pacelli (1602), and Soriano (1603-1620),
who succeeded to the position of maestro after Palestrina. Stefano Fabbri, who headed
the cappella between 1599 and 1602, evidently did not compose any double-choir music
that Costantini approved of, as he alone among a long line of leaders of the Cappella
Giulia is not represented in any of the anthologies.44 Pacelli’s Factum est silentium,
mentioned above, was anonymous in the manuscript source linked with Sma. Trinita, but
Costantini’s attribution, as in most other cases, shows he was well aware of the
composer’s identity.
Felice Anerio, in Rome all his life and active at many institutions, was at the
forefront of promotion of polychoral performance in the city.45 From 1594 until his
death in 1614 he was the somewhat tentative official composer to the Cappella Pontificia,
but at the same time was active in providing music at other Roman institutions.46 In the
44
Two pieces by Stefano Fabri for eight voices are found in an eighteenth century
Cappella Giulia manuscript containing early seventeenth-century repertory: one Litany of Loreto
and the antiphon Plaudite nunc organis. Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 101-
02 .
45
46
Foisted upon the Cappella Pontificia by the papal nephew Pietro Aldobrandini in
1595, see O’Regan, “Sacred Polyphonic Music in Rome,” and Couchman, "Felice Anerio's
Music for the Church."
264
early 1600s he was attached, concurrently, to the musical chapel of Duke Giannangelo
Altemps, whose manuscripts prepared by Anerio, or at least their descendents, are such a
rich source o f Roman repertory of all types in the period.47 His is the largest surviving
polychoral output of any Roman composer, and his representation in the Costantini
anthologies, four previously unpublished pieces, constitute Anerio’s greatest number of

48
posthumous publications. The extent of his involvement in the musical culture of
Rome during the twenty years that his career coincided with Costantini’s shows potential
for interaction between them beyond the Vatican. Anerio received a yearly commission
to provide music in honor of Filippo Neri at the Chiesa Nuova, he led music a number of
times at S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, including the Nativity services in 1601, and he was
on the books in the household of Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini when Costantini led the
49
music for the possesso of Cardinal Sannesio. Although his musical presence is not
recorded at the German College, Anerio was made a priest there in 1607.50 Among
Felice Anerio’s four poly choral pieces in the three editions, a Magnificat appears in a
Vatican manuscript (see above), but the others appear in Costantini’s collection for the
first time making it the most likely earliest printed source.
Giovanni Francesco Anerio, brother of Felice, was as peripatetic as his older
brother was settled. His service for occasions at the Oratory of Filipo Neri in the 1580s
47
Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church"; idem, "Palazzo Altemps";
Luciani, "Biblioteca Altaempsiana."
48
Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," 186. A fifth piece, Dulcis amor
Jesu in the 1639 collection had been published in 1602.
49
Ibid., 47-125; for Anerio’s presence at S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini see I-Rsgf,
Rubricella, parte II Chiesa: p. 371-373 C (=Mandati-spese per la musica) 200-201.
50 Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," 174.
265
and the Crocifisso in the 1590s has been noted in the archives, but his first longer term
job was maestro at the basilica of S. Giovanni in Laterano, 1600-1603. He is known to
have been maestro at S. Spirito in Sassia in 1608, but went to Verona soon after. His
time in Verona, c .l609-1611, is notable for what the northern exposure might have meant
to his composition. He was back in Rome again, at the Collegio Romano, from 1611-
1613. From 1613 to 1620 he served as maestro at S. Maria dei Monti, which left him
time to free-lance as well. Although a cleric, Anerio was not ordained until 1616, and for
the occasion organized a storied multi-choir extravaganza.51 This performance contrasts
mightily with the spirit of the 1613 antiphon cycle Antiphonae seu sacre, and different
52
again from the vernacular sacred concerti of the Teatro harmonico of 1619. His hand
was in all the current trends, and his pieces were included in all of Costantini’s
anthologies through 1630, the year of his death.
Availability of Marenzio’s Jubilate Deo for the anthologies may fit into one of
the patterns of manuscript association, but personal familiarity with the composer on the
part of Costantini cannot be ruled out. Although Marenzio’s primary employment in
Rome was aristocratic and private, particularly between 1589 and 1595, he was in the
musical public eye at least occasionally during Costantini’s early activity, with payments
documenting his provision of music for the Lenten season at Sma. Trinita in 1592, and
the Arciconffatemita del SS. Crocifisso in 1595. O’Regan offers a post-1585 date for the
This occasion is often quoted from the source in Gigli, Diario Romano, 37.
52
Armstrong, "Antiphonae," and William C. Hobbs, "Giovanni Francesco Anerio's
'Teatro armonico spirituale di madrigali': A Contribution to the Early History of the Oratorio,"
Ph. D. diss., Tulane University, 1971.
266
. 5 3
piece, and its only source in its eight-voice version appears to be Costantini’s print. A
twelve-voice, triple-choir arrangement is present in Rn 40-46 and appears in a Krakow-
published anthology in 1604, expanding the possibilities but not clarifying this Jubilate
Deo's history.54 Since Costantini was not explicit about what role he might have had in
the reduction of voices, as he was for the Crivelli Confltebor in 1620, this eight-voice
version was probably set as such when he obtained it.
Prospero Santini was an Oratorian and maestro at S. Maria in Vallicella, the
“Chiesa Nuova,” from 1591 to 1603, and was followed in that position by Francesco
Martini from 1604 to 1623.55 Santini left Rome when he left the Chiesa Nuova, leaving
behind at least this double-choir piece, and also an unidentified twelve-voice motet
which was sung by the Cappella Pontificia in 1616.56 This residual interest by the
Cappella Pontificia in a polychoral composition by Santini shows that more than one of
his works were still part of a working repertory more than a decade after his departure.
Francesco Martini, who took over as maestro in after Santini’s departure, published one
set of Sacrae laudes (Zannetti, 1617), probably so named despite its Latin texts because
of his association with the Oratory, however the Laudate Dominum omnes gentes is not
57
among the polychoral pieces it contains.
53
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 236. As noted, the piece in
Promptuarii musici (Strasbourg, 1617) is reprinted from 16143.
54
Luca Marenzio, Musica Sacra, vol. 7 of Opera Omnia, ed. Bernhard Meier and
Roland Jackson, Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 72 (AIM: Hanssler Verlag, 2000), xii.
55 Morelli, II Tempio Armonico, 15-18.
56 Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 424. This occurred on 29 May, after
the mass and before the luncheon honoring the anniversary of the pope's coronation.
57
Sacrae laudes de B. Maria Virg. quatemis, quinis, senis, septienis, octonisque
vocibus, et eiusdem litaniae octonis similiter vocibus concinendae...una cum basso ad organum,
liber secundus. Roma, Zannetti, 1617.
267
Alessandro Costantini may be the link between the Chiesa Nuova and the pieces
possibly created there, and the anthologies. Morelli has reported an “Alessandro” who
was organist at the Chiesa Nuova from March 1606 to July 1608, and offers two
58
individuals who might be that person, one of which is Alessandro Costantini. Working
as organist in this period Alessandro would have known the pieces of past and present
composers there if they were still performed, as active performance seems to be one
criteria for placement in Fabio’s publications.
Giovanni Bernardino Nanino had reason to be known to Fabio Costantini.
Alessandro was apprenticed as a student to Nanino in 1591 just before he assumed the
post of maestro at S. Luigi, where Fabio sang in Nanino’s cappella for a period in 1605-
In 1608 Nanino became maestro at S. Lorenzo in Damaso, the cappella of the
Cancelleria, and in the retinue of Cardinal Montalto until his death in 1618. The motets
Beatus Laurentius and Beati omnes qui timet appear for the first time in Costantini’s
1614 print. Domine Dominus noster in the same print is anonymous in the Vatican
manuscript where it is also found, and attributed to G. M. Nanino in secondary

59
manuscripts, but the Costantini attribution appears to be correct. Inexplicably, the only
one of two suspected Costantini misattributions among all the anthologies is also to
Giovanni Bernardino Nanino, when the evidence points to his brother as the author of the
Laetatus sum in Raccolta de ’ salmi (1615).60 Ave Regina caelorum, a Marian antiphon
in the 1620 print, is also unknown in any other source. It must have been an earlier essay
58
Morelli, II Tempio Armonico, 91-92.
59
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," appendix V.
60 Attributed to G. M. Nanino in Rvat Sist. 31, ff. 39v-46 although anon, in Rvat XIII 25
ff. 18v-20v, see Llorens, Cappellae Sixtinae codici, and idem, Le opere della Cappella Giulia.
268
in the polychoral idiom by Nanino, as Costantini added the verse and respond that was
usually included in polyphonic settings after 1605, remarking in print that he was
responsible for its “accomodata alia moderna.”
A lesser-known composer of this group is the organist Giovanni-Battista Zuchelli,
“il Cieco.”61 This blind organist was at San Lorenzo in Damaso from 1577 to 1588 and
San Pietro from 1593 to 1597. From 1599 he served as organist at San Giovanni in
Laterano and was rather unobtrusively on the scene until his death in December of
62
1630. His Dixit Dominus in the 1621 Scelta de ’salmi is not mentioned by O’Regan,
and his only other known compositions were canzonettas in a 1589 Roman anthology,
reprinted several times in Italy, Antwerp and Frankfurt.
The relative youth of the composers who form a third group include Alessandro
and Fabio Costantini, De Grandis, Massenzio, Tarditi, and Cesare Zoilo. They were all
likely bom in the years just before and after 1580 and were closer to the beginning of
their careers by the time of these first anthologies, although the Costantinis were the only
ones not yet published by 1614. Each of these composers would contribute to the few-
voice publications soon to follow, in contrast to the small number from the previous two
groups who would do so. A list of the pieces by these musicians and a synopsis of each
one’s position in the relevant years can be found in table 5.8. What brings these
composers together in these particular volumes is their intersection with Costantini in
Zucchelli is not in NGII, so for biographical details and known works see Morelli,
"Musica e musicisti in S. Agostino,” 330-31; Rostirolla, "La Cappella Giulia in San Pietro,” 247;
Wolfgang Witzenman, "Materiali archivistici per la cappella lateranense nell'archivio capitolare
di San Giovanni in Laterano," in La musica a Roma attraverso lefonti, ed. Antolini, et al., 460,
467; and works in 1589u, which were probably reprinted in 159115'16, 1601s, 160714, 160822, in
addition to 16201. See also Goovaerts, Typographic musicale dans les Pays-Bas, 300, no. 423.
62
See Witzenman, "Materiali archivistici per la cappella lateranense,” 460, 467.
269
one of the ways already mentioned: personal and professional association through one of
the Vatican cappelle, as organizer or performer of music at special feastdays for churches
and confraternities across Rome during the period from about 1590 to 1610, or presence
of their music in Vatican manuscripts during Costantini’s employment there. Less
obvious but likely the case are the connections that his brother Alessandro brought to the
network through his own employment at a slightly different group of institutions.
Table 5.8. Younger Generation of Composers, Institutional Affiliation c.1600-1620,

Costantini, A. Inclina domina aurem S. Gio. Fior. 1608-1616; Ger. Col. 16143
Costantini, A. Dextera tua domine 16143
Costantini, A. Laudate pueri 16151
Costantini, A. Lauda Jerusalem 16201
Costantini, F. Sancti dei omnes CG 1597-1610, Orvieto 1610-1614, 16143
Rome (Aldobrandini, S. Maria in
Trastevere) 1614-17, Orvieto
1617-25
Costantini, F. O lumen ecclesiae 16143
Costantini, F. Dixit dominus 16151
Costantini, F. Laetatus sum 16201
Costantini, F. Alma redemptoris 16201
mater
De Grandis Salve Regina CS 16151
Massenzio Regina caeli laetare SLF, CG, Coll. Romano (all brief) 16201
Tarditi Nisi Dominus S. Giacomo, SGF (all brief) 16151
Zoilo, C. Lauda Jerusalem S. Spirito in Sassia 16151
The biographical outlines of Fabio Costantini’s career are well rehearsed, but a
reminder of Alessandro’s whereabouts after his early training is in order. It is reported
that he was organist for a few months in 1602 at S. Maria in Trastevere, and an
ambiguous reference at the Chiesa Nuova could have placed him at the latter church
between 1606 and 1608. Better documented is his position as maestro di cappella at S.
270
Giovanni dei Fiorentini from 1604 tol616. After leaving there his positions included
maestro di cappella at the German College and at the Seminario Romano, and organist at
S. Maria Maggiore in Rome in the early 1620s. Only in 1622 did his work for the d’Este
family take him away from Rome, so he can be counted a Roman contact even when
Costantini was in Orvieto. The publication of Alessandro’s compositions by his brother
Fabio followed from their obvious familial links in addition to Alessandro’s significant
professional standing.
Domenico Massenzio was a boy singer at S. Luigi in the 1590s, and therefore a
63
student of Bemadino Nanino. He returned to that cappella as a tenor in 1604, and
when he left in August of the following year it was Fabio Costantini who took his
position. The situation reversed in 1610 when Massenzio took over the tenor post
vacated by Costantini in the Cappella Giulia, although Massenzio only stayed a year,
after which he succeeded G. F. Anerio as maestro at the Seminario Romano in 1612 for a
short time. Massenzio accepted a canonry in his hometown of Roncoglione, which may
have called for residency there, between 1612 and 1614, but then returned to Rome and
various short appointments, among them the Gesu and the English College. His career
seems less reliant on prestigious institutional affiliation in Rome than most of the other
composers in the early collections, but his publication record is rather substantial. It
started early with a volume of Sacrae cantiones for one to five voices in 1612 which was
followed by other few-voice collections. A twelve-year gap straddling the 1620s was
broken by his own compline and vespers collections for eight voices, in 1630 and 1631.
63
Proceedings of the Massenzio conference held in Italy in 2001, when published,
should greatly augment our knowledge of the musician.
271
Before that his only published double-choir piece was the Marian antiphon, Regina caeli,
in Scelta de salmi, 1620.
Vincenzo De Grandis was bom in 1577 in Montalbaddo in the Marches, but
carried out a career as a singer and composer in Rome, principally as a papal singer.64
He was ordained around 1600, served briefly in 1605 as maestro at S. Spirito in Sassia,
then joined the Cappella Pontificia in October of that year and remained there until his
death. He was one of the four singers in the Cappella Pontificia recognized as excellent
composers whose names were cited on several occasions for this skill.65 Various
indications of his additional activity around Rome show he sang at S. Maria Maggiore in
1610, in 1616 he was organist and possibly maestro for feasts at S. Martinello, the church
of the Archiconfraternita della Doctrina Cristiani, and he sang at S. Luigi on the occasion
of their patronal feast in 1624.66
At the end of 1615 Paulo Tarditi was appointed organist and in February of 1616
given the additional charge of organizing music at S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli, the
Spanish church in Rome, although he had appeared regularly on Roman churches pay
67
lists from 1600. Tarditi’s collection of polychoral psalms with obbligato instrumental
64
This was also the hometown of Domenico Albrici, see Culley, "Influence of the
German College,” 44-45.
65 The others are Arcangelo Crivelli, Ruggiero Giovanelli, and Theofilo Gargari. See
Lionnet, "The Borghese Family and Music,” 519; see also Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia
dell'accademia, 88, for their role teaching contrapuntal skills to less adequately trained
colleagues in the Pontificia, and chap. 7 for helping the papal singer Grappuciolo.
66 Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore,” 42-43, and Lionnet,
La musique a Saint-Louis, 1:48, and 2: document 77. That year his nephew, Anselmo Anselmi,
was hired as maestro at S. Luigi to replace Lorenzo Ratti, Anselmi’s last job before going to
Orvieto.
67 See chap. 6.
272
parts published in 1620 is often cited by modem scholars, but that volume and a
collection of few-voiced motets in 1619 were published after his first psalm and motets
were published in Costantini’s anthologies. The only known source for Tarditi’s psalm
setting Nisi dominus is Costantini’s 1615 Raccolta.
The same can be said for the psalm setting contributed by Cesare Zoilo, Lauda
Jerusalem, also in the 1615 Raccolta. Cesare, son of Annibale Zoilo, was maestro di
cappella at S. Spirito in Sassia between 1610 and 1621. Like most of his colleagues, he
was hired for special occasions elsewhere, the patronal feast of S. Luigi dei Francesi in
68
1613 being just one instance. Apart from one madrigal collection published in Venice
in 1620, his other known pieces were published in anthologies in Rome, half of them in
69
Costantini's anthologies of the 1610s. In any case nothing more is known of him after
1622.70
A listing of occasional professional service, varying only in length, can be
provided for many Roman musicians. The range and variation of these opportunities
increased into the seventeenth century as musical performance become more common at
a greater number of institutions. Institutional records document this patchwork, and
every new study enriches our understanding of the texture of musical life. Even though
the records of aristocratic households which sometimes employed these same musicians
is important to the larger picture, this survey of composers in the polychoral collections
68 Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 2: document 52.

69
Although the worklist in NGII missed the double-choir psalm in the 1615 Raccolta.
70
After an earlier reprint in Venice, Zoilo’s 1620 Madrigali a cinque was reprinted in
1627, rather unusually, in Naples [RISM Z 341].
273
is focussed on institutions, rather than private venues, where the polychoral idiom was
more frequently performed.
One more template can be placed over this list of composers with implications for
further study. That is the membership in the Compagnia dei Musici di Roma from its
founding in 1584 though the first two decades of the seventeenth century. The names of
at least fifteen o f the above twenty-two composers are found on early membership lists,
deduced from contemporary evidence by modem scholars, of the confraternity of music

71
professionals in Rome. The Compagnia dei Musici unites under a single umbrella Roy,
Santini, and Locatello, for example, who might not have been linked any other way.
Eventually the singers of the Cappella Pontificia were made ineligible, although
apparently during our period of study, no distinction was enforced. The only musicians
among Costantini’s composers who were not members at this early date were, perhaps,
too young then to have been included. Alessandro Costantini is known to have been an
important figure in the Compagnia when it assumed a new structure, and was elected the
72
first guardian of the organists in 1651.
There is no evidence of Fabio Costantini’s official membership at all, but he

73
would seem to have been a viable candidate. This confraternity of the virtuoso
71
Everyone listed in table 5.5 through Locatello, plus Tarditi and minus A. Costantini
(he was a member at a later date). See Summers, "Compagnia dei Musici,” 12-13 for a
composite list of members through 1604. For subsequent membership see Giazotto, Quattro
secoli di storia dell'accademia, 129. This list, assembled from sources whose reliability has not
been established, has recently had its date for Frescobaldi’s first membership validated,
suggesting that its usefulness for others might be worth revisiting.
72
The Compagnia’’s first camerlengo was elected only in 1649. Alessandro Costantini
had the role of organ guardian in 1651 and 1652, then consigliere. His name disappears from the
minutes after 1655, see Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell'accademia, 134-36, 374-76.
73
One explanation for this could be that the evidence has not been discovered, or was
destroyed, but another might be that when his training began he indeed was not meant to be
274
musicians of Rome was part guild and part sodality, with the musical profession its
connective tissue. The Compagnia dei musici’s history up to 1650 is foggy and
anecdotal, however, so Costantini’s membership or lack of it may eventually be
explained with a better understanding of the institution’s earliest years. The separation,
later affirmed by statute, of elite Cappella Pontificia personnel and their conservative
repertory from the mainstream of Roman musicians and the churches they served was not
yet the rule, at least not with any discernible consequence, during Costantini’s years of
employment in the Vatican. This situation is apparent in an integrated collection on
Costantini’s part, for there is a mix of pontifical musicians’ works with those of
composers associated with the other institutions who were to make up the membership of
the Compagnia dei Musici™ The fissure between musicians of the Pontificia and
Compagnia, which would play an increasing role in the musical landscape seems not to
have been too serious before the 1620s.
Music in the Polychoral Publications

O’Regan’s sweeping survey of the repertory from 1570 to 1621 touched upon the
textural and structural aspects of individual pieces, showing ways in which composers at
75
different institutions adapted various polychoral techniques. In this way, the shape and
content of the pieces themselves are a combined product of the composer and his
anything more than a singer, and only through his own efforts did he change the trajectory of his
career. Most of the names who appear on the early list found in Giazzotto, ibid., 129, appear at
an extremely young age, perhaps at the beginning of their training, when the course of their
educations had been predetermined.
74
For a clear explanation in cogent groupings of the institutions with the greatest stake
in sacred music in the early seicento, see O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," chap. 1.
75 Ibid., 292.
275
affiliation. Selecting pieces for printed anthologies that were neither generated by nor
destined for a single type of institution changes the meaning, perhaps, of certain aspects
of the individual pieces. They are still linked explicitly with their composers and perhaps
tacitly with the institutions where they were first performed, but the pieces in
Costantini’s collections reflect his choices for successful performance, apart from their
original home and birthparents. Because the prime organizing feature of the Selectae
cantiones of 1614 is authorial prestige, followed by suitable and flexible textual choices,
the style of composition covers the gamut of the mature double-choir idiom up to that
time. In the two vespers collections the ranking of the music professionals is not
hierarchically ordered, and text flexibility is less important as the choices are liturgically
determined, but the mix of styles in these publications continues, affirming the richness
of the three collections as a summary of the Roman double-choir tradition. These
contemporary print models accommodate a range of performance possibilities within the
double-choir idiom: eight-voice acappella polyphony performed by a choir clustered in
one location; competing homophonic choirs easily separated spatially; virtuoso solo
voices with continuo accompaniment emerging from within the choirs. Equally broad
musical responses to text are also apparent. These are traceable to the proclivities of
individual composers and the necessities of the institutions where they were written, but
in this context, these responses become the conventions known and accepted among
professionals and the wider public. Characteristics of forty years of polychoral writing
are present in the three volumes, with the third volume lent a veneer o f variety by its
reference to subtle style differences among the pieces.
All of the pieces are standardized in that an instrumental bass part is provided for
each setting, a convention well-established before the date of the first anthology, and a
usual part of performance long before that. Organ parts as part of the printed version of a
276
piece may have appeared as early as 1581 for Victoria’s double-choir psalms in that
year’s hymns and psalms publication. Well before 1599 an instrumental bass part was
76
usually part of the performance of such works in Rome. In Costantini’s anthologies the
instrumental bass is notated on a single staff without bar lines, with figures or without,
the same distribution of figures found among the few-voiced pieces as well. This is
different from the full- and short-score arrangements of organ parts for sacred music in
77
northern Italy in the same period of composition. The single line bass assumes
sufficient skill on the part of the organist to improvise suitable accompaniment.
Giovanni Piccioni’s opinion, probably influenced by Roman practice and no doubt
familiar to Costantini, is documented concerning organ parts for his 1610 Concerti
ecclesiastici (Venice, Vincenti). There he said no figures or accidentals are shown
because they confuse the less expert organist and the more skilled can manage without
them. He added that the inexperienced organist should score up the basso continuo
, 78
part.
In the Selectae cantiones motets, the majority of the bass parts more or less
follow the lowest vocal line in a basso seguente. Among the 1614 motets, none of the
instrumental bass lines bear figures or other cues such as text fragments or voice
indications with the exception of Puer qui natus est (Giovannelli), in which a duet for
76
Noel O'Regan, "Asprilio Pacelli, Ludovico da Viadana and the Origins of the Roman
Concerto Ecclesiastico," Journal o f Seventeenth-Century Music 6 (2000), <<http://www.sscm-
j scm.org/j scm/v6/no l/Oregan.html», 3.
77 Horsley, "Full and Short Scores."
70
Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:479-80.
277
79
two sopranos is noted in the organ part. The first figured basses in works from Roman
printers had already appeared by 1611, so the lack of figures in the 1614 collection show
that such parts may not necessarily have been part of the original conception of the
80
piece. In the 1615 Raccolta, on the other hand, basses with figures are in the majority,
nine out of twelve pieces. The number drops again in the 1620 collection, three of
fourteen pieces. The compositional style and the roster of composers in the motet
collection indicate that most of those pieces were written before 1605, some as much as
thirty years previously. The tendencies toward harmonic separation of choirs,
fragmentation of text, and faster declamation which some of them share with motets
composed between 1585 and 1605 remained, however, part of the polychoral idiom even
as concertato technique grew more common after 1605. The motets by Giovannelli
show hints of concertato writing, understood in this Roman repertory to be segments of
music for selected voices within a larger choir, and such instances increase in the psalms
of Costantini’s 1615 Raccolta. “Concertato” as a rubric appears for the first time,
however, in the Costantini double-choir collections in the 1620 Scelta de ’ salmi. Other
pieces in that collection, particularly the litanies, were probably contemporary with the
earlier motets, but the presence of concertato scoring in a piece had apparently become a
selling point by 1620 and those pieces with even incipient concertato characteristics were
emphasized. Any or all o f these pieces could have been in Costantini’s possession when
he left Rome for Orvieto in 1610.
79
Voice cues and text fragments are established print conventions by the early
seventeenth century at least in prints, see Horsley, “Full and Short Scores,” 476.
80
Agazzari mentioned in his 1603 Sacrae Laudes that the printer was unable to produce
the figures he called for, Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 85n.
278
Concertato in Roman prints meant varied scoring, and referred both to solos and
small ensembles within a continuous composition, as well as to such reduced scoring in
separated sections of a piece.81 The corresponding sectionalized print layout in the latter
instance simplifies identification of the style, and perhaps eases its performance,
although through-composed concertato, “in seguitd’’’ as Costantini would later add, also
uses the long-employed voice or text cues in the parts, most often in the instrumental
bass, to organize the piece. The sectional version of concertato composition has been
identified as “concertato alia romana,” a term used in Venetian prints at least by 1618,
but never used in any o f Costantini’s Roman anthologies, not even those published in
82
Venice where use of the term seems to have originated. The concertato style preceded
83
the common use of the terminology denoting it in print. Taking Costantini’s prints as
an indication, concertato became an important identifier for pieces in Roman prints
before 1620—he already uses it in his few-voice motet anthology of 1618—and it
quickly grew in importance in his own publications. His vespers print of 1621 printed in
Orvieto designates eight of its twelve pieces as concertato, including the double-choir
Victimae paschale laudes by Palestrina, and by 1630, every one of his anthologized
pieces will be concertato.
81
The first use of the term in print in Rome is reported to be by G. F. Anerio for the
eight-voice motet Jubilemus in area, in his 1611 Litanie deiparae virginis (Rome: Zannetti)
[RISM A 1099], according to Dixon, "Liturgical Music in Rome," 258.
82
Graham Dixon, "Concertato alia Romana and Polychoral Music in Rome," in La
Scuolapolicorale romana del sei-settecento, ed. Francesco Luisi, Danilo Curti, and Marco Gozzi
(Trento: Provincia Autonoma di Trento, 1997), 129-34.
83
Agazzari’s Sacrae laudes...liber secundus (Rome: F. Zannetti, 1603) is one example
of the technique without the term.
279
Motets, 1614
Even though the occasion or institution for which a piece may have originally
been intended assumes some role in its shape, neither suitability for performance by
separated choirs nor its opposite has any bearing on the choices of pieces for the three
anthologies. For example, Pastores loquebantur (F. Anerio) is meant for double-choir
voices in a unified configuration. The piece opens with a contrapuntal duet (one more
related to a polyphonic sensibility than to concertato contrast) which soon broadens to
almost continuous tutti, and finishes with each choir supporting the final triad only
partially, a sign of a choir not spacially separated. Caro factum est (Palestrina) appears
in its manuscript source divided into unequal choirs (SSAB ATTB), an arrangement
showing the intended choir configuration for this piece, but in the Costantini publication
it is laid out according to conventional choir divisions (SATB SATB), thus forcing
84
selected voices from each choir to sing together seemingly at random. Sancta et
immaculata (G.M. Nanino) is reported by O’Regan to have been written for the Cappella
Pontificia and thus not meant for a choir displaced spacially, an observation supported by
85
internal evidence of the motet. All three pieces display characteristics of a composition
date before 1585, characteristics which include declamation of text in note values of
semibreve and minim, much imitative writing, and most tellingly, no clear division of
choirs.
84
Observed by O’Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 211-12, 215. The
modem edition, in Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Le opere complete, ed. Lino Bianchi, vol. 34:
Le composizioni latine a 8 voci (Rome: Istituto Italiano per la Storia della Musica, 1987), 134-47,
also groups the voices into two standard choirs, obscuring its original double-choir implications.
Two other early Palestrina motets that appear to mix the standard scoring intentionally, however,
are noted in Peter Phillips, "Reconsidering Palestrina," Early Music 22 (1994): 583.
85
280
Choir groupings make little difference if all the members are standing together,
which would probably be the performance situation in many churches where this music
would be sung. Ten of the motets have uneven distribution of the harmony between the
choirs on the final chord, one feature suggesting separated performance was not
necessarily intended when the pieces were composed. One of the two pieces by
Costantini falls into this category (Sancti Dei omnes), where only the first choir has the
third of the final chord. All the pieces by Felice Anerio, some of those by Palestrina,
Giovannelli, and Alessandro Costantini, and each of the pieces by Santini, Marenzio, and
Roy show this same arrangement. Other compositional features, however, override this
single one as a measure of more recent composition and its concomitant performance
flexibility. Next to them in the print, by the same composers in some cases, are pieces
that show clear choir divisions, increasing fragmentation and antiphonal repetition of
text, all characteristics of a greater awareness of flexible spatial arrangement of choirs.
These features suggesting performance by separated choirs are not necessarily exclusive
of earlier features, and Costantini’s Sancti Dei omnes is one of those which unhinges
compositional characteristics from an exact time frame. Its antecedent-consequent
antiphony in homophony denotes an idiomatic use of the double-choir medium as
fundamental to its plan (transcription 1).
The organization of Selectae cantiones depended on the prestige of its authors,
which was in part associated with their institutional affiliation in Rome. The pieces in
this anthology both reflect and establish the style associated with these venues, and carry
the weight of the institutions behind them. One for whom this reciprocal process
continued even after his death is Palestrina. The three pieces by Palestrina which begin
the 1614 collection were previously unpublished, but Fratres ego was picked up by the
1617 Promptuarii anthology printed in Germany. Keeping in mind further reprints of the
281
1614 anthology, the initial publication may have been the catalyst for the widespread
86
familiarity and longevity of Fratres ego, one of Palestrina’s most celebrated motets.
The text of Fratres ego is biblical, an address by Paul to the followers of Christ
as recorded in the scriptural letter to the Corinthians, which is assigned a place at vespers
on Corpus Christi. Documentation gives the motet based on this text much wider use,
87
however. Andrea Adami in 1711 records many instances of Fratres ego performance
by the Cappella Pontificia throughout the year, and Charles Burney includes it in his
88
edition of music of Easter celebrations in Rome in the later 1700s. It was not
mentioned by name for any performances in the 1616 Diarii so it appears its favor grew
later. This suggests the possibility of a connection between its growing popularity and
initial publication, such that its frequency of performance by the 1700s may have been
driven by its familiarity among a geographically diverse following of the faithful made
possible by its anthologized dissemination. Fratres ego may also be emblematic of
Roman double-choir motets as they came to be known abroad.
Fratres ego and Caro mea are keyed to Selectae cantiones (1614) in the Palestrina
worklist in NGII, but this attribution for Sub tuumpraesidium is overlooked. Palestrina’s
double-choir litany is identified as that in SeeIta de ’salmi (1620), but the earliest printing of
Victimae Paschale laudes in Salmi, Magnificat (1621) and Ave Maria in Salmi, Magnificat
(1639) are also overlooked. Hie estpanis has rightly disappeared as a separate motet in the NGII
worklist, as it is the second part of Caro mea, but it is not mentioned even as a seconda parte
there.
87
Text and translation in app. C-l.
88
Andrea Adami, Osservazioni per ben regolare il coro de i cantori della Cappella
Pontificia, ed. Giancarlo Rostirolla (Rome, 1711; reprint, Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana,
1988), mentions the singing of Fratres ego in Advent (98), on Corpus Christi (78), at elevation
on the consecration of a pope (117), and on Holy Thursday (39); Charles Bumey, La musica che
si canta annualmente nella funzioni della Settimana Santa nella Cappella Pontificia composta
dal Palestrina, Allegri, e Bai; raccolta e pubblicata da Carlo Burney (London: Robert Bremner,
1771). Fratres ego is used as an example of Palestrina’s later move to more sharply focus the
two choirs in Phillips, "Reconsidering Palestrina," 584-85.
282
The dual choirs of Fratres ego unfold as mutually supportive halves of the
89
harmonic and melodic texture, guided rhetorically. The opening Fratres (example
5.1a, mm. 1-12) is presented in paired imitation by the first choir, outlined by the G and
its fifth, on which the piece is built. This address, an announcement to the congregation
that the speaker (Paul) intends to relate a message, to tell a story, is carried only by the
first choir. The antiphonal repetition between the two choirs begins when the narrative
simulates the communication between Paul and the followers, the crowd hearing and
responding to the speaker (mm. 13-38.). Within this “dialogue” is the only text
fragmentation, at quoniam, which also isolates the name of Jesus, and emphasizes it
harmonically (example 5.1b, mm. 19-23). Up to this point the choirs are treated
separately and, after the opening, homophonically, but they overlap by as much as a
breve. The infrequent tuttis accompany the description of Jesus taking bread, giving
thanks, and breaking the bread, but the texture changes when the voice shifts to first
89
Modem edition in Palestrina, Le composizioni latine a 8 voci, 34: 90-97. The
drawback to the modem editions of Palestrina, Marenzio, G. M. Nanino and others is their
reduction of original note values. Original rhythmic values show the changes in rhythmic
concepts which overtook this repertory from the 1580s to the 1630s. Faster surface rhythms and
the singers’ virtuosity displayed by them were an illusion furthered by the slowing of the tactus
to accommodate the increased number of notes per beat. Any tampering with the look of the
music obscures these tendencies where they are present. For performance, an understanding of
the relative tempo of the tactus can overcome the lugubrious look of the original notation, while
retaining the original notation preserves an important characteristic in transition.
283
person at dixit (m. 45). The full phrase “take and eat, for this is my body,” is begun
imitatively and sung completely in each choir, overlapping slightly, but the final
exhortation to the faithful, “do this in memory of me,” is set apart by its sudden
homophony. One can picture this clear and attractive Palestrina motet on a central
Eucharistic theme achieving familiarity in certain Roman venues able to obtain the
services of a maestro like Costantini, but when published by him as one in a collection of
pieces also frequently performed in Rome, the motet achieved much wider recognition.
284
Example 5.1a. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina
o o o
Canto I o
Fra tres nun ac- ce
A lto I o
W o
o
Fra tres mm ac - ce
Tenore I
B asso I
Canto II
A lto II
Tenore II
B asso II
B asso del' Organo O O o

o
285
Example 5.1a. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina (cont’d)
o o
Do - mi no ac ce
AI
n T>
Do mi no ac ce
o O
o
Fra tres mm ac ce
77
o
Fra tres nun ac ce

o O O
Be
o o
Do mi no
JT 7
O
Do mi no
TI
Do mi no
e
mi no
Be
286
Example 5.1b. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina
© a
Cl
bis quo am Do mi - nus
AI o ©
bis quo ni am Do m i-nus
TI XX XX XX
bis quo ni Do
BI
bis quo m am Do mi - nus sus in
CII XX XX
quo ni am Do sus
A ll © XX ©
XX
quo m am Do sus
XX © © ©
TII XX
quo ni am Do
© Q
©
BII
quo ni am Do sus
o Hotf Jzn
Be
287
The composers in Selectae cantiones were probably recognized collectively as
Roman even far from home, and the better known among them were probably linked
with the Vatican chapels. For the local market perhaps other composers’ institutional
affiliations would have conveyed some authority and meaning. A case of composer and
institution perhaps linked through the motet text might be that of Giovanni Bernardino
Nanino and Beatus Laurentius (transcription 2). This motet would have fit well on the
patronal feast day at S. Lorenzo in Damaso, where Nanino was maestro. Nanino might
have had a local association at the time of publication with the feast of S. Lorenzo, but in
fact this motet commemorates a traditional saint, and celebration of his feast in a solemn
manner was widespread. St. Lawrence was a survivor of the hagiographic housecleaning
of the immediate post-Tridentine era, and his feast was classified a “double,” therefore of
major importance and solemnly celebrated by those following the Roman rite. S.
Lorenzo’s placement in the hagiography derived from his status as an early Christian
martyr, particularly dear to Rome, and the representation of his story was captured
already in the fifth century among the famous mosaics in Ravenna. Perhaps the part of
his story where Lorenzo distributes the wealth of a murdered Roman emperor who had
embraced Christianity, while standing up to the new villainous emperor, accounted for
his choice as patron of the chapel at the Cancelleria, the administrative offices of
90
Rome. This saint’s commemoration in a festive motet underscores a current then
gathering strength through various cultural manifestations in the early seicento, that of
90
Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger,
2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1941). 2:437-45
288
91
the cult of martyrs. Nevertheless, a motet in honor of S. Lorenzo securely fit the
parameters of this anthology meant to offer widely useful repertory, just as easily as the
two others by G. B. Nanino, Domine Deus noster and Beati omne, both psalm texts with
more general application.
On a short but colorful liturgical text, the style is fluidly contrapuntal with points
of harmonic piquancy, although there seems to be no attempt at conveying any of the
drama the words might suggest.
Beatus Laurentius, dum in craticula superpositus ureretur, ad impiissimum

tyrannum dixit: Affatum est iam, versa, et manduca: nam facultates Ecclesiae
quas requiris, in caelestes thesauros manus pauperum deportaverunt.
Blessed Lawrence, as he burnt on the fire in the grill, said to the most wicked
tyrant: Roasting’s done now; turn me over and eat: for the wealth of the Church
that you are after, the hands of the poor have carried off to the treasuries of
92
heaven.
The two choirs overlap but are kept distinct homophonically for short parts of the text. A
contrapuntal veneer, however, elongates the overlaps, and most of the tuttis. The
declamation is based on the minim and semiminim for the most part, and nothing shorter
than an eight note occurs even in the most elaborate embellishment. An estimation of its
length of life by these features suggests it to be older than Nanino’s affiliation with the
church of the Cancelleria. The conception of this piece is clearly one where the words
91
Robert L. Kendrick, "Martyrdom in Seventeenth-Century Italian Music," in From
Rome to Eternity: Catholicism and the Arts in Italy, ca. 1550-1650, ed. Pamela M. Jones and
Thomas Worcester (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 121-42.
92
Magnificat antiphon, second vespers, Brev. 1568 (5374); trans. Leofranc Holford-
Strevens.
289
are the vehicle for the music, repeated or stretched where necessary to phoneticize the
melodic line that the composer wanted to employ.
The motet settings may be more reflective of an individual composer’s inclination
to respond to the text as their text forms offer more variety than psalms, Magnificats,
Marian antiphons or litanies. For example, Crucifixus (Crivelli) and Puer qui natus est
(Giovannelli) show two very different responses to textual possibilities.
Crivelli, Crucifixus:
Crucifixus surrexit a mortuis, redemit nos. Alleluia. Dicite in nationibus: Alleluia.

Quia Dominus regnavit a ligno, Alleluia.
The crucified one has risen from the dead, he has redeemed us. Alleluia. Tell the
93
nations. Alleluia. Because the Lord has reigned from the cross. Alleluia.
Giovannelli, Puer qui natus est:

Puer qui natus est nobis, plusquam propheta est: hie est enim de quo Salvator ait:
Inter natos mulierum non surrexit maior Ioanne Baptista.
A child is bom to us according to the prophecy; it is him of whom the Savior

94
says: of woman bom none is greater than John the Baptist.
The text of Crucifixus is interrupted three times by “Alleluia” in this motet intended for
paschaltime. Crivelli sets each alleluia in triple time, in contrast to the duple of the rest
of the text, although each triple section is a different exercise in contrapuntal technique.
Giovannelli, on the other hand, uses exact repetition of music for his own imposed
repetition of the text from inter natos mulierum, the two parts separated by the single
93
Eastertide, laudes antiphon, versicle and response outside the octave, Brev. 1568
(2557); trans. Nicholas Young.
94
Magnificat antiphon, second vespers, Brev. 1568 (4942).
290
segment o f duet on these very words, with contrasting instrumental bass pivoting the
repeated sections (example 5.2, mm. 56-59). The antiphonal non surrexit which follows
immediately (mm. 60-62) is a condensed repetition of similar music which followed the
conventional first iteration of inter natos mulierum (mm. 25-32, not shown). Measures
63-85 of the eighty-nine breve piece are an exact repetition of measures 33-56, the entire
section written in triple meter. The Giovannelli piece makes use of repetition and
concertato writing to shape his double-choir piece, while the Crivelli is through-
composed. Although in this context such structuring as Giovannelli used might appear to
be a wildly innovative step, still it occurs amidst otherwise conventional motet writing.
Some Roman composers, Giovannelli among them, absorbed new compositional
techniques, but used them without breaking with other traditions. In Puer qui natus
Giovannelli manipulated the text to impose large-scale structure over an apparently
through-composed piece, and as such it remains well within the aesthetic parameters of
the collection as a whole. The true basso continuo he employed to support the harmony
in the duet segment, inter natos mulierum, was a technique Giovannelli employed
sporadically in each of his motets in this collection when one or two voices take over the
texture. Thus Angelus adpastores ait by Giovannelli, despite the possibilities of its
dialogue text, employs no more concertato elements than Puer qui natus est, and it
appears more motet- than dialogue-like next to contemporary double-choir settings of the
same +text.+95
See comparisons o f double-choir settings o f this text by Giovannelli, Catalani, and

Annibale Orgas, all one-time composers at the German College, in O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral
291
Music in Rome," 163-64, and another look at Catalani’s in Frits Noske, Saints and Sinners: The
Latin Musical Dialogue in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 62.
292
Example 5.2: Puer qui natus (1614), Giovannelli
^ f r - fl
ci J o -e 1 -4 - ~ ....... H_d_!------------
— J ----------------
m o ---------
N = t
ta in - te r na to s m u - li e - rum
56 a
p H --------
CI M * o o
o '—G < mP yc °
Y -
ta - in tejr na to s m u - li e - rum
56
4A 4 > ° ------------------------
3c /
J--------------------------- o ----------!
IM I ^ .......g a
doi Soprani
O
CI o
non sur re - xit xit
O Q
non sur- r e - xit xit xit
TI
O a a
a
non sur- re - xit xit

60 _ Q . o
BI
a
a
non sur- re - xit
CI O H
xit x it xit
ii
xit xit xit
ill
O- o
xit non- sur- re - xit xit
O
3c a a a
a
293
Fabio Costantini’s Sancti Dei omnes already mentioned, and O lumen ecclesiae
(transcription 3), could date from the period ending 1605 as surely as most of the others.
Both are predominantly homophonic and about the same length, a little over fifty breves.
The sonic character of the piece relies on homophonic harmonic changes and distinctive
rhythmic profiles of the alternating choirs The fragmented text phrases drive the
antiphony, although more starkly so in Sancti Dei than O lumen ecclesiae. Tutti use is
spare, and contrapuntal interplay, too, is used more as a condiment than a main
ingredient. The choirs are clearly separated, except when they join forces. Given these
basic similarities, the character o f each piece turns on something more distinctive for
each of them.
The antiphon text for Sancti dei omnes commemorates All Saints at Saturday
Marian vespers:
Sancti Dei omnes intercedere dignemini pro nostra omniumque salute.

Laetamini in Domino et exultate iusti. Et gloriamini omnes recti corde.
All ye saints, deign to intercede for our salvation and that of all mankind.
Rejoice in the Lord and exult ye righteous, and glory all ye who are upright of
heart.96
Short musical ideas which are reordered, sequenced, elided, and abbreviated govern the
first half of the piece (mm. 1-31), and phrases linked to the declamation govern the
second half (mm. 31-51). The characteristic motives can best be described in tonal
terms. For example, the second Sancti Dei moves from the G of the piece to cadence on
D (mm. 3-4), modulating through a major chord on A in a simple IV-V-I movement.
96
Commemoration of the saints at BVM office, vespers, and laudes, Brev. 1568 (6623).
Translation by Leofranc Holford-Strevens.
294
The V-I movement recurs at every iteration of pro nostra (mm. 12-14, 20-21, 23, 25-
27), each time cadencing on either C or A but launching from a different note. The joyful
eruptions of the second half, laetamini in Domine, and gloriamini are each the subject of
homophonic antiphonal exchange. The first uses two equal dotted patterns for laetamini
and in Domine (mm. 31-32). The accentuation of gloriamini lends itself to a pattern in
triple meter, although not so notated, making for a somewhat jarring rhythmic shift to
duple accentuation in m. 38. Gloriamini’s antiphonal spurts end on falling fifths—D-G-
C-F—and are brought to a close on reiterations of omnes recte corde on C and G. The
repetition brings corde to rest on D, in preparation for the elongated tutti finale
emphasizing the last D-G progression. Costantini has put together several phrases
capable o f resonating in full sonority and emphasized their harmonic traits. He also
keeps ears alert through close juxtaposition of major and minor versions of the same
chord (m.4) and the rhythmic change already mentioned.
The metric hymn which is the first half of O lumen ecclesiae may have inspired
the hemiola rhythm with which Costantini presents the name of the text’s honoree, S.
97
Augustine.
O lumen ecclesiae
Beate Pater Augustine,
Nobilis prosapiae,
Doctor legis divinae.
Eremitarum Pater e lundator, pro nobis apud Deum esto pius advocatus. Alleluia
Sanctae Pater Augustine preces nostras suscipe.
O light of the church

Blessed Father Augustine
O f noble lineage,
97
See chap. 6 for discussion of the text.
295
Teacher of the divine law.
Father and founder of [the order of] hermits, be a loyal advocate of us before
God. Alleluia
Holy Father Augustine, hear our prayers.
The hemiola is rhymed at esto pius advocatus andpreces nostras suscipe (mm. 3-4, 7-8,
18-21, 26-27, 47-48). Block choirs are deployed at longer length than in Sancti Dei, and
homophonic tuttis emphasize specific text segments: O lumen ecclesiae (5-6), doctor
legis divinae (11-12),pro nobis apud Deum... (15-17), and the highpoint of the piece,
Sanctae Pater Augustine (45-46). Marenzio’s Jubilate Deo also uses jaunty hemiola
rhythms, a reminder perhaps of his close involvement with secular music throughout
much of his career, showing here his partiality to its rhythmic energy even as he adheres
98
to the double-choir conventions prevailing in the 1590s. Costantini has also captured
some of the rhythmic capabilities of homophonic choirs in his setting of O lumen
ecclesiae.
Both of Costantini’s motets, then, are unabashed forays into festive double-choir
writing, largely homophonic, with antiphonal exchange of abbreviated phrases and
ringing chord progressions fulfilling expectation of full sonority through harmonic
progression and lively, well-defined rhythms.
Showcasing innovations in the double-choir idiom was not among this
anthology’s purposes. At the same time, however, the juxtaposition of style features in
individual motets show that new ways of thinking about the medium, and perhaps about
the texts, were lodged alongside more functional motets. Dating pieces and determining
proper chronology is important for understanding which ideas were innovative and when
98
Modem edition in Luca Marenzio, Opera Omnia, 7:1-8. The source of the
transcription is the 1614 Selectae cantiones, but the instrumental bass part was neither
transcribed nor its presence in the source mentioned in the critical notes.
296
they became common coin, and this collection of pieces is ripe for this kind of analysis.
But independent of their composition date, these pieces remained more or less in the
repertory in Rome in the mid-1610s, hence their publication at this time. These pieces
continued in the repertory as the history of sales and reprints indicates, suggesting that
older and newer music was likely programmed together. As a marker of double-choir
motet writing in Rome, this volume might best be considered a summation, and fullest
expression, of such writing up to that time. It may serve the same function for Roman
motet writing in the idiom in general. The subsequent direction of Costantini’s own
compositions reflects this trend. After Selectae cantiones, Costantini abandoned the
double-choir medium for his own motets, with the exception of two in his final anthology
whose dates of composition are undetermined. Although he continued to use and
develop the double-choir idiom for psalms, hymns, and Magnificats, these were liturgical
items mostly for vespers where the performance of double-choir settings remained the
norm longer. Most of Costantini’s motet-writing efforts, after this, went into few-voice
settings. When he once again included double-choir motets in his 1639 anthology, most
of them were by other composers, many of those composers the same or contemporary
with those in the 1614 anthology, and several of the pieces had been printed elsewhere
many years before.
Vespers Anthologies, 1615 and 1620

Psalm and Magnificat texts were much more frequently set in the second and
third periods of development of the poly choral idiom according to O’Regan, and thus
were a later development than the setting of motet texts, a situation subtly paralleled in
the order with which Costantini brought out his polychoral volumes: motets first, then
psalm collections. However, the composers for all three of these collections were drawn
297
from among those who were active throughout the entire period. The litanies by
Palestrina and Zoilo, the psalms by G. M. Nanino, and the Magnificat and Marian
antiphon by Felice Anerio, all posthumous first printings, show remarkable durability of
both the idiom and its early composers. There are no psalm or Magnificat settings by
Locatello, Santini, Roy, Pacelli, and Marenzio in Costantini’s vespers anthologies,
although the small polychoral output of the first three, and the fairly complete
contemporary publication elsewhere of the works of Pacelli and Marenzio, reduced the
availability of likely vespers pieces by them, (tables 5.9, 5.10).
Table 5.9. Raccolta de’ Salmi (1615): Clefs, Tonal Types, Performance Indications
Piece Composer Style characteristics/ Specific indications Tonal Type
[scattered through parts, none in tavola] Clefs Sys. Final
Dixit dominus 109 F. Costantini Tono 3. g 2c 2c 3f 3- A
g 2c 2c 3f 3-f 3 \
Confitebor tibi 110 Crivelli Tone 2 c , G
1?
Beatus vir 111 G. M. Nanino [solo at “Gloria Patri,” no intonation, unfig] Ci F
Laudate pueri 112 A. Costantini Tone 1, “Due tenori incominciare” Cl A

li
Credidi 115 Soriano Tone 8, “S’intona mezzo verso del l’ottavo Cj G

k
tono” [unfig]
Laetatus sum 121 G. B. Nanino [G. [no official intonation but tone 6 gesture in C, Ib F
M. Nanino] CI, unfig]
Nisi Dominus 127 Tarditi Tone 6, “S’intona mezzo verso del. 6. tono. Cl L
F
b
A 3 incomincia [text cues]
Lauda Jerusalem 147 C. Zoilo Tone 6, “S’intona mezzo verso del. 6. tono. Cl 1
F
b
[At the gloria patri]: “a 4. Canti. 11 soprano
solo se piace.” [cues]
Magnificat G. F. Anerio Tone 1. S’intona del primo Cl D
\
Regina caeli Giovannelli C, F
\>
Salve Regina De Grandis C, D
Ave Regina caelorum F. Anerio C, F
298
Table 5.10. Scelta di Salmi (1620): Clefs, Tonal Types, and Performance Indications
Piece Composer Style characteristics/ Specific indications Tonal Type
Clefs Sys Fin
Dixit Dominus Zucchelli S’intona mezzo verso dell’Secondo tono Ci G
109
Confitebor tibi 110 G. F. Anerio S’intona mezzo verso dell’Secondo tono [fig] Ci G
t
Beatus vir 111 Crivelli S’intona mezzo verso dell’Sesto tono, concertato. G2G2C2C3- C
Si s[u]ona alia 4. Che viene del duodecimo. G2C2C3C4-C 4 b
Laudate pueri 112 G. M. Nanino Senza Intonatione. Cl E
b
Laudate Dominum Martini Senza Intonatione, concertato [sectioned] [a few fig] Ci
Cl G
t
omnes gentes 116
Credidi 115 Giovannelli Senza Intonatione. Sesto tono. [fig] Cl F
Laetatussum 121 F. Costantini S’intona mezzo verso dell’Secondo tono, concertato C, G
Lauda Jerusalem 127 A. Costantini S’intona tutto il verso dell’ottavo Tono Cl G
Magnificat F. Anerio Quinto tono. Alla quarta g 2c 2c 3f 3- A

g 2c 2c 3f 3-f 3 b
Regina caeli Massenzio C, F
I
Alma redemptoris F. Costantini Breves; alia quarta g 2c 2c 3f 3- L
F
b
Mater g 2c 2c 3f 3-f 3
Ave Regina caelorum G. B. Nanino Accomodata all modema da Fabio Costantini. Cl F
\>
[chant in be] [added respond ends on C]
Letanie della Beatae Palestina [sic] g 2g 2c 2c 3- L
G
b
Virginae Padre della Musica g 2c 2c 3c 4-f 4
Letanie della Beatae A. Zoilo Alla quarta g 2g 2c 2c 3- D
Virginae__________ G2C2C3C4-C4
299
300
Two-thirds of the pieces in the 1615 collection have figured basses, but this plummets to
just over twenty percent for the 1620 anthology. At the same time, the 1620 collection
contains three concertato pieces that are so labeled, although elements of reduced scoring
can be found in the earlier anthology as well. Psalms by Alessandro Costantini, Tarditi,
and Cesare Zoilo in the 1615 collection show signs of reduced scoring, the score reading
aided by voice and choir cues in the instrumental bass part. In his Credidi, Zoilo offers a
choice to either solo soprano or the four voices of the first choir to sing the Gloria patri,
99
a common location for special treatment within a psalm. This instruction may be only
the printed tip of the iceberg in relation to performance possibilities within this repertory.
Indications in published pieces only hint at the actual adjustments that may have been
made in individual performances that were the responsibility of the maestro. In this same
print, the first piece, Dixit Dominus (Costantini), begins on page four of the instrumental
bass part, instead of the third page as in the other parts, the first two taken up in all books
by the title page and dedication. This may well indicate a missing instruction to
organists— or maestro—concerning modes of implementation of the written score,
certainly not an unusual feature.100 It may also serve as a reminder that printed music
and performance were related in much the same way as blueprint and building.
Chiavette, or high clefs, are used in only one of the psalms in 1615, which
happens to be Costantini’s Dixit Dominus.101 Five of the fourteen pieces in the later
99
“A 4. Canti. il Soprano solo se piace.” [Parts are written out for CATB of choir I.]
100 For exam ple, A gazzari’s addresses to his audiences are found as early as 1603 in the
forward to the organ partbook of Sacrae laudes (1603), and also in Psalmi sex (1609), among
others. See Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 85n, 86, Doc. 16-17.
101 For various approaches to the question of cleffing see Patrizio Barbieri, "Chiavette
and Modal Transposition in Italian Practice (c. 1500-1837)," Recercare 3 (1991): 5-79; idem,
"Corista, chiavette e intonazione nella prassi romana e veneto-bolognese del tardo rinascimento,"
301
volume use high clefs. Four of them, however, indicate to the organist the required
transposition “alia q u a r t a down a fourth. The organ part of the Palestrina litany is the
only one already transposed down a fourth and in F4 clef in the partbook, while the vocal
parts remain in high clefs.
The presence of chant in this polyphonic repertory is a frontier/boundary where
performance tradition and printing history overlap. All the psalm settings in the 1615
volume use the chant intonation of a designated tone, except Beatus vir and Laetatus
sum, both likely by G. M. Nanino. In Laetatus sum, however, a tone 6 gesture is present
in the opening measures of the canto I (example 5.3). The Marian antiphons in this
volume maintain a relationship with their chants which ranges from simple
harmonization to oblique allusion. Regina caeli (Giovannelli) uses the chant melody
imitatively, harmonizing it in the body of the piece. Salve Regina (De Grandis)
dispatches the chant with the intonation on Salve in canto I, although basso I completes
the chant’s opening phrase while the composed polyphony for the full choir intrudes, and
subsequently takes over the setting. Ave Regina caelorum (F. Anerio) reflects its chant
origins obliquely in the long melisma on Ave for soprano duet, the remaining voices
entering only with Regina, the two choirs a breve apart (example 5.4). The Magnificats
in both the 1615 and 1620 prints resemble, for the most part, those of O’Regan’s second
in Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo, 433-58; Jeffrey Kurtzman, "Tone, Modes, Clefs
and Pitch,” and extensive treatment in idem, Monteverdi Vespers.
302
style period, 1585-1605, with perhaps the one by G. F. Anerio in 1615 written closer to
its publication date.102
102
See O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 207-209.
303
Example 5.3 Laetatus sum (1615) [G. M. Nanino]
o o
Lae - ta tus in his quae die eta sunt m i- hi
2£ O
Lae - ta tus in domum
e -O-
D n
|b
5 A
-------- T-------------------------------------------------- --- ------ ---------—
F ^ r --------- ^ i ^
• O .....
o
5 Do - m i - ni i - bi - mus
fc)
'
‘I o
............. J 9 Jo
* f -
-
o
--
--
Example 5.4 Ave Regina caelorum (1615), F. Anerio
ve
O O o
ve
O
o
304
Functional psalm settings are more subject to conventional writing than motet
settings, and there are generic similarities between pieces. An example of a piece in an
essentially conservative musical style still meeting contemporary expectations for
performance is Dixit Dominus by the blind organist Zucchelli, in the 1620 print. The two
choirs in regular clefs are harmonically independent and the setting is quite concise—
sixty-eight breves— designed to travel efficiently through the text. After the first half-
verse is intoned by the first choir’s soprano, the remainder of the text is declaimed in
minims and semiminims, using dotted semiminims to simulate the syllabic

103
accentuation. A few passing tones and anticipations give a polyphonic feel—O’Regan
calls it “psuedo polyphony”—to the essentially homophonic writing. The most telling
aspect of the style is the use o f the choirs themselves: much of the texture is full tutti,
with occasional antiphonal repetition and one or two points where the text is assigned to
one choir. These involve full phrases of text, usually a half or whole psalm verse, but the
changeover points usually overlap by a minim or semiminum implying performance by
two choirs not physically separated. The imitation offset is very short when it occurs,
and the two choirs then usually merge. The wall-of-sound aspect of this piece overrides
the impulse that led other composers, by 1620, to explore the contrast capabilities of the
double-choir resource, but it takes its place alongside the other polychoral pieces in this
collection of mixed styles within the idiom.
The setting of Psalm 116, Laudate Dominum omnes gentes, by Francesco
Martini, also in the 1620 Scelta de salmi, shows the compiler’s awareness of current
nomenclature, but the setting employs nothing smaller than a four-voice choir as a
“concertato ” setting, an early use of double-choir technique assigning whole choirs to
103 Psalm tone 2.
305
full units of text This short psalm, consisting of only two complete verses plus Gloria
patri, is set for alternating choirs which are tutti only on the Sicut erat, the final half of
the doxology. Its most remarkable feature is the triple meter throughout (example 5.5,
mm. 1-6). The opening is imitative at the space of a breve for the four voices of the first
choir, with the instrumental bass setting the harmony when the texture is thinner, but
following the bass line when the voices are together. Omnes gentes, where convention
might call for all voices to come together, is not completely homophonic although all
voices are used. The entire verse is declaimed chiefly in semibreves and minims favored
in earlier polychoral writing, but the bass line has frequent figures noting suspensions or
accidentals. The second verse, Quoniam, assigned to the second choir, shows how the
adherence to polyphonic manipulation wins out over clear declamation of the text, which
is characteristic of the entire setting. Its concertato alia romano-type sectionalization on
the printed page conforms to an understanding of concertato style that recognizes
discrete sections for reduced forces, even if, as in this case, the reduction still leaves a
whole choir. This is a typical example of a newer concertato sensibility mixed freely
with aspects of polyphonic style employed for decades. Its significance is the
comfortable way these style elements are lodged together in one piece.
306
Example 5.5. Laudate Dominum (1620), Martini
m
Concertato. Prim o ch o ro
~D~ &
Lau - da - te Do - m i- num
I ~Cf~~Q~
IU2
U-
Lau - da - te Do mi - num
m
Lau - da - te Do - m i-n u m
~P~
-O-
Lau - da te De mi - num
~cr ~ cr -W-
-m-
l->o i m i ---------------
■ I
— ( -------------
[illegible notation
g om - nes gen -
T ' 1
C t) ^ IIOll --------------( T — 0 ------- -----------------------
[illegible notation]
5 * om - nes
■r " ■ ------------ Q -------------
T( m
S r b^ ---------------------
o ------------ *2— ° o
* om nes gen - tes. lau - da te

® ---------------- boll---------------- H-------------- n— ri------------------- 1
1^0 H°H
°o — Q ------------------
O 1)011
o
nes gen tes. lau - da - te e - um
6 °m - «
i 4
IMII
3
y - \> r = i —HeH------------o — o ° u -m ------------------------------------------
307
Costantini’s Laetatus sum is also “concertato,” but employs equal-voice duet
textures—groups o f solo voices from within separate choirs—and a bass solo, in a
“mixed” or “textural” concertato presentation, supported by cues in the organ part for
voices or choir (transcription 5).104 The two choirs are harmonically independent and in
standard clefs, supported by an instrumental bass that follows the contour of the lowest
voice even when textures are reduced. The intonation in tone 2 is indicated in the
instrumental bass and notated in the Canto primo choro, but the second half of the verse
is unaccounted for in any part.105 The polyphony begins with verse two, Stantes erant
pedes nostri for the first choir, although one or the other choirs prevailing for an entire
verse happens only in the second, fifth, and ninth of nine verses before the doxology.
The tuttis are used even more sparingly, often for single words or short phrases such as
“iZ/wc enim” (mm. 13-15). Only a single “Gloria” and the very last “saeculorum” get the
full treatment in the doxology. The most interesting exploitation of the double-choir
texture in this psalm seems to be inspired by the juxtaposition of Jerusalem as both the
last word o f verse two and the first word of verse three. Jerusalem is sung three times by
alternating choirs before the phrase continues in an infrequent tutti (mm. 6-7). This same
alternation occurs on Rogate which opens verse six. A natural change point between the
previous verse taken by the second choir, and the half-verse to be sung by the first choir,
it becomes literally pivotal, no doubt inspired by the word it illustrates. Abundantia in
the second half o f verse six also merits the same treatment, probably as does its
recurrence in verse seven, a natural text repetition triggering the musical response. The
104
O’Regan employs the term “mixed” for what Roche and Dixon termed “textural,”
that is, sections for reduced textures within parts fully written out for all voices.
105 “S’intona mezo verso del 2. Tono” appears in the Basso stesso.
308
balance of the declamation favors semiminims over minims, which keeps the singers
moving easily through the text. The only short melisma in fusae is found on pacem
during the alto duet (mm. 44-45). Sopranos, altos, and tenors each sing a duet with their
partner in the other choir, but the bass is given a solo at propter fratres meos, et proximos
meos (“for the sake o f my brethren, and of my neighbors,” mm. 41-43). The three duets
are all in thirds but each has a different quality: the sopranos sing several repeated notes
and approach the cadence on Israel and Domini at the end of each half-phrase,
converging on the interval of a second on an accented beat (mm. 15-20); the tenors are
also in thirds for their short, gently arcing phrase, its cadence employing a more
conventional 4-3 suspension (mm. 35-37); the altos have the eighth-note run on pacem,
but are also in thirds with a 4-3 suspension even more smoothly resolved (mm. 43-46).
The prevalence of concertato texture in this piece is particularly striking when compared
with Costantini’s psalm in the 1615 Raccolta.
The earlier Dixit Dominus is less succinct at eighty-nine breves and almost
completely homophonic (transcription 4). Each half or whole verse constitutes a musical
phrase which is assigned to one or the other of the two choirs. Into this simple design of
changing choirs at the whole or half verse, regularly-spaced diversions are inserted which
relieve the homogeneity (table 5.11).
309
Table 5.11. Textures in Dixit Dominus (1615), F. Costantini
Verse Voices Cadence
1. (Dixit) sede; ponam Ch. I; Ch. II A
2. Virgam; dominare Ch. I; (antiphonal) Ch. II A—»D
3. Tecum; ex utero Ch. I D
4. Iuravit; tu es sacerdos Ch. II; 3/1 Ch.I-tutti-II-I F-»A
5. Dominus; confregit Ch. II A—»D
6. Iudicabit; conquassabit Ch. I-tutti A-»F
7. De torrente; propterea Ch.I; (antiphonal) Ch.II D
8. Gloria patri BI-CI-TI A
9. Sicut Tutti-Ch.I-Ch.II-Ch.I-tutti A
One gesture, used twice, is similar to Costantini’s antiphonal pivoting in the 1620
Laetatus sum: In verse two, dominare is treated antiphonally by the choirs before the
second choir emerges to finish the verse. A similar quick antiphonal exchange happens
in verse seven at propterea exaltabit. A different diversion, a meter change from duple
to triple, occurs at tu es sacerdos secondus ordine Melchisedec, towards the center of the
setting, with its own alternation of tutti and separate choirs (mm. 31-43). The only solo
voices raised are at the usual spot, the Gloria patri, where bass, soprano, and tenor each
take the name of one person in the Trinity. The prevailing homophony is enlivened by
the harmonic progressions in each section, and the harmonic relationships between
sections. The final o f the tone 3 piece is A, but the important internal cadential pitches
are those generated by its transposition down a fifth to D, and the reciting tone a third
above, F.106 Whereas much of the bass movement in Sancti Dei, Costantini’s
homophonic motet, was in leaps of fourths and fifths clearly intending harmonic
movement built on the V-I relationship, the bass movement in this psalm is more
Rubrics for transposition are found in Adriano Banchieri, L'organo suonarino (1605;
reprint, Bologna: Fomi, 1978), 44, also entabulated in Michael Dodds, "The Baroque Church
Tones in Theory and Practice," Ph.D. diss. (University of Rochester-Eastman School of Music,
1999), 71.
310
107
strongly governed by the modal hexachord system. This is particularly apparent at
verse three, Tecum, a full section assigned to choir I (mm. 18-27). The section begins
and cadences on D, but starts with the minor and ends in the major triad. In between
there is much stepwise movement in the bass, touching the flatted B, then raising it when
sharped G and F are passed on the way back to D. This modal change in the modem
sense is an idea announced already at donee (m. 4) which changes from the minor to
major mode of the triad on A as a passing tone on the way to the D triad. Examples of
the juxtaposition of modal and tonal thinking, made possible by what Wiering has called
the internal and external views of the modes underlying contemporary composers’
practice, abound in the music of this period, and are typical in the works of Costantini.
In general, the repertory gathered in all three volumes is equally mixed as to
composition dates, although it appears that Costantini’s own works were composed in
roughly the same chronology that they were printed. There is an accumulation of
techniques in Costantini’s 1620 psalm, the incorporating of few-voice vocal writing
being the best example, that shows him to be developing within the idiom.
Revisions
Costantini was careful and correct in his attributions, for the most part, and where
it is possible to make comparisons, generally tme to original sources. He was also
respectful of colleagues’ work, and intervened only in rare instances to revise a piece to
better fit current practice or intended audience, although there was precedent for such
107
The idea that the practicing composer of this period would quite likely write a
nominally modal piece with functioning tonal features is approached in Frans Wiering, "Internal
and External Views of the Modes," in Tonal Structures in Early Music, ed. Cristle Collins Judd
(New York: Garland, 1998), 87-107.
311
108
activity among composers at this time. The evidence of intervention by our
anthologizer, which appears for the first time in the 1620 collection, is therefore worth
noting, and its details show his changes were made to serve his audience, or perhaps in
the case of the Crivelli piece, the exigencies of printing. The psalm Beatus vir by
Crivelli in Scelta de ’salmi evidently started out as a setting for twelve voices, “che viene
del duodecim al and appears with the Nanino Ave Regina caelorum that was
“accomodata all modernd’, by Costantini (transcription 6). A single piece for eight
voices appears in the incompletely preserved 1621 Salmi, Magnificat, the sequence
Victimae paschale laudes by Palestrina, the only double-choir piece in a collection for
five and six voices. While outside the first three polychoral prints, it must be mentioned
for its place in this mixed-genre and voice collection, unique among Costantini’s known
publications. The index of the remaining partbooks adds an interesting note,
“accomodata per cantare nell ’organo da Fabio Costantini,” and the even more
109
intriguing “concertata” describing Palestrina’s sequence. More extensive
recompositions occur in two pieces found in the later anthologies. Costantini added extra
verses to Agazzari’s hymn in the 1630 Salmi, himni, and added alternate verses to a
psalm by Giovanni Maria Nanino in the Salmi, Magnificat of 1639. Costantini’s
composer’s role is more active in the later pieces, his changes in the Scelta de ’salmi
108
Palestrina’s six-voice Pope Marcellus Mass was reworked for double-choir by
Soriano and for four voices by G. F. Anerio. The available modem edition is Giovanni Pierluigi
da Palestrina, Two settings of Palestrina's Missa Papae Marcelli by Francesco Soriano, and
Giovanni Francesco Anerio, ed. Hermann J. Busch, Recent Researches in the Music of the
Baroque Era, 16 (Madison: A-R Editions, 1973).
109
Morelli, "Cantare sull'organo." Costantini marked his own piece in the 1621
collection, Confitemini Domino for six voices (SSATTB), “concertato in 2 chori, si puol cantare
assieme ho vero a 2. chori divisi come piu piacera a chi Concertata,” intended for either a single
choir or a group of singers split in two.
312
(1620) and Salmi, Magnificat (1621) appearing to be more of a practical nature and the
work of a responsible editor.
The triple choirs of Crivelli’s Beatus vir were reduced to two choirs, presumably
by Costantini. Marenzio’s double-choir Jubilate Deo in the 1614 Selectae cantiones is
also known in a triple choir version, but Costantini’s source was likely already
reduced.110 Far fewer triple-choir pieces appear in print than were probably performed,
partially because they consumed so much printed space. Sometimes printed double-choir
pieces were intended for performance by three choirs, one of which simply doubled one
of those printed. Even though Beatus vir (and perhaps Jubilate Deo) was probably
reduced for the greater likelihood of performance by a more commonly assembled choir,
the possibility of triple-choir performance was not ruled out.111 Beatus vir in the 1620
anthology is notable for its arrangement for unequal choirs (CCAT CATB, example 5.6).
Primarily homophonic, each single choir is assigned a whole or half verse of the psalm,
and changes from duple to triple meter (m. 5) are all normal composition features. Its
concertato aspect is perceived to be that of its separation of choirs, much like that of the
Martini piece, both of which are somewhat outside the generalized understanding of that
rubric.
110 Marenzio, Opera Omnia, 7:xii.

111 Ibid., schematicizes the relationship between the two-choir and three-choir versions
of Jubilate Deo.
313
Example 5.6. Beatus vir (1620), Crivelli
Canto I o
man- da- tis let nimis

O O o
Canto I
man- da- tis 1US vo let ni-mis,
A lto I
man-da
TenoreI
O
o
man- da- tis let nimis
Canto II
A lt o n
Tenore II
Basso II
IA-
o
Basso stesso
In mandatis. p. oh. 2. Canti, Tenore, e Alt.
314
Example 5.6: Beatus vir (1620), Crivelli (cont’d)
XT XT XT XT XT XT
Po - tens ter men

_Q XT XT XT XT XT
XT XT -&■
Po - tens ter
O XT XT O M XT
Po - tens ter
XT XT
XT XT XT
Po - tens ter
XT o XT
2. oh.
XT tl lloll o o XT
ce tur
XT XT
** O
tur
O 0 O
tur
o o O O
tur
XT XT XT
O
P-
315
Ave Regina caelorum, the Marian antiphon by Giovanni Bernardino Nanino
closes with the verse and respond, and it is this setting of the final portion of the text in
polyphony which is very likely the adjustment to modem use that Costantini has made.
None of the other Marian antiphons in the vespers collections extend the setting this way,
although composing the verse and respond as part of the antiphon had become common
112
after 1605. There are no more Marian antiphons in Costantini’s vesper collections, or
motet collections for that matter, after 1620. The addition to the otherwise through-
composed piece divides the verse and respond, treating them as separate sections.
Dignare me is assigned to high voices, the canto and alto of each choir, while the
concluding da mihi virtutem is tutti. The tutti, however, is treated as a written-out
falsobordone that is uncharacteristic of Costantini’s own compositions. It is reminiscent,
however, o f the practice Banchieri records for Marian antiphons in alternatim

113
performance in his handbook for organists. Banchieri assumes the verse is in chant,
shows falsobordone for the respond, and gives the “amen” fuller polyphonic treatment.
In Costantini’s version, the end of the respond is the end of the piece, coming to a close
on a final different from the antiphon itself, C instead of F, and no “amen” is added. This
could mean a segue into a concluding piece in another mode, although the specific
practice has not been ascertained.
Summary
The collections of 1614,1615, and 1620 addressed the needs of churches and
confraternities lacking their own manuscript collections of polychoral music, by
112 O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome," 253.

113
Banchieri indicates the verse and respond in his organ basses for Marian antiphon
alternatim performance in L ’organo suonarino, 113-17.
316
publishing pieces from the top tier of Roman composers, some of which were the very
pieces found in manuscript collections of the major institutions where development had
occurred. The motet collection, Selectae cantiones, pays particular attention to composer
prestige, and their pieces are arranged in the print according to this order. The vespers
collections, with similar composers, maintain their liturgical order. Double-choir pieces
were the most accessible polychoral medium, as well as the most economical to print,
and adaptations to these criteria are apparent in Crivelli’s Beatus vir, adjusted from its
original triple-choir arrangement. The same motivation, to accommodate the fashion for
polyphonic singing o f the verse and respond following a Marian antiphon, is shown by
the updating of Bernardo Nanino’s Ave Regina. Concertato writing, where nascent solo
and small ensemble textures occur within the double-choir frame, can be found here and
there in the 1614 and 1615 collections, but three pieces are so designated in the 1620
collection. A significant portion of the contents in all three collections have roots in
manuscripts from both Vatican musical chapels. Other pieces, some more recently
composed, probably found their way directly from their composers. Through these
anthologies we see a repertory maintaining continuity with late sixteenth-century practice
while adapting new and congenial musical style features. In these endeavors,
Costantini’s personal role is unmistakable, both in his use of Roman contacts and his
understanding of the needs of professional musicians. The maestro and organizer of
music for single celebrations was responsible for providing the compositions performed,
thus compositions at the ready were a part of the package when a highly-regarded
maestro was hired for a single celebration. New compositions for a single feast might be
commissioned, and collections of these pieces would form the working repertory at
317
institutions with a musical establishment. 114 However, Costantini’s anthologies would
have enriched an itinerant maestro’s personal collection of music brought with him for
performance, and form or augment the libraries of new and established musical chapels.
Costantini’s own pieces, when seen in this light, represent effective choral practice in
line with the music he collects. The three publications together confirm their place as a
compendium of the most popular and most representative pieces produced over the long
gestation of poly choral style in Rome.
114
For example, the manuscripts at Sma. Trinita dei Pellegrini, see O'Regan,
Institutional Patronage, 65-67.
CHAPTER 6
Few-Voice Sacred Motet Repertory
The surge in sacred music publication in Rome during the second decade of the
seventeenth century was fueled by the few-voice Latin motet. This genre, generally
associated with a more monodic, theatrical, and personal performance idiom, was closer
aesthetically to current movements in secular music, although there is no clear line of
demarcation between old and new styles. The two anthologies of such works by
Costantini, Selectae cantiones (1616) and Scelta di motetti (1618), fit the apparent trend . 1
As the first and only true anthologies of such works by Roman composers known to be
published in this decade, they sample a genre at the center of liturgical ritual and
ceremony during the height of its early flowering in the city. As such they provide a
distilled and valuable source o f contemporary repertory, and by virtue of their issue as
printed anthologies, they codify what a wide audience of musicians and listeners would
have come to know. These prints were intended for the marketplace, their dedicatory
apparatus notwithstanding. That market included other musicians, for use at cappelle in
Rome and those elsewhere which emulated them, as well as private households for
recreational use, often in the hands of the same professionals. The widespread presence
of the two volumes in contemporary inventories, as discussed in chapter 4, confirms
Costantini’s success in reaching both these goals.
I have chosen to use the term “few-voice” over the more common uconcertato motet”
for the repertory of one- to four- (and sometimes five-) voice motets with continuo, because the
term “concertato” is used specifically in the contemporary Roman repertory to mean variable
scoring. See chap. 8 .
318
319
Useful then to musical chapels and chambers of various sizes as performing
editions, the Costantini editions of 1616 and 1618 are useful now as a means of
examining the repertory of a sizable segment of the music profession during this period
of change. The composers were among the most prominent in the city, and they may in
fact constitute a definitive list of the upper level of the music profession active in Rome,
ranked in order of the contemporary perception of their prominence. Those in the
collections of polychoral motets and psalms already published by Costantini were
prominent as well, but with the few-voice collections the balance shifted to the younger
and currently active generation, and includes many more, a reminder of the period’s
proliferation of opportunities for the professional musician. Some of the composers
published individual collections of their own, their anthology contributions only a small
portion of their output. Others produced little or nothing beyond what is to be found in
these publications, although almost all are found on institutional rosters and pay records
as musicians in Rome during this period.
Costantini’s choice o f composers shows a perceived stratification of various
institutions in Roman society, and assumes the important element of personal patronage
as resulting from, but also conferring, professional status. It might be assumed that each
of the composers in his collections participated at some level in this system, even though
the employers and activities of some are less known than others. In the 1618 collection
the content o f the pieces took slight precedence over hierarchy in its opening pages, and
room was made for the anonymous dialogue. Costantini appears to have made aesthetic
decisions tempered by social considerations in organizing this collection.
In addition to their status as typical prints meeting the needs of musical practice
in the 1610s in Rome, these two anthologies make a good case study in the genre of the
few-voice motet as it was conceived and practiced there. The pieces in these two books
320
can be used to address the formal questions that underlie a comprehensive study of the
repertory: which texts were set, how voices were treated, the structural elements
supporting each piece, the uses of harmony and counterpoint, and the function of the
basso continuo. The boundaries of conventional modality and tonality are not
necessarily breached in this repertory, neither are the uses of harmony pushed to
extremes. The anthologies themselves are not driven by theoretical considerations,
which raises the question of the employment of harmonic complexity in relation to
anticipated audience, a link to the contextual issue of utility for which the prints are
evidence. Although these were meant as publications with market appeal, their
dedications and the link between patron and arrangement of pieces also identifies them as
material manifestations of the system of musical patronage functioning in Rome.
The third anthology o f few-voice motets by Costantini issued in Venice in 1634
was a very different collection, perhaps more personal. Experiences in Ferrara and
Ancona may have caused him to alter his previous formula for anthology assemblage, for
now his own works predominate, and motets for solo voice, infrequent in Rome even at
the high-water mark of few-voice motet publishing, were included by him for the first
time. The profile of musicians occupying the Roman landscape after 1630 had changed
from the 1610s, but Costantini was no longer showcasing contemporary composers
either. Besides Fabio and his brother, the other contributors were no longer alive,
lending an air of retrospection to the 1634 collection, yet its contents are not quite
reminiscent of the production of the 1610s despite the continuity of genre. This
publication is addressed further in chapter 8 , although in order to see its place within
larger trends, is included in the table below and in the discussion of motet texts in this
chapter. The three extant collections comprise eighty-one pieces by thirty composers,
twenty-eight o f them in Selectae cantiones and Scelta di motetti (table 6.1).
321
Table 6.1. Composers in Few-Voice Motet Anthologies: 1616,1618, and 1634a

Composer Active in Rome 16161 1618J 16341
Giovannelli, Ruggiero 1583-1625 2 2
Nanino, Bernardino 1585-1618 2 1
Gargari, Theofilo 1588-1648 1
De Grandis, Vincenzo 1605-1646 2 1
Anerio, Felice 1568-1614 2 2 1
Catalano, Ottavio c. 1600-1624 1 1
Tarditi, Paolo 1597-1649 1 1
Antonelli, Abbundio C.1602-C.1629 1 1 1
Costantini, Alessandro 1591-1657 2 2 5
Costantini, Fabio 1588-C.1644 2 4 17
Zoilo, Cesare C.1592-C.1622 1 1
Troiani, Giovan 1589-C.1622 1
Vaileri, Roberto 1608-C.1628 1
Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1595-1630 1 1
Quagliati, Paolo c .1574-1628 1 1
Brissio, Gio. Francesco 1577-C.1617 1
Heredia, Pietro 1616-1648 1
Massenzio, Domenico 1601-1650 1 1

Frescobaldi, Girolamo 1606-1643 1 1
Landi, Stefano 1595-1639 1
Crivelli, Arcangelo 1578-1617 1
Ugolini, Vincenzo 1592-1638 1
Agostino, Paolo c.1591-1629 1
d’incerto 1
Pianti, Ascanio fl.1613-1615 1
Allegri, Gregorio 1591-1652 1
Tassoni, Carlo 1
Pasquini, Ercole 1597-C.1608 1
“del P” 1
Allegri, Domenico 1594-1629 1
Nanino, Gio. Maria c.1567-1607 1
a “Active in Rome” means the earliest date of documented musical activity
through the latest, in some cases beginning with training while still a child and
continuing to date of death.
322
Composers: Selectae cantiones, 1616

The basic organizing principle in both anthologies of the 1610s follows the
typical arrangement of motet collections, according to the number of voices required for
performance, in this case for two to four or five voices respectively. Thoughtful attention
was paid within these sections, especially in the 1616 volume, to the ordering of pieces
by composer, whose arrangement represents a contemporary perception of professional
hierarchy based on institutional affiliation and patronage connections. The roster for
Selectae cantiones was organized with the cardinal-dedicatee in mind as well because a
number of the composers also had professional connections to Aldobrandini dating back
to the turn o f the century. But this does not appear to contradict the criteria for prestige
in the profession for those musicians, nor is it an impediment if such a connection does
not exist (table 6 .2 ).
The first fifteen pieces in Selectae cantiones, all for two voices, are by thirteen
composers who, with one exception, were living and active in Rome. Felice Anerio, who
falls in fifth place, had died in 1614. The next ten pieces, written for three voices, repeat
some of the same composers (who remain in roughly the same rank) and add six others.
The prestige order begins anew with each change of scoring, thus it is significant, for
example, that Arcangelo Crivelli, who contributed one of the four-voice pieces and thus
appears at the end, leads his section.
Table 6.2. Pieces in Selectae cantiones (1616): Text /Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer Piece Voices Text/Usea Tonal Type

Style cues Text Source Clefs System Final
*unusual
1 Giovanelli Voca mea CT Ps. 141:2-3,6 Bf QC 4-F4 G
2 Nanino, G. B Fratres qui gloriatur SS Com. of a Virgin; 2 Cor: BLo CiCr F4 F

I
17-18; Chap. at vespers,
Brev. (6408); epistle,
Miss. (1570)
3 Nanino, G. B. Verba mea AA Ps. 5: 1-3 Bf C3C3-F4 C
4 Gargari Cantabo Domino CB “De tempore”; Ps. 103: Bo c ,c 4 -f 4 G
t
33,34
5 De Grandis Rorate caeli SS “In Adventu Domini”; BLf CiC,-F4 F
Isaiah 45: 8 ; Brev.
(481)+(653)
6 De Grandis 0 quam pulchra es TT Marian, “Virginum” Bi C4C4-F4 G
arnica mea formosa “Commune sanctorum”;
Song of Songs 4:1, 2:10,
4:9, 2:5
7 Anerio, F. Hi sunt quos BB Com. of Martyr; Wis. 5: BLo F4F4-F4 G
*
habuimus 3-4, Ep., mass for one
Martyr, Miss. (3547)
8 Catalano Audite coeli ST “De Tempore”; Deut. Bi Q C 4-F4 G
32: 1-3
9 Tarditi Inclina Domine CB Ps. 85:1 -2 Text cues in Bf * c ,f 3 -f 3 C
be
U>
u>

*unusual
10 Antonelli Adjuro vos, filiae SB Assumption; Song of “Dialogo” BLi C1F4-F4 ^ A
Jerusalem Songs 5:8-12; lect. 1 in concertato
the octave, Brev. (5475) alia romana
sections;
text cues
11 Costantini, A. Narrabo CT Ps. 9: 2-3 Bo *CiC4-C4 n A
12 Costantini, F. Hoc est praeceptum BB Common of Apostles, BLi F4F4-F4 „ G
Evangelists; John 15:
12; Ant. Brev. (6072)
13 Zoilo, C. Elevatus manibus AT Ascension; Luke 24: 50- BLo C3C4-F4 ^ D
51; Ant. Brev. (2845)
14 Troiani Erat vir Domini BB Single male saint .N. setting o F4F4-F4 „ G
15 Vaileri Tu es vas CB S. Paul [30 June]; Res. Li * G 2C 4 - ( C 3C 4) „ c

Brev. (5044)
16 Giovanelli Columna es AAA S. Lucia [Dec. 13]; Ant. “Si replica Lo C3 C3C3-F4 t F
laudes Brev. (4360) alia tripla si
placet”
17 Anerio, G. F. Pulchra es arnica CCB “De Beata Virgine”; Bi C1C 1F4-F4 , G
9
mea Song of Songs 4: 7-10
18 Quagliati Amor Jesu SSB Eucharist 0 Q Q F^ t G
dulcissime
19 Brissio In medio Ecclesiae CAT John, Apostle/Evang; Lo *G2C2C3-C3 t G
Eccl. 15:5; Int. Miss.
(217); Brev.(953) (971)
324

*unusual
20 Heredia Anima mea exultabit CCB All-purpose praise 0 *g 2g 2f 3- * E
C3F3[x 5]
21 Massenzio Vidi speciosam s s s Assumption; res. Brev. Lf C,C,C,-F4 b G
1568,(5417)
22 Costantini, A. Pastores loquebantur TTT Nativity; Luke 2:15; BLf C4C4C4 -F4 G
H
Matins, lectio 8 , Brev.
(870)
23 Frescobaldi Peccavi super SST Time after Pentecost; BLf c 1c ,c 4 -f 4 k G
numerari res., Brev. (3264). From
the Apocrypha
24 Landi Sub tuum SSB Marian; ant. for Nunc Lf Q Q C 4-F4 \> G
praesidium dimitis Brev. (6629);
with litany (Blazey)
25 Crivelli Quern vidistis CCAT “In Nativitate Domine”; Lf c 1c ,c 3c 4-f 4 A
pastores res. 3 Brev. (852).
26 Anerio, F. Sancti mei, qui in CCAB All Saints (5826); BLo CiCiC3F4-F4 G
k
came Martyrs (6257); Wisdom
10:12, 17, Matt. 25:34
27 Costantini, F. Hodie beata virgo CATB Purification; Luke 2:25, BLf *g 2c 2c 3f 3- F
k
Maria 28; Magnificat ant., (C 2C 3F 3C 3F3)
Brev. (4562).
lum bers in parentheses indicate location in the Breviarum romanum (Brev.) 1568, or Missale romanum (Miss.) 1570; liturgical use in
quotations shows that this text was so designated in the index of Cifra, Sacrae cantiones (1638).
u>
to
L /l
326
Giovannelli, who leads the list of both two- and three-voice pieces, appears, then,
to be the biggest celebrity in contemporary professional music circles in Rome. The
parameters of this celebrity are not limited to church music, for Giovannelli made a name
for himself in both secular and sacred genres. By 1616 he had been a papal singer since
1599, and immediately before that had served as maestro at the Cappella Giulia for five
years after Palestrina’s death. Costantini no doubt knew him from the Cappella Giulia
association, but Giovannelli’s pride of place in the anthology may have been solidified
by his own association with the print’s dedicatee, Cardinal Aldobrandini. Between 1598
and 1605 Giovannelli had worked under the cardinal’s private patronage, in addition to
his Vatican appointments, accompanying the cardinal’s entourage on official trips within
Italy, and going occasionally to Aldobrandini’s villa in Frascati, presumably to entertain
distinguished guests in a different setting than in Rome .4 Although the greater part of
Giovannelli’s energy to compose was spent before becoming a papal singer, he must
2
For evidence which supports modem scholars’ similar estimation of the composer, see
Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo eforse ilprimo del suo tempo, ed. Carmela
Bongiovanni and Giancarlo Rostirolla, Atti del Convegno intemazionale di studi, Palestrina e
Velletri, 12-14 June 1992, (Palestrina [Rome]: Fondazione Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina,
1998).
3
Giovannelli’s published music, beginning with the sdruccioli madrigal volume of 1585,
is weighted far more heavily to the secular. Ruth DeFord, “Ruggiero Giovannelli,” NGII. To
DeFord’s bibliography, in addition to the conference proceedings mentioned above, can be added
Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," which documents Giovannelli’s service to
Pietro Aldobrandini, and Felice Guglielmi, "A proposito di Ruggero Giovannelli, musicista di
Velletri," in Musica e musicisti nel Lazio, ed. Lefevre and Morelli, 223-35, which adds little to
Giovannelli’s biography except a burial place, but situates him in his hometown of Velletri.
4
The documentation of musicians entertaining at the country villas is sparse except
when it involved papal singers. Then it can sometimes be found among records for the Cappella
Pontificia since leave granted for such duty was carefully noted by the puntatore. Giovannelli
was also among the most active jobbing musicians in Rome in the early seventeenth century, see
O'Regan, "Ruggero Giovannelli's Freelance Work," 67.
327
have remained active in this sphere at some level during his long tenure in the position.
His polychoral sacred works appeared in each of the earlier Roman anthologies devoted
to works in this style, including Costantini’s, but Giovannelli’s few-voice Latin pieces
came necessarily later in his career, and considerably fewer in number.5 Of the six that
were published, however, four are found in the 1616 and 1618 prints.6
Bernardino Nanino appears next, second only to Giovannelli. Recent research
has shown him to be a central figure in, and his teaching pivotal to, music in Rome in the
early decades of the seventeenth century, with the prospect that further research will find
more evidence of his prominence. 7 As we have seen, Costantini’s activities
•
placed him
in close proximity with Nanino many times and there is little doubt they knew each
other, but this ordering recognizes the contemporary perception of Nanino’s place in the
musical hierarchy. His institutional position as maestro di cappella at S. Lorenzo in
Damaso, the church of the Cancelleria, and his private patronage in the household of the
preeminent music patron Cardinal Montalto establish his rank at the time among music
professionals. Nanino’s presence in this anthology is independent of a connection
specifically with Aldobrandini, suggesting the criteria for inclusion in the anthology was
prominence among Roman professional musicians. Nanino’s small-scale accompanied
motets were published in four volumes between 1610 and 1618, with a fifth following
5 Giovannelli’s polychoral pieces appear in the volumes edited by Conforti (1592),

Sacchi (1607), as well as Costantini (1614, 1615).
6Domine in virtute tua appeared in Robletti’s Lilia Campi (1621), see Ruggiero
Giovannelli, Composizione sacre: Messe, mottetti, salmi, ed. Paolo Teodori (Palestrina, 1992),
xxxiv-xxxv. Two more few-voice motets are traced to Altemps manuscripts, Egrediminifiliae
Sion and Quid laetari nunc mortalis, and Gaudaemus omens in Domino was published in a 1628
anthology in Oslavan (Czech Republic), although the piece (in RISM 16283) is incomplete.
7
Hill, Roman Monody, Anthony Newcomb, “Giovanni Bernardino Nanino,” in NGII.
328
after his death, but his only few-voice sacred works to appear in anthologies are found in
g
the 1616 and 1618 prints. This means that Nanino was actively publishing on his own
at the same time that he contributed to Costantini’s work, a situation similar to several of
the other composers.
Nanino interrupts an order that would have attributed the highest prestige solely
to musicians of the Cappella Pontificia, but Giovannelli was nevertheless joined in the
1616 anthology by fellow papal singers Vincenzo De Grandis and Theofilo Gargari in
the two-voice section, and by Arcangelo Crivelli, still alive in 1616, with his piece for
four voices. Only Giovannelli and De Grandis were included again in the 1618
collection. This was not the first time these four were acknowledged together as
particularly able musicians and composers, however. A confluence of talent and musical
interests existed among them, seemingly unfettered by the reputation for professional
aloofness that the Cappella as a whole would eventually institutionalize, notably
coincident with the waning of these individuals’ influence. But in the 1610s these four
g
All Nanino’s sacred works, with the exception of the posthumous collection in Assisi,
were published in Rome, with one published by Zannetti (1612). Motecta, 2-4 vv. (Rome:
Robletti 1610 (reprint, 1618); Motecta, liber secundus, l-5vv (Robletti, 1611); Motecta, liber
tertius, 1-5 vv, (Rome: Zannetti 1612); Motecta, liber quartus, 1-5 w . (Robletti, 1618) [RISM
N14-18]; Venite exultemus (Assisi: Salvi, 1620). A posthumous 1620 vespers publication
(Robletti) [RISM 16207], contains psalms and Magnificats for four and eight voices, and was
collected by “Rev. D. Giulio Subissati da Fossombrone,” the same person responsible for
publishing Nanino’s 1610 motet collection. According to RISM, copies of the volumes
published in 1610 and 1611 reside in the Archivio dell’Duomo in Orvieto, although I have not
found them.
9
See Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell’accademia, 8 8 , for the story of the papal
singer sent to any one of these four to be taught “contrapontoT The Diario entry is transcribed
in Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle,” 430, and, with subtle differences, in Eleonora
Simi-Bonini, "Ruggero Giovannelli e la Cappella Pontificia," in Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico
eccellentissimo, 84. For another manifestation of the jealously guarded prerogatives of the
Cappella, note the shunning of Catalano’s music performed at the vesperi segreto, because he
was not a member of that body, recounted in Lionnet, "La Cappella Pontificia e il regno di
Napoli," 552-53.
329
respected singer/composers in the chapel of the pope were participating in mainstream
trends in sacred music composition, even when such innovative developments as
concertato scoring and continuo accompaniment were not part of the formal papal
repertory. 10 They were a significant part of the papal singer’s duties during the papacy
of Paul V, when the few-voice motet found a performance venue in the Vatican at the
vesperi segreti of the pope, a private vespers in which music played the predominant
role, held in the pope’s chambers on set occasions during the year. 11 In 1615 this
prompted a comment in the Cappella’s Diario of that year requiring “lively motets and
short psalms” to be brought by the singers if they had them, and composed if they did
12
not. Traces o f this occasional music calling for continuo might be found in a
publication such as Costantini’s.
The papal musicians were all found more or less frequently performing in musical
13
cappelle in Rome during this period, too. The interest of papal musicians in a style of
music performed more frequently in cappelle outside the Vatican might show, ideally,
the inherent attraction of these newer compositional styles and devices for their musical
and expressive possibilities. But from a practical point of view such compositions were
10 These four, along with Giovanni Maria Nanino, were to provide the Cappella
Pontificia with the musical repertory that would be used for vespers in that institution for at least
a century, as noted by Lionnet, "Borghese Family and Music,” 519.
11 Ibid., 521-22. Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle” notes the vesperi segreti
at Easter, Pentecost, Feast of Peter and Paul (29 June) and Nativity, but there is also papal
lunching and motet singing on the anniversary of the pope’s coronation on 29 May (423).
12
Lionnet, "Borghese Family and Music," 521.
13
Ample evidence for which is found in the archives which are the subjects of the
following studies: Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore;" Lionnet, La
musique a Saint-Louis', Luisi, "S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli;” Simi-Bonini, LIfondo musicale
dell'Arciconfraternitd di S. Girolamo della Carita.
330
likely the response of these musicians to the demands of cappelle in Rome other than the
pope’s, and for which publication was a natural next step.
Gargari in particular is not given the recognition today that he may have garnered
in his own time, as his position in this anthology shows, partly because he published no
individual collections, although he participated in performance both public and private,
and died a wealthy man . 14 Although Vatican manuscripts from both the Cappella Sistina
and Cappella Giulia preserve his compositions, and he, as well as De Grandis, were
responsible for much current repertory for the papal choir, his only published sacred
pieces are the two-voice motet and four secular songs in three of Costantini’s
anthologies, plus one double-choir motet in Sacchi’s anthology of 1607.15
Though recognized as a composer, De Grandis’ single publication of few-voice
motets did not appear until 1621.16 The three motets in the 1616 and 1618 collections are
his earliest published efforts in the style. He was also an organist, and in 1616 played,
perhaps regularly, for the church of S. Martinello, identified as the church of the
17
Archconfratemity o f Christian Doctrine. De Grandis’ pattern of participation as
straordinario at S. Luigi and elsewhere was long since established: he and colleagues
14
Jean Lionnet, "Un musicista del Viterbese a Roma e un romano nel Viterbese, Teofilo
Gargari e Francesco Foggia," in Musica e musicisti nel lazio, ed. Lefevre and Morelli, 280.
15 Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 412-13, 416, 422, 428.
16 Vincentii de Grandis de Monte Bodio in Cappella pontificia musici sacrae cantione
binis, temis, quaternis etquinis vocibus...liberprimus (Rome: Soldi, 1621) [RISM 16217], with a
few by “Anselmo, nipote e discepelo,” Anselmo Anselmi, who replaced Costantini in Orvieto in
1625; De Grandis’ work was performed in 1616, Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle,"
421; he was probably one of those active in the Cappella when that body refused appointment of
another outside composer upon the death of Felice Anerio in 1614, Lionnet, La musique a Saint-
Louis, 74.
17
Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 403; idem, "II repertorio," 143;
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 48.
331
from the Cappella Pontificia sang for the feast of the Assumption at S. Luigi dei Francesi
in August 1608, on a number of occasions between 1611 and 1615, and on into the
1620s.18
The presence of several papal singers on rosters of the few-voice anthologies
offers some insight into the positioning of these collections for their intended audience.
Strong ecclesiastical connections acknowledge and honor the person to whom the work
is dedicated, at least in the case of the 1616 edition. In that year the prestige of
Aldobrandini within the Curia seems to have rebounded from its drop in the earlier years
of Paul V’s reign 19 He was named as the first celebrant on a number of ceremonial
20
occasions in the Cappella Sistina, according to the records for the year. His own ties of
patronage with some of these papal singers can be traced, although a similar slender
connection occurs with others in the collection, and may account for the placement next
of Felice Anerio, the only composer in the collection no longer living. Anerio had been
composer to the Cappella Pontificia, although circumstances of his employment kept

21
relations with the membership somewhat tentative. His presence in this volume
intended for contemporary usage suggests that his music was a part of an active
repertory. Felice Anerio had moved fluidly through aristocratic musical circles. He had
18
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 2: document 77. It appears that Vincenzo De
Grandis sang frequently at S. Luigi, e.g. in 1608 for the feast of S. Luigi, along with other
musicians from several different music establishments (document 48), and for the same feast in
1611-1615 along with a roster of singers from the Cappella Pontificia (documents 50-54).
19
When Paul V’s enforcement in 1606 of the Tridentine rule for bishops to live in their
diocese had conveniently removed Pietro Aldobrandini to Ravenna, although he had returned to
Rome by 1612. More recently, Aldobrandini’s prestige had been threatened again by scandal
within his family, see Annibaldi, "II mecenate 'politico'" and idem, "Ritratto of Frescobaldi."
20
Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 405ff.
21
Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church."
332
worked for Duke Gianangelo Altemps, whose private chapel was enriched by large
numbers of Anerio’s pieces copied into manuscripts for Altemps’ private use, and
presumably performed regularly by his cappella. The greater part of Anerio’s music
dates from the end of the sixteenth century and he did not publish any individual volumes
of music after 1606. His reputation was spread partly through republication of his pieces
in numerous collections from the late sixteenth century on. Costantini’s anthologies
were the primary means of Anerio’s posthumous publication, and perhaps of his
22
lingering reputation.
From the point of view of the marketplace, what was lent by the papal choir
connection was, quite simply, its renown, an assumption that holds true even for the 1618
collection even though the focus there is not strict ranking of composers. The reputation
of the papal choir was recognized by all professionals at the time: the institution
bestowed it upon its members, and highly-credentialed musicians willingly left other
positions of prestige to join it. Giovannelli was one of those members, having
relinquished his position as maestro di cappella at the Cappella Giulia when he won a
place as a papal singer.
Giovannelli was also an early member of the Compagnia dei Musici di Roma, as
23
were most, but not all of the musicians included here. The bold demarcation between
the members of the Cappella Pontificia and the Compagnia, which would characterize
the Roman musical scene in later years of the seventeenth century, is not a part of its
22 Ibid., 184-86.
23
The bull establishing the Compagnia is translated in Haybum, Papal Legislation on
Sacred Music, 70-72. Summers, "Compagnia dei Musici," attempts to ascertain the membership
in the early years, and Giazotto, Quattro secoli di storia dell'accademia nazionale di Santa
Cecilia, 129, adds additional names and dates.
333
original idea, despite occasional chafing against the new sodality within the Cappella, nor
were the divisions between them shown yet in any practical way in 1616 and 1618, to go
by Costantini’s anthologies.24
The list o f prominent composers continues but shifts the criteria to professional
standing exclusive of membership in the papal chapel. Ottavio Catalani, a beneficiary of
aristocratic patronage in 1616, was intimately connected to the prevailing intellectual,
ecclesiastical, and musical power structure despite the fact he was not one of the pope’s
singers. In April of 1613 he entered the service of Baron Marcantonio Borghese, the
“secular” nephew of Paul V, while still serving his second term as maestro di cappella at
25
the German College. A long and necessarily diplomatic letter written by the rector of
the German College relates Catalani’s clouded departure from that institution, and also
26
mentions a connection with Aldobrandini. Functioning at the center of the papal court
but on the fringes of its music establishment, there is evidence that a papal choir
24
Rigid stratification of the music profession had not yet solidified. Imposition of rules
regarding music supposedly issued subsequent to the Council of Trent, was not yet happening
systematically, if it ever did. See Monson, "Trent Revisited," and Fabbri, "La normative
istituzionale," especially the latter’s list of early synods. The regulations for singers, and the
swearing in of maestri di cappella, often cited as indicative of the regulation imposed by the
Council, does not happen until the papacy of Alexander VII after mid-century, see trans. of Piae
sollicitudinis (1657) and its follow-up in 1665, Haybum, Papal Legislation on Sacred Music, 76-
79, also discussed in Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, 108. In the 1620s the
demarcation between papal singers and the rest of the music establishment hinged on which body
would possess the privilege for music publication, a controversy begun after Urban VIII issued
and rescinded a bolla early in his reign, making this as much a power and economic matter as a
musical one. For one narrative of events see Giazotto, Ouattro secoli di storia dell'accademia,
92-109.
25
Lionnet, "La Cappella Pontificia e il regno di Napoli," 552.
26
Culley, Jesuits and Music, 120-27. Rector Castorio’s letter to Cardinal Scipione
Borghese, one of the protectors of the College, is transcribed on pp. 315-319, document 142,
mentioning “...Signori Aldobrandini delli quali ha sempre havuto, et ha particolare
dependenza...” 319.
334
performance of a polychoral psalm by him at the vespro segreto on Pentecost in 1616 led
to a mild revolt by the Cappella, resulting in a decree within that body against “outside
music” without audition and approval of the full body, a sign of his somewhat
27
controversial place in the professional scene. Evidently Catalani moved in influential
aristocratic circles at the heart of the Roman Curia that gave him the status that
positioned him where he was in Costantini’s collection, but about this time he also
28
published for the mainstream market a volume of few-voice motets. None of the
repertory in this volume overlaps with that in the anthologies, although it is intended for
the same type of general use. Catalani’s works are found in a few other anthologies of
the 1610s and 1620s, and were still remembered in Rome long after he returned to
29
Messina to become maestro di cappella of the cathedral there.
27
Lionnet, "La Cappella Pontificia e il regno di Napoli," 553. Catalani’s Dixit Dominus
for four choirs mentioned in Frey, "Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 421, is not known
today, although a double-choir Beatus vir in the seventh tone appears in a Cappella Sistina ms.
copied around 1617-1620, appearing along with psalms by Gargari, Giovannelli and Crivelli, and
dedicated to Paul V, Llorens, Cappellae Sixtinae codici, 115. No. 59.
28
Sacrarum cantionum... liber primus (Rome, Zannetti 1616). The contents of this
collection is listed in app. A, document 21. Catalani’s publication venue contrasts with that
chosen by his reported student, Francesco Severi, whose own study with Costantini was related
earlier. Severi turned to Nicolo Borboni, also a sometime student of Catalani, to engrave the
Salmi passeggiate, a technique probably better suited to the improvisatory falsobordone than the
moveable type in which most trade vocal music was printed. The only other well-known music
publications by Borboni were Frescobaldi’s Toccate e Partite editions in 1615 and 1516, with
one reprint in 1628, Frederick Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi (Cambridge: Harvard Univ.
Press, 1983), 276-78.
29
Catalani returned to Sicily sometime between 1622 and 1624. In 1647 several of his
works were included in an anthology assembled for the bookseller Antonio Poggioli, along with
Giovanni Poggioli, and published in Rome by Grignani. There Catalani is identified both as
“Abbott Catalano...Maestro di Cappella in S. Apollinare,” which was clearly outdated
information, but also as former “Maestro di Cappella dellTllustrissimo Senato di Messina,”
important because this volume (in one of its two versions) was dedicated to a senator and noble
of Messina. This is perhaps in indication of the importance of his lingering reputation in Rome.
Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:356.
335
With Paolo Tarditi we step out of the palaces and back into the churches of Rome
30
where he toiled away, first as organist and later maestro di cappella, from at least 1600.
Tarditi has not, to date, been linked with a regular aristocratic patron, although trustees of
some sort had a hand in all institutional hiring so he must have had his influential
supporters. At the end of 1615 he was appointed organist at S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli,
and in February 1616 given the additional charge of maestro di cappella when the
attempt was made to organize a permanent musical chapel. The cappella lasted only
until 1623, although Tarditi remained as organist and organizer of music for feastday
31
celebrations until 1629, when he became maestro di cappella at S. Maria Maggiore.
Even if the Spanish at S. Giacomo, unlike the French at S. Luigi, did not maintain a
regular cappella until the second half of the century, their procession at Easter organized
by the arciconfraternita based at the church involved Roman civic officials and great
spectacle at Piazza Navona, one of the prime locations in Rome, a very visible presence
32
for musicians hired en masse from various institutions. Tarditi’s first collection of few-
voice motets, which included one for solo voice, was not published until 1619, followed
30
His first documented job appears to be at S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini in 1600, for
Lenten music: I-Rsgf, Rubricella, parte II Chiesa: p. 371-373 C=Mandati-spese per la musica:
1600 Mandato per la musica in Quaresima a Paolo Tarditi 201. Tarditi’s bibliography in NGII
should be updated to include Jean Lionnet, "La ‘Salve’ de Sainte Maria Majeure: La musique de
la chapelle Borghese au 17eme siecle," Studi musicali 12 (1983): 97-119; idem, "La musique a
San Giacomo degli Spagnoli au 17eme siecle a les archives de la congregation des Espagnols de
Rome," in La musica a Roma attraverso le fonti d'archivio, ed. Antolini, et al., 479-505.
31
Lionnet, "La musique a San Giacomo," 482-85.
32 Luisi, "S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli," 79-80.
336
by his often-cited polychoral psalms with obbligato instrumental parts, but two few-voice
33
motets as well as a polychoral psalm were published in Costantini’s anthologies first.
Although Tarditi’s institutional affiliations and aristocratic connections between
1600 and 1620 have not been completely discovered, his position in this professional
hierarchy (as the pattern shows) indicates the level of contemporary regard by his peers.
He has not been found in accounts of private patronage, for the most part, although his
1619 motet collection was dedicated to a member of the Spanish community, but his
association with Paolo Quagliati, whose career activities intersected rather often with
Tarditi’s may prove useful to a fuller picture of his activities. 34 Quagliati achieved a
position in the Curia independent of his musical duties, and may have passed along the
35
occasional opportunity to his colleague.
Motecta, 1-6 vv (Rome: Robletti, 1619) [RISM T224], and Psalmi, Magnificat cum
quattro antiphonis ad Vesperis (Rome, 1620) [RISM T225], Another few-voice motet was
published by Robletti in Lilia Campi (1621). Costantini published one more double-choir psalm
by Tarditi in 1639, and additional motets appeared in anthologies of the 1640s in Rome.
34
The 1619 Motecta was dedicated to Antonio Landi, according to Franchi, Le
impressioni sceniche, 646 n. 14. Tarditi served at Lenten services at the Crocifisso di Marcello
every few years between 1602 and 1623, and in 1611 received fifty-nine scudi to pay the singers
for the Holy Thursday procession there, according to the documents reported by Alaleona, Storia
dell’oratorio, 334-39. Quagliati did the same in other years, and there were several years where
they served together. Quagliati, in turn, was hired as extra organist at S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli
during Tarditi’s tenure there, see Lionnet, "La musique a San Giacomo," 501.
35
Paolo Quagliati, La sfera armoniosa [1623] and LI carro di fedelta d'amore, ed.
Vemon Gotwals and Philip Keppler, Smith College Music Archives, 13 (Northampton: Smith
College, 1957). Tarditi wrote the dedication for Quagliati’s La sfera armoniosa, taking credit for
seeing this wedding collection into print. For his Canzonetta...libro secondo in 1588 [RISM
158826], Quagliati had deferred the duty of the dedication, addressed to Alessandro Lodovici, and
credit for the edition to the singer Giovanni Luca Conforti. See Giovanni Luca Conforti, Salmi
Passaggiati (1601-1603), ed. Murray C. Bradshaw, Miscellanea 5: Early Sacred Monody 1
(AIM; Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hanssler-Verlag, 1985): xxi-xxii, and Robert R. Holzer, "'Sono
d'altro garbo...le canzonette che si cantano oggi': Pietro della Valle on Music and Modernity in
the Seventeenth Century," Studi musicali 21 (1992): 261 n. 29.
337
In 1616 Abundio Antonelli was back in Rome, returned from Benevento where
he had served the cathedral as maestro di cappella for two years. Before that he had
36
been a teacher at the Seminario Romano and maestro at S. Giovanni in Laterano. The
outlines of his career to date can be augmented to include details of his dedicatees,
showing his circle in Rome to be that of a powerful cardinal who was perhaps a lesser
known but not insignificant music patron, Cardinal Pompeo Arrigoni, originally from
37
Como. Antonelli dedicated several of his works around this time to Amgom, a
formerly powerful member of the Curia who had been effectively banished to the diocese
of Benevento for backing the wrong candidate in the papal election of 1605.
Nonetheless, attachment to this cardinal places Antonelli among the higher aristocratic
circles in Rome. Although not usually noted as a music patron, Arrigoni had singers in
his employee, and was noted explicitly as a music lover in the 1609 volume of madrigals
dedicated to him written on the theme of the villas at Frascati, one of which he owned
and frequented. While two of Antonelli’s motets are in Costantini’s 1616 and 1618
prints, he also published four motet collections of his own for two to seven voices,
between 1614 and 1616.38
36
Patricia Ann Myers, “Abundio Antonelli,” NGII [Unrevised from NG]; the piece in
16421, in company with those of other living composers suggests the last word may not be had on
his death date, supposedly before 1629.
37
Morelli, "Una raccolta madrigalistica." A picture of Arrigoni as patron emerges, with
attendant bibliography.
38
The first, Sacrarum cantionum quae e quaternis, e quinis, ac senis vocibus (Rome,
Zannetti 1614) [RISM 16144], contains three pieces by brother Angelo, several canons, four
motets “cum istromento,” and concertato arrangements of processional music for palm Sunday
with choirs designated inside and outside the church. For contents see app. A, document 22.
Dixon’s statement that these were the last primaprattica motets to be issued is ready for revision,
on several grounds, see Graham Dixon, "Tradition and Progress in Roman Mass Setting After
Palestrina," in Alii del II Convegno internazionale, ed. Bianchi and Rostirolla, 311.
338
With the pattern of professional hierarchy now established, we see that
Costantini, still maestro di cappella at S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, and Fabio himself, on
leave from Orvieto and working for Aldobrandini, are next. Both of them began their
own publication of few-voice motets through the anthologies, of course, but within the
year Alessandro published his own collection of such pieces. Fabio, despite his role as
compiler and his current relationship with the dedicatee, appears to be treating his own
entries quite fairly in light of his own criteria. The Costantinis are followed with the
remaining pieces for two voices by Cesare Zoilo, Giovanni Troiano, and Roberto Vaileri,
of whom successively less is known.
Zoilo, son of Annibale and included earlier in Costantini’s psalm collection, was
. 3 9
maestro di cappella at S. Spirito in Sassia at the time of this publication. His only
known individual collection is one of madrigals, in 1620. A scattering of motets in the
few-voice idiom and a single solo aria, in addition to the two pieces here, round out his
known publications. 40 Zoilo was at work in other public venues in addition to his
principal position during this time. He was hired as a tenor for the patronal feast at S.
Luigi dei Francesi in 1613 and 1614, but he also worked for Scipione Borghese between
1612 and 1614, and perhaps longer. 41
Troiano’s appointment as maestro at S. Maria Maggiore from 1596 to 1601 is his
only documented position in Rome.42 He is known, however, by the contemporary
39 1610 to 1621.
40
The psalm by Zoilo in Costantini’s 1615 collection should be added to his worklist in
NGII.
41 .
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 2: docs. 52-53, and idem, "La musique a Santa
Maria della Consolazione au 17eme siecle," Note d'Archivioper la storia musicale, n.s., 4
(1986): 153-202.
42
Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore," 26-31.
339
traces left in prints and manuscripts from 1574 until 1622. The first of these puts him in
company with members of an older generation, Palestrina, G. M. Nanino, Roy, and
Soriano, and the last with Felice Anerio, Giacomo Benincasa, and Raffaelo Rontani.43
He served as maestro at Gubbio before the first publication in the 1570s. Though quite
respectable, his position at S. Maria Maggiore was long behind him by 1616, but the
motet in this collection shows he likely stayed both active and prominent, even if we do
not know where.
Roberto Vaileri (alternatively Valeri) was very likely the organist at S. Maria in
Vallicella from 1608 to as late as 1628.44 The few pieces attributed to this musician,
who may have been Flemish, are found in a contemporary Vatican manuscript, the
manuscript collection from the Altemps cappella, and a 1619 publication by Gregorio
• 45
Allegri. The print was dedicated by the printer Soldi to Duke Gianangelo Altemps,
II quarto libro delle muse a cinque voci composto da diversi eccellentissimi musici,
(Venice: figl. di A. Gardano, 1574) [RISM 15744], and LitanieaB. Virginis quaternis, quinis,
senis et octonis vocibus (Rome: Robletti, 1622) [RISM 16221]. Blazey, "The Litany in
Seventeenth-Century Italy,"34, speculates that the litanies might be a reprint of a much earlier
publication. However, Rontani is active at this time, Benincasa is published again in the same
year by Costantini, and posthumous publication of Felice Anerio continues until 1639. Troiano
was maestro di cappella at Gubbio Cathedral (Umbria) from 1571-1573. A madrigal of his was
included in Le Gioie, 1589, but a work was also included in the earlier madrigal anthology, II
quarto libro delle Muse (Venice: 1574, R/1582) [RISM 15744].
44
Unlisted in NGII. His biographical information is found in Morelli, II Tempio
Armonico, 92 n. 281, 95, 156, 191.
45
I-Rvat, CG XV contains two Litanies of Loreto and a Salve Regina for double choir
attributed to “Ruberto” Vaileri. Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 101. In the
Altemps Collectio minore is a double-choir Quam pulchra es by Vaileri, no. 6 8 , listed in Luciani,
"Biblioteca Altaempsiana," 311.
340
which bolsters the notion of a relationship for Vaileri (as for Allegri) with the Duke’s
cappella,4 6 Vaileri’s only known few-voice motet is in Selectae cantiones.
This microcosm of musical hierarchy is expanded with insertion of the composers
of three-voice pieces. Giovannelli is again first, but the next several names, all inserted
before Alessandro Costantini’s second appearance, are new to the volume and, by
Costantini’s measure, precede Alessandro in prestige. These are G. F. Anerio, followed
by Paolo Quagliati, Giovanni Francesco Brissio, Pietro Heredia, and Domenico
Massenzio.
Giovanni Francesco Anerio, a presence in Costantini’s anthologies from 1614
through 1630, was probably the most prolific and flexible composer of this era. His two
pieces in the 1616-1618 anthologies— even the ten pieces in Costantini’s works
altogether, constitute only a small percentage of Anerio’s works published in anthologies
and miscellanies, and an even smaller portion of his total published oeuvre in every genre
and style. Anerio’s types of institutional employment were as varied as his composition
47
types. In the mid-1610s he served at the church of S. Maria dei Monti (Madonna ai
Monti), but his reputation far surpassed this affiliation. A contemporary account of the
musical spectacle of his first mass at the Gesu called him “Maestro di Cappella del
Papa," although he was not that at the time, nor was he ever officially affiliated (as far as
46
Concertini a due, a tre. et a quattro voci ...libro secondo (Rome, Soldi, 1619)
[A857/RISM 161912]. Although listed among the secular anthologies in RISM B, the piece by
Vaileri is a litany “concertate.” Three pieces by Gianlorenzo Altemps himself are included in the
print, one of which is In die solemni. Couchman, "Palazzo Altemps," 179.
47
Klaus Fischer, “Giovanni Francesco Anerio,” in NGII, and, additionally, Graham
Dixon, "G. F. Anerio (1567-1630) and the Roman School," Musical Times 121 (1980): 366-68,
and idem, "Progressive Tendencies in the Roman Motet During the Early Seventeenth Century,"
Acta Musicologica (1981): 105-19.
341
48
we know) with the papal establishment. His private patronage connections certainly
existed, but can be characterized better by looking at his publications than by looking to
any one household’s payrolls. Among them are his earliest publication, an engraved
edition of a nativity dialogo pastorale in 1600, representing that year’s performance for
the pope and his entourage of the annual event customarily organized by the cardinal-
49
nephew, who at that time was Pietro Aldobrandini. A piece by him is included in the
1609 madrigal collection with the Frascati villas theme, a direct tie to that world .50 Two
publications closer to the period of the Costantini collections intimate connections
between Anerio and the Borghese, the reigning pontifical family. The first is the Missa
Paulina Burghesi, which does not hide its papal reference. 51 The second, a collection of
songs by the bass singer Gio. Domenico Puliaschi, Varie musiche (1618), is dedicated to
Puliaschi’s patron Scipione Borghese, and includes six motets by Anerio, a teacher of the
52
singer, in this otherwise secular print. Had Anerio’s piece in Costantini’s 1616
collection been for two voices, he would have very likely vied for position with
Bernardino Nanino.
48
For another account of this event by a more discerning reporter than Gigli, see Frey,
"Die Gesange der Sixtinischen Kapelle," 428.
49 .
Giovanni Francesco Anerio, II Dialogo Pastorale al presepio di Nostro Signore
(1600), a tre voce con I'intavolatura del cembalo e del liuto, ed. Amaldo Morelli, Studi Musicali
Romani 2 (1983). For a description of this annual occasion, see Lionnet, "Borghese Family and
Music," 526.
50 Morelli, "Una raccolta madrigalistica del 1609."
51 Although there is little known beyond this about its circumstances. Miller, "Palestrina
and the Seventeenth-Century Mass at Rome," 94-95.
52
Gaspari, Catalogo, 3:155-56, and Lionnet, "La musique a San Giacomo," 521.
342
Paolo Quagliati was a moderately productive musician who was extremely well
53
connected within Roman aristocratic circles, and who claimed noble origins himself.
He held the position of organist at S. Maria Maggiore from 1591 to 1621, but his entire
career is studded with documentation of his rapport with the aristocracy, which extends
well beyond the usual patron-client relationship. Examples of this include the 1588
dedication to Alessandro “Ludovici”—the future Pope Gregory XV— of his second book
of canzonettas, Quagliati’s own appointment to a position in the Curia during Ludovisi’s
pontificate, and the musician’s close relationship with Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, the
pope’s nephew, such that the cardinal was executor of Quagliati’s will. 54 For the
purposes of this collection, professional affiliation may have been at least as important as
movement within appropriate noble circles—not necessarily that of the present dedicatee,
but others of the same class. By these criteria, Quagliati was an organist, not a maestro,
and perhaps for that less highly ranked as a professional.
Giovanni Francesco Brissio’s highest position in Rome was that of maestro di
cappella at S. Luigi dei Francesi, which he held from 1608 until 1616, the period
following Nanino’s tenure there . 55 He was recognized in aristocratic circles as well, for
53
Brian Mann, "Paolo Quagliati," NGII. An extensive revised bibliography is found in
Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore," 10-12; for Quagliati and the
printer Robletti see Franchi, Le impressioni sceniche, 644-47.
54
On the 1588 book of canzonettas see the discussion of Tarditi, above. Quagliati’s
Curial appointment in 1621 is identified by Della Libera, quoting from a contemporary
document, as “aiutante di camera et custode delle gioie” (chamber aid and keeper of the jewels),
"Repertori ed organici di Santa Maria Maggiore," 11, while Mann calls him the apostolic
prothonotary, apparently taken from the title page of Giardino musicale (Rome: Robletti, 1621),
transcribed in Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 211. “Protonotario” had been a
key political position, but the position could also be granted as an honorary rank, see Partner, The
Pope's Men, 6 , 22. See also Franchi, Le impressione sceniche, 646 n. 16.
55 Brissio is not mentioned in NGII, and most of what is known about him can be found
in Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 13-14; idem, "Borghese Family and Music”; idem, "La
343
in 1617 he organized the music for the patronal feast at S. Chrysogono in Trastevere,
titular church of Scipione Borghese, an occasion that had him working alongside the
Cappella Pontificia.56 He was an expert lute player, and he is found noted in archives all
over Rome in that capacity, often called some variation of “Giovanni Francesco del
Leuto.” His only known composition is the motet published in the 1616 Selectae
cantiones.57
Pietro Heredia (sometimes Eredia) follows Brissio, although unlike the former he
has managed to earn a place in modem scholarship by virtue of the composition included
58
in the 1635 theoretical work of G. B. Doni. He came to Rome from Vercelli where he
had served as maestro di cappella for a time, arriving sometime before 1616, and he
surfaces in Roman archival documents from time to time as an organist. A 1630 letter
places him in the milieu of the German College, and by 1639 he was maestro at the
musique a San Giacomo," 500-501. See also Alaleona, Storia dell'oratorio, 334, for Brissio’s
presence at the Crocifisso in 1595; Giancarlo Rostirolla, "Policoralita e impiego di strumenti
musicali," 30; idem, "La Bolla 'De communi omnium' di Gregorio XIII per la restaurazione della
Cappella Giulia: Un documento rilevante per la storia isituzionale dell acappella music del
periodo post-tridentino," in La cappella musicale nell' Italia della Controriforma, ed. Mischiati
and Russo, 63; idem, "La Cappella Giulia in San Pietro," 179, 185, which documents Brissio’s
start date as a soprano in the Cappella Giulia (1580) as different from the 1577 date given for
beginning as a “puer” or boy soprano.
56 Lionnet, "Borghese Family and Music," 522.
57
In medio ecclesiae, transcribed in Karl Proske, Musica Divina, ed. Paul Henry Lang
(1853-76; reprint, 8 vols. in 6 , New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1973), 2: 488, without
the basso continuo part in the source, and under the added rubric "in festo doctorum ecclesiae."
58
Giovanni Battisti Doni, Compendio del trattato de ’generi e de ’modi della musica.
(Rome, Andrei Fei, 1635), 165-171, and discussed in Eric T. Chafe, "Appendix B: A Madrigal by
Pietro Eredia and Giovanni Battista Doni," in Monteverdi's Tonal Language (New York:
Schirmer Books, 1992), 371-79.
344
59
Collegio Romano. A few pieces by him survive in manuscript, and two masses made
their way to print. Casimiri alludes to further manuscripts in the cathedral at Vercelli,
but Heredia’s only few-voice motet is in Costantini’s 1616 print. Heredia is mentioned
by name in Pietro Della Valle’s 1640 discourse on modem music as an example of an
organist who accompanies a choir with both elegance and grace, better, in fact, than
anyone could have done in the past .60 Inexplicably, Della Valle says that music is not
Heredia’s profession . 61 It is precisely because music is Heredia’s profession, and he was
recognized as a practitioner of some stature in Rome, that his piece would be published
by Costantini.
Various aspects of Domenico Massenzio’s career resemble those of his
colleagues: singing as a boy at S. Luigi under Bernardino Nanino alongside Cifra,
Gregorio and Domenico Allegri, and Paolo Agostini; assuming Costantini’s post as tenor
at the Cappella Giulia; and, as a cleric, celebrating his first mass at the Gesu in
62
September of 1612. Massenzio served as maestro di cappella at the Collegio Romano
from 1612-1616, but also had a benefice at the Cathedral in Ronciglione, his hometown,
during that period. It is doubtful this drew him away from Rome too often, if records are
Heredia was known to serve occasionally as extra organist at S. Pietro. Tullio Cima
cites him as well as a number of others, not recognized as musicians, as references for Cimas
1630 letter to the German College offering himself as a candidate for the maestro position just
filled by Carissimi, see Culley, Jesuits and Music, 174.
60 “Che io non posso credere che alcuno dell’eta passata lo abbia fatto meglio di lui,” in
Della Valle, "Della musica dell'eta nostra," 160, mentioned in the context of Della Valle’s
arguments in favor of the fashionable music of the day. For analysis of Della Valle’s arguments
see Holzer, "Sono d'altro garbo."
61 Although this is not the only instance where Delle Valle is curiously out of touch, see
Andrew V. Jones, The Motets of Carissimi (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982), 14.
62
Casimiri, '"Disciplina musicae'," 15:11.
345
63
correct and he held the other position concurrently. Massenzio published several
volumes o f motets and vespers music in two concentrated periods, one in the 1610s, and
later in the 1630s. The two motets in these volumes are similar in kind to his
contemporary publications.64
Massenzio, although unlike Francesco Anerio in his strengths and productivity,
and properly ranked in relation to Anerio within this print, was similar to Anerio in that
he composed and published out of proportion to the formal positions he held. His
standing among Roman professionals, and his connections in general, however, are
apparent in the notation showing that the “Principali Musici di Capella del Papa” were
invited to his first mass, and that he obtained his position at the Collegio Romano
through P. Romolo Massentio, a member of the company of the Gesu, and his brother. 65
One of the more interesting revelations of this reading of contributors to the 1616
print is the placement of Girolamo Frescobaldi and Stefano Landi, perhaps the best
known to present-day scholars of all the preceding composers. In the case of
Frescobaldi, single works by him in contemporary anthologies show his integration into
63
To the worklist in Jerome Roche/Graham Dixon, “Domenico Massenzio,” NGII,
should be added at least one mass, Stephen R. Miller, "Seventeenth Century Masses Database,"
<http://fomml.sewanee.edu/miller/home.html>, 2002. Pieces in modem edition include the
dialogue, Quanti mercenarii for 5 vv, from his 1612 Sacrae cantiones [RISM M 1309] in
Howard E. Smither, ed., Antecedents o f the Oratorio: Sacred Dramatic Dialogues, 1600-1630,
vol. 1 of Oratorios o f the Italian Baroque (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1985), 42-51, and from his
later period, Dixit Dominus, Beatus vir, Laudate pueri, Magnificat, from Libro sesto dei salmi
Davidici, Op. 16, 4w (Rome, 1636), in Virgilio Mazzocchi, Sacrefores, Raccolta di musiche
sacre rinascimentali in uso a S. Giovanni Battista de'Fiorentini a Roma, ed. Filippo Balducci and
Gabriele Terrone (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2000).
64
Although the double-choir Marian antiphon in Costantini’s 1620 vespers collection is
Massenzio’s only known piece in that idiom published during the earlier period.
65 Casimiri, '"Disciplina musicae'," 15:11. By contrast, Frey, "Die Gesange der
Sixtinischen Kapelle," 421, reports that the papal choir stayed at home the day of Anerio’s mass.
346
the “social circle and cultural milieu” of the musical profession in Rome at the time,
according to Gallico.66 However his position in the 1616 list further refines how he may
actually have been perceived among colleagues within the profession, assigning him a
lower status by contemporaries that may come as somewhat of a surprise to scholars
today. The relative status of organ playing as opposed to that of maestro di cappella may
be one factor in this view, his standing as a foreign but already-formed musician when he
arrived in Rome might be another. In either case, he remained in the backwater of the
musical milieu in his early years, and achieved the position he had attained by the time of
his publication in the anthologies more by powerful patronage than professional
appreciation .67
As for Landi, the early status of his career at that point must be taken into
68
account. He served as maestro di cappella between 1614 and 1617 for the
Archiconfratemita de S. Maria della Consolazione, a small and somewhat marginal
confraternity, whose musical pretensions, expressed for a time by increased funding and
69
regularization, ended after Landi’s employment there. The motet in Costantini’s
70
collection is his first published piece. No aristocratic employment for him is noticed
6 6 Girolamo Frescobaldi, Arie musicali per cantarsi nel gravicimbalo, e tiorba a una, a
due, e a tre voci. Libri primo e secondo (1630,) e brani sparsi, ed. Claudio Gallico and Stefano
Patuzzi, Monumenti Musicali Italiani 21 (Milan: Zerboni, 1998), xiv. Gallico’s comments are
prompted by Frescobaldi’s works in secular anthologies of the 1621 and 1622 (two of which
were in Costantini’s), although his general evidence is Frescobaldi’s works in collections.
67 Claudio Annibaldi, "Frescobaldi's Early Stay in Rome (1601-1607)," Recercare 13
(2001): 97-124.
68
He had led Friday services during Lent at the Crocifisso as early as 1611, Alaleona,
Storia dell'oratorio, 337.
69
Lionnet, "La musique a Santa Maria della Consolazione," 158-59.
70
Silke Leopold, Stefano Landi: Beitrdge zur Biographie: Untersuchungen zur
weltilichen undgeistlichen Vokalmusik (Hamburg: Karl Dieter Wagner, 1976), 354.
347
until the dedication of his first book of madrigals to Cardinal Marco Comaro, Bishop of
Padua, who was resident in his own diocese in 1619, but had been in Rome with ties to
71
the music program at S. Luigi a few years earlier.
Composers: Scelta di motetti (1618)

The plan behind the companion volume of few-voice motets published in 1618
differs only slightly from that published two years earlier, but perhaps takes the pieces
more into account (table 6.3). The most telling feature intimating a greater role for the
music itself in this volume is the presence of an anonymous piece, for which there would
have been no place in a volume where composer identity was all-important. Although
thoroughgoing organization by composer is not as important, placement by prestige is
still respected in subtler ways. Many of the same personalities are present again, in itself
significant, but their ordering is secondary to that accorded voice groupings, and within
that, features of the pieces. For example, the first duet by Giovannelli, for two sopranos,
is placed third in a group of five soprano duets, preceded by G. F. Anerio and Quagliati,
and followed by Vincenzo Ugolino and F. Costantini. Giovannelli’s second duet leads a
section o f five duets for soprano and another voice, where he is followed by F. Anerio,
Frescobaldi, Agostino, and finally, “d’incerto.” This order places G. F. Anerio and Paolo
Quagliati ahead o f Giovannelli in the first group of pieces, indicating that the weight of
musical fashionability balanced the weight of composer prestige in this volume: echo
effects in the Anerio piece and the guitar accompaniment in Quagliati’s brought them to
the front.
71 .
Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, 48.
Table 6.3. Pieces in Scelta di motetti (1618): Text/Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer Piece Voices Text/ Use Tonal Type
2 vv Style cues Text source Clefs System Final
1 Anerio, G. F. Ave verum corpus CC Elevation/ “Ecco” f CiCr F4 \> F
Benediction/Eucharist.
2 Quagliati Cantabo Domino cc “De Tempore”; Ps. “Chitarra” o C1C1-C1F G
4 k
103:33-34.
3 Giovanelli Laetentur caeli CC Advent (528), f G2G2-C4 G
Nativity (863).
4 Ugolini Domine in c c o G2G2-C4 C
k
multitudine
5 Costantini, F. Calistus* est vere c c Com. of a Martyr. *N-construction Lf C,Cr F4 F
martyr Brev. (6148). “Alleluia si
placet”
6 Giovanelli Cantemus Domino CT Exodus 15: 1-2; Song BLi C,C4-C4 !> G
of Moses, Laudes,
feria v, Brev. (277).
7 Anerio, F. Sancti mei CB All Saints (5826); BLo CiC4-F4 G
Martyrs (6257);
Wisdom 10:12, 17,
Matt. 25:34.
8 Frescobaldi Angelus ad CT Nativity. Luke 2: 10- BLf C1C4-F4 \, D
pastores 11; Ant. at
Laudes/hours, Brev.
(880).
9 Agostino Panis angelicus CB Eucharist, Corpus part cues in be BLi QC 4-F4 \> G
Christi. Hymn, Brev.
1568, (3124).
10 “D’incerto: Ave gratia plena SA Annunciation. Luke 1: “Dialogo” but BLi g 2c 2-f 3 \> G
30-38 (centonized); no sections, no
Brev. (4687-4694). cues
348
Composer Piece Voices Text/Use Tonal Type
2w Style cues Text source Clefs System Final
11 Anerio, F. Iste est qui ante AA Com. of Li C3C3-F4
1 G
Deum Confessor/not-Pontiff
[male saint]; res. 4
Brev 1568, (6375).
12 Costantini, F. Os iusti AA Com. of Conf/not- BLi C3C3-F4
11 G
Pont [male saint]; Ps.
36:30-31; res. 3, Brev.
(6395).
13 Antonelli Pulchra es et BB Marian. Song of Songs Text cues in BLo F4F4-F4 k A
decora 6:3; ant. at Laudes, be
Brev. (6657)
14 Zoilo, C. Veni electa mea BB Common of a Virgin Li F4F4-F4
1 G
(6427,6456)
15 Pianti O quam pulchra es TT Marian. “Virginum” o C4C4-F4 t G
“Com. Sanctorum”
Song of Songs 4:1,
2:10, 4:9, 2:5.
16 Costantini, F. Cum iucunditate TT Immaculate Lo C4C4-F4
H G
Conception [Dec.8 ]
Res. Brev. (5570).
3vv
17 Nanino, G. B. Audi filia SSS Ps. 44: 11-13, 10; Bf [C ^ C A ^ I, F
com. of Virgin/
Martyr; S. Cecilia.
18 Massenzio Laudent te TTB “Concertato” o C4C4F4-F4 t FB,CGF
Domine sectioned alia
romano
349
Composer Piece Voices Text/ Use Tonal Type
2w Style cues Text source Clefs System Final
19 Tarditi Panis angelicus SSB Eucharist, Corpus Li C A F 4-F4 k F
Christi. Flymn, Brev.
1568, (3124).
20 Allegri, G. Egredimi et videte SST Marian. Song of Songs Bi C1QC 4-C4 k G
3:11.
21 Tassoni Jubilate Deo SSB “De Tempore.” “Concertato” f C A F 4-F4 k G
no cues;
sectioned alia
romano
4vv
22 De Grandis Ego mater pulchra a4 Eccl. 24: 24-27. Bo C1C3C4F4-F4 G
23 Pasquini Jesu decus a4 “Ad Elevationem”; i C1C3C4F4-F4 G
n
angelicum Late medieval hymn.
24 Costantini, F. O admirabile a4 Circumcision, ant.l, Lf C A C 4F4-F4 E
commercium Brev. (1075); ant.
post Nativity, (6705).
25 Costantini, A. Ego sum panis a4 “In Festo Corporis BLf Q C 3C4F4-F4 D
n
vivus Christi” John 6 : 31-32;
Brev.(3142, 3158).
5vv
26 Catalano Percussit Saul SSATB Samuel I, 18:7, then “Concertato” o g 2g 2c 2c 3c 4- * C
mille free voice and text C4
cues in be;
27 Costantini, A. Oculi mei semper SSATB Lent. Ps. 24:15-16; “a 5 con doi BLo C1C1C3C4F4- G
ad Dominum Int. third Sunday in soprani” C3F4C4F4C3F4
Lent, Miss. (804). C4F4C3F4C4F4
Abbreviations as in table 6 .2
CO
cn
o
351
The duets for lower but equal voices muddle the mix of composers in the duet section
overall, but the order within each voice group, with the noted exceptions, corresponds
fairly closely to what is already understood about the rank of the composer, a
determinant remaining viable if not dominant. Thus we can hypothesize that there is a
great deal more that might be learned about some of these composers. Ascanio Pianti,
for example, is not mentioned in New Grove, and for this period is known to have served
72
only as maestro di cappella at Sma. Trinita from 1613 to 1615. Costantini, however,
placed Pianti’s single duet for two tenors ahead of his own.
The three-voice pieces revert to familiar composer order, leading with G. B.
Nanino. Massenzio is ahead of Tarditi which perhaps clarifies an order unclear in the
earlier collection. Newcomers Gregorio Allegri and Carlo Tassoni are added next.
Allegri, who published his first collection of “Concertini” also in 1618, had been
employed in Fermo and Tivoli after his training at S. Luigi in the 1590s, coming later to
73
the Roman professional scene. His second book of, also Concertini for few voices
published the following year, has already been mentioned for its dedication to Duke
Altemps, and its piece by Vaileri. Carlo Tassoni, so far, is unknown .74
72
O’Regan, Institutional Patronage, 79, 104, 106. See also Luciani, "Biblioteca
Altaempsiana," 284. The names of some musicians, including an “Ascanio de Pinti,” and a
reference to “casa Altemps,” are worked into an illuminated initial decorating a composition by
Luca Marenzio in the Altemps Cappella manuscripts. They may provide a lead in the search for
more on Pianti, one in keeping with the credentials of other composers in the collection. One
other notation shows him to be maestro for special feastdays at S. Maria in Monserrato in Rome
in 1628, see Noel O'Regan, "Tomas Luis de Victoria's Roman Churches Revisited," Early Music
28 (2000): 408.
73
Concertini, 2-5vv, libro 1 (Rome, 1618) is lost.
74
Although his name summons aristocratic connections in Florence, no information has
yet been found.
352
In the section for four voices, De Grandis is followed by Ercole Pasquini, who
makes a unique appearance in the anthologies. This motet is one of only five vocal
pieces attributed to the organist, who served at the Cappella Giulia when Costantini sang
75
there, and who would have by this time been an old man if still alive. The remaining
composers are not unfamiliar and conform to the order already established.
Motet Texts in the Costantini Prints

Many of the texts in the 1616 and 1618 prints were “standard” in that other
settings were published, some over a long period of time, while others were newly
favored in the early seventeenth century. This fact can be seen more clearly when the
sample includes all the texts in Costantini’s four full motet collections. Together they
may serve as a reservoir o f “Roman” motet texts in the early century, ready for
comparison to other regional collections, and to collections at other times, mindful at the
same time that they are found in collections assembled with an underlying interest in
marketability, for which appeal, flexibility, and satisfaction of broad taste may be
76
assumed. This is not to say that the texts were exclusively Roman, and in fact
correspondences can be found between texts set in Rome, in Ferrara by Grandi, and even
77
in Munich by Rudolph di Lasso. Certain texts, for example, the Sub tuum praesidium
75
The range 1608-1619 is given for his death date, and his presence in a collection of
active composers hints he may have been living although there is no record that he himself was
active, but the deceased Felice Anerio is also included because his music was still played.
76
Frequency of specific texts (identified by incipit only) is determined here in
comparison with appearance in other publications about which similar assumptions concerning
their intent and characteristics can be made.
77
Rudolph di Lasso, Virginalia Eucharistica (1615), ed. Alexander J. Fisher, Recent
Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, 114 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 2002); Jerome
Roche, "Alessandro Grandi: A Case Study in the Choice of Texts for Motets," Journal of the
Royal Musical Association 113 (1988): 274-305. For more on text choices, see idem, Jerome
353
by Palestrina for double-choir (1614) and by Landi for three voices (1616), had a long
78
history of weathering different stylistic treatments. Song of Songs, Eucharistic, and
devotional texts are included in this Roman repertory as they are all over Italy, so they
are not in an exclusive sense Roman texts, but they are part of a standard repertory here
as elsewhere. One trait most of the texts do share is conformity with the source in most
cases where the source is known. One example might be the Song of Songs text Adjuro
vos filiae Jerusalem, which Antonelli sets as a fairly imaginative duet, given that the text
was hardly adjusted either from its biblical or liturgical source. Among these motets
there are very few incorporating free texts with biblical incipits, for example, or biblical
passages that are not found in an intermediate liturgical source, or a previous motet.
Percussit Saul by Catalani and Peccavi by Frescobaldi are exceptional in this respect.
A search for Roman “markers” among these texts could be found if one were to
look for them, although use beyond Rome was not impeded, perhaps due to the
compiler’s goal of flexibility. Motets honoring two early Roman martyrs, St. Lawrence
and St. Calixtus, are good examples. The Beatus Laurentius (1614) text, recalling this
third-century Roman martyr’s stance against the emperor, was set in the sixteenth
century at the least by Verdelot, Maistre Jhan, and Willaert before 1550, and twice by
Palestrina. In 1594 a Franciscan maestro di cappella in Naples, Girolamo Vespa
(c.l540-after 1596) included a motet on this text in a collection of Sacrae cantiones
Roche, "I mottetti di Frescobaldi e la scelta dei testi nel primo Seicento," in Girolamo
Frescobaldi nel IVcentenario, ed. Durante and Fabris, 261-80.
78
Set by Grandi in 1614, see Roche, “Alessandro Grandi: A Case Study,” 297, and by
Rudolph de Lasso in 1615, see Virginalia.
354
79
composed for feasts of the entire year, showing its wide application. Even though the
text published in 1614 is different from the one most often set in the sixteenth century, its
value for the celebration of the patronal feastday is obvious, but its theme might also
imply more general use for a male martyr’s feast. The motet honoring Calixtus (Calixtus
ist vere martyr), a third-century pope and martyr whose cult was connected with the
church of S. Maria in Trastevere, honors the saint by name only in the index of the 1618
collection The setting itself turns out to be a generic Hie est vere martire, with the
pronoun of the text replaced by “N”, ready for insertion of the saint of the day.
The majority of the motet texts have been located in contemporary liturgical or
80
biblical sources, and many are found in both. I have compared text incipits with a list
of sixteenth-century printed motets, also in anthologies, to determine the frequency with

81
which older texts continued to be set in this seventeenth-century repertory. The results
of the tabulation are found in table 6.4 and the data are found in tables 6.2 and 6.3.
Additional data from a similar analysis of motet texts in the 1614 double-choir
collection, and the 1634 collection, have been added from tables 5.3 and 8.13 to help
determine the apparent direction of trends in published motet collections through these
representative anthologies.
79 2
Sacrae cantiones (Motecta nuncupatae), (Venice, Amadino, 1594) [RISM 1594 ] with
contents in Harry B. Lincoln, The Latin Motet: Indexes to Printed Collections, 1500-1600
(Ottawa, Canada: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1993), no. 1594/ 02.
80
Motet text transcriptions and sources are found in apps. C-l, 2, 3, 6 , 7.
81
Lincoln, Latin Motet Indexes. The motets in these collections are not limited to Rome.
Although incipits in this index are fairly long, the numbers are tentative and would depend on
further investigation of the full texts, particularly of such ubiquitous incipits as Cantate Dominum
canticum novum or Jubilate Deo.
355
Table 6.4. General Sources for Motet Texts
1614 1616 1618 1634
Traditional sources 26/28 23/27 18/27 20/27
Liturgical 13 6 6 9
Biblical 8 7 3 4
Biblical text used 5 10 9 7
liturgically
Other sources 2 4 9 7
Texts found in 16 C.:
Frequently3 23 10 8 5
Infrequently 2 6 9 9
Not set 5 11 10 13
a “Frequently” = 4 or more published settings, “Infrequently” =1-3 settings.
This brief comparison shows an obvious trend toward diminishing reliance on
traditional text sources overall, those that had been favored most in the sixteenth century.
Liturgical sources, however, were not losing favor as dramatically as the straight
“liturgical source” numbers might suggest, as they were balanced by a greater number of
liturgical-biblical texts. This means that texts were being mined from different parts of
the liturgy than previously, perhaps, and words that resonate with biblical reference were
favored. The increased interest in vespers as a vehicle for musical performance, for
example, may have drawn attention to reservoirs of antiphon texts, or their related
responsories in other parts o f the office. The offices for the feast o f the Assumption and
its octave, to take one example, are filled with Song of Song texts, which are biblical,
liturgical, little-set in previous generations, and sympathetic with new expressive
techniques.
The trend away from traditional texts, those set frequently in the past, is sharper
between the 1614 edition and the two later ones than even the numbers reveal. Not only
are there twenty-three texts set “frequently” in the sixteenth century according to the
somewhat arbitrary parameters of this tabulation, but many of them have upwards of ten
published settings, a clear indication of their importance as standards. The 1634
356
collection, which seems to take a bit of a U-turn in terms of use of liturgical texts, which
increase slightly while “other” sources decrease, does not return to sixteenth-century
liturgical texts and continues the trend of setting new ones.
Motet texts set for few voices were somewhat different, although not radically so
at first, from those employed in the double-choir idiom. The only ones related to
essential differences in the idioms, it seems, were the Song of Song motets. Besides
these texts, the shift in choices of liturgical-biblical texts appears more gradual, a change
over time unrelated to idiom differences. The evidence from the anthologies shows that
the texts for the double-choir motets were far more frequently found in the sixteenth
century, hence “traditional” texts, than the few-voice choices. This is not surprising
because in spite of the fact that it was published only two years previously, the bulk of
the repertory in the 1614 collection was probably written in the sixteenth century. Many
of the pieces which show signs of later composition, or an up-to-date sensibility (e.g.
Puer qui natus est by Giovannelli) still return to usual texts.
Five motets in the double-choir collection do not use traditional texts, and might
suggest why some composers turned to something new or different, a trend which
accelerates with the few-voice motet. The five are by G. B. Nanino (Beatus Laurentius),
G. F. Anerio (Aurora lucis rutilat), Alessandro Costantini (Dextera tua Domine), and
Costantini himself (Sancti dei omnes, O lumen ecclesiae). None of these composers had
Vatican positions at any time, with the exception of Costantini, and his own composition
was never meant for that environment. He and his brother Alessandro, as the youngest
composers in this collection, might be expected to set newer texts, and they were also
typical of the musicians who would make use of the collection. Nanino’s Beatus
Laurentius text is different from those by that title in the sixteenth century. The earlier
motets set an antiphon from matins on the day of the feast, whereas Nanino took his text
357
from the Magnificat antiphon, whose direct connection to the vespers service may point
82
to its actual use. Even though its description of Laurence roasting on the grill would
have to wait for someone a little more inclined to exploit its colorful possibilities than
Nanino, interest in the dramatic possibilities of texts would gain ground in the few-voice
motet nonetheless. Anerio’s Aurora lucis rutilat is a hymn, a text type only set in the
83
polychoral idiom more than a few times by Agazzari. Anerio’s earlier connection with
the Collegio Romano and the slightly more experimental atmosphere of the Jesuit
colleges might here be apparent. That same attitude might account indirectly for
Costantini’s double-choir motet, O lumen ecclesiae. Anerio set a close variant of this
text in his Antiphonae, and it consists partly of a respond and partly a medieval hymn.
The structure of this synthesis worked congenially with double-choir conventions, while
its text served the feast of St. Augustine. 84 The changing face of cappelle musicale in
the early seventeenth century is also apparent with this motet. Augustinian churches and
monasteries were subject to the same growth patterns occurring in many ecclesiastical
85
institutions at this time, and constituted a significant presence in Italian cities.
82
Beatus laurentius orabat dicens, in Brev., 1568 (5343).
83 See chap. 8 .
84
The text is presented in Anerio’s antiphon cycle’s third volume, devoted to feasts of
saints particularly important in religious houses, see Armstrong,"Antiphonae.”
85
Morelli, "Musica e musicisti in S. Agostino." In 1577 the choir at S. Luigi dei
Francesi was hired for their patronal feast (331), and by 1596 two platforms were erected for the
same feast, no doubt to accommodate two choirs (332). In Rome, there were five male and five
female Augustinian houses mentioned by Gregory Martin in his Roma sancta, 1581, ed. George
Bruner Parks (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1969), 134, 158. One of the female houses,
S. Lucia in Selci, supported significant musical activity in the early seventeenth century, see
Montford, "Music in the Convents of Counter-Reformation Rome," 139. In Orvieto, Girolamo
Bartei, noted for his later musical activities in Rome, was in 1616 usottopriore, organist, and
maestro deiprofessi at the Augustinian convent there. See Galliano Ciliberti, Musica e societa in
Umbria tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (Tumhout: Brepols, 1998), 197-98. In Milan, the seven
358
Specialized practice may have spawned motets absorbed into general use. At the
German College, responsories of the third Nocturne (matins) were sometimes sung in
86 •
parts (musice). A number of motets meant to be sung at other times draw their texts
from responsories at matins. Also at the German College, one verse of each matins
87
psalm might be sung “m musice.''’ This procedure, one verse from each psalm related
to the day, forms the set of Nativity antiphons set by Costantini in 1634 (see table 8 .6 ).
Seven of the motet texts set in the double-choir idiom have counterparts in the
few-voice collections. Unsurprisingly, they were also frequently set in the sixteenth
century: Pastores loquebantur (1616), Angelas ad pastor es ait (1618) and Laetentur
caeli (1618) for Nativity; Sub tuum praesidium (1616) and Gaudeamus omnes (1634)
with Marian and All Saints themes, used sometimes at vespers; and Inclina Domine
(1616) and Jubilate Deo (1618), psalm verses with general themes of supplication and
praise. One, Gaudeamus omnes, shows up as late as the 1634 collection. Several others
with few antecedents in the previous century have multiple settings within the few-voice
collections only: the psalm verse Cantabo Domino (1616, 1634), O quam pulchra es
(1616,1618) from Song of Songs, the Eucharistic Panis Angelicus (two in 1618), Facta
es cum Angelo (two in 1634) for Nativity, and Sancti mei (1616, 1618), commemorating
oo
Martyrs and All Saints.
female Augustinian houses are identified in Robert L. Kendrick, Celestial Sirens: Nuns and Their
Music in Early Modem Milan (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996), 474-77, and four of them
report musical activity, 124.
86
Culley, Jesuits and Music, 79.
87 Ibid., 80.
88
Both versions of Sancti mei are by the same composer, Felice Anerio, and the settings
are related according to Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church," 184 and appendix.
Both of the Facta es cum Angelo settings are by Costantini (1634), but they are different pieces.
359
The possible uses of the few-voice motet collections for domestic or recreational
purposes, in addition to liturgical or paraliturgical worship, are more difficult to
substantiate, yet find support from text choices. An example is Jesu decus angelicum
(1618) by Pasquini, a setting of two of the many strophes of the medieval hymn of St.
89
Bernard, a type of text which came into vogue in the seventeenth century. This strophe
was also set once in the sixteenth century by Felice Anerio and published in 1586 in a
90
collection of canzonette spirituale by several Roman composers. Although called
canzonettas, all the texts were based on the theme of the name of Jesus, and their
performance was intended for recreational purposes as indicated by the intended
accompaniment, “V intavolatura del cimbalo et liuto. ” Similar recreational uses may be
among those meant for Costantini’s few-voice anthologies, and the 1618 collection
includes other pieces particularly appropriate in such a setting. The 1616 collection, too,
might have been used for recreational purposes, even though its dedication refers to
performance o f the motets in the titular church o f Cardinal Aldobrandini. No copy of the
print is found in the music archives of S. Maria in Trastevere, although a bound copy of
one of Costantini’s few-voice motet collections is found among the household
possessions of the heir of Cardinal Aldobrandini, along with the musical instruments
91
Aldobrandini owned which were suitable for accompaniment.
The chance to include a popular genre regardless of its composer may account for
the presence of the anonymous piece in the 1618 collection, a setting of an Annunciation
89
S ee Frandsen, "Sacred Concerto in Dresden," 154, on the tex t’s continued used in the
seventeenth century in Germany.
90
Diletto spirituale canzonette a tre et a quattro voci compose da diversi... Raccolte da
Simone Verovio (Rome: Verovio, 1586) [RISM 15863].
91
Camiz, "Gli strumenti musicali nei palazzi," 603.
360
dialogue, Ave gratia plena, quae est ista salutatio. In this print the primary identifier at
the top of each page is the name of the composer, so the status of this piece as a
92
“dialogue” must have been recognized as similarly meaningful. While there is only
one such dialogue text specified in the collection, there are several pieces which use a
related musical style, more or less called for by the texts, and are labeled “concertato” in
the parts (none in the index), to call attention to the similar musical treatment given these
non-dialog texts. Those explicitly marked “concertato ” are Laudent te Domine
(Massenzio), Jubilate Deo (Tassoni), and Percussit Saul mille (Catalano), and while
none of them can be construed as textual dialogues, their musical treatment calling for
varied voices (and suitable for instrumental substitution) had the same appeal as that of
actual dialogue texts. The Jubilate Deo is the same psalm verse text as that set by
Marenzio for double choir, but the other two are new creations, folding in biblical verses
with free continuations: new texts with new styles. Other indications of sectional and
varied voice treatment are found in the cues for either text or voices in the organ parts for
Panis angelicus (Agostino) and Pulchra es et decora (Antonelli), the first a Eucharistic
hymn, the second a Song of Songs text. The practical meaning of a “concertato” setting
as discussed in chapter 5 was manifested in some degree of variable scoring, often
including solo textures, but its implication was stile moderno, the up-to-date musical
style. Dialogue texts possessed this intrinsically, “concertato” designation indicated
which other texts were treated in this way.
With such a strong representation of the papal choir in the anthologies, it might
be asked what relationship, if any, did the music have with papal repertory. That
92
A piece with this incipit is attributed to Claudio Merulo in a Nuremberg print, RISM
15982, with contents listed in Lincoln, Latin Motet Indexes, 1598/02. None of the other pieces in
this collection are by Roman composers, with the exception of Palestrina.
361
Cappella’s practices, although treated iconically in the musicological literature, were
exceptional when viewed from the perspective of Roman churches. Yet certain standards
were set by Vatican musical practices that were replicated, if sometimes modified, in the
common practice o f ordinary cappelle. The main correspondence between papal practice
and general practice that can be derived from contemporary publications is in the texts
set to music, although this may hold only for those “standard” texts related to sixteenth-
century practice. The record of musical practice is preserved in far more detail for the
Cappella Pontificia through its Diarii, than for any other institution in Rome, and perhaps
for that reason can be used as one standard against which other practices can be
93
measured.
Scoring and Style

The few-voice motets in the anthologies of the 1610s are representative of Roman
practice by contemporary composers. No single item is "typical" in itself, as many of
them have some kind of integration of old and new techniques, but the collection as a
whole is typical of what makes up the Roman motet repertory in all its variety during this
94
period. The polemics on first and second practice occupying theorists and musicians in
northern Italy do not appear to concern composers in Rome as much as the practical
matter of choosing among stylistic approaches, melodic and harmonic tools now
available, both to clothe the traditional texts which already had a place in the liturgy or
devotional practice, and to introduce the occasional unfamiliar text. There is little
93
Knowledge of non-Pontifical Vatican is expanding with the recent publication of
similar diaries of the Cappella Giulia has been undertaken by Noel O'Regan, "Music in the
Liturgy of San Pietro in Vaticano," Recercare 11 (1999): 119-52.
94
Teodori also speaks of a “middle way” in his introduction to Giovannelli,
Composizione sacre, xxxvi-xxxvii.
362
concern that pieces with very different stylistic conceptions are printed in the same
collections.
Duets are the most numerous few-voice textures in these and most other Roman
95
collections, as they are among few-voice motets elsewhere in Italy. Biblical texts with
either liturgical or traditional use are the common denominator of duets, and lend
themselves to through-composed settings generally organized around divisions of the
text phrases, with the dialogue duets in each print exceptional. In the 1616 collection,
equal-voice duets (SS, AA, TT, BB) are slightly outnumbered by those for contrasting
voices (SB, ST, AT), but are interspersed with them due to the collection’s reliance on
composer order. The balance shifts decidedly toward equal voices in the 1618 collection,
eleven of sixteen, and the voice groupings cluster in a logical order. Costantini himself
contributes four duets to the two collections, his maestro’s awareness, perhaps,
prompting compositions for equal voices distributed across the voice spectrum.
The unequal-voice duets in the 1616 collection predominate when the one
dialogue (Adjuro vos filiae Jerusalem) is included. Interestingly, the understandable
voice designation o f soprano-bass for a dialogue with one female character draws
attention to the two terms designating parts written on Ci clef in the anthologies. One
mixed-voice duet calls for “soprano,” Catalano’s Audite caeli. The two equal-voice
duets notated on the same clef are designated “soprano,” as is an equal-voice trio, but
“canto” is as likely to be used in mixed textures as “soprano,” and more often among
duets than trios. Whether this is significant of different performing expectations, for
example, using boys, castrati, or falsettists exclusively for “soprano” parts but allowing
95
Dixon noted this for Rome in "Liturgical Music in Rome,"224-256, Kendrick for
Milan in Celestial Sirens, 249, and Jerome Roche for northern Italy, in North Italian Church
Music in the Age o f Monteverdi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 2.
363
octave transposition for tenor performance of “canto” parts, is not really known, although
96
the specificity of voice designations itself is worth noting. Massenzio’s Vidi speciosam
for three “soprani” appears among the trios in this collection with its parts designated
“cantus primus,” “cantus secundus,” and “cantus tertiusf As seems to be the case here,
it is possible that the terms designating high voices are interchangeable and no real
distinction is meant, the choice simply one of personal habit.
The most common texture in duet scoring is that of two real voices: the
instrumental bass is in duet with whichever voice is sounding as the vocal parts proceed
imitatively, or doubles one of the vocal parts when the voices sound together. Tracing an
instrumental bass line to see if it doubles a vocal line or adds a third harmonic voice does
not describe what really happens in the music, however. Effects associated with a full
trio-texture duet, that is two voices plus bass—upper voices in thirds, triadic harmonies
and tutti cadential embellishment, affective strings of suspensions—all occur in these
duets with greater or lesser complexity depending on composer, and on text. The only
duet in the 1616 collection with a true seguente bass is Troiani’s Erat vir Domini. Its
organ part could remain silent with no appreciable loss to the piece except the
instrumental color, but perhaps this additional timbre had become an indispensable part
of the musical conception no matter which pitches it covered.
Equal-voice settings were probably the most frequent scorings among motet duets
as they were among secular duets, although in this repertory they do not obtain the
lopsided majority of the secular repertory. The treble-bass texture may have been more
frequent in the motet repertory than in the secular duet repertory—perhaps because of its
96
The specificity contrasts with John Whenham’s scoring observations for the secular
duet repertory, see his Duet and Dialogue in the Age o f Monteverdi (Ann Arbor: UMI Research
Press, 1983), 115.
364
resemblance in aesthetic realization to monodic technique—although a wider survey is

97
needed. In Costantini’s motet repertory the number of equal-voice duets increased
markedly in his 1618 publication, corresponding to the now-normative independent
generative texture such settings implied.
The opening duet of the 1618 volume is Ave verum by Giovanni Francesco
Anerio (transcription 10). The medieval Eucharistic hymn text is traditional motet fare
and would have been suitable for the Elevation at mass as well as Benediction for extra-
98
liturgical Eucharistic veneration. Almost an accidental duet, its two full soprano parts
emerge from the echo writing—so mentioned in the tavola—and earn its place at the
99
beginning of the print with the more fashionable musical devices. The metric and
rhymed verse structure of the hymn, a form fairly rare in the Roman repertory at this
time, provides the cue, but is subsequently overshadowed by the organization of
statement and echo for each half-verse. (The echos are underlined, double lines indicate
text segments repeated in both statement and echo.)
97
Roche called soprano-bass motet duets second in popularity to equal-voice motet duets
in "The Duet in Early Seventeenth-Century Italian Church Music," 37, although among secular
duets the percentage of SB does not even outnumber that for other mixed combinations, let alone
come close to rivalling SS or TT scorings, see Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 154.
98
The text is attributed to Pope Innocent VI (d.1362), and is known in at least four
variants. At least six settings in anthologies alone, including one by Lasso, are listed in Lincoln,
Latin Motet Indexes.
99
G. F. Anerio himself must have earned a certain amount of celebrity, if not notoriety,
since the publication of Costantini’s first few-voice motet collection, among musicians if not the
wider public, with his first mass in 1616.
365
Ave verum corpus natum
de Maria vergine:
Vere passum, immolatum
in cruce per homine:
Cuius latus perforatum
unda fluxit sanguine.
Esto nobis pregustatum
in mortis examine.
Q Jesu pie
O Jesu fili Mariae
Miserere nobis. Amen.
(Hail true Body, bom

o f Mary the virgin; suffering,
sacrificed truly on the cross for men;
from whose pierced side water flowed and blood.
Be merciful to us at the judgement of death,
O sweet Jesus, O merciful Jesus, O Jesus Son of Mary, [have mercy on us]
[trans. Adrian Fortescue, Latin Hymns sung at the church o f Saint Hugh
Letchworth (1913; reprint, Harrison, NY: Catholic Books, 1994), 77])
The repeated segments sum up the essence of the piece: Jesus, who has shared mortal
humiliation, is called upon in a personal way to have mercy on “us,” his loving subjects,
at our own death. “O Jesu” supplications are in triple rhythm, stressing the informal and
familiar relationship between Jesus and the supplicant. The final “miserere” returns to
duple meter, its dotted rhythm accenting the urgency of the plea for mercy. The
elaborate echoes that open the piece are reiterated, but slightly condensed, at the closing
amen, tying the piece together with a phrase traversing the full range of its sixth mode
(c ’-d ’’). With simple materials and modest vocal requirements Anerio fashioned a lively
version of this traditional text. The familiar text is set in medium soprano range with a
366
functional bass, the echo device the musical hook, but range and repetition make the
piece accessible for both singer and listener. Echo effects, often associated with secular
music, are not at all uncommon in liturgical or sacred pieces. 100 Anerio’s publication of
few-voice motets was quite extensive, although the large collections most thoroughly
explored to date were far more precise liturgical fare. 101
If the opening piece of the 1618 collection would be based appealingly on its
fashionable gestures and attractive melody, the 1616 anthology begins in a rhetorical
vein, with Voce mea (Giovannelli) functioning as exordium, crying out, as it were, to be
heard. Words offered in prayer and song on the part of the faithful directed toward God,
who is exhorted to listen and hear, are recurring themes among the motets which follow,
among them Verba mea, Audite caeli, Inclina Domine, and Cantabo Domino.
Voce mea and Cantabo Domino (Gargari) are both duets for high and low voices
on psalm verses, with the first an intricate structure for two full voices filled in
harmonically by the basso continuo, and the second a thinner texture and shorter text, its
interest relying on the attractions of the singer’s voice. Giovannelli’s, for canto and
tenor, combines procedures o f horizontal polyphony with a tonal awareness that makes
102
the organ bass indispensable from the beginning. The opening motive, motto-like in
long tones, is harmonized functionally (V-i-V-i) on g, also the mode 2 final (example
100 O'Regan, "Polychoral Music in Rome," 190, 200 n. 42, quotes Anthony J. Carver,
Cori spezzati, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1988), saying that there was no
“echo” in sacred music, although even Monteverdi employed it in his Vespers of 1610.
Costantini uses it in his Magnificat a 6 in Salmi, Magnificat (1621): “Avertite, che il Sicut
locutus est e a 2 canti in ecco,” and again in the 1634 Motetti, at the gloria in Factum est cum
angelo for solo voice.
101 Armstrong, "Antiphonae." For as often as G. F. Anerio’s name is invoked, and as
much music as he wrote, astonishingly little of his music is available in modem edition.
102
For a full transcription of Voce mea, see Giovannelli, Composizione sacre, 164-68.
367
6 . 1 a, mm. 1 -2 ), emphasizing the “voice” of supplication and prayer, which is the theme
of the motet. The phrase continues with an exploration of the mode 2 scale, particularly
elaborated at the clamavi melisma. The subdivisions of the psalm text (Ps. 141: 2-3, 6 )
prompt new material:
Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi: voce mea ad Dominum deprecatus sum:

Effundo in conspectu eius //orationem meam, //et tribulationem meam ante ipsum
pronuncio.
Clamavi ad te, Domine, dixi: tu es spes mea, //portio mea in terra viventium.
(I cried to the Lord with my voice; with my voice I made supplications to the
Lord.
In his sight I pour out my prayer and before him I declare my trouble.
I cried to thee O Lord: I said, thou art my hope, my portion in the land of the
living.)
Repetition of voce mea allows the initial motive to obscure the division between the first
two phrases, its transposition filling in the scale on d, then a reiteration at its original
level uniting the two phrases (example 6.1a, mm. 12-15). The rhetorical counterweight
to voce mea is the supplication clamavi (example 6.1b, mm. 39-40), inverted in the tenor.
The sudden major third in the organ (m. 39) raises the profile of the mournful push up a
half-step by the canto, a common contrapuntal gesture but used, motto-like, as the
opening theme had been. Giovannelli’s ventures into the few-voice genre may not have
been numerous, but as in his larger-scale motets, and certainly in the madrigals, his
103
response to text and good sense of texture and sonority are clearly evident here.
Familiar techniques include the point of imitation at orationem which resolves to
homophony, resembling in miniature polychoral procedure long in use. The triple meter
103
O'Regan, "Ruggero Giovannelli’s Freelance Work," 70.
368
inserted at portio uses imitation to drive its progression through transitory pitch centers
G-C-F-(Bb)-D, rounded out by a melisma in thirds, often the resolution of the duet
texture. The final measures return to duple meter and a lively, final melisma on
viventium.
369
Example 6.1a. Voce mea (1616), Giovannelli
o
_O L o
Vo
o
o
Vo ad D o-m inum cla - ma
Q_
O o
Domnuncla-
tzn tzw
vi, Do - m i- num cla - ma vi,
-© -
tez
o
o n
Vo Domiium cla - ma
Vo Domnumclama
o
vi, vo ad Do de- pre- ca- tus sum,
H
o
vi, Vo
O o o
XE O
370
Example 6.1b. Voce mea (1616), Giovannelli
a
o
Cla Do
O O a
Cla
a
n a
Example 6.2. Angelus adpastores ait (1618), Frescobaldi
'JL
ad pa - sto a- it
ad pa-sto An - nun bis an nun
-O-
(an bis)
XL JE O
bis
371
Cantabo Domino (Gargari), for canto and bass, invites a different treatment of the
words projecting its theme of praise and celebration (transcription 7). The periods are
governed by phrase divisions within the psalm verse, which has been abbreviated—
uncharacteristically for texts in Rome in this period—retaining those phrases
uncomplicating the mood o f praise (Ps. 103: 33, 34).
Cantabo Domino in vita mea, //psallam Deo meo quamdiu sum; //ego vero
delectabor in Domino.
(I will sing to the Lord as long as I live, I will sing praise to my God while I have
my being...I will take delight in the Lord.)
A fundamentally polyphonic sensibility governs the duet. In two of the three periods,
each of the two voices sings a tonal imitation to its own initial phrase, a sort of
compression of four-voice imitative procedure into two voices and a good example of a
reductive rather than generative approach to duet composition. One brief clef change
makes way for the organ to begin the point of imitation at psallam Deo (mm. 14-15).
The third period consists of long melismas on Domino, taken separately, then together in
thirds, once dotted, and a second time smoothed. Gargari’s reputation as a singer is
called to mind with the emphasis in this piece on melismatic display. Outside of the
occasional felicitous triad formed with the voices, the organ bass follows the lowest
voice, consolidating the quicker notes of the upper voices. Yet the brief excursion of the
instrumental bass away from the vocal line for the purposes of supporting the harmony,
as shown here, reveals an integration of polyphonic procedure and harmonic thinking
carried out in individual ways that characterizes this repertory, and renders the
instrumental bass indispensable.
372
A further example of a predominantly seguente bass responsible for essential
harmonic color through dissonance on the accented beat can be found in Angelus ad
pastores ait (1618) by Frescobaldi. In addition, the motivic elegance of its imitative
construction is obscured by rhythmic complication. 104 Both are illustrated in the
annuncio vobis passage (example 6.2, mm. 5-10), where two of only three figures in the
original print occur. The first 7-6 figure indicates a suspension with the tenor part, but
the second 7-6 assigns the dissonance to the organ alone, underpinning the goal of the
soprano’s annuncio motive (m. 6 ).
A second setting of Cantabo Domino appears in the 1618 collection, written for
two sopranos by Quagliati (transcription 11). The most remarkable feature of this piece
is its staff-notated part for “chitarra,” intended for Spanish guitar, a favorite instrument
for domestic and recreational song accompaniment, here used to accompany motets. The
Spanish guitar, like the lute and theorbo, could be played from the figured bass, even if
alfabeto was more commonly indicated for the instrument by this time . 105 Instrumental
parts in Roman liturgical music are famously scarce, and the specification of an
instrument other than organ is unique in the Costantini anthologies. Instrumental use is
often considered a sign of difference from the music of northern Italy, but archival
evidence showing frequent hiring of instrumentalists along with singers shows the
employment of instruments in performance was actually more frequent than notated
104
Frescobaldi, Mottetti, 16-17.
105 James Tyler, The Early Guitar: A History and Handbook (London: Oxford Univ.
Press, 1980), 38-40. Robletti’s 1621 motet anthology, Lilia campi, prints guitar alfabeto for
some pieces.
373
music might indicate. 106 The Spanish guitar, however, was more likely to be associated
107
with recreational music making and Italian songs than church use. Its appearance in
this collection whose liturgical uses can be readily established might also indicate a place
for this instrument in liturgical performances, but in either case underscores the range of
uses for which the motet repertory in few-voice style was actually intended.
In Quagliati’s Cantabo Domino, the second soprano part is reprinted without text
in the basso per I ’orga.no book, the score arrangement the only time regular bar lines are
used in the Costantini prints, and suggests the motet could be sung as a solo with the
continuo incorporating the second soprano part in its accompaniment. The bass part as
written exceeds the range of the Spanish guitar (low A in the bass clef), and even though
contemporary sources show the guitar simply taking the notes an octave higher when
needed, the bass and the second soprano part together suggest that the guitar is not
108
expected to be the sole continuo instrument. Along with the organ, which could
Graham Dixon, "Roman Church Music," Galpin Society Journal 34 (1981): 51-61.
Quagliati’s Cantabo Domino is mentioned on p. 55. The documents in the following studies are
liberally laced with examples of instruments and instrumentalists performing frequently. See
also O'Regan, "Polychoral Music in Rome," 293; Culley, Jesuits and Music, Rostirolla,
"Policoralita e impiego di strumenti musicali"; Della Libera, "Repertori ed organici di Santa
Maria Maggiore"; Wolfgang Witzenman, "La festa di San Giovanni Evangelista a San Giovanni
in Laterano nel Seicento: Disposizione musicale e partecipazione di predicatori," in La cappella
musicale nell'Italia della controriforma, ed. Mischiati and Russo, 161-74; Simi-Bonini, IIfondo
musicale dell'Arciconfraternita di S. Girolamo della Carita.
107
Vocal music with additional instruments has surfaced in the manuscripts of the
Altemps Cappella. The Collectio minor contains motets for double choir with instruments
specified, including among them chitarrino and cethara, see Luciani, "Biblioteca Altaempsiana,"
313. Among the composers are Antonelli and Catalani.
108
Tyler, The Early Guitar, 39.
374
realize the required harmonies, the guitar would provide a wonderfully contrasting color
109
as well as rhythmic definition to the piece whether performed as a solo or duet.
Quagliati sets the full psalm verses of Psalm 103:33-34, whereas Gargari only
used parts (Quagliati’s additional text is in italics) and brings back the opening Cantabo
Domino phrase to round off the form.
Cantabo Domino in vita mea, psallam Deo meo quamdiu sum,

Iucundum sit ei eloquium meum, ego vero delectabor in Domino, Cantabo
Domino in vita mea.
(I will sing to the Lord all my life: I will sing praise to my God while I have my
being. Let my speech be acceptable to him: I will take delight in the Lord.
I will sing to the Lord all my life.)
Its initial triple meter gives the feel of an aria or canzonetta, but switches briefly to duple
meter when the vocal ornamentation is heightened (mm. 18-19), and for a longer period
when the entire line is given over to embellishment and dotted rhythms (.Iucundum
sit...Domino, mm. 34-48). The solo performance option is supported by the notation of
the second voice in the continuo partbook, unprecedented in the anthologies: there the
dotted-eighth note patterns of the vocal realization are evened out, recasting the bass-
soprano framework as instrumental ritornelli between vocal sprees by the first soprano.
Quagliati no doubt had a long reputation for canzonetta-like music, as well as for
adaptable madrigals with instrumental accompaniment of the type highlighted in this
collection, and even for the use of such secular styles with sacred texts . 110 The inclusion
I am very grateful to James Tyler for his suggestions regarding performance.

See above, and also Paolo Quagliati, IIprimo libro de'madrigali a quattro voci
(1608), ed. Judith Cohen, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, 79 (Madison, WI:
A-R Editions, 1996).
375
of a few pieces with guitar alfabeto in the Robletti anthology dedicated to Quagliati in
1621 suggests the instrument may have been identified with this composer, at least
among his colleagues.
The tone of this psalm text, however, is not similar to the Italian text settings
Quagliati had recently published and dedicated to the nuns at S. Lucia in Selci in his
Affetti amorosi spirituali.lU In those pieces the moods of reflection, devotion, and
prayer are far removed from that of this extroverted song of praise, although as a psalm
text for two sopranos, Cantabo Domino was perfectly suited to performance by the
musical nuns at this Augustinian monastery. Another motet in the 1616 collection
equally well suited to women’s voices was also intended to honor S. Lucia, Columna es
for three altos, by Giovannelli, who also had musical connections at the Augustinian
,house. 112
Costantini’s four duets in the two books do not stray far from duet conventions of
imitation or resolution in thirds, but into these fairly simple pieces he has interjected
musical elements which give each one a slightly different character not necessarily
suggested by their mostly antiphon texts alone. In the duets for sopranos, altos, tenors
and basses we find perhaps a contemporary conception of idiomatic writing at least for
some of the voice types, which outweighs any appearance of reductive polyphony. The
bass duet on the antiphon text Hoc est praeceptum meum (1616), for example, fits
Montford, "Music in the Convents,” 162ff, contents of Ajfeti amorosi listed on p.

190. The nuns at S. Lucia reportedly played lute and organ (162).
112
Multiple high-voice scoring was not necessarily limited to female singers. In Orvieto
the feastday of S. Lucia required the Duomo’s cappella musicale to sing at the chapel at the
Palazzo Communale, which was dedicated to this matron of the Citta. During Costantini’s tenure
the number of altos in the choir generally fluctuated between two and three, two of them very
long-term members of the choir.
376
squarely into the practice observed for bass solos in Roman music spanning this period,
where the instrumental bass invariably doubles the vocal line (transcription 9). This
common solo texture is apparent because the first ten measures of the duet, though split
between two singers, could be sung by a single bass skilled enough to negotiate octave
leaps (mm. 3, 5, 9). Only in m. 11 does the true duet texture begin (ut diligatis), and the
interest ratchets up five measures later when the tempo effectively doubles, a result of
changing the unit of text declamation from minim to semiminim. An even faster
melisma in contrary motion ends in thirds. The triple Alleluia section slows the
momentum slightly without altering the beat, but the duple meter soon returns to let the
basses have one more short run together, with one voice leaping down an octave to D just
before the cadence. Fast runs and large leaps— even when accomplished with two
voices—meet the expectations of and for the virtuoso bass in this short piece. Moments
of counterpoint in Costantini’s previous double-choir pieces show him capable of more
complexity. In these few-voice pieces, however, his minimalist use of duet essentials
show different concerns, among them focus on idiomatic vocal writing.
Costantini’s soprano duet is the flexible “N.” setting of a piece for any male
martyr, billed as Calistus est vere martyr in the index of the 1618 collection
(transcription 12). It is neither the first nor the only “N.” construction in the anthologies,
as Giovanni Troiani’s Erat vir Domini for two basses precedes it in the 1616 collection.
The sopranos make liberal use of imitation and movement in thirds, with declamation on
the semiminim and even fusa and a lively passage in cross rhythms (non timuit), but the
most prominent feature in this duet is the close harmony of suspensions. They are used
transpositionally at cadence points in the body (mm. 5-6), but become the main point of
the optional Alleluia, where each Alleluia is launched with a vertical progression-like
motive (iv-ii-V-I), a cadential movement braced by a 4-3 suspension (mm. 30-31).
377
The tenor duet, Cum iucunditate (1618), condenses this Marian Nativity
responsory here modified for use at Immaculate Conception, and abandons its
contrapuntal treatment after an imitative beginning in favor of textural and harmonic

113
response to the text (table 6.5).
Table 6.5. Text and Related Responsory for Cum iucunditate (1618), F. Costantini
Costantini setting (repeated text in italics)) Nativity of B.V.M. Responsory 5 [September
_______________________________________
Cum iucunditate R. Cum iucunditate [nativitatem beatae Mariae
celebremus: Ut ipsa pro nobis intercedat ad
dominum Jesum Christum.]
Christo canamus gloriam, in hac sacra V. [Corde et animo] Christo canamus gloriam
Conceptione, praecelse genetricis Dei Mariae in hac sacra sollemnitate praecelsae genetricis
dei Mariae.
Ut ipsa pro nobis intercedat ad Dominum Ut ipsa pro nobis intercedat ad Dominum
Jesum Christum_________________ _________Jesum Christum.________________________
*Brev. 1568 (5570). Text in brackets not set in motet.
The feastday—sacra Conceptione (Immaculate Conception, 8 December)—is named in
comprehensible homophony (transcription 14, mm. 7-8,11-13). Unusual treatment,
however, is given praecelse genetricis Dei Mariae (lofty Mary, Mother of God), which is
sung by a solo tenor with the instrumental bass keeping the tenor’s rhythm, which
happens to be a clear hemiola. The praecelse phrase is repeated as imitative duet with
no reminder of its first hearing, however. Mariae is harmonized this time in the second
tenor by a conventional cadential 3-4-3 suspension (without figures in the organ part),
which itself is repeated without a break, becoming the motive for ut ipsa (mm. 16-18)
making it a grammatical tag to Maria instead of the syntactical first word of the
repetition. The descending melody of ad Dominum Jesum Christum which closes the
113
The “Cum iucunditate” respond for the newly composed liturgy for Immaculate
Conception in the 1596 breviary is less closely related to the motet text than the earlier, adapted
B.V.M. Nativity text.
378
text thus becomes the refrain, repeated at raised and lowered half steps after a condensed
and rearranged repetition of the text and music from ut ipsa (mm. 23-25, 33-40). Further
suspensions at nobis and intercedat (mm. 18, 2 1 ), reflect, perhaps, affective tenor roles,
similar to sopranos’, in chamber music settings.
The only dialogue of the 1616 collection is also a duet for soprano and bass on a
Song of Songs text, a confluence of two distinct motet types. Adjuro vos filiae
Jerusalem (Antonelli), is one of three Song of Song settings in the 1616 collection, with
three more in 1618, two-thirds of them duets . 114 There were no Song of Songs texts
among the earlier double choir motets of 1614, an idiom incompatible with the intimate
nature of the canticle texts. Interestingly, there are only two Song of Songs settings
among the motets in Costantini’s 1634 collection, both set by him, and one of these, too,
is specifically labeled “dialogo. 5,115
Adjuro vos filiae Jerusalem (Song of Songs 5:8-12) sets one of the sections of
the Canticle with dramatic possibilities, where the beloved in search of her beloved
entreats the daughters of Jerusalem to help find him and to tell him she languishes with
love (transcription 8 ). In light of seventeenth-century exegesis the beloved might be the
individual soul seeking Christ, and the “daughters,” represented by a solo bass in this
dialogue, the agent, perhaps, the paternal Church . 116
114
This is very much in line with publications in northern Italy, when viewed from the
perspective of a motet repertory and not just anthologies. For example, among Alessandro
Grandi’s motet publications between 1610 and 1630, the usual number of Song of Song texts
included in any print is tw o or three, w ith the number soaring only in the collection of solo
motets. Roche, "Alessandro Grandi: A Case Study," 295-305.
115 En dilectus mens.
116Robert L. Kendrick, "'Sonet vox tua in auribus meis': Song of Songs Exegesis and the
Seventeenth-Century Motet," Schiitz-Jahrbuch 16(1994): 104.
379
1. [solo S] Adiuro vos filiae Hierusalem si inveneritis dilectum meum, ut nuncietis ei
quia amore langueo.
2. [solo B] Qualis est dilectus tuus, ex dilecto, o pulcherrima mulierum?
3. [solo S] Dilectus meus candidus, et rubicundus electus ex millibus.
4. a 2:
[B] Caput eius?
[S] Aurum optimum;
[B] Comae eius?
[S] Sicut elate palmarum,
[B] Nigrae?
[S] Quasi corvus // (quasi corvus)//
[B] Oculi eius? Sicut columbae // (sicut columbae) super rivulos aquarum, quae
lacte sunt lotae.//
[duet-triple time] et resident iuxta fluenta plenissima//.
(The “soul” [sponsa] entreats the daughters of Jerusalem, if they should see her
beloved, tell him “I languish with love.” The bass responds, asking what the
beloved is like, but emphasizing the beauty of the “soul” by addressing her as
such, and not repeating the question about the missing beloved. The woman
begins a description of the beloved, white and ruddy and chosen among millions,
but then the duet cuts in, with the bass—the helper—focusing the description
through questions and answers: Hair? Golden. How is it? As branches of palms.
Black? As a raven. Eyes? As doves upon waters. Together the seeker and the
helper further describe the eyes.)
In the dialogue’s sectional arrangement, reinforced by its printed layout, solo singing
sneaks in under cover of duet, one factor which makes the dialogue idiom a marker of
contemporary expression for both sacred and secular use. Although this text, unlike
many drawn from the Song o f Songs, has a specific liturgical source, Antonelli’s
treatment o f it is original, turning the description of the beloved into a series of questions
117
and answers. Recitative over a functioning bass characterizes the soprano solo and,
117
This specific text serves as lectio i in the octave of Assumption according to the 1568
Breviarum romanum (5475), a specific liturgical assignment that is exceptional in the case of
380
as noted previously in bass solos (and far less frequently for other voices in duets), the
US
instrumental bass follows the vocal line. Pointed harmonic change underscores text
elements, for example the sudden shift from major to minor in the basso continuo at quia,
beginning the appropriately languishing affect for the message meant for the beloved (m.
9). In the conversational duet the vocal style changes to runs and figures, structured with
a combination of melodic interlock—allowing for octave displacement—and harmonic
movement (mm. 30-44). The bass’s first question begins on a rising minor scale from d
{caput eius?) which the soprano completes, ending her phrase a step down o n e ” ; the
bass picks up the c’ and descends to e, asking the second question {comae eius?). This
the soprano answers with a rising phrase touching e” but ending on a’, which is where
the bass begins {nigrae). The soprano’s response, describing just how black is her
lover’s hair, comes in the form of a cadential figure (fifth/third-third-root of a IV-V-I
progression on G, then D), which is imitated between the voices, the bass taking the cue
from the last note o f the soprano once again. This motive serves as a modulating figure
preparing the new round o f questions about the eyes (m. 37). There appears to be a tonal
plan to the duet section as it moves from D to G and back, leading to the A of the piece
(m. 44), except instead of a goal, A becomes a momentary stop on the way to G, which
prevails in the triple section (mm. 44-61). This is the true final tutti of the dialogue, its
verbal resolution not as meaningful as its musical one, a change to triple meter and
clearly stated harmonies. The section is shaped by two movements toward C from G,
(mm. 50, 59), descending, then, to the final on A (m. 59) simply by moving down a third,
lengthy Song of Songs texts. See Kendrick, "Sonet vox tua," 100-101. A similar setting by
Bartei published in Rome in 1618 is cited by Noske, Saints and Sinners, 52.
118
Noticed by O’Regan in polychoral pieces, this is usually the case throughout the
concertato settings in the Costantini repertory as well. O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music in
Rome," 251.
381
and from major to minor (as at quia), with the last two measures confirming the
harmony.
While not a dialogue, Pulchra es et decora, a Song of Songs setting also by
Antonelli (1618), uses the text cues in the organ part that usually suggest a change in
scoring, a familiar printing convention but in Costantini’s anthologies usually related to
dialogue or concertato procedures. In this case, the placement of the cues, which at first
seems uncharacteristically inexact if meant to coordinate text introduction or voice
texture, actually coincides with sudden harmonic changes. The most obvious is the move
from major to minor mode— a move seen previously in Adjuro vos—with the cue (filia)
at the point of chromatic change for the bass part (m. 16). This setting for two basses
carries on the peculiarity of bass solos, where the organ part follows the bass line in
seguente fashion even though the harmonic direction is vertical. This consistent and
obvious difference in the conceptions of the accompanied bass—both duet and solo—
signals, perhaps, a different relationship between instrumental bass and bass singers than
other vocalists and accompaniments. Antonelli is well aware of his bass tessitura when
he uses an idiomatic bass leap as the lead motive for terribilis ut castrorum acies
ordinata (terrible as an army arrayed for battle). Cross rhythms between the voices
generate syncopation and step up the perceived pace while the leaping bass interval
expands from a fourth to an octave (example 6.3, mm. 22-27).
382
Example 6.3. Pulchra es et decora (1618), Antonelli
ter- ri bi- lis ter- ri bi- lis ut cas
ter- ri bi-lis ut cas - trorum a ci-es or - di - na-ta bi - lis
terribilis ut cas trorum acies
a rrJrr E a
24
*): • f- m i f i» piii
tjr pr r r
24 trorum a - ci-es ut cas trorum a - ci es or - d i-n a - ter- ri - bi-
9- i I
ut-cas trorum a ter-ri - bi-lis ut cas -
24
i9 ^ miO
o
£
^V -
---
---_ 1 ^ -
---
---- -------------------- fm
-tr*-? r±l> — p— tu - ° O
. M ~— i
1
r"r^
r
28 lis ut cas-1 ro - rum ti - c i-e s or - di na - ta.
-
T -
r:-
---
--->
--
---
---
---
---m O
- --
---
-- ----- 1----------------
o
---------- ; o 1
r n
-----------h
tro - rum a - c i- es 0r d - na ta
28
c\* ^ m (9------------ P ----------- -— m ~ J—
/?-------------------- 343
H ------- * - _
M_ ___ . __
i-* O4
383
Two versions of the centonized Song of Songs text O quam pulchra es arnica
mea are set, one in each volume, by Vincenzo De Grandis and the obscure Ascanio
Pianti. Their superficial characteristics are similar. Both are for two tenors, they share
the G-mollis tonal type, and are through-composed with occasional insertions of triple
meter. These occur in each motet at the same point in the text, precisely where the
female beloved’s speech takes over from the male (shown in italics, Song of Songs 4:1,
2:10,4:9,2:5):
[sponsus] O quam pulchra es arnica mea, formosa mea; tu vulnerasti cor meum,
soror mea sponsa, [sponsa] dicito dilecto meo, quia amore langueo.
([sponsus] How beautiful you are my dear one: thou hast wounded my heart, my
sister, my spouse; [sponsa] I said to my beloved that I languish with love.)
Both the De Grandis (1616) and the Pianti (1618) settings make use of suspensions and
chromatic alteration to heighten the sense of the text, the Pianti setting providing more
precise figuration in the bass. Each one also uses imitation between the voices, but the
Pianti setting repeats larger sections of text at a time, creating in effect a solo texture for
much of the piece. Short segments of declamation on repeated notes reinforces a
monodic, recitational ethos (example 6.4). De Grandis, on the other hand, does not let
the text get in the way of a well-shaped musical phrase. His points of imitation treat
shorter segments of text usually with repetition extended by a shapely melisma. The
essential dissimilarity between these two settings comes after two different opening
themes on O quam pulchra es. De Grandis’ descends an octave in five notes, with an
attention-getting rest after the semibreve O, the entire gesture repeated immediately by
the second tenor (example 6.5). Pianti’s phrase covers a narrower range over a longer
384
period of time, and the repetition does not begin until five measures later, after formosa
mea completes the text phrase.
385
Example 6.4. O quam pulchra es (1618), Pianti
~h------ -----n --------- 1— *— ------------- 1---- 0 --- 0 --- —19--- p — -------

H 1 ------------ f - qr r —O------ ------------P---
------------------ 1----- \.—_
H — l-------------------->—
a tu vul-ne-ra - sti cor me - um so - ror me - a spon -
19f\
...... ... .
---------------------
a
19 t4 6 56 7e
------------ o ------------ —&---------75---O-
---
---
---
---
- v ------ e --------------- 1 ....
/ -------- ° —
k—° ---------------------
> ° ■ ■ I--. ■ i
----------- — e—*—
sa tu
23f\ i j I I I 1
> - > — J h> # ? > ....... J----• -----------
--------- » ----------a ---- J - J J ,j J- —e ----- n ------------
J ---------
tu vul- ne - ra sti cor me - um so - ror me - a spon - sa
23 \ 6 5 6 76 6,
a 9 O m
.. ~ ....\ ~ l-g - i - r f
Example 6.5. O quam pulchra es (1616), De Grandis
■ O >---- O>— m-
---
---
---
---—- h
__ h— F— r * J* o -G
: "— •
o ---------- 1— 1---------- =------ -------------
0 quam pul-chi*a es 0 quam pul-chra es a -
1
-O - V----------- __-----L
> (* 1 ------------------------ T m ...........f ...f
—P— “ — e -----
-
-- -
---:
--
---
---
---
-”-
--
-• o- -
---
---
---
---
---
---1
-
---
--H— - -
---
---
---
---
0 quam pul-chi•a es quam pul-chra es
i 3 1 3
----
---------- -----— ^1—3 43
7 C --------------------- -
I9--------------- O --
---
---
---
-= F
2-
---
---
- o - e ----------Ci fO ----------- a r-° --------------m— i...
------------- e
386
Two further motets, Pulchra es arnica mea, et macula non est in te (Song of
Songs 4: 7-10, G. F. Anerio, 1616) and Egredimi et videte (Song of Songs 3:11, Gregorio
Allegri, 1618), are both in three-voice polyphony, the antithesis of SSB trio texture. The
Allegri setting, nominally for two sopranos and tenor, shows some flexibility in actual
voices that could be employed in performance as its total range is d-d” . The
instrumental bass for each moves at much the same rhythm as the vocal parts, and both
are figured, Anerio’s in particular is filled with suspensions and accidentals.
Since the combination of recognized musicians, along with their pieces, was at
the heart of Costantini’s plan for each of his publications, the inclusion of the anonymous
Ave gratia plena, the only other dialogue in these two collections, is notable
(transcription 13). It speaks of a lively contemporary interest in the genre, independent
of a recognized author’s production. This one accomplishes conversational goals without
using any of the print conventions associated with sectional writing: no text or voice cues
appear in the instrumental bass part, nor are there separate sections as in Adjuro vos. Its
high clefs may hint of performance possibilities for female voices, something to be
considered as well for other pieces of the 1618 collection even though most use standard
clefs. Short and well-crafted, the biblical text of the annunciation story is manipulated by
one detail to enliven the exchange: the interruption of Mary’s first attempt to ask the
119
angel how she will bear a child, with the angel’s “Listen, Mary.”
119
Based on Luke 1:30-38; Discussed in Noske, Saints and Sinners, 57-58.
387
A. [Angel] Ave gratia plena.
S. [Mary] Quae est ista salutatio?
A. Ne timeas Maria invenisti gratia[m] apud Deum, Ecce concipies, et paries
filium.
S. Quomodo?
A. Audi Maria Virgo.
S. Quomodo fiet istud quoniam virum non cognosco?
A. Spiritus Sanctus superveniet in te, et virtus altissimi obumbrabit tibi.
S. Ecce ancilla Domini fiat mihi secundum verbum tuum.
[Duet] Dabit illi Dominus Deus sedem David patris eius, et regnabit in domo
Jacob in atemum, et regni eius non erit finis.
(Hail thou that art highly favoured! [Hail full of grace]

What manner of salutation is this?
Fear not, Mary, for thou hast found favour with God. Behold, thou shalt
conceive, and bring forth a son.
How?
Hark, Virgin Mary.
How shall this be, seeing I know not a man?
The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall
overshadow thee.
Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me according to thy word.
The Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his father David, and he
shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever, and of his kingdom there
shall be no end. [trans., Leofranc Holford-Strevens])
The emphasis on Mary’s question is underscored musically by echoing the
angel’s “Ave” greeting (on falling minor and major thirds in breves) in Mary’s
interrupted “quomodo...” (how..., mm. 8-11, 22-23), defining the compact structure. The
soprano and alto each sing in narrow-range arioso with harmonic support. The final
verse, which is taken from the middle of the biblical passage, provides a convincing
conclusion to the exchange that both characters can plausibly sing together, which they
do homophonically (“and the Lord shall give unto him the throne of David his father...”).
Although the Latin dialogue in Rome is sometimes connected to Lenten
performances at the Crocifisso, neither the annunciation scene, nor the earlier Song of
388
Songs text have a place in Lenten services, and they must have been performed at other
120
times, further evidence that Latin dialogue performance was widespread.
Percussit Saul by Ottavio Catalani is the penultimate piece in the 1618 collection,
and perhaps one of the most ambitious in the volume in taking advantage of the variety
inherent in few-voice motets (transcription 15). Catalani’s text is created from two
biblical verses with a free continuation and short refrain. The Old Testament image of the
biblical David—a type of Jesus in Christian exegesis— is juxtaposed with a familiar
formulation of the Song of Songs, “the time of pruning has come” (tempus putationis
advenit) with “pruning” replaced by “redemption.” The free text which follows also
conjures the descriptive language of the Song of Songs to turn the wounds of Christ to
121
flowers, a reference to the Resurrection and the New Testament.
120
A conclusion reached by Howard E. Smither, "The Latin Dramatic Dialogue and the
Nascent Oratorio," Journal o f the American Musicalogical Society 20 (1967): 415.
121
This is not the first time Catalani set the image of David to music, and may suggest
his familiarity with an almost theatrical representation of this biblical figure. Margaret Murata
quotes a description of a 1613 Jesuit Latin play at the German College, David musicus, for
which Catalani composed the music, as “sung throughout,” thereby one of the early operas in
Rome. Margaret Murata, "Classical Tragedy in the History of Early Opera in Rome," Early
Music History 4(1984): 101-34.
389
Samuel (Kings) I, 18:7 Percussit Saul mille et David decem milia,
Alleluia.
Song of Songs 2:12(adapted) Tempus redemptionis advenit, Alleluia,
Exultemus et laetemur, Alleluia.
Free text: Flores facta sunt vulnera Christi et fructis
salutis dederunt,
Exultemus et laetemur, Alleluia.
(Saul hath slain his thousands and David his tens of thousands. Alleluia.
The time of redemption is come, alleluia, let us rejoice and be glad, Alleluia
Christ’s wounds are become flowers and have yielded the fruits of salvation, let
us rejoice and be glad, Alleluia [trans., Leofranc Holford-Strevens].)
The new text calls for new musical gestures anticipated with the concertato print
rubric. The scoring is varied as expected, but in the “textual” manner, without reduction
of staves or sectionalization, although the changes in scoring are indicated in the organ
122
part by a bar line as well as voice and text cues. All five voices join in the tuttis, of
course, but their solo, duo and trio roles give the piece its dramatic character. The
structural means Catalani used to organize the piece rely on their repetition o f “exultemus
et laetemur, a l l e l u i a part of the free text. Essentially a refrain at the end of the first and
second verses, it also unifies the disparate images of biblical battle and the flowers and
fruits of salvation by the similar response of exultation and praise.
Saul’s slain thousands are stated in thirds by paired sopranos, answered by
David’s ten thousands proclaimed in full chorus. The tutti evokes the militaristic
character o f slaying thousands in battle, with stile concitato-Xsks, repeated notes in all the
123
voices (mm. 3-4, 9-11). Second and third rounds of recombined paired voices on
122
This bar line coincides with what would be a metrical barline only if the texture
changes occur at that point.
123
Dixon has noticed this already in his "Liturgical Music in Rome," 262, calling it an
adumbration of Carissimi battle scenes, but Catalani’s history with the David story as staged
drama might have prompted his own response to the text.
390
similar text and music are joined by the bass to reinforce the trio texture and perhaps
anticipate the bass solo to come. “Alleluia” is inserted at this point rounding off the first
period and in effect finishing the opening battle, giving a brief foretaste of the tutti
chorus that will end each half of the piece.
The bass voice grows out of the depths with the message that the time of
redemption is coming (m. 15-19). The bass solo redirects the piece from the violence of
battle to the fruits of salvation, its rhetorical turning point the wounds (vulnerasti),
caused by conflict and necessary for salvation, underscored by shifting the tonal center
from C to D, which is reinforced by the exultant tutti. The second half of the piece turns
to the wounds of Christ that have “become flowers and yielded the fruits of salvation,”
the tutti exaltation meant to be the response to salvation. The musical interest of
Percussit Saul is in the assorted scoring and tutti contrast which emphasize the
juxtaposition of the Old Testament battle and redemption. Announced, perhaps, by the
bass voice o f God (although the voices of Old Testament kings come to mind as well),
the wounds of Christ, the residue of violence, are transformed into salvation-yielding
fruits, and the violence is transformed into redemption in the person of Christ.
Rare in this collection is the high-clefs arrangement (G 2 G 2 C 2 C 3 C 4 -C 4 ) in this
transposed fifth-mode piece with final on C. Its vocal range of A-g” covers almost three
octaves, but the upper voices are clustered together with the bass range extending almost
an octave lower than the tenor. Because of this the piece could readily be performed by
high— women’s—voices transposing up an octave where needed, but the clef
arrangement also matches the conception of the piece which contrasts the bass voice, and
its persona, with the more closely overlapping ranges of the other voices as a single
391
entity. 124 Indeed this piece could have been performed at the Oratorio of the Crocifisso
for its Lenten service, and fits one of the themes often a part of the day. It is tempting to
assign the refrain, in particular, to accompanying instruments, or even the task of

125
doubling the voices, as it is known instruments were also a part of this performance.
Catalani’s piece is near the end of the 1618 collection because of its five-voice
setting, to be followed only by Alessandro Costantini’s introit psalm verses, Oculi mei, in
a polyphonic setting. By the time the 1616 and 1618 volumes were printed in Rome,
there was no inclination (if there ever was) to separate stile antico or stile moderno
pieces, and these anthologies are good evidence for this. Felice Anerio’s pieces might be
the best example of music with a fundamentally polyphonic aesthetic remaining in the
active repertory, and Costantini had something to do with their longevity by continuing
to publish Anerio’s pieces through 1639. Anerio’s are not the only pieces in the style,
however, as the Hodie Beata Virgo by Costantini himself that closes the 1616 collection
shows. The periods o f polyphony treat the antiphon text syntactically, although each
new phrase overlaps the previous one in one voice, as elegantly as a jig-saw puzzle piece
interlocks with the one beside it. The independence of the voices extends to text
underlay, the result showing that declamatory intelligibility is not a priority. The sixth
mode on F governs the melody, the imitative entrances reaching its upper fifth in the first
half, and the lower fifth in the second, with the melody constructed fluidly between them,
and the only internal full cadence is on the related C a little over halfway through the
seventy-two-breve piece. The basso continuo, a basso seguente without even so much as
octave displacement (assured by changes of clef in the organ part) plays no essential role:
124
Kendrick, Celestial Sirens, 194.
125
Smither, A History of the Oratorio, 1:211-12.
392
the texture is full, no voice is singled out, the harmony and rhythm in the vocal parts is
completely self-contained. None of this is new, in fact it is very traditional, almost a
textbook example of contrapuntal style. As a reflection of the tradition in which
Costantini, and indeed all, o f these musicians were trained, such a piece retains its place
as a matter of course among other pieces of different styles, without comment.
Costantini’s own compositions overall are as stylistically diverse as the anthologies he
put together, and there is only one of his among the six few-voice pieces in the 1610s and
seventeen in the 1630s, that is so transparently contrapuntal. Another four-voice piece in
the same volume, O admirabile commercium, is homophonic, harmonically functional,

126
and heavily figured. At this point in his publishing career, Costantini’s own pieces are
the most standard and predictable, whichever style he chooses to employ. Yet their basic
competency cannot be faulted, and in this sense he was a good student. His real talent,
however, lay in his knowledge of other composers and his eye for pieces that encompass
a range o f style possibilities that will be well-received by his public.
Another piece in the stile antico vein, more formal than text-responsive, is
Stefano Landi’s first published composition, Sub tuumpraesidium (1616) for two
127
sopranos and bass (example 6 .6 ). This piece shows a particularly close motivic
affinity with Frescobaldi’s Peccavi for two sopranos and tenor in the same book
(example 6.7). Whether this stems from a conventional modal response to the G-mollis
tonal type or something different, is unclear. The two texts, particularly the incipits Sub
126
A modem edition appears in Karl Proske, Musica Divina, 2:67, but with the organ
part left out. Other pieces from Costantini’s anthologies that appear in the Proske edition, in
addition to the Brissio piece mentioned before, (and all without their instrumental bass parts,) are
Ego sumpanis vivus, A. Costantini, 2: 210, and Hodie beate virgo, F. Costantini, 2:296.
127
Leopold, Stefano Landi, 354, notes the seguente bass, and a certain proximity to the
madrigal.
393
tuum praesidium and Peccavi, have nothing in common in the way of mood, sentiment,
or even addressee. Yet further investigation of these worthy composers’ efforts in small-
scale vocal composition at this juncture may prove fruitful for discovering the prevailing
attitudes toward modal/tonal relationships and melodic types in Roman music.
394
Example 6.6. Sub tuum praesidium (1616), Landi
1 1 5 L _L._.
v r
JLl—>— ------------ o ---- 0 .— J ----- --- -------- J -J ■ —J —
VV\j — “ — o ------------- 1 ----- O---- ° 0 4 i 0 “ ^ 4 0
•
Sub tu - um prae si - di - um con - fu gi .
5
v
J L - t t *— >-------------- ----------------:-------■ ri
u o jy 0 o
Sub tu - um prae - si - di - um con -
--------B --------- 5 o ------------------o ---------
— ■i
V- (* ■--------------- 1 ■
t v --------------------
Sub tu - um
65 _ 4 43
6 --------------------- 0 --------- 5 « ------------------o ---------
V - (* ~ -HoH ------------- —n --------- 0 -------- O ----------------------
Example 6.7. Peccavi (1616), Frescobaldi
Pec
T> O
Pec
-O- 31
Pec
n n
n
- e -
o o
pec
su - p e r nu
395
In this panorama of composers some are unfamiliar, or familiar in other contexts,
and pieces in these books make their work, or a different dimension of it, known. Paolo
Tarditi, for example, was no stranger to large-scale composition intending grand effects,
perhaps a natural response to his heavy involvement in freelance work, and his double
choir psalms with obbligato instruments for which he is known is an important indicator
of this. Tarditi’s essays into few-voice genres are best represented in his smaller pieces
in the 1616 and 1618 collections. They show lively rhythms, and antiphonal actions
between the voices, particularly in Panis Angelicus (1618) which is notable for its
unheralded concertato effects. This motet’s hymn text influences the shape of the piece
in broad ways only, in that the first verse is set in duple meter and the second in triple,
but there is no particular text response other than the coincidence of musical phrase with
text phrase, and even that is obscured because of repetition. The three voices have few
tutti measures, with the bass given the most idiomatic solo line (example 6 .8 a). The bass
also holds its own in antiphonal exchange with the upper two voices, a gesture
reminiscent of polychoral procedures (example 6 .8 b). While each of the voices is given
solo responsibilities, the shape of the first soprano’s solo line (example 6 .8 c) seems to
indicate that declaiming the syllables is a priority, and varying the intervals part of the
plan, but crafting a melodic line or a nuanced text reading (not expected in hymn-writing
in any case) gives way overall to the surface pleasures of alternation and meter change.
396
Example 6.8a. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi
■
■j 7* • * _e----------------------------------------
y "
3 Pa n is A t i- g e - li - cu s
----------------------------- — t— s --------------
/ J . ) —
4 ^ — 4 — - 4 -----------------
fit p a n is h o - m i- num
ii
» o — 0 ------- r _ jr_ l r— f — .— r --------------------—
- — &— - n
—M --- --------------------------
Example 6.8b. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi
ir JJJ
12. f i- g u - ris te r - m i- num f i - g u - r i s te r - m i-n u m dat pa- ms
fi- g u - ris te r - m i- num f i - g u - r i s t e r - m i-n u m d at pa- ms
Vrr r'pr'p
d at p a -m s cac - li - cum dat pa - nis caeli - cum d at p a - nis
12
£ i m r i f j - up
Example 6.8c. Panis angelicus (1618), Tarditi
18a
.i m J
JtU tL 0
18 O res m i - r a - b i - lis m a n - d u - c a t D o -m i-n u m pau - per s e r-v u s et hu - m i - lis

«s>----------
397
Pietro Heredia’s madrigal in Doni’s 1635 thesis was meant to illustrate shifts in
128
mode and system and their relationship with tonal allegory. Heredia’s motet in
Costantini’s volume is quite different, although similar in its theoretical bent as shown by
employment of archaic rhythmic notation. Heredia was not content with the moves
toward standard notation when compared to others whose notation was more practical. A
non-standard employment of notation is perhaps more extreme in his case because his
personal musical interests may have leaned toward the theoretical and experimental.
Nevertheless it illustrates that differences in print details between the pieces point to
Costantini’s attentiveness to each composer’s notation, leaving room for different habits
and standards of ligature use, figures, time signatures, voice and text cues, sectioning,
and rubrics of genre or style. These characteristics were preserved as a part of the
composer’s intentions, but even more to the point, as the composer’s conception of how
these pieces could be most faithfully performed. Differences in detail for each piece
show the state of transition that printing conventions were undergoing due to style
change, beyond the typical contemporary tolerance for a certain flexibility, for example,
in punctuation or spelling in general. What is apparent is the striving for a more
representative way to recreate the performance which was the ultimate goal of these
prints. The variation in layouts within these two motet prints, when viewed within the
larger program of the anthologies, become part of the continuum which appears to be
moving toward greater specificity in recording, if not recreating, performances.
128
Chafe, “A Madrigal by Pietro Eredia," 371.
398
Analytical Implications of the Repertory
Because Selectae cantiones and Scelta di motetti represent a valid cross-section of
Roman composers and their essays into few-voice motet writing in the second decade of
the seventeenth century, their repertory invites further research in several areas. One of
these is an investigation into tonal practices of the early seventeenth century which recent
129 r*
researches have begun to accelerate. Determining the extent to which all the factors of
modality governed the shape o f few-voice motets with basso continuo, a systematic
“internal view” is beyond the scope of this study, although the “external view”
represented by Power’s study of tonal types marks the beginning of such an

130
investigation. While it is apparent that these anthologies were assembled according to
criteria other than modal/tonal organization, such considerations remained a lively part of
other collections at least through the end of the second decade of the century, an
131
indication of composers’ continuing occupation with modal concerns. Giovannelli is
one composer well-represented in this repertory for whom detailed investigation
addressing these questions has begun, and it may serve as a model for study of other
132
composers whose works appear here. The importance of these little pieces as a gauge
129
Studies with particular relevance for seventeenth-century repertory include those of
Frans Wiering, The Language of the Modes: Studies in the History of Polyphonic Modality,
Criticism and Analysis of Early Music, ed. Jesse Ann Owens (New York: Routledge, 2001);
idem, "The Waning of the Modal Ages: Polyphonic Modality in Italy (1542-1619)," in Ruggero
Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo, 389-432 (in Eng. and Ital.); Dodds, "Baroque Church Tones
in Theory and Practice;" Beverly Stein, "Carissimi's Tonal System and the Function of
Transposition in the Expansion of Tonality," Journal o f Musicology 19 (2002): 264-305. Tonal
types are based on the seminal article by Harold S. Powers, "Tonal Types and Modal Categories,"
Journal o f the American Musicological Society 34 (1981): 428-70. For a lucid discussion of
different approaches in recent studies of mode, including bibliography, see Dodds, 13-31.
130
Idem, "Internal and External Views of the Modes."
131
Quantitative evidence is tabulated in Wiering, Language of the Modes, 103-110.
399
of composers’ integration of new and old styles, as a measure of thinking and of practice
133
at this time, goes beyond their contemporary quotidian employment.
Performance Practice Implications for the Repertory

Liturgical and paraliturgical uses have been established for this repertory.
Liturgical rectitude notwithstanding, the “fashionability” factor as expressed in audience-
pleasing devices such as echo effects, the use of the Spanish guitar, the presence of
dramatically-set dialogue texts, and variety and flexibility of vocal ranges indicating
suitability for women’s voices, all suggest performance options in addition to church or
chapel. Other audiences may well have included the “recreation” of those same prelates
and aristocrats who were the patrons of these collections, or of the musicians represented
in them.
The extensive Altemps library with numerous correspondences with the
Costantini repertory may again provide a glimpse at contemporary practice among the
nobility. Evidence of mixed uses may be found in the lists of prints conserved at both
the palazzo in Rome and the villa at Frascati. A group of five bound “books” holding
seventeen printed editions, bind together few-voice and double-choir collections, motets
and psalms, including three by Costantini (table 6 .6 ). Absent from these volumes are the
masses, hymns, Magnificats, and litanies that are also part of the print library, suggesting
Paolo Teodori, "L'evoluzione dello stile palestriniano nella musica di Ruggero

Giovannelli," in Ruggero Giovannelli: Musico eccellentissimo, 189-221; Peter Ackerman,
"Strutture modali nelle composizioni sacre di R. Giovannelli," in ibid., 223-39 (in Ger. and It.).
133
Teodori finds Giovannelli’s use of dissonance in Cantemus Domino (1618) to
represent Giovannellis’ move toward a harmonic conception of composition, see "L'evoluzione
dello stile palestriniano," 205-07. Ackerman, on the other hand, sees in the same composer’s
Laetentur caeli in the same collection, a surprisingly modal composition. Ackerman, "Strutture
modali," 233, 239, with partial transcription on p. 232.
400
any of these motets and even psalms might have had uses outside the liturgical. 134 The
prints conserved at the Frascati villa shown here happen to be works in Italian, even
when the subject matter was devotional (Cifra’s Scherzi sacri, 1618), although at least
135
one other group o f “villa” prints includes motetti e canone. At the palazzo in Rome
one of the cappella ’s keyboard instruments was relocated to the salone, between 1607
and 1620, and there is every reason to think that the music books kept in the library were
136
accessible to both locations, and both types of performance.
134
App. A, document 23.
135
US-Cn, Altemps Inventario, 1620, f. 8 6 6 v, “‘Villa’: 17. Selva di varie cureat.ione di
Oratio Vecchi a 3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10, Venezia, 1595; 18. Amphipamasso, comedia armonica di Oratio
Vecchi, Venezia 1597; 19. Madrigali a quattro di Luca Marentio, Venezia, 1592; 20.
Metamorfosi musicale di Adriano Banchieri, Venezia 1601; 21. Un libretto di motetti e canone
8 °, /1538.”
136
Couchman, "Palazzo Altemps," 72.
401
Table 6.6. Altemps Inventario, 1620: Partial List of Printed Music*
f. 867r:
Seguono li libri di musica e somma La faceva di [5] contro:
Ottavio Catalani Sacrae cantiones in 4° a vocie 7 incordavano rosso
Antonio Cifra Vespre e Motetti in 4° a 9 incordavano_______
Fabio Costantino Selectae Cantiones in 4° a 9 voce legato come sopra
Antonio Cifra Motetti in 4 a 3 voce legati come sopra
Fabio Costantini Raccolta di Salmi in 4° a 9 legati come sopra
Fabio Constantino Selectae cantiones in 4 a 4 voci legati come sopra
A Agazzari Sacre cantiones in 4° a 3 voce legati come sopra
A Cifra Sette salmi in 4° 5 voci legati come sopra
A Agazzari Salmi in 4° a 9 voci 5 legati come sopra
Alessandro Costantini in 4° a 4 vocie Mottetti legati come sopra
Antonio Cifra Mottetti in 4 a 3 voci legati come sopra
tutti li sopra detti sono legati in nove tomi.
Villa Antonio Cifra Scherzi sacri fol: sig. sotto e verde Roma 1618
Rugger Giovanelli Madrigali in 4 voci Roma 1606
Cipriano de Rore Madrigali a 5 voce 4 Venezia 1566
Gioseppe Olivieri Giovani li ardori Roma 1617
*See table 4.5 for location citation.
Patronage Implications for an Evaluation of the Music

Three interlocking strands of musical patronage meet up in the anthology of
1616: aristocratic, professional, and commercial. For the dedicatee, Aldobrandini, the
volume is shaped to fit his position in aristocratic Rome, chiefly through the inclusion of
those musicians linked with the institutions and households associated with his class.
His own musicians and those connected with Curial Rome fill this requirement.
Costantini continued the hierarchical theme through the ranks of musical Rome, showing
his awareness of the conventions of aristocratic patronage but also of institutional aura
beyond that which interested Aldobrandini, in order to meet the expectations of the
compiler’s musical colleagues, whose understanding of professional ranking would have
been even more acute. If he got it right, the prestige that was lent to the music print from
402
this arrangement would have made this collection an attractive option for those
organizing musical performance. In this same way the circles far from the center which
took their behavioral cues from the elite would have recognized this music as an
accoutrement of the patriciate at prayer and recreation. Both would mean professional
recognition, and perhaps subsequent patronage, for Costantini.
Commercial intent which sought the patronage of the marketplace would have
been less predictably secured through a subset of the characteristics of each print: the
initial dedicatee was important in the sense that buyers, too, participated in the
dedication, but the gathering of pieces, their usefulness and performability, the perceived
authority of the composers or of Costantini himself, might assume varying levels of
persuasiveness among these buyers. Howard Brown’s central question of patronage,
“How did the patron influence the work of art?” thus has many answers, or rather, invites
several avenues of inquiry. 137
This opens the door to further analysis suggested by the work of Annibaldi, to
explain the importance of the 1616 collection, which does not respond to any one
stylistic standard. Annibaldi’s case study of “political” musical patronage is that of
Aldobrandini himself, although he focuses on the cardinal’s relationship with Frescobaldi

138
during this period to lay out the argument. According to Annibaldi’s approach, the
1616 publication dedicated to Aldobrandini would show the stature of Costantini and the
collective composers vis a vis Aldobrandini’s perceived power and place in society. In
that case, what are we to make of the music contained therein? As a repertory, it reflects
137
Howard Mayer Brown, "Local Traditions of Musical Patronage, 1500-1700," Acta
Musicologica 63 (1991): 29.
1^8
Annibaldi, "II mecenate 'politico'," 128-42.
403
each individual composer’s steps (large and small) into the contemporary few-voice
idiom, which has been embraced by the clerical and aristocratic nobility in Rome as a
139
proper manifestation of their rank and class. The importance this has for preparing a
printed anthology for successful marketing among the members of a different class,
including professionals themselves, the patriciate apart from high nobility, and those that
run the institutions, was understood and used to advantage by Costantini. As such it is
also accepted by others outside this circle, shaping and forming the expectations and
tastes of those peripheral to it. Given all this, it is no wonder that the publisher,
facilitated by the editor with his understanding of the chambers and the churches and the
personalities who lead and served them, would see in these strong patronal links an
opportunity for commercial success.
In his collections of few-voice motets, Costantini presents a typical Roman
repertory with his criteria for selection based upon the identities of composers as well as
the intrinsic features of the music. His list of composers represents a contemporary
perception of professional hierarchy based on institutional affiliation and patronage
connections. Such ordering perhaps matched public and professional recognition too,
thus providing an advantage in the marketplace among musical professionals in Rome
and the music-buying public. The music composed by these individuals is a product of
common training and shared approach to text choice, musical forces, and common
performance, but it also amply showcases individual expression given the shared
backgrounds and similar performance venues. The validity of this repertory as typically
Roman in this period is only enhanced by the inclusion of the secular collections now to
be examined.
139
Annibaldi, "Towards a Theory of Musical Patronage," Recercare 10 (1998): 173-82.
CHAPTER 7
Secular Anthologies and Roman Monody in Orvieto
The particular events of Fabio Costantini’s career coalesced with broader trends
in musical taste in his secular anthologies published in 1621 and 1622, Ghirlandetta
amorosa, and L ’A urata Cintia. Facilitated by publishing opportunities in Orvieto he
produced these two volumes which are now also counted among the main sources of
Roman monody of the early seventeenth century . 1 However, it is the category of
“secular music” itself that comes into focus with this repertory. Modem scholars have no
trouble conceptualizing the dichotomy between sacred and secular vocal music in the
early seventeenth century: sacred music was meant for use in religious rituals and
devotions, and the subject matter (of vocal music at least) pertains to religious figures,
stories, and beliefs. Secular music did not, but rather turned to themes of love, and
mythological or literary figures, whose texts were exclusively Italian and metric. In this
formulation, the style of music, whether vocal or instmmental was qualitatively different
for “sacred” and “secular.” Whether this differentiation was nearly so clear, or clear for
the same reasons for the seventeenth-century musician is worth exploring. In Rome,
composers were often the same for both sacred and secular music, as were the patrons.
The language could be Italian for either category, although Latin was the fundamental
sign of the sacred. The question of style in both is still open, and the question of
performance—venue and audience—is important to consider. The dual aspects of
virtuosic performance, rhythmically elastic recitative and melodic embellishment, have
1 Hill, Roman Monody, 166-67.

404
405
rarely if ever been characterized as skills assumed to be part of the training of most
Roman composers and performers who were employed equally at ecclesiastic and
aristocratic venues, not just that of a few celebrated individuals. The new singing styles
and new compositional styles which incorporated them count among their sources
performance of passeggiate— solo falsobordone—a skill expected of a properly trained
musician in Rome’s sacred music venues which was transferred to the then-fashionable
entertainments of patrician households. Costantini’s composers and repertory are
indicative of the permeable boundary between sacred and secular music, and his own
compositions on Italian texts in recitational style are its best evidence.
In this chapter, Costantini’s two volumes of Italian songs on secular themes are
examined in the context of his other anthologies, his professional associations in Rome,
and his position in Orvieto, in order to view this repertory as one linked with the
primarily sacred compositions that make up his other collections, and with the larger
world of the music profession in Rome. The contents of these secular anthologies may
well be central to the body of Roman monody of the early seicento related to prominent
music patrons. At the same time, they are emblematic of Costantini’s work as an
anthologist and an independent professional Roman musician. The repertory he chose
for the anthologies represents secular pieces from composers Costantini believed to be
the best and most likely to endure, incorporating styles retrospective and new, but at the
same time bearing the stamp of contemporary taste. The taste he was aiming to please,
and perhaps edify, was that of his current patrons, but also that of a music-buying public
whose own preferences were perhaps formed, as well as satisfied, by his thoughtful
selection of songs. The fourth and fifth volumes of Costantini’s to be published in
Orvieto, they were dedicated to local patrons, and document two different occasions of
musical performance which were then marketed to a wider audience. Costantini intended
406
that his two collections of Roman contemporary secular music would be offered for sale
2
and distribution through Roman book shops, as his other anthologies had been. An
account of the contributors will be followed by discussion of the contents of these two
volumes. The two books are linked by their title pages as libro primo and secondo and
represent a single repertory, although each publication’s complexion is shaded differently
according to its initial audience. These prints and the performances they represent were
part of the mechanism of normative contemporary practice in Rome and its environs.
Ghirlandetta amorosa (1621) and L ’Aurata Cintia (1622): Introduction

The wedding volume, Ghirlandetta amorosa, shows how Costantini chose to
honor a local Orvietan family, using his knowledge and familiarity with current musical
taste in Rome, and at the same time furthering his professional reputation. This
collection of musical settings of madrigals, arias, canzonettas, and sonnets had marketing
appeal—a glance at the publisher Robletti’s similar efforts reinforces this notion. The
selection and arrangement of this volume also suggests the actual entertainment that
might have taken place at a wedding celebration among those in a position of local
prominence in a city within the Roman sphere, offering a glimpse at the practices of
provincial civic nobility. Opportunities for such observations are usually limited to the
aristocracy of Rome and the papal court whose occasions were better documented, but
this print bears all the earmarks of just such a document for an Orvieto wedding. This
collection confirms that practices at the center could also be those of the periphery, in
this case through the agency of Costantini.
2
Although no copies remained on the Franzini shelves by 1676, see Mischiati, Indici,
cataloghi, 245. XII: 27. Ghirlandetta amorosa found its way to the library of King Joao of
Portugal, see table 4.5.
407
The compiler likely supervised the production of Ghirlandetta amorosa which,
more than his previous offerings, seems to have carried personal as well as professional
interest. This is bom out in its polished appearance when compared to the second secular
collection. The more utilitarian look L ’A urata Cintia belies its contents, however. Four
of its same pieces were printed elsewhere in rather spacious and attentive layouts in
monody-book format. This second print, for all of its connections with performance for
Cardinal Crescenzi, makes no pretensions towards ceremonious visual presentation, and
was intended only to perpetuate the performance of the music.
Ghirlandetta amorosa includes the largest number of pieces to date by Costantini
himself (8/28) in any one of his collections, and it is also his first engagement with solo
song as both editor and composer (7/28). He placed a single solo piece in L ’Aurata
Cintia, one of his own compositions (5/19), although the duets and concertato pieces in
the second collection provide ample opportunity for solo singing.
Composers
Among the composers in these volumes, some were published previously in
Costantini’s sacred volumes, but others appear only here. The composers and numbers
of pieces are shown in table 7.1. O f those newly-introduced, four were known for their
virtuosic singing abilities: Caccini, Grappuccioli, Mutij, and Puliaschi. Francesca
Caccini is the one among them whose reputation was “international” and originated
outside Rome, and is identified as “di Fiorenza” in the soprano partbook. Benincasa and
Boschetti were both Roman maestri di cappella. Boschetti was obviously associated
with aristocratic circles in addition to his institutional positions in Rome as he was
responsible for the intermedi for Strali d ’amore, performed in Viterbo in 1616, published
408
2
in Venice in 1618. For Benincasa (whose biography is not in New Grove), the only
evidence o f his movement in the world o f recreational music is the single madrigal in this
collection, although his presence in the professional scene is occasionally noted. If links
of fashionability and performance in aristocratic circles can be found among the other
pieces and their composers, Benincasa is probably included in this network.
Table 7.1. Composers in Ghirlandetta amorosa and L ’Aurata Cintia

(Those new to Costantini’s anthology series are highlighted in bold.)
Composer Active in Rome 1621 4 1622
Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1595-1623 1 1
Antonelli, Abbundio C.1602-C.1629 1 1
Benincasa, Giacomo c.1588-1620 1
Boschetti, Gio. Boschetto 1613-1622 3
Caccini, Francesca 1610,1613,1616 1
Costantini, Alessandro 1591-1657 7 4
Costantini, Fabio 1589-C.1644 8 5
d’incerto 2
Frescobaldi, Girolamo 1606-1643 1 1
Gargari, Theofilo 1588-1648 2 2
Grappuccioli, F c.1614-1644 1
Mutij, Pellegrino 1611-C.1624 1 1
Nanino, Gio Bernardino 1585-1618 1
Puliaschi, Gio Domenico late 16th-c.l622 1
Quagliati, Paolo c. 1574-1628 1
3
Boschetti’s NGII entry is essentially unchanged from 1980, but the following
references can be added. He was a singer in Mantua in 1605 and was given travel expenses when
he left (if indeed this was not Gerolamo Boschetti, who apparently was from Mantua), according
to Susan Parisi, "Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587-1627: An Archival Study," Ph.D.
diss. (University of Illinois, 1989), 416, and he was a composer in the Borghese household,
according to Hill, Roman Monody, 78.
409
A new name appearing in both editions is Pellegrino Mutij, who is known to have
been a singer and composer in Rome, a student or protege of G. F. Anerio, and at the
Polish court of Sigismund III alongside Anerio . 4 Mutij either accompanied Anerio to
Poland in 1624 or joined him there at roughly the same time. Before that there is record
of him on the household rolls of a member of the family of Cardinal Montalto, and
contributing to that patron’s Amor Pudico in 1616.5
“La Cecchina” is Francesca Caccini, daughter of Giulio Caccini but for most of
her life a respected performer and composer in her own right and a favorite at the
Florentine court.6 In 1618 she published the only volume of Italian songs of the type
which she was so famous for singing. Dov ’io credea was included in that publication,
but in a format quite different from that in the Costantini anthology. How, logistically
and musically, would Fabio Costantini have come to know Francesca Caccini and Dov ’io
credea? It is likely they would have met in Rome in 1616 when Francesca, along with
her singer-husband Giovanni Battista Signorini and Jacopo Peri, were musicians in the
retinue of Don Carlo de’ Medici when he came to receive the cardinal’s hat affirming the
4
Mutij is not entered in NGII, but is the subject of John Walter Hill, "Pellegrino Mutij e
la nascente monodia in Polonia," Quadrivium NS, no. 1 (1990): 7-18. See also Chater, "Musical
Patronage in Rome," 203, as well as Hill, Roman Monody. For a summary of the shift in Polish
cultural center to Warsaw in the early seventeenth century see also Alina Zorawska-Witkowska,
"II Palestrina e la Polonia (1584-1865)," in La recezione di Palestrina in Europafino all'
Ottocento, ed. Rodobaldo Tibaldi, Societa Italiana di Musicologia, Strumenti della ricerca
musicale, 6 (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1999), 252-53.
5 Hill, Roman Monody. All six of Mutij’s known works are transcribed in vol. 2, and the
two pieces published in Vezzosettifiori (1622) are available in facsimile, Gary Tomlinson, ed.,
Italian Secular Song 1606-1636 (New York: Garland, 1986), 1: 223-225.
6In 1623 her annual salary was the equivalent of 240 scudi while Costantini dedicatee
Ferdinando Saracinelli, Caccini’s librettist for her first opera, La liberazione di Ruggiero,
received 192. See Raney, "Francesca Caccini," 62. To the comprehensive bibliography in
Suzanne G. Cusick, "Francesca Caccini," in NGII might be added Hill, Roman Monody.
410
7
appointment conferred several months before. Ensconced in the Villa Medici, the group
remained in Rome until the return to Florence on 11 June, "during which time the
musicians must have had much opportunity to meet their Roman counterparts and to
absorb the musical atmosphere of the papal city.” Francesca, one assumes, was
showcased in performance within aristocratic circles, as the Florentines made the rounds
of official duties, banquets, and concerts. The church of S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, the
national church of the Florentines in Rome must have been a location for musical activity
and connection among musicians, either formal or informal. The organist and “Capellae
Moderatore” at that time was Alessandro Costantini who had served for more than ten
years, and whose own first publication was published that year, dedicated to Cardinal
g
Carlo de Medici.
During this period Fabio Costantini was himself in Rome, but his obligations to
Cardinal Aldobrandini and at S. Maria in Trastevere would not have precluded his
participation as “straordinario” for official functions or social gatherings. The chances
were good he met the virtuosa and heard her perform. Despite the circumstantial
evidence for personal acquaintance, there is still the possibility that he may have obtained
7
Hierarchia Catholica, 4:13. The honor was announced 2 December 1615, the public
investiture in Rome was held 19 April 1616, with a private, then public possesso of his titular
church of S. Mariae in Domnica (sic) on 2 and 18 May, respectively. A list ofAwisi references,
more than 20 in I-Rvat, ms. urb. lat. 1084, mention Cardinal de' Medici and his entourage in
Rome in 1616, reported in Bianca Maria Antolini, "Cantanti e letterati a Roma nella prima meta
del Seicento: Alcune osservazioni," in In cantu et in sermone: For Nino Pirrotta on his 80th
Birthday, ed. Fabrizio Della Seta and Franco Pipemo (Florence: Olschki and Univ. of West
Australia Press, [1988]), 349 n. 15.
g
Tim Carter, Jacopo Peri, 81.
9
There is no precise date for the signing of the dedication to Alessandro Costantini’s
Motecta singulis, binis, ternisque vocibus,...Liber primus, (Rome: Ex Typographia Bartholomaei
Zannetti, 1616).
411
a manuscript of the song for his own performing repertory by other means, and
Costantini’s relationship with the Orvietano Saracinelli, a previous dedicatee, might have
been a conduit. In any case, he presented Caccini’s piece in his own anthology as an aria
for “canto o tenore,” oblivious perhaps to the feminine voice of Arianna the original text
implied, although responding to its expression of the inevitable disappointments known
by lovers of either gender. Nevertheless, her professional celebrity in Rome can be
gauged by this piece in the anthology, and was probably cinched by the 1616 visit,
although this was not the first time Caccini had traveled to Rome. According to Hill she
was the guest of Cardinal Montalto sometime between 3 March and 4 May 1613, but the
visit three years later as part of the Florentine entourage suggests an occasion for wider
and more public exposure. 10 At the earlier date Fabio Costantini was still in Orvieto, and
Caccini’s visit would not necessarily have brought her in touch with the Florentine
community and those who served it if she was there to entertain the Montalto circle.
Ferdinando Grappuccioli and Giovanni Domenico Puliaschi were both papal
singers. Puliaschi’s career is the better documented of the two. His observations on
singing were published along with a volume of his own compositions in 1618.
Grappuccioli, nicknamed “Bracc/o” because of his wooden arm, was taken into the
Cappella Pontificia in 1616 without audition, although he had auditioned before and not
been accepted . 11 His singing skills were evidently way ahead of his contrapuntal ones,

11 Grappuccioli is not in NGII. He served as an alto at S. Luigi and at S. Maria Maggiore
before entering the Cappella Pontificia, where he remained at least until 1630, see Sergio M.
Pagano, "Una visita apostolica all Cappella dei Cantori Pontifici al tempo di Urbano VIII
(1630)," Nuova rivista musicale italiana 16 (1982): 40-72. Information on his biography can be
found in Lionnet, "Un musicista del Viterbese," 274-75, and idem, La musique a Saint-Louis;
Simi-Bonini, "Ruggero Giovannelli e la Cappella Pontificia," 114 n. 5.
412
as he was the singer recommended for special help to one of the four good composers in
12
the choir. Only two compositions have been attributed to him, Mentre sorge I ’aurora in
L ’A urata Cintia which had been printed earlier in the year in Robletti’s Vezzosetti fiori,
13
and another in a later Robletti anthology.
Puliaschi’s reputation as a singer capable of enormous tenor, bass, and even alto
ranges is noted contemporaneously, and his own publication in 1618 shows best his own
virtuosic style. 14 Deh mirate luce ingrate that was part of the Ghirlandetta wedding
volume was not necessarily this style of piece, but his reputation, perhaps on a par with
Francesca Caccini’s in a Roman print with a piece presented similarly, still resonated for
the patrons and the occasion, and certainly for the marketplace.
Giacomo Benincasa served S. Giovanni in Laterano as maestro di cappella from
1613 to 1620.15 Before or during that period he must have served the Altemps family
because at least seven of his motets and psalms are found in Altemps Cappella
manuscripts. His single other published piece was one of a group of litanies by four
composers issued for the canonization of Ignatius Loyola in 1622, perhaps the same
12
Gargari, Giovannelli, Crivelli, De Grandis, a situation mentioned earlier from the point
of view of the composers. Grappuccioli evidently had practical difficulties, whether because of
score-reading skills or his arm, and as the alto assigned to turn pages one day in 1617 evidently
did not perform as desired. See Lionnet, La musique a Saint-Louis, lOn.
13
Ritornate ninfe amate for soprano solo in Le Risonante Sfere (Rome, Robletti, 1629)
[RISM 16299], Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 209-10. The composer’s name
is not listed for this volume in RISM B. The Mentre sorge I ’aurora in Vezzosettifiori (1622) is
available in facsimile in Tomlinson, Italian Secular Song, 1: 226-228.
14
Gemma musicale (Rome: Robletti, 1618)[RISM 1618 ], corrected and republished as
Varie musiche (Rome: Zannetti, 1618) [RISM 161814].
15 Witzenman, "Materiali archivistici per la cappella lateranense," 466.
413
litany found in a contemporary manuscript at the Cappella Giulia. 16 His professional
credentials, to judge by these traces, were distinguished. Little is known about his
occasional work or private patronage, although the remnants of his other musical
compositions indicate it was in familiar circles of aristocratic Rome.
Alessandro Costantini assumes a greater role in the secular anthologies than in
the previous ones, and the title “cavaliere” suddenly appeared with the publication of his
17
brother’s 1622 print. Whatever its origin, this was used to describe him from then on.
Because of Alessandro’s relationship to the compiler, no eyebrow would lift at the
discovery of his pieces in his brother’s anthologies, but independent of that Alessandro is
probably one of the better examples of the currently active, successful, connected music
professionals in Rome which populate Costantini’s volumes. At this time Alessandro
Litaniae B. Virginis...Felice Anerio, Ioanne Troiano, Iacobo Benincasa, Raphaele

Rontanio authoribus (Rome: Robletti, 1622) [RISM 16221]. The litanies are for four, five, six
and eight voices. Benincasa’s litany in Cappella Giulia XV 62 is for six voices, see Llorens, Le
opere musicali della Cappella Giulia, 101. A purposeful connection between the Ignatius Loyola
canonization and this publication was drawn by Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the
Church," 186. This publication was the first litany anthology, according to Blazey, "The Litany
in Seventeenth-Century Italy," 34. A heretofore unknown reprint of this volume may have been
published in 1626, see table 4.8.
17
The title is included in Alessandro’s signature in the parish and death records of S.
Spirito in Sassia and in several documents of the Compagnia di Santa Cecilia, Giazotto, Quattro
secoli di storia dell'accademia, see facsimiles on pp. 134, 147, 150. It is not used in his will. Its
appearance in this publication coincides roughly with Alessandro’s employment as organist at S.
Maria Maggiore, but it lines up even more closely with the leave of absence he was granted from
those duties to serve the Este family, which was renewed “for another six months” on 3
November 1622 (Burke, Musicians o f S. Maria Maggiore, 21). Official documentation of
conferral of the title has not been found. Cametti (“Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma,” 749)
surmised that Alessandro simply assumed the title on his own, a doubtful conclusion considering
the intense interest of Roman society in social standing and its validation. See Nussdorfer, Civic
Politics, especially chap. 6 , “A Civic Nobility.” It also may have been conferred by the noble
family d’ Este at this time. Perhaps the environment in Tivoli, where Cardinal Alessandro d’Este
was governor and resident in the sumptuous villa built by the family in the cinquecento, called
for some way of elevating the organist from Rome.
414
likely spent time in Tivoli in service to the Este family while on leave from his post at S.
Maria Maggiore, particularly if his employer was Card. Alessandro d’Este who was
Tivoli’s governor from 1605 to 1624. Regardless of which member of the Este family
Alessandro served, it is likely he found himself at least part of the time at this flourishing
center of intellectual and cultural activity that characterized Tivoli well into the
18
seventeenth century. The tendency of his contributions to be the most literary in these
two anthologies may directly reflect the circles in which he was employed.
Theofilo Gargari is worth mentioning here, too, because the only known
examples of secular music by him are published in these two volumes, perhaps an
important tracer indicating where and how the music for these volumes came together
and into Costantini’s hands.
Because no overtly “political” agenda seems forthcoming to direct the selection
of composers for Ghirlandetta amorosa, the aesthetic agenda, itself subtly political and
certainly class-aware, could well be the driving force in its plan. In this case the
selections probably possess high value as representation of current taste in Roman
musical entertainment, emphasizing its aspects that could be re-created for other
patricians both there and outside Rome. Implied is Costantini’s role as impresario for a
wedding entertainment which this collection documents. In it we see Costantini in his,
by now, customary role as well-informed agent as well as participant in current trends
and tastes. Just as in the 1618 motet collection where pleasing an audience with
particular pieces was one of its goals, there are anonymous works in Ghirlandetta
18
For literary connections in Tivoli see Robert R. Holzer, "Music and Poetry in
Seventeenth-Century Rome: Settings of the Canzonetta and Cantata Texts of Francesco Balducci,
Domenico Benigni, Francesco Melosio, and Antonio Abati," Ph.D. diss. (University of
Pennsylvania, 1990); also Radiciotti, L'arte musicale in Tivoli, and Pierattini, "Aspetti della
societa di Tivoli nel Seicento."
415
amorosa which bear special scrutiny as signs of taste of both audience and compiler
based on poetic or musical value, apart from validation by author.
L ’A urata Cintia was conceived more narrowly with the patron in mind, and the
number and variety of pieces contained therein is more limited. There are pieces that
relate the two collections, for example the Sannazzaro settings by Theofilo Gargari and
Costantini’s own contributions, but as a barometer of current taste its limits are
circumscribed by the dedicatee in a way that the wedding volume is not. Still, it gives a
legitimate reading o f the musical proclivities of a cardinal perhaps pursued as a matter of
obligation, but to which Costantini responds with the appropriate music for the cardinal’s
station.
Text Sources
Eleven of the poetic texts can be identified in the wedding volume and six in the
cardinal’s collection, with all but one unnamed in the print. For the most part these texts
represent poets whose works were set as madrigals and arias for different voice
combinations in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries all over Italy, thus they
reflect the mainstream repertory in circulation. In Ghirlandetta amorosa these include
madrigals by Giovanni Battista Guarini (1538-1612), Giambattista Marino (1569-1625),
and Antonio Pocaterra (1559-1593), pastoral eclogues by Jacopo Sannazzaro (1458-
1530), and the only strophic text in the collection by a known literary figure, Ottavio
Rinuccini (1562-1621). Rinuccini’s poetry is set directly by Costantini, and is also
quoted extensively in Caccini’s canzonetta text. Guarini and Sannazzaro, are found
again in L ’A urata Cintia, but not Marini, although texts by the Marinist Claudio Achillini
(1574-1640), and Livio Celiano, secular pseudonym of Angelo Grillo (1557-1629), are
416
19
added. Anonymous strophic canzonetta texts with Chiabreran traits number four in this
volume. This is still a little over a third of the strophic texts sprinkled among the
nineteen pieces, whose identity as strophic songs is highlighted in the tavola. A similar
highlighting of genre occurs in the case of the three dialogues with anonymous texts in
the cardinal’s collection, as well as the two dialogues with similarly anonymous texts in
the wedding volume.
The composer in both volumes who sets texts with the highest rate of literary
recognition is Alessandro Costantini, with four by Guarini (two madrigals and two
selections from II Pastor Fido), and madrigals by Marino and Celiano. Although
Guarini’s texts retained a certain general popularity, Alessandro’s association with the
Este family may well have prompted his particular attention to this poet, for Guarini had
worked at Ferrara under the same family’s patronage. The other composer with a
contemporary literary sensibility was Fabio Costantini himself, who looked toward
Florence with texts by Rinuccini and Achillini, and also set Marino and Pocaterra.
The Sannazzaro texts appearing in both books signify a particularly Roman
phenomenon, beginning about mid-sixteenth century, of setting as madrigals parts of the
author’s Arcadia. The popularity of the esoteric barzelletta stanzas of Eclogue II set as
duets by Gargari seems to have been mostly confined to the sixteenth century, but I lieti
amanti by Benincasa, in terza rime sdrucciole, was frequently set from the 1580s well
20
into the seventeenth century. The remaining texts are anonymous to us, as are many set
19
Pastor, History o f the Popes, 29:411, reports the Marinist leanings of Achillini, while
Angelo Grillo may have himself been an influence on Marino, see L. Matt, "Angelo Grillo," in
DBI; see also Elio Durante and Anna Martellotti, eds., Don Angelo Grillo, O.S.B., alias Livio
Celiano, poeta per musica del secolo decimosesto (Florence, 1989).
20
Silke Leopold, "Madrigali sulle egloghe sdrucciole di Jacopo Sannazzaro. Struttura
poetica e forma musicale," Rivista Italiana di musicologia 14 (1979): 75-127.
417
to music in this period, but among them are the forms, meters, and even the language of
other poetry “musicked” in the era. The rhythmic variety of the Chiabreran canzonetta
is represented, as are dialogues with their opportunities for recitative, solo song, and
ensemble. To them is added the weightier forms of ottava rime and sonnet, the pastoral
themes of unattributed madrigals, and strophic forms resembling more the madrigal than
the canzonetta in their versi sciolti. 21
The partbooks of Ghirlandetta amorosa each close with a long poetic text by
22
“Francesco Maria Tungij Romano” printed just before the table of contents. This
poetry, on a wedding theme and addressing the couple by name, provided the text for two
of Costantini’s musical settings that frame a section of dialogues, together forming a unit
that suggests theatrical presentation. The poetry was obviously fashioned for the
occasion, and the poet, too, appears to have had a family connection as well as an artistic
one with the composer. The poet was Francesco Maria Toriggio (also spelled Turigii,
23
Turigi, Torrigi, 1570-1640), a Roman writer of history and biography. Between 1616
and 1649 he published at least seventeen books, the best known of which was Le sacre
21
This was also a development encouraged by Chiabrera, according to Holzer, "Music
and Poetry in Seventeenth-Century Rome," 35. For further discussion of Chiabrera and the
canzonetta see ibid., 35-50, Silke Leopold, "Chiabrera und die Monodie: Die Entwicklung der
Arie," Studi musicali 10 (1981), and a comparison of Chiabrera and Marino in W. Theodor
Elwert, La poesia lirica italiana del Seicento. Studio sullo stile barocco. (Florence: Olschki,
1967), 132ff.
22
Texts in app. C-4.
23
Pastor, History of the Popes, 29: 433, 435. He is also called “studioso” under the
protection of Francesco Barberini in Franchi, Le Impressioni Sceniche, 560 n.15. The most
extensive collection of books by Toriggio is to be found in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
with copies of Le sacre grotte at the Biblioteca Vallicelliana in Rome, and the Biblioteque
comunale in Viterbo. Le sacre grotte, which was republished within Toriggio’s lifetime, and
revised and reprinted 150 years later, was published originally in Viterbo in the popularly-sized
octavo format.
418
grotte (Viterbo, 1618). This volume, intended for pilgrims and tourists to Rome and
reprinted several times, chronicled the saints, popes, and emperors recently relocated in
the tombs beneath the new S. Peter’s Basilica. 24 It also happens to contain three other
25
examples of Toriggio’s poetry. “Turigi” was also the last name of Costantini’s wife,
Innocentia; and a Michelangelo Toriggio, identified as “brother-in-law” (cognato),
picked up Costantini’s pay in Orvieto after he had left for Rome in 1625. A “Tiburtio
Torigginius” is listed at the same address as Alessandro Costantini in Rome in 1642 and
1643.26
Ghirlandetta amorosa
The wedding collection is arranged, as most prints were, by voice, but also
according to a mix of musical and poetic genre (table 7.2). The first twelve pieces for
one or two voices set strophic texts, among them one specifically labeled a “sonnet.”
Some of the individual pieces are called “arias,” although the tavola does not provide a
heading for the group as a whole. The second section entitled “Madrigali a due” consists
of nine through-composed duets on madrigal texts, although one here is also a “sonetto”
The third section, “A Tre Concertati” addresses the wedding proper and is made up of
three pieces framed by Costantini’s two settings based on the Toriggio texts unifying the
Le sacre grotte Vaticane, Cioe narratione delle cose piu notabili, che sono sotto sul
pavimento della Basilica di S. Pietro in Vaticano in Roma, Come Corpi Santi, Sepolcri de’
Sommi Pontefici, Imperatori, Cardinali, Vescovi, & altri persone segnalate, Statue, Epitafii,
Imagini, & altre cose memorabili. ...Per il R. D. Francesco Maria Torriggio Romano. A
consolatione de’ Pelligrini, e Forestieri (Viterbo: Descepoli, 1618).
25
A sonnet and two versi sciolti on Vatican grotto themes, two of which are addressed to
“Pier”, perhaps a reference to S. Peter.
26
I-Rvic, Stati d ’anime, S. Spirito in Sassia, 1642-1659, unnumbered folios for 1642 and
1643.
419
group. The fourth and last section is just two pieces UA Q u a ttr o one of those
designated “c o n c e r ta to These categories of songs in the print mix poetic types
(sonetto) and musical treatments (aria, concertato), underscoring the imprecise
classification of style features found in the Italian secular-song repertory in this period.
Table 7.2. Ghirlandetta amorosa (1621): Genre, Performance Indications, Meter, Texts, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer Piece [Poet] Genre/ Performance Meter Text/ Tonal Type
Voices
indications Music
Clefs System Final
form
1 Costantini, F. Tutte le viste homai C/T “aria a una voca strophic/ Cr F4 GGG
c 1b
[Rinuccini] sola” variation G
2 Frescobaldi Alla gloria, alii honori C/T strophic/ Ci-F4 b GGG
c variation GGG
3 Costantini, A. Deh scoprite colorite CC strophic C1C1-F4
3 V J
4 Antonelli Ecco nata or or la rosa CC strophic C A -F 4

C
Cl
5 Mutii Mentre che Febo CC strophic C1C1-F4 A
C *
6 Costantini, F. 0 della vita mia CB “aria a 2 ” strophic Q F 4-F4 G

3 k
7 Anerio, G. F. Non dormo no C/T “sonetto” sonnet, FFF
■t*
1
0
t
C P
strophic F
8 Caccini, Dove io credea le mie C/T “aria voce sola” strophic C1-F4 I
G
C P
Francesca speranze
9 Costantini, A. Splendor di gl’occhi miei C/T “aria a una voce” srophic C1-F4 F
C
10 Costantini, A. Aure vaghe, aure gioconde C/T strophic C1-F4 G

c
11 Puliaschi Deh mirate luce ingrate C/T “aria canto solo, over strophic c ,-f 4 G
c L
P
tenore”
12 D’lncerto Yaghe Ninfe e Pastori CC strophic C1C1-F4 G
c *
MADRIGALI A DUE
ro
o
Voices
indications Music
Clefs System Final
form
13 Costantini, F. Dolce Augellin CB “forte””f.” “p.” madrigal Q F 4 -F4
“madrigale a 2 ” c P
14 D’lncerto Giosce l’aria CB “Sonetto;” 2 partes sonnet C1F4-F4 „ GG

§
15 Gargari Si mi dolce il tormento CS barzelletta CiC,-F 4
c 9k G
[Sannazzaro]
16 Gargari Cosi vuol mia ventura TT barzelletta C4C4-F4 1 G
c 9
[Sannazzaro]
17 Nanini, G. B. 0 cor sempre dolente TT madrigal C4C4 -F4
0 (3 )0 (3)0 t G
18 Costantini, A. Se la doglia e’l martire TT madrigal C4C4-F4 t| A
c
[Marino]
19 Costantini, A. Donna mentre vi miro TT madrigal C4C4-F4
c Ip G
[Guarini]
20 Costantini, F. Non porta giacco Aprile CC madrigal C1C1-F4 F
c p,
1
[Pocaterra]
21 Costantini, F. Riede la primavera [Marino] CC madrigal C A -F 4
c 1 G
A TRE CONCERTATI
22 Costantini, F. Ecco ch’all’apparir di CCC “A 3 canti dialogue CiC 1Ci-F4 h GGD
coppia si leggiadra concertato” c ADC
[Toriggio] GGG
23 Quagliati Perche non togli, O Clori CCC “Dialogo; Amaranta, /)(V03/C Alv1n-'/| dialogue
In’ (p C iC jC i-F4 h GGG
C
Clori, e Armilla” “A DAD
3 canti concertato” AGG
G
4^
K>
Voices
indications Music
Clefs System Final
form
24 Costantini, F. S’ardo il mondo com’io, CCT “Dialogo concertato dialogue Q Q C 4-F4 GDG
C>3C3C *
a 3” DGG
GG
25 Costantini, A. Giacea pensoso Aminta TTB madrigal C4C4F4-F4 G
C
26 Costantini, F. Ninfe, ninfe venite ATB madrigal G
[Toriggio]
C k
A QUATTRO
27 Ben’Incasa I lieti amanti [Sannazzaro] CCAB madrigal QQC3C4-F4 G
3_C'(f3^4_C sdrucciole
tl
28 Costantini, A. Amor tu parti CATB “A 4 concertato” madrigals C4-F4 GGG
C 1.
Voi pur da me partiste c 1f 4- f 4>
Credete voi ch’io [Guarini] QC3C4F4-F4
-i^
to
to
423
According to Hill, the strophic canzonetta—of a particular type—occupied the

27
privileged position among secular genres in the manuscripts of Cardinal Montalto. He
argues that the refined ordering of the manuscripts, reached after some rearrangement
early on, acknowledged discrete stylistic differences. Strophic songs as a whole had won
a place at the head of preferred genres. Here they lead the print, regardless of their duet
or solo setting. In L ’Aurata Cintia, the strophic nature of the poetry and its setting is
highlighted by giving the number of stanzas for each one in the index.
The strophic nature of the poetry sets the first twelve pieces in this collection
apart from those remaining and identifies at least some of them as arias. Five of the first
twelve pieces are so labeled in the print, and include two by Costantini. One of these is
the opening piece, Tutte le viste homai, written for solo soprano or tenor on a text by
Ottavio Rinuccini (transcription 16). Each succeeding stanza is in the unusual metric
pattern of A 11B 7A 11B 7C5C 5B 11 and is newly composed in recitative-like arioso .28 The
stanzas of Rinuccini’s printed version have been reordered and some of the language
changed from third to first person, making the conceit of harboring a hidden love more
effectively communicated by a solo singer. This text was set as a duet by Raffaelo
29
Rontani in 1620, and according to Whenham censored by Roman authorities.
27 .
Hill, Roman Monody, 210.
28
The text was published in Poesie del S.r Ottavio Rinuccini (Florence, 1622). The
second, fourth, and last lines in each stanza are versi tronchi, effectively shortening the syllable
count. Costantini sets four of the five printed stanzas in the order 1-2-5-4, and rearranges some
of the text; both versions of the text are transcribed in app. C-4.
29
Whenham, Duel and Dialogue, 45-46. Whenham reports that “guance smorte” (ashen
cheeks) was excised from the Rontani version, printed in Varie musiche a una, e due voce
(Rome: Robletti, 1620). This same text is set for two voices by Castaldo Bellerofonte in Primo
mazzetto di fiori musicalmente colti dal giardino Bellerofonteo al II. mo et rever.mo signore
donno Alessandro cardinal d.Este (Venice: Vincenti, 1623); a solo version is also reported to be
424
Costantini’s version does not avoid any of Rinuccini’s starker textual images and was
still authorized for printing. It is perhaps ironic that Costantini chose to set this
Rinuccini text as a sectional solo song in pure recitative in that this Florentine poet’s
countrymen would likely have no longer done so, but such treatment was in the monodic
mainstream as far as Roman composition was concerned. 30
A second setting of a strophic canzonetta might be called a strophic variation for
its evocation of the ruggiero bass in each of its six stanzas, but Frescobaldi’s Alla gloria
alia honori also has a large-scale structure unified by an interlocking repetition pattern,
the melody and instrumental bass of strophes one and four repeated exactly as strophes
31
five and six. The bass pattern in the other non-paired strophes is so varied as to lose its
character in all but the final five notes. Hill has discussed this piece in detail, according
it the status of the strophic variations with a glimmer of the sectional cantata. As an
example of its type it stands alone in this company, and in the context of the other
strophic canzonettas in the anthology, it is more elegant than most of its counterparts.
The accentuation pattern o f the settenari (ABABCC) is different from stanza to stanza,
but the syncopated rhythmic interplay between the bass and treble accentuating the
hemiola accents of the first and fifth strophes become the musical sign of what amounts
to a reprise o f the opening.
in I-Fn: Magi XIX.24, f.33v-34r by Hill, Roman Monody, Table 12, as a concordance for
Costantini’s version.
30
Ofelice guerrieri.
31
This piece is transcribed and discussed in John Walter Hill, "Frescobaldi's Arie and
the Musical Circle Around Cardinal Montalto," in Frescobaldi Studies, ed. Alexander Silbiger
(Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1987), 178-86. It is also transcribed with Frescobaldi’s other
secular songs in Frescobaldi, Arie musicali, 100-102.
425
Frescobaldi’s setting might be singled out as the simplest and at the same time
most sophisticated musically of the canzonetta settings. The sophistication lies in the
large-scale conception of its strophic variation plan rooted in bass-melody repetition, and
fairly straightforward harmonic arrangement. The rhythmic play might well be attributed
to Frescobaldi’s individual style—an imaginative vocal application of what he has
explored intensely in instrumental composition. Interest in rhythm is reminiscent of that
in Frescobaldi’s two motets, although their contrapuntal style does not yield the clarity of
this strophic bass plan. Alla gloria’s placement following Tutte le viste implies that
Costantini’s strophic piece attempts a similar approach. However Costantini’s
continuously varied bass deprives Tutte le viste of the overall plan that Frescobaldi
achieves when he reuses melodic and bass material to enclose the form and clarify the
tonal direction. Alla Gloria all honori is the type of strophic variation with a large scale
plan Hill credits with being the most highly valued type of monodies among the already
32
privileged strophic pieces within the Montalto circle.
One “aria” in Ghirlandetta amorosa that has no apparent ties to the romanesca
label attached to it in its original publication is Dov ’io credea le mie speranze, for treble
33
voice, by Francesca Caccini (transcription 19). Its format in the present print is
unembellished strophic aria, each verse laid under and sung to the same music, which
32 .
33
“Sopra la Romanesca” reads the index of Caccini’s II Primo libro, Florence: Pignoni,
1618, for Dove io credea, but this one and several others also indicated do not use the pattern. A
facsimile edition is found in Tomlinson, ITALIAN SECULAR SONG, 1: 241-44. See also Georg
A. Predota, "Towards a Reconsideration of the ‘Romanesca’: Francesca Caccini's Primo libro
delle musiche and Contemporary Monodic Settings in the First Quarter of the Seventeenth
Century," Recercare 5 (1993): 87-113. Predota uses two other Caccini romanescas to illustrate
his point, but Dov ’io credea does not respond well to his analysis.
426
34
was very different from the presentation in Caccini’s own publication. In her 1618
volume every stanza is printed separately, fleshed out with embellishments that give the
composition something of the vocal character of the singer who composed it, a
35 • •
representation of the version sung by Caccini herself (example 7.1a). Costantini’s
anthologized version is skeletal by comparison (example 7.1b).
34
Hill attributes a plain version (in manuscript) of what in performance was meant to be
ornamented in a particular manner, as “pre-publication,” Hill, Roman Monody, 142, which may
hold true for some and not other composer/performers.
35
This also would have been the version she would have taught her students. One
purpose of II primo libro may have been to teach, deduced from its developmental arrangement
of poetry types. See Cusick, "Francesca Caccini."
427
Example 7.1a: D ov’io credea (IIprimo libro, 1618), F. Caccini

tri
------ -- ■jm= E ]
"7TW----- m • 1» ' i »• h - -------------------
:— J t z i « *
Dov'io ore - d( le mie spe - ran - ze vs re io

6
4 >: p ? f r ... - f J .... - r-F !„------
= W.------------
+ = *---------m--------
S ... ) - j --------------- A— z j : ----------.
0 r f ^ l
TT
vi trovai piu fede
JM
Example 7.2b: D ov’io credea (Ghirlandetta amorosa, 1621), F. Caccini
----------m------------- [---
* V t r : ----------------n r * >-0------m ...
Dove io cre - dea le mie spe - ran - ze ve re

11 cor sin - ce ro, ohe con fe - de a ma va,
11 mio a- nlor a mia fe - de,e l'al-ttui in- gan no,
Las - so, c l'io pur m 'ac-cor-go,et ar - d'il veg gio,
I
k > - — y j —P ------------ -\— - * 0 —\---------------- _L /p_!--------------
1? ^ I ------------ H—
1J .... ' « -- #
~W~
428
The text of Dov ’io credea was newly fashioned, but based on a portion of the
36
libretto to L ’A rianna by Rinuccini. A single line, the last verse of the third stanza
37
which quotes directly from the Rinuccini text serves as a refrain for all four stanzas.
The theme of the poetry is based on Arianna’s speeches in scene six, the scene which
begins with Lasciatemi morire, perhaps a knowing reference to the popular Monteverdi
lament. As sometime-librettist and poet, Caccini herself may have written the text based
38
on the Rinuccini work still popular in the Florentine court. The text of this strophic
39
aria was published by Remigio Romano in 1618, an indication of its popularity.
A comparison of Costantini’s version with Caccini’s reveals just how far the
notation can be from the expected performance of a piece. Boldly illustrated by such
comparison is the basic difference in approach between Roman and Florentine monody.
The almost schematic notation of printed Roman songs comes with the expectation that
the performer will know how to add tasteful embellishments, and how to stretch or divide
square rhythms to better fit declamation of the text. Fundamental to the Florentine “new
music” is the means of notation which captures explicitly a composer’s or singer’s
36
Ottavio Rinuccini, Drammiper musica: Dafne-Euridice-Arianna..introduzione e note
di Andrea della Corte, Collezione di Classici Italiani, 50 (Turin: UTET, 1926), 108; text in app.
C-4.
37
Ibid., line 863. The third and last strophe consists of lines 861-863.
■30
Tomlinson, ITALIAN SECULAR SONG, vol. 1, xv.

Remigio Romano, Seconda raccolta, 1618, R/1622 [RISM 162219]. The variation in
text in the third stanza shows the Remigio version to have been taken from the 1618 print,
confirming the procedure he followed for his publications. See Roark Miller, "New Information
on the Chronology of Venetian Monody: The 'Raccolte' of Remigio Romano," Music and Letters
11 (1996): 22-33, and below. This text is also found unattributed in the manuscript described in
Hill, Roman Monody, table 20, f.6 8 , which appears to be a similar kind of canzonetta text
collection. An additional anonymous concordance is to be found in the Giovanni Stefani
anthology Ajfetti amorosi (Venice, 1618), contents listed in ibid., 382.
429
intentions. In this Francesca Caccini followed the example of her father in the
sophisticated and highly nuanced notational treatment of Dov ’io credea when the
publication o f her composition was under her supervision in Florence. The two volumes’
different purposes probably account for some of the differences between them: Caccini’s
was didactic and Costantini’s was meant as a professional “chart.”
A strophic aria in the basic guise used by Costantini could be included in a
volume meant for singers who would know how to turn it into a performance, for it
offered few clues to the amateur. As published, the strophic aria’s text, melody, and
harmony were preserved but its actual performance not revealed, perhaps not even
thought to be necessary in light of the expected improvisational skill on the part of
Roman singers. As is, amateur audiences or non-performing readers would merely be
reminded of a popular singer’s performance. 40 This was a blueprint anticipating the
interpretation of a professional to discern the composer’s intentions, a format with which
Costantini as compiler was particularly knowledgeable and sympathetic as he was a
singer himself. All of Costantini’s anthologies show signs of intended use by
professional musicians, but it is interesting to consider that he may have been urged
toward greater notational specificity in his 1630s prints because of didactic
considerations.
Deh mirate luce ingrate is another virtuoso singer’s composition presented
practically in outline form 41 Composed by Giovanni Domenico Puliaschi, the five-
strophe canzonetta text in eight-syllable quatrains (ABCB) was not a part of this singer’s
1618 volume of highly-embellished compositions, a publication providing an insight into
40 .
Tim Carter, "Printing the 'New Music'," 12.
41
Transcribed in Hill, Roman Monody, 2: no. 53.
430
Puliaschi’s own technique not only through notation but in a lengthy preface.42 While
the canzonetta’s outline is not unattractive, and the simpler version could be managed by
a less-skilled singer, its full effectiveness depended on accomplished virtuosic
embellishment giving variety to its repetitions. Roman printing habits developed from
the manuscript conventions for arias which took for granted improvisational
performance, and one result is captured in a 1607 letter to Enzo Bentivoglio in Ferrara by
his agent in Rome: “The truth is that arias of Rome, here, succeed better when heard sung
than when written down .” 43 Such a claim might well be made for the strophic
canzonettas just discussed, as well as Deh scoprite colorite (Alessandro Costantini), or
any of the other strophic canzonettas in this repertory (there are considerably more in
L ’A urata Cintia) whose stacked text and stark appearance might look bland on the page.
On the other hand, in Costantini’s “ar/a a. due," O della vita mia, he does for his
own piece what is not done for either Caccini’s or Puliaschi’s in terms of layout
(transcription 17 [partial]). Its four strophes were meant to be sung over a repeated
instrumental bass, but the treble and bass vocal parts are written out for each strophe to
show small changes in the music responding to syllabic accentuation in the text, while
the basso continuo is simply repeated. Costantini is responding in a practical way to the
difficulties of setting this particular text “sopra lo stesso basso” (over the same bass).
Nominally a canzonetta in that the same line lengths and rhyme scheme are repeated for
four strophes (ABABCC), O della vita mia’s eleven-syllable lines retain the variable
accentuation pattern that versi sciolti traditionally implies, rather than the regular
42
The preface of Varie musiche (an extensively corrected republication of Gemma
musicali, according to Puliaschi himself), is transcribed in Gaspari, Catalogo, 3:155-56, and
translated and discussed in Carter, "Printing the New Music'," 10-12.
43
Quoted in Hill, Roman Monody, 122,and letter 24, p. 308.
431
accentuation more often found in canzonetta texts .4 4 Costantini called for such printing
measures to communicate the musical-textual fit, the small notational differences not
enough to be called variation. Even though written out upper parts for each repetition is
a sign of “strophic variation,” this piece is simply strophic. Its layout recalls another
print-accommodated performance convention, however. The single statement of the
seguente instrumental bass is texted with the first stanza of the canzonetta in much the
same way that earlier villanelle sometimes appeared, and like them this piece might well
have had a solo as well as duet option for performance. 45
The last “arid” so-designated, Splendor degl ’occhi miei by Alessandro Costantini
7 7 7 7 7 11
once again sets all strophes with a single melody and bass (A B C C D D ), but builds
into its straightforward plan a refrain at the end, and an identical moment in the middle of
each strophe, based on parallel language in the poetry (transcription 20). The musical
refrain emphasizes the thematic one: non haprovato, e non conosce amore (he has not
tried and knows not love) 46 The word forza (strength, force) which begins the third line
in each stanza gives meaning—which changes as the syntax offorza changes—to the
minor third leap to f ’, the high point of the piece .47 Thus the parallel poetic language is
given a modicum of affective treatment within the strophic structure.
The differences among the strophic pieces represent the variety of strophic
treatments in the repertory generally. Some differences from piece to piece reflect an
44
Ibid., 194.
45 Ibid., 82-83.
46
Text transcribed in app. C-4.
47
The text underlay in Luigi Torchi, ed., L'Arte musicali in Italia, 1 vols. (reprint, Milan:
Ricordi, 1968), 5:214 obscures the parallel text treatment which is clearer in the original print.
432
individual composer’s style apparent in other contexts. Such a case might be made for
Abundio Antonelli’s strophic duet, the ottonari canzonetta Ecco nata hor hor la rosa
(ABACDC), which subverts the scansion of the eight-syllable line with asymmetrical
musical phrasing, while still employing the hemiola often used in this meter.
Ecco nata hor hor la Rosa

Nel bel prato coronata
Di verd’herba, ruggiadosa,
Sul matin tutto ridente
Con l’aurora che s’infiora
Fa l’entrata in Oriente.
The first five lines of the stanza are set in three ever-lengthening phrases of twelve,
sixteen, and twenty syllables, accomplished with repetition of text (example 7.2).
Ecco nata hor hor la Rosa nel bel prato (mm. 1-3)
Nel bel prato coronata di verd’herba, ruggiadosa (mm. 3-6)
Sul matin tutto ridente con 1’aurora che s’infiora (mm. 7-10)
This represents a “learned” solution to what might simply be treated as a dance-like text,
in keeping with Antonelli’s often imaginative elements interjected into his sacred
compositions in few voices with continuo .48
48
Sacre modulationes (Rome, 1614), for example, includes several canons, even among
the few-voice motets.
433
Example 7.2. Ecco nata hor hor la Rosa (1621), Antonelli
l.E c co na ta h or hor Ro nel bel pra nel bel
l.E c co na ta hor hor Ro nel bel pra nel bel
pra to co - ro - na ta di verd' her - ba, rug - gia - do
pra to co - ro - na ta di verd' her - ba, rug

P do - sa,
a
W E
— - & ---------
s'in - fio
s'in - fio
434
The strophic poetry and setting for two equal voices are the only elements
Pelegrino Mutij’s duet shares with Antonelli’s, significant of the range of possibilities for
strophic canzonettas. Known by only a few pieces all of which are preserved in the
Roman monody sources, Mutij shows his dramatic side responding to the unusual rhyme
scheme and meter in the duet Mentre che Febo (A11B11C11C7DI2E12F12G11G10), allowing
49
it to trigger internal changes in texture. The opening quatrain in each strophe paints a
natural scene. The three twelve-syllable lines in the middle, each beginning with “Chi”
and rhyming internally (they can also be seen as three sets of rhyming six-syllable lines),
occasion a solo turn by each voice in gently curving contrary motion, the arioso voices
converging in the third “Chi” phrase. The movement in thirds which carries this
mournful and jealous duet to this point is abandoned in the final couplet or denouement,
there replaced by alternating imitation. This final texture then prevails, making up thirty
percent of the strophe. Its arioso style is supported by a slow moving bass, and the AAJ
vocal rhythmic figure does not necessarily invite alteration, but was perhaps embellished
improvisationally at solo moments.
Extra-musical characteristics direct attention to the environment in which this
music was created, and to its specific occasion. For example, Aure vaghe, aure gioconde
(Alessandro Costantini) sets a Chiabreran parisillabi text evidently fashionable among
the upper classes in Rome. No less than six versions were published there between 1616
and 1623 by identifiably aristocratic Roman composers and composers active in Rome,
among them Falconieri, Borboni, Kapsberger, Vitali, Rontani, and Quagliati. Even
though these other settings are for one to three voices, all happen to be found in score in
“monody books,” a sign that Costantini’s part-book collections were conceived no
49
Transcribed in Hill, Roman Monody, vol. 2: no. 157.
435
differently than collections in the single-volume format sometimes exclusively associated
with the new music.50 Variations in the text can be found between Costantini’s and
Quagliati’s versions of Aure vaghe, aure gioconde, and perhaps the text’s susceptibility
to customization is part of its attraction.51
The wedding which prompted Ghirlandetta amorosa took place in an unspecified
season of the year, but clues to when that might have been are imbedded in the texts,
H “7 11 "7 7 11
including Vaghe Ninfe e pastori, an anonymous duet ( A B B A C C ), whose strophic
52
structure and internal repetition cast it in traditional canzonetta form. The theme is
pastoral, and may have been chosen for the beginning of its second stanza, Ridono al
vago Aprile. At least three other pieces in the wedding volume mention the month of
April: the theme of nature and the seasons in O della vita mia singles out only April by
name; Non porta ghiaccio Aprile can be spotted even in the index; and Riede la
primavera is a setting o f a popular text which also mentions April. Even though April is
not an uncommon seasonal reference in Italian poetry generally, three of the pieces
mentioning it were composed by Costantini. These references suggest the Avveduti
wedding took place in that month, which Costantini took pains to honor with his own
53
compositions and his selection of a rare anonymous one.
Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 113-14, makes this connection (while admitting that
the situation might be changing) by saying that duets with independent basso continuo are found
mainly in monody books, at least until the early 1620s. Carrying this logic forward, he implies
that Rome began to rival Florence in the publication of strophic duets when monody book
production increased in Rome, around 1620.
51 Transcription in Quagliati, Lasfera armoniosa, 38.
52
Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 84, 120.
53
A check of notarial documents in Orvieto around the dedication date in October yields
no evidence of this marriage.
436
The presence o f anonymous settings occurs only in Costantini’s anthologies less
reliant on composer identity, and there is a second anonymous piece in the wedding
volume, Gioisce Varia il del. While the occasion-related textual references might justify
the strophic Vaghe ninfe e pastori, anonymous pieces also point out genres with
particular audience appeal, fashionability, or esteem, as was the case with the anonymous
dialogue motet in the 1618 Scelta di motetti. Gioisce Varia il d e l is a sonnet, one of two
in Ghirladetta amorosa, and “sonetto” is the only text type favored with mention in the
index. The same indication is given the one other sonnet setting, Non dormo no (G. F.
Anerio). The two settings are conceived so differently, however, that they are found in
two different parts of the print, Anerio’s sectional solo placed among the strophic pieces,
and the anonymous Gioisce I ’aria placed among the madrigals.
Interestingly, both are listed among sonnets Hill classified as “strophic
variations,” inviting a closer look at the use of the term. “Strophic variation” is a modem
scholarly term applied to early seventeenth-century repertory, which was defined
primarily by Fortune’s study of mostly north Italian monody.54 His definition assumed a
strophic setting, then specified that the bass be repeated unchanged or slightly changed
from strophe to strophe, while the vocal melody in each strophe would be varied. Much
of the repertory he described consisted of ottava rima settings with stock basses and
melodies (where one eight-line stanza is set in four strophes), and sonnets with newly-
composed basses (divided also into four strophes). The strophic variation principle could
also be applied to strophic poems, according to Fortune, but in these he noticed that the
bass line might change along with the vocal line, so much so that such pieces could no
54
Entries in both the New Harvard Dictionary o f Music, ed. Don Michael Randel
(Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1986) and NGII rely on Fortune’s
conclusions.
437
longer be called strophic variations. While his conclusions acknowledged the prevalence
of strophic variations in repertory originating in Rome, he attributed to them a musical
style derived only from Cifra’s numerous examples published between 1613 and 1618.55
Because of the ubiquity of strophic variations in the Roman monodic repertory, and
because o f the variety of its procedures overlooked by Fortune, Hill offers a more
encompassing description of the genre generated from the repertory he studied.56 It
includes monodies and duets divided in partes, where the bassline repeats that of the first
strophe or forms a variation of it, the vocal lines form a series of variations over the bass,
and the poetry is either truly strophic or treated as if it were. He finds strophic variation
used for four types of poetic meters—three of them classical and the fourth the flexible
strophic canzonetta (sometimes still called “villanella ”). The pieces in classical meters
in the Costantini repertory however, two sonetti and an ottava rima, demand even more
elasticity in genre description in order to include them among the strophic variations.
Hill himself says that some sectional songs in classical poetic meters use strophic
procedure while other sectional songs in these meters do not, which is supported by these
two sonnets, but just where on the continuum “strophic variation” loses meaning remains
57
unclear. Attempts to pin it down may dissolve in the same way that the definition of
“strophic” song, admittedly used to describe an eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
repertory, is finally stretched so far that “every shade of modification is possible between

56 Hill’s description of this repertory in Roman Monody provides an excellent baseline
and model for analysis.
57 Ibid., 191-92.
438
58
the purely strophic and the through-composed song.” Every shade of modification may
ultimately be identified in these sectional songs on strophic-like texts.
The four-part Non dormo no is sectioned according to the two quatrains and two
tercets of the text, and is seated among the strophic pieces (transcription 18). Its melodic
style leans toward arioso in gently shaped lines with narrow range and rhythm, and does
not display the rzciXaXion-passaggi contrasts that Hill has found to be a common trait for
59
the strophic sonnet settings he has encountered. The bass moves very nearly at the
same rate as the vocal line, and appears to change significantly from strophe to strophe,
but the harmonic contour of each section helps relate the four sections. The F-final ends
each section after internal secondary cadence points of D, G, Bb, and C, variously
ordered, occur in each one. Sections two and four, however, have the same order of
internal cadences— F, G, Bb, F—and also share melodic repetitions. One could make a
case for a larger-scale plan for this sonnet similar to that in the strophic variations of
Frescobaldi, although the plan here is less schematic than suggestive. By the same token,
this sonnet, which is called a strophic variation according to Hill’s categorization of
monodic sonnet settings, achieves this status more by intuition than by strict definition.60
Its aesthetic, although not its specific melody and bass, is reminiscent of the use of a
standard aria such as a romanesca, even though no standard pattern is present.
Madrigalian tendencies are apparent, however. The treble line highlights the
contrast between “Non dormo...non sognio” (I don’t sleep, I don’t dream) and “veggio”
(I awake) which are set with related motives. Awakening is livelier—by a factor of
co
Michael Tilmouth, “Strophic Song,” in NGII.
59
60 Ibid., 196, table 6.3.
439
two—than not dreaming (mm. 2-4 and 10-11). “Tropp’amor” (too much love) and
“troppo molesto” (too much harm) are rhythmically similar, linking rhetorically these
extremes of imagery. The final tercet confirms the pessimistic tone of this love lament,
using the same melodic gesture for “al suon del’angosciosi miei lamenti” (the sound of
my anguished laments, mm. 36-39) as “nell’altrui braccia” (in another’s arms, m. 16)
from the second quartet. The same phrase is then used as a pivot into the final line of the
sonnet.
The melodic conception of Anerio’s Non dormo no, while declamatory, is far less
recitational than an anonymous setting of the same sonnet published in Orvieto two years
later.61 Although only the solo vocal part survives, its recitative style is unmistakable.
The setting is in two asymmetrical parts, the final tercet separated from the rest, and the
first section cadencing on a pitch different from the final. The implications of this
second setting for that in the Costantini anthologies is the affirmation of current interest
in this particular text. The anonymous version is notable in that the anguished laments of
the final tercet are set in clear imitation of Monteverdi’s Lasciatemi morire, which
precedes it anonymously in Rocchigiani’s collection (example 7.3)
61 In G. B. Rocchigiani’s anthology II maggioJiorito (Orvieto: Fei e Ruuli, 1623) [RISM

16238]. Its basso continuo partbook is lost.
440
Example 7.3. Non dormo no (II maggio fiorito, 1623), anon.
22. —
u r ^ - j rT - w r il t *r
m
r-=rrr^r
P oi-ch'o p er-so 'l mio ben, poi-c'h o per - so'l mio ben, la miacon-for-te, al suon
25.
r r:j r.k=rj=^Jlr i»J * f J ~r fi

dell' a n -g o -sc io - si miei la-m en-ti, che faie, che tar-di_o-m ai vien - ten' o mor -
28.
O Ip
-HeH-
te vien-ten' o mor - te, vien - ten' o mor - te.
Example 7.4a. Dolce augellin (1621), F. Costantini
to, an-cor di duolo,e to.

forte
to, an-cor di duolo,e can to.
Example 7.4b. Dolce augellin (1621), F. Costantini

3 .
rr~\r c n
£
to de gl’a - spri m iei tor - m en
(it)
? E fcE
to de g l'a - spri - m iei to r - m e n - ti
9— L 7 r r' r r - _
-------------------ê1
> ^5
»—
43
4 o
441
Madrigals in Ghirlandetta amorosa

The term “madrigal” labeling this group of pieces applies both to their poetic
form and their through-composed settings. The nine madrigal duets all set single
strophes of various lengths of versi sciolti, and the works of well-known literary figures
are concentrated here. Sannazzaro, Guarini, Pocaterra and Marino represent the
chronological and literary gamut of the collection and account for two thirds of the
identified texts. The musical styles show continuity with the late sixteenth century
polyphonic madrigal duet, but are infused with techniques—a new aesthetic really—
associated with monodic style, both virtuosic singing and hints of recitative.
Dolce augellin se forse per conforto (Costantini), a madrigalian duet for canto
and bass falls somewhere between Hill’s “madrigal in reduced polyphony” and
62
Whenham’s descriptions of early seventeenth-century duet with basso seguente. The
basso continuo is derived from the vocal bass but is lightly figured, and the syllabic
setting is matched, for the most part, by the rhythm of the instrumental bass, a treble-bass
conception yielding only two real parts, even at dissonant moments (example 7.4b). The
bass—instrumental and vocal—participates in short imitative play with the upper voice,
except when the upper voices converge with passaggi in tenths. There the instrumental
bass slows while maintaining the melodic outline, without embellishments or passing
tones. The notable feature of this madrigal, rare for any pieces in Costantini’s collections
before 1630, is explicit dynamic markings added to the written roulades of the final
word, “canto,” where the sweet bird is asked to cease his consoling song and weep while
the lamenting lover sings (Example 7.4a). A duet for treble and bass is less likely to
62
Hill, Roman Monody, 181-82; Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 104.
442
exhibit the trio texture Whenham finds characteristic of what he terms the concertato—or
seconda prattica—duet, although his evidence was the secular repertory. This one,
however, resolves its imitative interplay into homophonic thirds (specifically, tenths) a
common seventeenth-century duet gesture and similar to that found as well in many of
the motets published in Costantini’s 1616 and 1618 collections. The dynamic markings
here are a sign of the actual performance practice that this print documents.
In Ghirlanda amorosa the only treble-bass duets are Dolce augellin, Costantini’s
“aria a due” O della vita mia, and the anonymous sonnet setting treated as a two-part
madrigal, Gioisce I ’aria. The remaining duets are for equal voices, as are all the duets in
L ’A urata Cintia, so the predominant texture in the anthologies is also the most common
63
texture in the seventeenth-century printed duet repertory. The three exceptions in
Ghirlandetta amorosa are either by Costantini or an unknown composer, and at least two
of them were included for their extra-musical properties related to the occasion.
The anonymous sonnet Gioisce I ’aria may indicate the continued popularity of
this type of poetic text set to music, but perhaps this particular sonnet was chosen for its
thematic compatibility with the two Sannazzaro eclogues to follow.64 All three invoke
rather striking animal images of tigers and serpents. The only obvious animal reference
in this context is to the coat-of-arms on Ghirlandetta’s title page featuring the dog of the
Canali family of Rieti, which shares the shield with a serpentine design that might
represent the Awedutti.65 However, any connection between family heraldry and
63
W henham , D uet an d Dialogue, 154.
64
Text transcribed in app. C-4.
65 I would like to thank Filippo Orsini of Todi, who has made a study of seventeenth-
century heraldry of the region, for the information on the Canali coat-of-arms. The full image is
a visual pun on Canali, cane (dog) + “le ali” (wings).
443
zoological references still await discovery. Nevertheless, these animals are mentioned in
the sonnet, and one or the other in each of the madrigals which follow.
Gioisce I ’aria is divided into two partes of eight and six lines respectively, with
finals on D and G. The image of dangerous animals tamed (or the fierce and deceitful
persons they stand for made humane) by a look from beautiful eyes, is emphasized by
imitative repetition, coinciding with usual madrigalian procedure that brings the first
parte to a close (example 7.5, mm 16-22). The typical two-part vocal texture is
reinforced by the instrumental bass, except at the beginning of the second parte. Here
the first tercet—beginning appropriately enough ‘7o solo vivo”—is sung by the treble
voice in recitational style (mm.23-30). Repeated notes and sixteenths in dotted rhythms
are texted, and the instrumental bass slows, both signs that embellishment and relaxed
rhythms—passaggi and sprezzatura—are implied in the performance. Such a piece is
emblematic of the approach to chamber song at this time, mixing well-established
madrigal procedures, reduced-texture imitation, and repetition of the final statement, with
monodic features: expression in clear recitative with room for embellishment. Details of
the text forge important connections with the specific performance for which it was
intended.
444
Example 7.5. Gioisce Varia (1621), anon.
16.
m 0-
& • m
16 e con un mo - to di bell1 occh' an - co ra hu - ma - ni fa ve - nir Ti -
j-u Hr F -r
con un mo - to di bell' occh' an - co - ra hu-
*r r t r r
m
1 9 .
gri,eser-pen - ti, hu - ma - ni fa ve - nir, ti gri,e ser-men - ti,

1 9
“ n
n r rr
mani fa venir Ti gn,e ser-pen
tlLLH.Lb _a
ti, hu-m a- ni fa - ve-Lnir Ti gn,e ser -
l9jr---- » qp •__
m m t r j — m m m
— m — o
gri,e ser- pen - ti. O solo vi vo, in do- lo- ro - so

m------ o-i—
pen Canto solo

o
O solo vivo
2 5
af - fa
m perche di rag - gi suoi scher mo non trovo ch'ad' ogn' ho -
<#>
28o
0 ---------1 —* ------
0 - -------------
- -# * ----------------------- 0 o - e ------------------
------------------ «
H -
ra pro- varmor te mi fan -n o , mor te mi fan - no.
445
The pair of Sannazzaro settings by Theofilo Gargari are late entries in the print
tradition of setting this humanist poet’s Arcadia .66 Sannazzaro settings were fashionable
in the mid- and late-sixteenth century, and were frequently, in fact almost exclusively, set
in Rome.67 Particular passages, for example the terze rime sdrucciole from Eclogue VI, I
lieti amanti (a setting of which by Benincasa is in this volume) surged in popularity again
in the early seventeenth century. Si m ’e dolce il tormento and Cosi vuol mia ventura set
adjacent stanzas, lines 91-95 and 96-100 of Eclogue II, and form a song cycle with the
two Gargari madrigals in L ’A urata Cintia, (Per pianta la mia came and Hor pensate al
68
mio mal) which set lines 81-85 and 86-90 of the same Eclogue (transcriptions 21-24).
Sannazzaro’s Arcadia is structured in twelve prose chapters, each one ending
with a poetic eclogue in diverse poetic forms. The first six chapters present relatively
69
straightforward images of pastoral life. In Eclogue II, which closes chapter 2, the
shepherd Montano recounts a contest in amatory poetry between himself and Uranio,
mirrored in Gargari’s four short duets pitting sopranos against tenors (table 7.3).
66 Leopold, "Egloghe sdrucciole," 104-105.

67
Which might be attributable superficially to the Neapolitan poet’s relative proximity,
although Leopold adds that from Rome south there was an openness to popular forms reflected in
some of the pastoral poetry of Sannazzaro, (sdrucciole in particular) not shared by the courts of
Mantua, Ferrara, and Florence, ibid., 84-85.
68
Leopold, who missed the two Gargari settings in L ’Aurata Cintia, calls the two in
Ghirlandetta parts one and two, although they are presented as independent pieces in the print.
69
William J. Kennedy, Jacopo Sannazaro and the Uses of Pastoral (Hanover: Univ.
Press of New England, 1983), 97.
446
Table 7.3. Sannazzaro, Arcadia , Eclogue II, 81-100*
Montano:
Per pianto la mia came si distilla, With plaints my flesh dissolves away
si come al sol la neve, as in the sun the snow
o come al vento si disfa la nebbia; or as in the wind the mist undoes itself:
ne so che far mi debbia. What I should do I do not know.
Hor pensate al mio mal qual’esser deve. Now think of my sickness, what manner it
must be.
Uranio:
Hor pensate al mio mal qual esser deve Now think of my sickness, what manner it
che come cera al foco, must be.
o come foco in acqua mi disfaccio, For even as wax in flame
ne cerco uscir dall’accio; or even as flame in water I am unmade;
si me dolce il tormento, e’l pianger gioco. my snare I do not seek to evade,
so sweet my torment and plaint a game.
Montano:
Si me e dolce il tormento, e’l pianger So sweet my torment and my plaint a
gioco, game,
che canto, sono e ballo, I play, I dance, and sing
E cantando e ballandto al suon languisco, and at my foolish risk
E seguo un basilisco. singing and dancing I go languishing
Cosi vuol mia ventura, o ver mio fallo. to follow a basilisk.
So wills my fate, or my mistake.
Uranio:
Cosi vuol mia ventura, o ver mio fallo; So wills my fate, or my mistake,
Che vo sempre cogliendo that all my foolish hours
di piaggia in piaggia fior e fresche erbette, walking from place to other place
trecciando ghirlandette; I gather freshest herbs and flowers,
e cerco un tigre umiliar piangendo. weaving of garlands, her to grace.
And sooth a tiger, with the plaints I make.
* Original text source: Sannazaro, Opere volgari, ed. Alfredo Mauro. Bari, 1961; trans. Ralph
Nash, Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadia and Piscatorial Eclogues (Detroit: Wayne State Univ. Press,
1966), 39.
The poetic contest—and the musical one as well—turns on the overlapping of the first
verse with the last of the previous stanza. The barzeletta poetic form of each of the
stanzas consists of five lines of versi sciolti, with the last line of text becoming the first
447
line of the next stanza, interlocking the two—or more descriptively, setting up the
opponent. This immediately suggests a musical parallel that Gargari skillfully exploits:
the last phrase of the first madrigal is elegantly varied and sung by a different pair of
voices in the second. This same plan can be seen to extend through all four of Gargari’s
madrigals when the two from L ’A urata Cintia are placed before the two from
Ghirlandetta according to the proper order of Sannazzaro’s Arcadia.
The G-mollus cycle begins with Per pianto, opening with imitative duet texture.
Its first two musical phrases correspond to the first two verses, and remain in G. The
third and fourth verses elide, ending with the only major interior cadence away from G,
this on D (transcription 21, m. 15). The texture is then transformed into chains of
suspensions elucidating what manner of sickness afflicts the singer, Montano, and
becomes the texture— and image, which opens Hor pensate, the second madrigal. Here,
Uranio ups the vocal stakes immediately in the second verse with gruppi elaborating the
image o f the flame (transcription 22, mm. 5-6). The interior cadence preceding the final
verse is on Eb (m. 15), and the texture is redirected into thirds, elaborated as the phrase
cadences on the expected G. In the third madrigal, Si me e dolce, the music responds to
the sense of the text in madrigalian fashion, but also arms the singers with something
new as the duple meter changes to triple for “cantando e ballando” (transcription 23, mm.
5.23). The return to the first meter is accomplished through semifusae roulades
camouflaging the transition to a rather disjointed passage, the singers at odd intervals,
signifying perhaps the spell cast by the basilisk the singer is about to imprudently, if
70
predictably, follow, in imitation. Here a cadential F is reached preceding the final
verse (m. 30). The final “challenge,” Cosi vuol mia ventura, is again in thirds, the same
70
A basilisk is a legendary serpent or dragon with lethal breath and glance.
448
texture opening the last madrigal and used there to cover text quickly (transcription 24).
Declamation on repeated notes is used momentarily to further condense the text in order
to make room for the requisite “intertwining” (intrecciando ghirlandette), which
cadences on C, and still reach the last verse in timely fashion. The final phrase with its
aforesaid attempt to sooth the tiger, occupies seventeen of the twenty-six-breve duration
of the madrigal, (the previous final verses were no more than one-third of the total), and
forms an appropriate finale to the entire cycle.
As the only known Italian settings by Gargari, the origin of these texts might
suggest his personal rootedness in late sixteenth-century practices as well as poetry, but
these equal-voice duets blend the virtuosic tendencies of the soprano and tenor voices,
duet gestures o f thirds and suspensions, and devices associated with the madrigal, into a
lively cycle for four singers. Even though they were distributed between two books,
perhaps in an attempt not to weight too heavily one print or the other with Gargari pieces,
they were likely performed together, perhaps for the cardinal’s chamber music as well as
the wedding. The second pair may have been published first because the enigmatic tiger-
serpent references anticipated in the preceding sonnet were too apropos to pass up for the
wedding volume, but the cycle was completed in L ’A urata Cintia. Gargari’s pieces in
the cardinal’s collection were placed immediately following the strophic solo and
dialogue, a relative position of honor.
Non porta ghiaccio Aprile is more typical of Costantini’s madrigals, and shares
characteristics with others in the collection. Its scoring for two treble voices is supported
by a true basso continuo without any sign of figuration, in contrast with the seguente
basses among these pieces which often display figures. The madrigal text is prominent
enough to identify its author, in this case Annibale Pocaterra, and it is found in a
contemporary source, the Gareggiamento poetico del Confuso Accademico Ordito,
449
71
published in Venice in 1611. This poetry collection includes every sort of madrigal,
according to its title, and is similar to Remigio Romano’s canzonetta collections, perhaps
in the number of texts that can be linked with musical settings. Although the
Gareggiamento does not pretend to be made up of texts set to music, and to my
knowledge shows no hint of guitar alfabeto or any purely musical indication, one part
was dedicated to a Roman patron, and may have a Roman flavor not found in the
72
Remigio editions.
The fashionably literary Alessandro Costantini follows immediately with two
settings of Marino and Guarini. In Alessandro’s setting of Marino’s Se la doglia e 7
martire for two tenors, the voices are set madrigal-style over a slow-moving bass. The
final repetition of the last line of the text not only employs passaggi but indicates where
to punctuate the strings offusae with trilli (example 7.6). Donna mentre vi miro, also for
two tenors on a text by Guarini, retains some similarities with the Marino. Looking
ahead, the final piece in the print, too, is Alessandro Costantini’s setting of three more
Guarini madrigals as a unit but marked “concert ato” and set for one, two, and four voices
forming an ensemble o f solo, duet, and polyphonic madrigals assembled as a single
piece.
71
Gareggiamento poetico del Confuso Accademico Ordito: Madrigali amorosi, gravi e
piacevoli ne ’quali si vede il bello, il leggiadro e il vivace de i piu illustri poeti d'Italia (Venice,
B. Barezzi [1611]), see Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 270.
72
Ibid., 18; Chater, "Musical Patronage in Rome," 227. Part II is dedicated to Michele
Peretti. Further concordances between Gareggiamento poetico and the secular song production
in Rome in the second and third decades of the seventeenth century are identified here and there,
but a systematic search for patterns of correspondence might be informative.
450
“A tre concertato”
Five discrete pieces form this section, but the settings of the Toriggi poetry
specifically addressing the occasion of the Aweduti-Canali wedding which begin and
end this section suggest a full performable scene. The nine strophes of the muses is the
first, and the madrigal the last, of the set framing one dialogue by Paolo Quagliati,
another by Fabio Costantini, and a madrigal by Alessandro Costantini. The three pieces
thus framed include two in dialogue, the third homophonic, each one employing three
voices in varying combinations so as many as seven singers might be involved in the
performance. This concentration of pieces which are written dialogues along with others
with parts for individual characters seems to suggest theatrical performance beyond mere
recital, and hints that the entire collection might have begun life as wedding
entertainment.
Each of Toriggio’s nine canzonetta stanzas in Ghirlanda di nozze is preceded by
a rubric naming each muse who “sings thus.” Costantini’s composition assigns all three
sopranos to the opening stanza, Ecco ch ’all apparire, the instrumental bass doubling the
lowest line. The middle seven stanzas are sung as solos, alternating among the three.
The last stanza is again for three sopranos, but here the range of the lowest soprano is
extended well below c’, hinting that an alto or tenor would not have been an
inappropriate addition to the final chorus.
The middle sections are all set in recitational style, with the occasional vocal
embellishment notated in fusae. These sections take a tonal excursion, modulating in
the last quarter of each stanza sometimes rather suddenly, through a succession of finals:
G-D-A-C-G-G, ultimately ending on G for the last ensemble. Each succeeding strophe
451
begins tonally where the preceding one left off, which exactly mirrors the poetry, where
the last words, note even a verse, of each stanza are the first words of the one following.
Clio prima musa canta cosi:

Ecco ch’all’apparire
Di coppia si leggiadra
Dipon giu l’armi, e prende con desire
Ogni celeste squadra,
Mille Cetre Canore
Cantando Amor, cantando amore, amore.
Euterpe seconda musa:

Amor, amor si canti
Con festa, e mille balli
Di duo Sposi gentil, e di duo amanti
Fra fior vermigli, e gialli
Mentre ch’a poco a poco
Beon [sic] un dolce mar, di dolce foco.
Talia terza musa:

Di dolce foco avampa
Di Adriano il bel viso
Di casta, e dolce, e inusitata vampa
Di Caterina il riso
Arde, o facelle amate,
Che si bell’alme son per voi beate.
Although this is similar to the poetic device used for Gargari’s song cycle, the notion of
competition here is soft-pedaled, if present at all. The opening homorhythmic ensemble
has something of a fanfare quality, while the final one, though more contrapuntal, ends—
or rather, appears to taper off—with an instrumental echo after thundering the names of
the wedding couple (Example 7.7).
452
Example 7.6. Se la doglia (1621), A. Costantini
25
brae
brae
<T
Example 7.7. Ecco ch ’att’ apparire (1621), F. Costantini
72.
trom ba, A - dri a - no,e Ca - te- ri - na ogn' hor rim-bom - ba,
m m • J~3
m J|«Tj J J J|J •— m•
trom - ba A - dri a - no,e Ca - te- ri - na ogn' hor rim-bom - ba
^ zr
trom - ba, A - dri - an-no,e Ca - te- ri - na ogn' hor nm -bom - S run - bom - ba.
72
m «* m
ecco
ecco
rimbomba rimbomba
453
This all but announces the next piece, the dialogue Perche non Clori, attributed
73
here to Quagliati, but in manuscript sources to Giuseppino Cenci. The three Ninfes in
this pastoral dialogue, Amaranta, Clori, and Armilla, sing segments of versi sciolti
dialogue, as Clori and Armilla individually persuade Amaranta to give in to love, and to
sing of it, which they do together in a three-part chorus (love wins, love rules, love
triumphs).
The manuscript version of this dialogue found in Torrefranca 250 is different in
detail, and in one case substance, from Costantini’s printed version. Notation of a triple
meter section as 3/2, and duple sections in both C and 0, and clear caesura between the
vocal parts are superficial variants, as is the occasional use of a dotted rhythm instead of
two fusae, although neither source is consistent here. The manuscript text shows viva in
place of vince in the final chorus. The biggest difference between the sources, however,
is a six-measure extension in the Torrefranca manuscript of vocal passaggi decorating
the words trionfo d ’amore added to the final three-part chorus, which is simply not in the
printed source.74 Hill opts for the Cenci attribution based on style and circumstantial
evidence, and this may well be true. However, in most cases Costantini’s attributions are
correct, so both attributions should be acknowledged until there is reason to do

75
otherwise. It is perhaps not inconceivable that the manuscript version, with its obvious
virtuoso singer’s segment, might have been Cenci’s version of a dialogue originally
written by Quagliati.
73
Hill, Roman Monody, 1: 189, and transcribed in 2: no. 13.
74 Ibid., 2: no. 13, mm. 131-36.
75
A conclusion reached also by Robert Holzer, see '"Sono d'altro garbo'," Studi musicali
21 (1992): 264 n.41.
454
The third piece, S ’ardo il mondo com ’io by Fabio Costantini is set in recitational
76
style, and is designated “Dialogo concertato a 3. ” The characters in this amorous
pastoral encounter are not named, but its outlines are the same: the two sopranos and
tenor sing their individual parts with all three joining in a final chorus. A duet for the
second soprano and tenor is inserted as section two of the dialogue and would seem to be
the deviation from the usual plan which earns the concertato description.
Settings “A Quattro”
The final two pieces are grouped in the print by number of voices, but they could
be an extension of the performance of the previous section, ensemble pieces finishing the
wedding entertainment. In this capacity I lieti amanti provides some metric and
contrapuntal contrast before the final monodic and homophonic recitations of Alessandro
Costantini’s Guarini madrigals.
Giacomo Benincasa’s setting of I lieti amanti is this composer’s only known
secular piece in print, its ubiquitous text has been called the “calling card” of early
77
seventeenth-century madrigalists. Despite the added basso continuo, this setting is a
four-part madrigal unencumbered by any “new music” affectations. A small change in
the text, presumably made by the composer, perhaps at the suggestion of the compiler,
76
Hill’s list of thirteen dialogues in recitational style that he has identified in the Roman
monody repertory includes six in the Costantini anthologies alone. Ecco ch ’all ’apparire is one
of those, although its designation as “concertato” instead of “dialogo” is probably not accidental.
Both the terms are used here, implying a difference between them in contemporary
understanding.
77
Quagliati, IIprimo libro de' madrigali, ix. Leopold, "Egloghe sdrucciole," 110. Ilieto
amanti was not the most frequently set among Sannazzaro’s Eclogue texts, but its settings are
indeed more numerous in the early seventeenth century than others, including the other settings
in Costantini’s two prints, which were more frequently set in the last half of the sixteenth
century.
455
indicates this is self-conscious: instead of invoking pure faith along with venerable
custom, we hear venerable custom coupled with “sweet time,” an understanding of the
78
retrospective style of the poetry and its setting.
O pura fede, o dolce usanza vetera!

[Benincasa: O dolce tempo, o dolce usanza vetera!]
Or conosco ben’ io, che’l mondo instabile
Tanto peggiora piu, quanto piu invetera.
O unspotted faith, O sweet venerable custom!

Now do I well know that the unstable world
79
worsens so much the more, the more it ages.
The last piece summons up the dialogue aesthetic once again in its “concertato”
80
designation, to set the group of three Guarini madrigals. The final phrase of the third
and last ends with a reference to the nourishing power of food, and perhaps the
entertainment segued into feasting.
L ’Aurata Cintia armonica

Costantini was not unaware, it appears, that there was more than one power node
in Orvieto, one of which was firmly oriented toward Rome where he wanted to maintain
connections. Thus his second secular anthology, L ’A urata Cintia, was dedicated to
Cardinal Crescenzi, bishop of Orvieto, in 1622, the year of Crescenzi's greatest activity,
popularity, and perhaps effectiveness in the city because he was still early in his
episcopate. A personal connection with the dedicatee was intimated: just as Costantini
78
T ext transcribed in app. C-4.
79
Translation: Sannazaro, Arcadia and Piscatorial Eclogues, trans. Nash, 68.
80
The final piece is listed as three separate pieces in Hill, Roman Monody, 386, but it is
considered a single piece in the print, setting three Guarini madrigals. The first is solo, the
second duet, and the third tutti, a 4 (CATB).
456
the family man and resident of Orvieto wrote of these relationships as he addressed
(through the Avveduti) the other Orvietani in Ghirlandetta amorosa, a personal tie to the
cardinal was a part of Costantini’s narrative in the present dedication. Here he mentions
having sung “in his hoarse voice” a number of the songs in this volume in the dedicatee’s
private quarters at the “hour of recreation.” Cardinal Crescenzi, who continued as an
important member of the Curia while he retained his position in the diocese of Orvieto, is
unknown to musicologists because he was not a major patron o f the performing arts.
Nonetheless, he must have been a supporter on some level of conventional if not
particularly extravagant musical performance. He may have sponsored some type of
chamber music where Costantini was the singer, although this does not necessarily mean
it took place in Orvieto. The existence of this publication opens the door a crack to view
the particulars o f what was probably so widespread a practice as to have been little noted
in the documents, that is, performance of Rome’s music professionals for clerical
nobility and aristocratic households not particularly noted for their patronage of the arts,
let alone music. Costantini’s description, rather than conjuring an image of local singers
in Orvieto paid a few baiocchi to come sing for the bishop on occasion, instead can be
used to introduce into the fabric of Roman musical practice instances certainly less well-
documented, but perhaps quite typical despite their absence from contemporary sources.
L ’A urata Cintia perhaps captures in print private chamber music performance in
Rome and its content generally resembles other Roman collections assembled around the
same time, particularly those published between 1621 and 1623. However, its modest
format does not measure up to Robletti’s folio editions, and the general description of the
partbooks suggests that the intended audience was not necessarily those that frequented
the same chambers where the songs were first performed. Even so, as the eighth
publication by Costantini, its editorship still lent authority to the product. It contains
457
fewer pieces than Costantini’s other song or motet anthologies, nineteen arias, madrigals,
and villanellas, with the presence of three dialogues particularly emphasized. Nine other
pieces are strophic and seven set madrigal texts (table 7.4). Costantini’s dedication to
Cardinal Crescenzi strove toward humanist identification, but perhaps conceived of it in
the way it was received in the third decade of the seventeenth century, as more of a
political affiliation than an intellectual statement of philosophy. If a print can be said to
characterize the performance it represents—even if arranged according to print
conventions—then this one conveys more intimacy and erudition than the wedding
volume. The selection of vocal styles is more focussed than that of Ghirlandetta
amorosa, leaning toward a narrower, perhaps more aristocratic, or possibly more esoteric
taste. Costantini’s own pieces, particularly the ottava rima aria, two dialogues and a
Marinist madrigal, acknowledge—or perhaps educated—the taste of a connoisseur-by-
status.
Table 7.4. L\Aurata Cintia (1622): Genre, Performance Indications, Meter, Texts, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer [Poet] Piece Voice Genre/ Perf. indications Meter Text type Tonal Type
Clefs System Final
1 Costantini, F. 0 felice guerrieri C canto solo ottava C rF 4
c t F
Deh fermate seconda stanza rime
Sentite come al suoni terza stanza
2 Costantini, F. AT, + “Dialogo Amore, e dialogue Ci-F 4 h GCGG
C ‘ ( T C " C " 3
CC Venere, Alto e Tenore C3 -F4 * 0
Fiammeggiante del ciel “Amore solo” CiC 1C3 C4 -F4

Figlio qual gran “Venere solo”
Oggi coppia gradita “Amore solo”
Su dunque alata schiera “Venere solo”
Scherziam cantando “a 4. 2 canti, alto, e
tenore”[“Baritono” in part]
[Texted be for Scherziam]
3 Gargari Per pianto la mia came CC barzelletta c ,c ,-f 4 G
c \>
[Sannazzaro]
4 Gargari Hor pensate al mio mal TT barzelletta C4 C4 -F4 G
c \>
[Sannazzaro]
5 Mutii, P. La mia Clori vezzosa CC 1.2.3. stanza strophic C 1 C 1 -F4 G
c \>
canzonetta
6 Boschetti Ricciutella pargoletta CC 1.2.3.4. stanza strophic g 2c , - f 4 G
c
canzonetta
7 Boschetti Lascivette Pastorelle CC 1.2.3. stanza strophic c ,C ! -f 4 G
c \,
canzonetta
8 Anerio, G. F. Pastorelle vaghe, e CC 1.2.3.4 stanza strophic c ,c ,-f 4 F
C “ 3 I
belle canzonetta
9 Costantini, A. Care lagrime mie TT madrigal C4 C4 -F4 G
C \,
[Celiano]
10 “Grappuccio” Mentre sorge FAurora. CC 1.2.3 stanza strophic c ,c ,-f 4 G
C '3 ' C t
canzonetta
4^
00
Table 7.4. L ’Aurata Cintia (1622): Genre, Performance Indications, Meter, Texts, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer [Poet] Piece Voice Genre/Perf. indications Meter Text type Tonal Type
_____________ Cleft System Final
11 Antonelli, A. A1 dolce mormorar CC 1.2.3. stanza strophic C,Cr F4 A
C3^2"C canzonetta
C3^2‘C
12 Costantini, A. Pargoletta son’io CC “Dialogo. Clori e Filli” dialogue C 1C1-F4 GCGG
C C 'C 'C "3 '
FGFF
(GFF)
3_C'c(3'C'
G
c)"3
13 Boschetti Quando il ciel mi fe CC 1.2.3.4. stanza strophic CiCrF 4 F

soggetto c canzonetta
14 Costantini, F. 0 bella Clori CB “Dialogo, Aminta, e dialogue C,F4 -F4 b1 GGD
Clori, concertato” c AGCG
15 Frescobaldi Era l’anima mia CC madrigal CiCr F4 b G
[Guarini] c
16 Costantini, A. Cruda Amarilli, CC 11pastor c ,c ,- f 4 1
G
[Guarini] seconda parte: CCB c fido
P
CiC,F4 -F4
Ma grideran per me
17 Costantini, A. Ch’io t’ami CC 11 pastor C,Cr F4 I
G
[Guarini] c fido
P
18 Costantini, F. CoT fior de’ fiori CC madrigal CiC,-F4 G

c 1h
[Achillini]
19 Costantini, F. La mia leggiadra, e CCA “1.2.3.4. stanza” strophic G2G2C2C3- b1 G
vaga Pastorella T “A 4 voci pari.” C"3“0 C’ canzonetta C4
‘Sonate come sta.’
0 (3 )’ C'3"C
460
The main scoring in L ’A urata Cintia is the duet; at least a part of every piece is in
duet except the solo ottava and the four-voice final piece. The presence of dialogues as a
percentage of the whole, three pieces of nineteen, is much higher than even Ghirlandetta
amorosa, with the first one in second position, after the solo aria. Each of the dialogues
is so indicated in the index, as are the strophic pieces. The remaining pieces, all
madrigals, receive no special designation, nor are their poets named in the print. All of
them are settings of texts by identifiable poets, however: Sannazzaro, Celiano, Guarini,
and Achillini. The villanelle on the title page probably refer to the strophic songs, using
81
old-fashioned nomenclature. The dialogi and madrigali are self-evident, but “arie” is
plural, and while it certainly describes the strophic setting of the ottava rima, O felice
guerrieri, it is unclear exactly which of the other strophic settings might also be thought
of as “aria” as distinct from villanella. As the song types indicate, this collection may
perhaps be conservative in the sense of “establishment,” but it is not a retrospective
collection. This is what constituted current chamber-music practice in aristocratic circles
in Rome.
A selection of Costantini’s own pieces show his approach to the ottava, dialogue,
and madrigal. No two pieces are approached in exactly the same way, but there is a
similar minimalist thread running through each one. He explores musical ideas in each
piece with clarity and competency, and each is a perfectly adequate musical response to
the text. The opening solo O felice guerrieri, is a strophic setting of three ottave rime
stanzas, without any of the traditional ottava conventions of verse pairs treated as
strophic variation or use o f stock bass (transcription 25). Each strophe is fully notated,
but the only variation between them is based on text accents. The language of the text, as
81
Whenham, Duet and Dialogue, 119. Hill, Roman Monody, 6 Iff.
461
well as its form, is reminiscent of Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata, although the text is not
from that work. If any residue of the improvisatory tradition associated with ottavas is
apparent in this setting, it is the improvised embellished singing that would distinguish
each strophe. The recitational melody is contained in the octave ranging a fifth above
and fourth below the F final, with the bass line operating within an F-f octave,
reminiscent perhaps of old polyphonic modal ranges. The text declamation is related
only to recitational practice within a monodic sensibility however. The performance
decisions of rhythmic freedom and melodic embellishment are left up to the performer
after the compositional decisions, which set off the opening of the first ottenari of each
82
strophe and elide the remainder o f first line with the next, are made. In the rest of the
piece, the lines of texts are respected by the musical phrases.
Costantini’s two dialogues, Fiammagiante del d e l and O bella Clori, are very
differently set, but the texts are also very different in tone. The classical characters in
Fiammegiante, Amore and Venere, discourse in versi sciolti set recitatively over a
harmonic bass. The melody shows occasional signs of the kind of embellishment needed
to grace the recitational line (example 7.8a). Amore is written for canto voice according
to the vocal part and notated on soprano clef, although the tavola indicates tenor, and
Venere is an alto. These two are joined by another canto and “baritono” (“tenor” in the
tavola), for a homophonic chorus in contrasting triple meter, setting lines of four, five,
and eight syllables for the tutti finale. Costantini’s homophonic writing is perhaps his
most practiced style to judge by his earliest double-choir motets. In this tutti he deftly
juxtaposes triple meter over even-numbered syllabic lines, emphasizing the syncopation
of their hemiola rhythm by way of a minim rest at the start of each four- or eight-syllable
82
See app. C-5 for text.
462
line. He also uses this break to alter the harmonic center down a step, a pungent sonic
effect (example 7.8b).
The text of O bella Clori consists of passionate but uncomplicated lyrics on the
part of the characters, Clori singing canto and Aminta singing bass. The only hint of
conflict is Aminta’s plea to Clori not to flee (deh, non fuggire, mm. 9-10), but beyond
that its exchanges are pastoral declarations of love. Accordingly, the piece is much
shorter than the recitational Fiammegiante, and the organization of the dialogue is more
duet-like, with music repeated in alternation by the two personae, and a different
relationship between singer and bass line. Aminta’s opening arioso over a seguente bass
is contrasted when Clori repeats the musical phrase, now harmonized by the instrumental
bass (example 7.9). The second half of Clori’s repetition is adjusted, however, to avoid
the octave descent more idiomatic for Aminta the bass. In the two subsequent exchanges
Clori sings a tonal repetition of Aminta’s phrase. Professions of love in hemiola rhythm
just before the tutti provide the excuse for both to sing together (dunque, cantiamo
noi...), which they do, partly in thirds, but only in two real parts with the seguente bass: a
simple setting for a simple sentiment.
463
Example 7.8a. Fiammegiante del d e l (1622), F. Costantini
*-----
f— -m m f 9 0 r Ill'll
T L - U ^ L J -------------
si da - ra \in - Ui_a prig - gio - nier fe - li - ce.
----------------------- e ---------------------------- - f - J --------------P—

H N ----------
Example 7.8b. Fiammegiante del d e l (1622), F. Costantini
o o
spie-ghiam ri - den per le ve i van m d'o ro
o o or
O
o o o
o

o o o
spie-ghiam ri - den d'o ro

o o o
o
spie-ghiam ri - den ti per le sel ve,i van m d’o ro
464
Example 7.9. O bella Clori (1622), F. Costantini
1 A m inta solo
O B e l - la Clo - ri, C lo - ri v ez - zo - sa, piu ver - mi-glia,<gen-til, che fre -
y o r r»p
Clori solo.
■<9--------------- 0 * J. J4- U
O Ca - ro,A - m in - ta,A - m in - ta sag - gio, A
sea ro - sa.
s = §
o a -a
r- f r - r
dor - n o,e va - go piu ch'Ap - ri le,e M ag - gio.
2T7 xx~r~p^
465
Costantini’s setting of the more linguistically challenging Achillini madrigal, Col
fior de ’fiori, shows his awareness of the task at hand, splitting the two strands of rose-
inspired commentary between the two canto voices, yielding a duet in full trio texture
(transcription 26). Ardore, odore, and adore are used for their quasi-homonymic value
along with their contrasting meaning in Marinist fashion (which Marino himself may
have learned from Achillini) to spice up the short madrigal, both text and setting. The
version of the text set by Costantini differs slightly from later published versions,
perhaps most significantly in the name of the person addressed, “Tldolo” in Costantini’s
83
madrigal versus “Lesbin” in the published poem. This substitution would have
transformed the addressee into a cherished ideal or abstract image, an interesting
accommodation if done by Costantini for the benefit of his patron. Other songs in this
book, however, make no attempt to modify espressions of love and lust among their
named literary personages, clerical patron or no.
One of the few departures from the predominantly duet and dialogue textures in
this collection is the final madrigal by Costantini, La mia leggiadra for four equal treble
84
voices meant to be sung as written. The anonymous pastoral poetry in three strophes of
four eleven-syllable lines challenged Costantini to show his contrapuntal skills once
again. The first strophe sets each line of text differently (example 7.10). Two imitative
voice pairs over a bass, which harmonizes when the texture is thin, open the madrigal {La
mia leggiadra...), but the second verse is set in a contrasting triple meter choral
83 See app. C-5.

84
“Sonate come sta,” except the basso continuo part needs transposition down a fifth to
work with the upper voices. Written in soprano clef, it works if read in bass clef.
466
85
homophony (Piu che mai...). The third line finds three of the four voices entering
imitatively with the same subject on Veggio venir, and the fourth voice entering instead
with a motive from the middle of the verse. The final line returns to homophony but
stays in duple meter, enlivening the close with contrapuntal flourishes. Each subsequent
strophe employs some variation of the same procedure, one recognizable in at least one
of Costantini’s earlier motets.
85
The basso continuo is labeled "Sonate come sta," but in fact the part is transposed
down a fifth to work with upper voices. Written in soprano clef, it works with the other parts if
read in bass clef.
467
Example 7.10. La mia leggiadra (1622), F. Costantini
1 Prima parte
a p
Cl
4«J La
r r r-- m
mia leg-gia-dr'e va Pas-to-rel la, Pas-to rel - la,
» - » * n# • ■ o
C2 g I
La mia leg-gia-dr'e va - ga P as-to-rel - la,
3
La mia leg-gia - dr'e va. ga Pas-to - rel - la,
c t p
La mia leg-gia- dr'e va ga Pas-to - rel - la
A 4. vpcipari. t
m
- m -
Be
Piu che mai mo ro - set ta,e bel
o o
Piu che mai mo ro - set ta,e bel
Piu che mai mo ro - set bel

o o
Piu che mai mo ro - set
o o o
468
Example 7.9 (cont’d)
in quest' a veg
o
Veg gio ve mr in
ve no, in
o
Veg gio ve
TV
glO m e - no pra per me
m e - no pra - to, m quest' a - m e - no pra per me
que-sto_a me-no pra per me

e o
mr pra per me
o
TV
469
Summary of Costantini’s secular song composition and collections

The dual purposes of these collections of contemporary song, as records of
specialized performances and as collections meant for sale, indicate the range of
exposure of the type of music in these anthologies, as well as some of the different
purposes that art song served. In Ghirlandetta amorosa, styles old and new, learned and
popular, along with favorite and newly-written poetry, are consciously mixed,
acknowledging the variety of current music but presenting it in a coherently organized
shape, one that fits print conventions but might mimic performance. The sometimes
buried details in the text relate it further to actual performance. The structure is
supported or bridged at every important point with compositions by Costantini himself:
the strophic variation on the Rinuccini text, Tutte le viste, functions as a prologue in
recitational style introducing the collection; the first madrigal duet Dolce augellin, whose
explicit dynamics coloring its passaggi show the power of the singer to shape a beautiful
sound; the grouping of concertato dialogues suitable for theatrical presentation bounded
by Costantini’s settings of poetry written in honor of the wedding couple. He has also
controlled subtle details that would have delighted his live audience, but do not detract
from his commercial one: inclusion of pieces which mention the month of April at the
beginning (after the “prologue”) and end of the canzonetta section and in the last two
duet madrigals, placement of an anonymous madrigal duet with intertwining tiger/serpent
imagery alongside the textually intertwined duet madrigals by Gargari where the image
of a tiger occurs as well. In this collection, a setting of terze rime sdrucciole by
Sannazzaro, the four-voice madrigal, I lieti amanti, is placed next to four voices used
decidedly differently, for their soloistic possibilities, in Alessandro Costantini’s
concertato setting of three Guarini madrigals linked to form the final piece, Amor tu
parti. Pieces by active composers pay attention to traditional madrigal conventions in
470
one piece, and to contemporary poets, precisely notated embellishments, and continuo
notation in the next as in Alessandro Costantini’s madrigals Giaceapensoso Aminta and
the same composer’s Marino setting, Se la doglia e 7 martire. Techniques of the new
music, for example, syllabic text recitation on repeated notes is equally fitting in
Bernardino Nanino’s imitative duet O cor sempre dolente as in the recitational opener,
Tutte le viste.
This collection may not have opened new frontiers, but it does select from all
genres of secular vocal music associated with the elites of the second and third decades
86
of the seventeenth century in Rome. Its contents, perhaps, were created in the milieu
and at the expense of the rich and powerful in Rome, and from them received the stamp
of approval as a shared sign of their cultural sophistication. In this print the pieces are
appropriated by a provincial patriciate for the same end, through the agency of Fabio
Costantini. He is also the conduit by which these works, pleasing and edifying selections
hinged together by his own compositions into a unified presentation, reached the music-
buying public.
The cardinal’s collection more closely mirrors the practice of music as
manifestation of the aristocracy in its similarities with the contents of the manuscripts
associated with the Montalto circle. In the early seventeenth century in Rome, the
86
It is perhaps significant historiographically that printed secular music in partbooks has
not been factored into the picture of early seventeenth-century music until Hill’s study. The large
surveys by Fortune and Whenham have based their judgements on music that could be looked at
and sized up in its original version in score. The music in so-called “madrigal books” is not
substantially different from that in monody books by this time, its format a function of geography
and printer perhaps more than musical style. Costantini’s anthologies are a good example of that.
Music that has to be scored up to be fully read has not been considered to any great extent in
assessing the musical culture, and a false division made to justify its exclusion. There may be
differences to be derived from these different formats, perhaps that of intended audience, but the
actual content of the music may not be one of them.
471
strophic canzonetta was evidently the musical vehicle of choice, whether set
monodically, where it constitutes the privileged portion of the Fucci manuscripts, or as
duets, as are most of the selections in L ’A urata Cintia. The far-fewer madrigals in the
cardinal’s volume are interspersed among the strophic pieces, and set texts of well-
known poets, but nothing among the print conventions signifies their genre the way the
announcement of strophe numbers does for the canzonettas. Most of these were
contributed by Alessandro Costantini as well as his brother, along with Gargari and
Frescobaldi, all institutional as well as household musicians.
The strong presence of dialogues and explicitly concertato works is striking in
the two collections. Contemporary music books, even the contemporary printed monody
collections singled out by Hill, might contain one dialogue, occasionally two, and several
have none at all. Costantini’s collections each have three, and most interestingly, all of
them are of the recitational variety, some exclusively so. Hill reports few recitative
dialogues in general circulation, but in fact a fairly large concentration in the Montalto
87
manuscripts and the related repertory, identifying thirteen in the Roman repertory. Six
of them are published in Costantini’s books alone. Their publication specifically in these
anthologies may well indicate two things. First, that the performances the collections
document, both as single occasions and as emblems of similar occasions, included
extensive recitational singing interspersed with other styles of songs. Second, it
intimates that the market for these songbooks was meant to include singers who knew
how to bring the recitative to life, the success of which required thorough training and
deft performance. Some of the madrigals have segments of recitational monody as well,
and the concertato designation is a signpost to its presence. The seemingly redundant
87
All
“dialogo c o n c e r ta to on the other hand, indicates a change in texture tucked in among
the recitatives, not simply accounting for the expected tutti at the end. The terminology
juxtaposes two elements which occur in many dialogues, individual declamation, and
varied scoring. The recitational writing in dialogues (as well as strophic
canzonettas/variations), which implied performance requiring embellishments and
sprezzatura, was perhaps more than any other type of composition a locus of the musical
88
signs to which Annibaldi refers, as “suitable to the social rank if its members.” The
mode of singing in certain pieces would have been more indicative of this status to
Roman clerical aristocrats and patrons than the actual texts, often amorous, upon which
the music was set.
The poetry, despite its lack of identification in the prints, was also an important
component of the music as a sign of shared social rank, and perhaps here we can discern
a difference between the two volumes. The fact that all of the poets of madrigal texts set
in L ’A urata Cintia can be identified says something about the literary expectations of the
elite, and the prominence of those poets and their works as sources for songs even among
those not particularly noted as music patrons. Their works were in the air, with many
settings at the time, so their value as poetry was high, the specific musical settings
perhaps secondary. The strophic poetry settings, whether called aria or villanelle, are
tuneful, and variously combine phrase structure, repetition, and even a bit of madrigalian
word treatment, to make settings that perhaps made their anonymous poetry simply a
scaffold for musical invention.
Costantini’s own pieces acknowledge his awareness of styles prevalent in favored
aristocratic entertainments, and are rather remarkable as a critical mass of recitational
88
Annibaldi, “Review of Roman M o n o d y 382.
473
dialogues and solo pieces, particularly as a percentage of his total known output. They
are competent, and occasionally delightful pieces that were sufficient to fulfill the
professional musician’s obligations in providing chamber music. The occasions and
patrons for which his prints were prepared called for a variety of pieces, although even
that variety had different ranges in the two prints. The marriage collection contained
strophic songs for one and two voices and duet madrigals, as well as ensemble pieces,
and even a polyphonic madrigal or two. The cardinal’s collection, rather surprisingly,
contains fewer solo songs and an overwhelming majority of duets, but also a significant
number of dialogues, equal in number but a greater percentage of the whole than the
wedding collection. The other non-strophic pieces all used texts by poets certifiably
well-known and respected in these clerical humanist circles.
Most important is Costantini’s role in gathering together the compositions of
colleagues, arranging them according to current taste and practice. His statement in the
dedication to L ’A urata Cintia recalling his own performance for Cardinal Crescenzi
takes on more generalized meaning: this collection may recall a specific performance
occasion, but the performance was typical of that presented in cardinals’ households,
even among those outside circles of extravagant musical patronage. There are sufficient
concordances among Costantini’s anthologies with pieces found in manuscripts from
aristocratic sources to show the roots of this repertory, but equally sufficient examples of
new repertory in the familiar styles to suggest its widespread adoption. The variety of
the pieces, and the breadth of the composers, perhaps present a practical framework of
widely adopted entertainment patterns of the era.
Text Sources in “Canzonetta Books”

The importance of the poetic texts for an informed analysis of the music is a
commonplace, but finding its original form, let alone reading the poetry as a
474
contemporary might have, are more difficult. This question has been approached
systematically by Leopold, who has catalogued a great deal of the monodic repertory by
89
poetric form. Where sources of poetry are known, this too is part of the cataloging. In
the age o f unusual metric forms interspersed with the classical, correct scansion is crucial
and Leopold has gone some way in identifying the forms.
Evidence of the relationship of this repertory to what one might guardedly label
popular taste was the simultaneous appearance of canzonetta books with texts understood
as song lyrics printed as poetry. Some of these texts have their musical versions in
Costantini’s publications. The most often reprinted canzonetta books were those of
Remigio Romano, an editor about whom nothing is known but whose very name raises
90
the question of Roman connections. These “song books” held texts but no musical
notation, although guitar alfabeto, the system indicating chords for accompaniment on
Spanish guitar, were attached to some of the songs. Such publication in the dodicesimo
or “pocketbook”-size format, and coming from Venetian and other north-Italian presses,
would only have been published and reprinted as often as they were if their contents were
popular song texts. Some o f the songs in the Roman anthologies match these texts: Dove
io credea, Aure vaga, aure gioconde, and Deh mirate luce ingrate in the wedding
collection and three more in L ’A urata Cintia: Ricciutellapargoletta, Lascivette

91
pastorelle, and La mia Clori vezzosa, a sure sign of widespread familiarity. Several of
89
Silke Leopold, Al modo d'Orfeo: Dichtung und Musik im Italienischen Sologesang des
Frtihen 17. Jahrhunderts, 2 v o ls., A nalecta M u sicologica, 29 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1995).
90
Silke Leopold, "Remigio Romano's Collections of Lyrics for Music," Proceedings of
the Royal Music Association 110 (1985): 45-61; Roark Miller, "The Composers of San Marco
and Santo Stefano and the Development of Venetian Monody (to 1630)" Ph.D. diss. (University
of Michigan, 1993), 152-93; idem, "New Information on the Chronology of Venetian Monody."
91
See app. C-4 and C-5 for specific Remigio Romano edition.
475
these pieces had appeared in northern Italian prints, one source of the texts collected in
the Remigio volumes. Dove io credea with its compilation of Rinuccini verse must have
come from the version of Cacccini’s aria in her own print, as the slight textural variances
from the Costantini version in the Remigio print match those of her Primo libro of 1618.
The Puliaschi piece, Deh mirate, is not known to have been printed in any other volume,
92
but it is found in at least one other manuscript. Chances are it was transmitted via
manuscript and seen by the compiler Remigio in a location other than Rome, as no texts
traceable exclusively to a Roman source have been discovered in the Remigio Romano
editions. Aure vaghe was widely set, and all known printed sources predating the
Remigio edition in which it appeared are Roman. Two of those Roman publications,
however, were works by Filipo Vitali and Raffaelo Rontani, both Florentine, so a
manuscript source o f either of their works might have circulated northward and fallen
93
under Remigio’s gaze. The text in the Remigio version does not precisely match
Alessandro Costantini’s version, nor does it conform to the text used by Quagliati in
1623 either, suggesting once again the independent and widely cast transmission of this
94
text. The two texts from Boschetti’s Strali d ’amore had been published previously in
Venice, although even here the Remigio text of Lascivette pastorelle does not coincide
precisely with the Venetian print. The L ’A urata Cintia version coincides exactly with
the Venetian print, so another source, but apparently not the ones generated in Rome, is
indicated for Remigio. Thus the concordances between the Remigio canzonetta prints
92
93
See Emil Vogel, et al., eds., Bibliografia nella musica italiana vocale profane
pubblicata dal 1500 al 1700, 3 vols. (Pomezia: Studerini-Minkoff, 1977) for sources of Aure
vaghe, aure gioconde.
94
Quagliati, La sfera armoniosa, 38.
476
and Costantini’s anthologies do not contradict a circle of Venetian, Florentine, and
otherwise northern sources for Remigio’s canzonetta texts already found by Roark Miller
and Silke Leopold. The Costantini anthologies with their numerous unica pieces would
be good markers for a Roman channel of transmission, but so far none have shown up
that are not also in other publications, or likely in manuscripts accessible in Venice or
95
Florence, as the Puliaschi piece might have been.
At the same time these canzonetta collections are invaluable as contemporary

96
sources for proper poetic form, which is how Leopold uses them in her catalogue. If
somewhat circular—texts are in these canzonetta books because they were set to music—
the Remigio publications in particular, and probably the more Rome-related
Garaggiamento as well, still fill the need for contemporary readings of the poetry set to
music.
Patronage in the Roman Sphere

Costantini’s secular anthologies are considered part of the collateral monody
repertory of Montalto’s circle in early seventeenth-century Rome. What, then, was the
actual relationship of the two Costantini anthologies to the Montalto repertory of Roman
monody. It is true that some of the composers included in these anthologies had both
direct and indirect links with Montalto and his music patronage. It is also true that many
of these composers were linked with each other, or with Costantini, through other
conduits as well. The churches of Rome, where music was performed most regularly and
where the greatest number of contacts among composers, maestri, and performers
95
Two texts from Strali d ’amore, 1618, by Giovanni Boschetto Boschetti appear in the
Remigio editions, although their texts do not strictly match while the Costantini versions do
match the Boschetti printed edition.
96 “II modo d ’Orfeo,” vol. 2.
All
occurred, were where most of the almost fifty musicians in all the anthologies likely
became acquainted. These same musicians were also employed, regularly or
sporadically, as chamber musicians, providing music as private entertainment for those
who could pay for it. A number of the wealthiest and most powerful Roman patrons with
well-documented households who could or would pay for music privately have been
97
identified. But by the third decade of the seventeenth century, however, the
composition and performance of Italian secular song by the professional musicians of
Rome are accessible for a prominent family’s wedding in a provincial town or part of the
life of a hardworking cardinal. Fabio Costantini went one step further, however, by
publishing such work in a format and under publishing conditions that would usher this
repertory into the hands of anyone willing to purchase it. That there were many people
all over Italy who were ready to buy and perform for themselves these songs is attested
by the “canzonetta” books of lyrics and occasional guitar chords, printed and reprinted,
98
and eventually even “bootlegged,” in inexpensive, pocketbook formats.
It is probable that musicians were hired by cardinals and other aristocrats
regularly, at times and places where neither the aristocrats’, nor the musicians’, names
found their way into historical annals. In the period and location of this study, the
proliferation of musical professionals, many of them highly capable as performers and
composers, cannot be overestimated. A model is needed to understand the implications
of this professional expansion for the musical life of Rome, and perhaps the clues are in
the music itself. Two types of knowledge need to be sought: what was new and
97
Annibaldi (Aldobrandini), Chater, Hammond (Barberini), Hill (Montalto), Fabris
(Bentivoglio), Lionnet (Borghese), Murata (Rospigliosi, Barberini).
98
A canzonetta edition held in the Library of Congress eschews all publication niceties
such as place, date, publisher, and of course, privilege, the forerunner of copyright, in order to
bring a moneymaker out quickly and cheaply.
478
innovative, and what was practiced and valued—even beloved—across the society. This
model may not rely completely on the tastes of one wealthy person, or the eccentricities
that wealth allowed, to validate the forms of music performance and composition with
which many people already were or soon became acquainted. The generative and
authoritative powers o f class are certainly a part, but not the whole story. The trained
professional has part to play in understanding the mechanisms by which the widest
number of people knew the music of that time, what music it was that they knew, and
how they understood it. The “role” of the professional is the sum of the roles played by
the professionals represented in Costantini’s anthologies.
Sometime, however, the economies of the very patronage system that helped
disseminate music could also inadvertently suppress such dissemination. Lionnet
observed, in his biography of papal singer and composer Theofili Gargari, that perhaps
what distinguished this obviously talented and well-recognized musician in his day was
his musical independence, an independence admittedly aided by the economic
independence that the good earnings of a papal singer and chamber performer provided.
He often accepted work outside the Cappella but never became subject to any of the
possible patrons he served. His career flourished outside a “great man’s” service, and for
99
this, perhaps, remained in shadow. Gathering his biographical data as Lionnet has
done, however, shows him to have been valued highly by his peers, composing regularly
for the institution that employed him, serving from time to time in the luxurious
surroundings of Frascati and Tivoli, but never publishing an individual collection of his
own.
99
Lionnet, "Un musicista del Viterbese," 280.
479
Frescobaldi, recognized as a genius by posterity, did not immediately rise to the
top of the profession, but in fact struggled within it for a time. He succeeded eventually
in obtaining the full-time employment that was the pinnacle of professional endeavor,
albeit as an organist. He also gained noble patronage, even before professional status,
but he was not necessarily appreciated more than any other musician in his early years in
Rome.100 Among his colleagues he was not as well-regarded as others whose vocal
music, particularly that heard in the churches, made them better known, as evidenced by
his position in the motet anthologies. Slightly later, and within the secular repertory, his
position, to go by the anthologies, had improved.
One hypothesis put forward by Hill is that the monody repertory associated with
Montalto remained a part of the cardinal’s jealously guarded library until his death in
1623, and after that time was made available to copyists and anthology compilers, which
may hold true for his principal manuscripts. The publication dates of Costantini’s
monody collections in 1621 and 1622 lie outside this chronology, however, as do
Robletti’s anthologies of the period. This does not diminish the possibility that many
composers associated at some time with Montalto were spurred to write such pieces
under Montalto’s patronage, but mutual influences by composers whose paths crossed at
the figurative doorstep of this music-loving patron might also be considered.
Patronage and Private Chamber Music Performance in Rome: Social Custom

Reflected in Print
Evidence of a tradition of musical performance among lesser-noted Roman
patrons can be inferred from the 1609 publication which coincidentally involves the then
maestro from Orvieto and the organist at the Duomo, and still focuses on the polyphonic
100 Claudio Annibaldi, "Frescobaldi's Early Stay in Rome (1601-1607)," Recercare 13

(2001): 97-124.
480
madrigal as the privileged genre.101 About the same time, other patrons are seen to be
crossing the boundaries between secular and sacred, which are much clearer to twenty-
first century Americans than to seventeenth-century Italians, patrons who invited musical
performance in their private homes that spanned the current genres. The most prominent
example is Duke Giannangelo Altemps. Cited in this study primarily for his rich library
holdings, he was a Roman noble deeply involved in religion and learning and is known
for the musical chapel he maintained in his Palazzo in Rome, as well as his learned
102
library. He was personally involved in historical research into ecclesiastical subjects
which resulted in his own publication in 1617 of a history of S. Aniceto, a second
century pope and martyr, whose relic had been bestowed upon him by Clement VIII in
103
1602, and to whom his home cappella was dedicated. The 1620 inventory made after
his death of all the household items, including each book in the library, showed an
extensive collection of contemporary printed music in addition to the manuscripts copied
for him, including a few secular prints grouped with “scherzi sacri” and congregated at
the “vz7/a,” presumably the Altemps palace in Frascati, for performance by musicians that
he is known to have borrowed from time to time.104
Morelli, "Una raccolta madrigalistica del 1609." The madrigals, including the
previously mentioned ones by Leonardo Meldert and Giovanni Piccione, were collected from
Frascati and dedicated to Cardinal Arrigone, suggesting a network of performance in this location
involving musicians from well beyond the Papal Chapel.
102
Couchm an, "Palazzo Altem ps," 167.
103
Ibid.; Barbera Agosti, Collezionismo e archeologia cristiani nel Seicento: Federico
Borromeo e il Medioevo artistico tra Roma e Milano (Milan: Editoriale Jaca Book, 1996), 27.
104
Couchman, "Palazzo Altemps," 169-70. Performances were likely with
accompanying instruments, which the inventory also showed to be in abundance in the Altemps
palazzo.
481
The reason that papal singers are believed to have been tapped most often to
accompany the wealthier cardinals and aristocrats to their homes outside Rome is
because the details of their comings and goings from the Cappella Pontificia were
meticulously recorded in the Diarii. That other musicians were invited to these houses to
perform from time to time whose names were less well documented, therefore less
known now, is no doubt true. The pattern of widespread jobbing that was a condition of
the Roman musician’s career meant that major patrons of music took advantage of the
pool to augment their permanent musicians when occasion demanded. But there must
have been private socializing with attendant music making among clerical (and other)
aristocrats not known for hosting spectacles. It may have been so commonplace that it
went undocumented, such that the full extent of this part of any musician’s activity is
difficult if not impossible to reconstruct. Abundio Antonelli, for example, seems to be
very much on a par with Ottavio Catalani in terms of the general circles in which he
worked, and the amount—and quality—of the work he left behind, but he was not in the
employ of a Borghese and therefore not prominent on the historiographical horizon.
Then, too, if musicians were seldom involved as either performers or composers
in high-profile dramatic presentations, their absence from the private sector is also
assumed. The evidence which refutes that comes again from the Cappella Pontificia
records: Teofilo Gargari is a good example of a singer whose moves can be reconstructed
because he was a papal singer despite his independence of permanent private patronage.
Ruggiero Giovannelli, whose reputation was among the highest in the first two decades
of the seventeenth century, can also be followed because of his membership in the
Cappella Pontificia from 1599.105
105 Couchman, "Felice Anerio's Music for the Church." He along with three other papal
singers accompanied Cardinal Aldobrandini to Florence for the wedding celebrations of Maria
482
From what we know about those musicians we believe to have been “prominent,”
at least those whose movements were documented, we may be able to deduce about those
less so. Alessandro Costantini, for example, whose place among Roman musicians was
typical of the first rank of performers, composers and maestri di cappella, served the Este
family for a time, and the kinds of pieces he contributed to his brother’s secular
anthologies show the breadth o f his musical responsibilities, and his acquaintance with
the highest aristocratic circles. The way in which Costantini enlarges our picture of the
Roman panorama of professionals can be partially deduced from the documentation of
his life in Orvieto. Whatever social rank Costantini himself held from birth, the civic
leaders and gentilhuomini of Orvieto counted him in their circle of association, if not as a
peer: he lived among them, his daughter’s godparents were from prominent families in
Orvieto, he was granted citizenship in the city, and he eventually found a place among
the civic leaders himself when he was elected conservatore.
Rereading Contemporary Criticism in Light of the Anthologies

Contemporary critics who guide our thinking about Roman recreational music
practice, chief among them Vincenzo Giustiniani and also Pietro Della Valle, mention
names o f performers, patrons, and composers that delimit the leaders of the time,
although both manage to allude to wider practice without elaboration. The new style of
singing and the compositions generated by it—in the realm of the scholar reserved for the
elite—was actually ubiquitous, the skill spread through the normal professional
musician’s training with noted teachers, and through the churches: “All the maestri di
de’Medici in 1600, and was taken to Frascati from time to time during the papacy of Cardinal
Aldobrandini’s uncle, as well as under the Borghese pope. Also, O'Regan, "Ruggero
Giovannelli's Freelance Work."
483
cappella had to undertake to train various castrati and other boys to sing with
embellishments (con passaggi) and in expressive and new styles.106
Giustiniani’s guide for appropriate conversation, which is sometimes taken as a
guide to musical practice in Rome in the first decades of the seventeenth century,
functions between reportage and prescription. What he reports in greatest detail, the
names he mentions and the performances he comments upon, represent the activities and
proclivities of those at the highest levels of society heavily involved in, and perhaps
personally committed to, music. He alludes tantalizingly to widespread practices which
he does not personalize in the same way, either because those connected with it are so
familiar or, perhaps more likely, because they do not occupy the pinnacles of the social
strata that he mines for his examples. However, when he does refer to maestri di
cappella teaching the new singing style, he illustrates his statement with Bernardino
Nanino’s and Ruggiero Giovannelli’s names.
Costantini was likely one of the students and practitioners, and ultimately one of
the teachers, of both passaggi and grazie even though his career track ran primarily
through ecclesiastical institutions. His own compositions in the two secular collections,
particularly the solo songs and dialogues in recitational style, show his personal
involvement as composer and performer, but his collection of the pieces of others show
the wider milieu in which he worked. The regular practice of recitational singing,
bracketed as the defining style of the new music, is apparent in the relatively large
number of dialogues and solo songs in this style which he himself composed. He was
probably one am ong those “so numerous and alive today that their nam es do not need
106 “Anzi tutti i Maestri di Cappella hanno intrapreso di ammaestrare diversi eunuchi, et
altri putti a cantare con passagi e con modo affettuosi e nuovi,” in Vincenzo Giustiniani,
"Discorso sopra lamusicade' suoi tempi [1628]," Le originidelmelodramma, 111, quoted and
translated in Hill, Roman Monody, 108.
484
listing “ meant by Giustiniani in his statement of church musicians trained and practicing
in that style.
Furthermore, the cross-fertilization of church musicians trained in solo
falsobordone and the skills to sing secular music styles may be underestimated. A
celebrated singer like Puliaschi plied his trade—and developed his reputation—in the
Cappella Pontificia, but he was not singing Deh mirate at mass. Costantini’s own
ecclesiastical training in passaggi that was a normal part of a professional musician’s
training in Rome can be inferred from his tutorial relationship with Francesco Severi.
Severi’s Salmipasseggiati documents a singing style he performed, and Costantini had a
role in teaching him in Orvieto before Severi came to Rome. With Severi, his virtuosic
singing gained him a place in the Cappella Pontificia. Puliaschi, active both at the
Cappella and in domestic venues is a good example of the dual stage for these abilities.
Later, it appears to have been Costantini who taught or, as maestro (and family member),
influenced the teaching of his grandson Vincenzo Albrici in the art of such singing that
awed the Orvietan populace such that they rewarded this boy at the age of six or seven
with regular remuneration. Extending the evidence through the professional ranks
bolsters Hill’s argument for a tradition of solo singing in Rome which fit and fueled the
monodic movement in general.
Costantini’s Place in the Musical Professional of Rome

Costantini’s own compositions slip in easily among the others in his anthologies,
but when extracted and lined up together, they reveal a composer engaged in up-to-date
styles. The sectional setting of the Rinuccini poem Tutte le viste, and the Tasso-like
ottava rime, Ofelice guerrieri fit into this category, as do all the dialogues with their
extensive recitative. His awareness of genre is acute: for the wedding volume there is
clear separation between the madrigal and the myriad strophic forms, the two sonnet
485
settings, Non dormo nd and Gioisce are placed with their proper musical setting. Ecco
ch ’all apparir is not a dialogue in Costantini’s eyes, even if it meets present-day
scholarly criteria. This succession of interlocking madrigals is sung as a series of
recitative sections but classified concertato by him: the scoring passes from one soprano
to the other in succession, but there is no discourse between the performers who are each
addressing the couple and the company at large.
If Costantini’s own compositions are generally competent, his assured touch with
the overall plan of each of this anthologies shows where his strengths lie. His awareness
of current trends and their practitioners, and implementation o f broader ideas in his
publications is perhaps reflective of his same abilities in arranging actual performances
for patrons. His attention to detail supports his broader conception. The madrigals by
Gargari with their interlocking last and first lines complement in form the madrigal cycle
written for the occasion by Toriggio, the just-mentioned Ecco ch ’all apparire. The
choice of several pieces for their reference to month of the year, and to pertinent family
images and symbols reveals this as well.
Popular virtuosi figure into both the collections, but those with wider “star”
billing—Caccini and Puliaschi—are included in the wedding volume. Grappuccioli, the
talented but ignorant papal singer, and composers linked with specific entertainments
performed for clerical elites mounted in the 1610s, Mutij and Boschetti, are in the
cardinal’s collection. It is convenient to assume that Costantini turned to published
editions for some of the pieces in this collection. The chronology indicates he could
have, although the different voices used in the two prints for Alessandro Costantini’s
dialogue Pargoletta son ’io indicate some differences in performance may have been
conceived, although unrelated to their different layouts.
486
Some of this repertory survives formal analysis quite well, while the rest of it
assumes its meaning from the context of the time, its cachet stemming from the fact that
the most powerful and wealthy patrons and audiences sanctioned and supported its
performance. Hill intimates that the sign o f great artistic patronage was the performance
of works dependent on the skills of performers to whom only the greatest patrons had
access. Performances of this repertory at other levels of society still aspired to such
results, and it seems in Rome, such interest was not misplaced. The repertory we have in
the anthologies was composed by Roman professionals with full understanding of its
style, and expectations for a skilled, knowledgeable, and sometimes brilliant
performance, by the normative Roman professional musician.
VOLUME 3
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
MARY PAQUETTE-ABT
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER 2003
CHAPTER 8
Anthologies of the 1630s
Costantini’s career apparently continued successfully after leaving Orvieto in
1625, although our knowledge of its details diminishes. The year-long job he held at
Loreto carried a certain status, and even more importantly, recognition beyond the
Roman frame. Costantini’s only composition published outside his own editions, a litany
which appeared in a 1626 anthology published in Venice, indicates he had achieved a
stature in Italy that extended beyond Roman circles.1
Lorenzo Calvi, the anthology’s editor, was a singer at the cathedral in Pavia. He
published four anthologies in the 1620s which are considered to be the “most influential
and important of their type,” notable for their predominantly north-Italian composers and
contemporary repertory. Inclusion in the Calvi anthology may have been a turning
point, both an acknowledgement of Costantini’s place in the music profession and an
introduction to the Venetian publishing world. His double-choir setting of the Litany of
Loreto included among a collection of fifteen litanies, almost all newly composed,
suggests that Costantini’s contribution was solicited. It was published in the company
of works by Alessandro Grandi, Monteverdi, and several others whose prestigious
1 Rosarium litaniarum beatae V. Mariae ternis, quaternis, quinis, senis, septenis, et

octonis vocibus concinendarum una cum basso ad organum a D. Laurentio Calvo, in aede
cathedrali Papiae musico, ex variis auctoribus desumptum nunc primum in lucem aeditum
(Venice: Vincenti, 1626) [RISM 16263]. Costantini is identified as the maestro di cappella at the
Santa Casa in Loreto, and his contribution is the only litany in it for eight voices. See Blazey,
"The Litany in Seventeenth-Century Italy," 264-65.
2
Roche, "Anthologies and Dissemination," 7.
3
Blazey, "The Litany in Seventeenth-Century Italy," 34.
487
488
positions identified them among the most important names in the Lombard region. This
appearance in a product of the Venetian print trade was coupled with a closely-timed if
not simultaneous anthology of his own, music for vespers and compline.4 It is likely the
reported but lost Lamentioni appeared in the 1620s as well.5
Examination of Costantini’s extant editions necessarily resumes with his vespers
collection, Salmi, himni et Magnificat of 1630, which shows him to be in Ancona. This
city on the Adriatic, along with Ferrara where he had worked in 1628-29, rested within
Venetian circles of trade and commerce, if not in its cultural penumbra. Continuing the
relationship with printers in Venice which he had begun in the mid 1620s was only
natural, and he turned there again to publish his 1634 Motetti from his next post, his
second in Ferrara. Costantini’s last known publication, Salmi, Magnificat, was issued in
1639 by the press of Rinaldo Ruuli in Orvieto, where he had returned in 1636. As
discussed in chapter 4, the dedications to these three volumes are revealing, and can be
read against a background o f changing personal and societal fortunes.
All three collections contain sacred music, reprising both double-choir and few-
voice motet collections, and maintaining their Roman roster of composers. These prints
relied more heavily on the identity of Costantini as composer, naming him on the title
page well ahead o f other “autori eccellenti.'‘'‘ Beginning as early as the publication of
1618, Costantini’s own compositions had risen steadily in number and therefore
importance within the collections, but by the final collection in 1639 the mention of other
composers had disappeared completely from the title page. The total number of his own
compositions did not approach that of his colleagues with a comparable number of single
4
Vanhulst, ed., Catalogus Librorum Musicorum, f. Blv and p.63, listed as “Salmi
magnificat e salmi per la compieta con l'Hymne Ave Regina caelorum e letanie della madona a 4.
e 5. voci. Venice, 1626.”
5 See table 4.2.
489
composer publications, but the distribution of his works show a response to current style
influences as they changed over time.
Genre and performance details are made more explicit in these later sacred
anthologies, and are not necessarily the result of in-house printing styles alone, since they
occur in publications originating both in Venice and Orvieto. They represent an
evolution in music printing conventions in general, one that reflected a matured
understanding o f the presence of diverse musical styles appearing together. Thus more
refined description of the content and performance details was required when such labels
as cantiones sacrae or “motet” had become too broad. Costantini’s editorial activism in
the later anthologies showed his understanding of the changing world of the professional
musician, which experienced a sudden shift in 1630. A number of his contemporary
Roman colleagues had died by then, and this number was augmented by still more
untimely deaths in the professional ranks by the ravages of the plague of that year.
Musicians stepping in to fill the void were, as a group, less experienced in the basic
requirements of “putting music together,” a phrase used by Costantini in reference to his
own training.6 This phrase implies more than just musical composition as we understand
the writing of a single piece to be, but encompasses all the duties, and by extension, all
the skills the professional maestro was expected to command. Among these were
assignment of roles to soloists and organist, insertion of components from other sources,
employing the services of well-trained performers whose own improvisational singing
abilities were needed to properly perform even a psalm at vespers. The level of
specificity in all the 1630s publications support a new role for Costantini’s prints in the
marketplace, one offering his professional expertise on performance practices woven into
the music itself.
6 Dedication to 1634 Motetti.
490
While these three anthologies show Costantini as more assertive regarding his
own composition, they reach further into the past in his choice of the works of others. At
least three pieces by other composers were reprinted from sources published before 1610
in the final print of 1639. Two more involve revisions by Costantini of a previously
printed hymn by Agazzari and an unknown psalm by G. M. Nanino that are qualitatively
different from the few changes he made to pieces in his 1620 and 1621 editions. These
revised pieces embody Costantini’s assertiveness, respect for his profession, and his own
musical growth.
Incorporation of the role of the organ as solo instrument, and of the
improvisational type of falsobordone is also explicit in a few pieces, most of these by
Costantini himself. Superficially these features may convey the notion of retrospection,
but there is no hint of nostalgia associated with what appear to be old techniques and
early pieces. Such an approach would be misguided in the market for anthologies, whose
very existence was motivated by their commercial appeal. Costantini was responding in
a practical way to the changing needs of musicians themselves. The change was not in
the demands for a maestro’s job, but in the level of knowledge, skill, and preparation that
younger musicians were bringing to such positions. He speaks knowingly if not too
highly of the “plebian” composers, those he labels low class, which we can take to mean
those who do not have the background, level of achievement, or experience that he and
his generation took for granted. In meeting this need, he has included in his anthology
more “prepackaged” pieces in the sense that solutions for what might have
conventionally been treated as interchangeable parts have been laid out, instead of left to
the maestro. This is particularly apparent in the psalms of 1630, but it also can be said of
the motets o f 1634, manifested in a different way. Here Costantini’s pieces, in particular,
show more written embellishment than any of his previous works, sacred or secular. His
expectations for embellished singing of his compositions had not necessarily changed so
491
markedly from that for his earlier pieces or those of his colleagues, but previously a level
of competence on the part of singers to provide these embellishments on their own was
taken for granted.
In his dedication to the 1630 Salmi Costantini positioned himself as an arbiter of
the quality o f composers of the present day, making his selections for this and subsequent
anthologies a measure of standards of the era, and by inference holding his own
collections up as models. His own works, particularly those of 1634, reflect conversance
with some trends o f north-Italian motet writing in the 1630s, perhaps a result of personal
exposure in Ferrara, his most proximate association with northern institutions and
musicians. His response to these influences, in some cases, was to make explicit in his
notation what may well have always been part of his performance practice. He did not
choose even now to include in his anthologies any composers outside the Roman orbit.
The repertory of the three anthologies will now be examined in light of his plea
for professionalism, with Costantini’s works showing the personal tendencies of his later
years directly reflecting his professional ones.
Vespers Collections: Salmi, himni et magnificat (1630)

The sixteen pieces of the 1630 collection comprise pairs of psalms—the first four
at vespers for the male and Sunday cursus—along with two single psalms, hymns for
feasts of Apostles, Confessors, a single (male) martyr, and the Marian hymn Ave maris
stella, plus two Magnificats (table 8.1). Such a seemingly limited selection was really
quite versatile in accommodating vespers requirements for most male saints’ days
popularly celebrated, those of the Apostles the most numerous among them, and it
provided as well some of the polyphonic psalms used on nearly all special occasions
(table 8.2). The two additional single psalms are Beati omnes used at Corpus Christi, and
De profundis for Christmas. Because Costantini presented this collection to the Rosary
492
Confraternity of Ancona which employed him in 1630, it is noteworthy that neither the
psalms nor hymns contribute much repertory suitable for Marian feasts, except the Dixit
Dominus and Laudate pueri psalm pairs, the Ave Maris Stella, and the all-purpose
Magnificats. This suggests that the Confraternity had such a well-developed musical and
devotional establishment that it celebrated a full calendar of feasts over the course of the
year and could make good use of this selection of pieces. The Rosary Confraternity was
evidently not unique in Ancona in supporting such a developed musical establishment for
in 1618 another confraternity there had been the dedicatory recipient of a collection of
polychoral motets by the Modenese composer Giovanni Battista Stefanini whom the
7
group had employed, and who, as it happened, previously worked in Rome. More
important is the fact that the most often-used psalms were present in pairs, providing
choices in the music when the text remained constant.
7
Motetti concertati all ’uso di Roma a otto e nove voci, con le letanie della B. Vergine
nelfine...con il basso continuo per I ’organo...libro quarto, opera sesta (Venice, 1618), dedicated
to the Compagnia del Santissimo Sacramento in Ancona, cited in Graham Dixon, "Concertato
alia Romana and Polychoral Music in Rome," in La Scuolapolicorale romana del Sei-Settecento,
ed. Luisi, et. al., 129-30. Gaspari reports that Lorenzo Calvi also dedicated his 1626 collection to
the Congregazione del Santissimo Rosario of Pavia, see Gaspari, Catalogo, 2: 171.
Table 8.1. Salmi, himni (1630) “d otto c o n c e r t a to Performance Indications, Clefs, Tonal Types
Number Psalm Composer Style/ Characteristics/ Specific Indications [all Tonal Type
sectional concertato except where indicated) Clefs System Final
1 0 9 Dixit dominus A. Costantini Intonatione per l’organo c , G
1 0 9 Dixit dominus F. Anerio Senz’intonatione [continuous scoring] C l G

l>
1 1 0 Confitebor tibi F. Costantini Senz’intonatione C, D

k
1 1 0 Confltebor tibi Cifra Intonatione, canto solo [tone 8 ][t. (trillo) in C l
L
G
sop.] *1
1 1 1 Beatus vir F. Costantini Intonatione voce sola; *fb for alto solo, “octavo C , t1 G
tono” at Peccator
1 1 1 Beatus vir Tarditi Intonatione. Sesto tono. voce sola C, F
t
1 1 2 Laudate pueri A. Costantini Senz’intonatione [bass solo on A solis ortu, three Q !

F
b
real bass parts]
1 1 2 Laudate pueri F. Costantini Senz’intonatione [piano/forte in Quis sicut] c, A
1 2 7 Beati omnes F. Costantini Tutto seguito. Senz’intonatione [continuous C l L
F
b
score]
1 2 9 De profundis F. Costantini Senz’intonatione [fb una voce sola for verses 2, C , L
F
b
4, 6 , 8 ; bass line given once; text only given
subsequently, in be. Uses Severi’s 6 thtone bass]
Feast Hymn, Magnificat
Apostles Exultet caelum Agazzari/Costantini “Himno de Apostolis”; “agiuntovi li 2. ultimi c, tj
G
versi del Fabio Costantini”
Confessors Iste confessor A. Costantini “Himno di Confessori” c, *
G
Martyr Deus tuorum G. F. Anerio “Himno di Uniis Martiris” C l h E
1
militum
4^
SO
u>
Table 8.1. Salmi, himni (1630) “d otto c o n c e r t a to Performance Indications, Clefs, Tonal Types
Number Psalm Composer Style/ Characteristics/ Specific Indications [all Tonal Type
sectional concertato except where indicated] Clefs System Final
BVM Ave maris stella F. Costantini “Himno de Beata Virgine” “organo solo” c , D
k
Magnificat D. Allegri Falsobordone verses 7. “uno ho tutti” [Uses G
9I,
Q
Severi’s second tone bass]

Magnificat F. Costantini Falsobordone verses 3, 6 , 8 [solos, Severi’s C! G
\>
second tone bass]
494
495
Table 8.2. Psalm Settings in Salmi, himni (1630) and Salmi, Magnificat (1639)
o o
TI VO vo
o\ o
<N
o CS
(N ON
<N
Feasts o f the year with Holidays and Feastdays =5 <L> T3
specific motets in Salmi, specific to Orvieto, o o .f a §L C/5 C G

Q
-O
<L> > a
o c2
oJ-
Magnificat (1639); Feasts Mentioned or listed in £3
C/5
i O-
o f the year celebrated in Rub. XXX, Statutorum ao I<D "3cdO <D ts
cd 0)
most venues 1581 O CQ CQ Q
Sunday Sunday 1st
2nd X X X X
Circumcision; Assumption X X X
Annunciation, Visitation, Mary Magdalen
Nativity, Assumption, S. Lucia
Presentation o f BVM
Common o f Virgins
Nativity Nativity 1st X X X X
2nd X X X X
Epiphany Epiphany 1st X X X X
2nd X X X X
Easter Resurrection 1st
2nd X X X X
Corpus Christi (2) Corpus Christi X X X
Pentecost Pentecost 1st X X X X
2nd X X X X
Trinity 1st X X X X
2nd X X X X
All Saints 1st X X X X
2nd X X X X
John the Baptist X X X X
S. Lawrence S. Faustino 1st X X X X
2 nd
Common o f One or More X X X X
Martyrs
S. Michael the Archangel 1st X X X X
2 nd X X X X
Dedication o f a Church X X X X
S. Augustine S. Thomas Aquinas X X X X
Common o f 1st X X X X
Pope/Confessor 2 nd X X X X
Common o f Apostles and Peter and Paul, Apostles 1st X X X X
Evangelists (1) 2nd X X
a(4)=two each in 1630 and 1639
495
496
Besides Alessandro and Fabio Costantini, five other composers’ works make up
the Salmi, himni: Agostino Agazzari, Domenico Allegri, Antonio Cifra, Giovanni
Francesco Anerio, and Paolo Tarditi. Perhaps not incidental to the selection process was
the fact that two of the composers had recently died: Allegri, maestro di cappella at S.
Maria Maggiore at Rome, and Anerio on his return trip after many years in Warsaw. A
third was ill; the piece by Cifra avoided posthumous publication by mere weeks. Their
inclusion may have been a form of honor or memorial, and may show Costantini’s
particular regard for the three composers at this time. Allegri and Cifra had not figured
in Costantini’s collections before, although Anerio figured in all of them, but in 1630 all
three are found worthy of inclusion. Tarditi had been represented in Costantini’s
anthologies previously by both a double-choir psalm and few-voiced motets. His
musical reputation had only increased if we are to judge by the 1620 publication of
g
vespers psalms with obbligato instruments best known to modem scholars. He took up
the maestro’s position at S. Maria Maggiore in Rome after Allegri’s death.
Most of the pieces in the 1630 anthology appear to be their first printed version.
Costantini may have purposefully perpetuated works of certain composers no longer
around to do it for themselves, an assertion that will only be reinforced if the Cifra
Confitebor turns out to be unpublished elsewhere. 10 The Exultet caelum laudibus by
g
Nisi Dominus in 1615, Inclina Domine in 1616, and Panis angelicus in 1618.
9
Domenico Allegri’s “Magnificat” was published in no other known source, nor were
any of the eleven pieces by the Costantini brothers. Tarditi’s Beatus vir is not the concertato
version in his 1620 publication, see O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music” 1:268, 2: ex. 79, and
the transcription in Dixon, “Liturgical Music in Rome,” 2: 80-93. A second Beatus vir in
Tarditi’s 1620 publication is apparently non-concertato. The two double-choir pieces by G. F.
Anerio are not listed in O’Regan’s study.
10 Several double-choir Confitebor tibis were published by Cifra according to Rainer
Heyink, Ivespri concertati nella Roma del Seicento (Rome: Istituto Storico Germanico, 1999),
271-2. The single example catalogued by O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music,” was Salmi
sacrique concentus octo vocibus (Assisi, 1620), also listed in Gaspari, Catalogo, 2:201. Dixon
497
Agazzari was published originally in 1613, but is a special case as the last two verses
were added by Costantini. 11 These double-choir psalms or hymns generally fit the
guidelines o f Roman poly choral writing after 1605 as outlined by O’Regan. The
orientation of this entire volume, however, seems to confirm his statement that after 1620
other aspects of Roman poly choral writing declined in favor of the concertato style,
which the motets all share, and suggests recent composition of at least some of the
12
works. Each piece is labeled “concertato” in the index, and each in a different way
shows a tendency toward solo and small-ensemble textures while maintaining the
ceremonial intent that double-choir settings of vespers music implied. The tutti sections
serve both structural and expressive purposes but are used sparingly, shifting the
emphasis away from the large-scale forces apparently required according to the title
page, toward the various few-voice textures and tessituras characterizing the actual
performance.
A less common feature of vespers collections in general, and unique among
Costantini’s, are the four hymn settings. Although there is one complete hymn setting
among the motets of 1614 (Aurora lucis rutilat), two settings of Panis Angelicus, part of
reported that Cifra did not write concertato music until 1629—arguable given the Roman
definition of concertato—but even then there is no mention that any of his concertato works
were for double choir. Additional publications of double-choir Confitebor tibis by Cifra include
Psalmorum, sacrarumque (Assisi: Salvi, 1621) [RISM C 2207, RISM 16215] and Moctecta, et
psalmi (Venice: Magni, 1629) [RISM C 2209]. Heyink reports that a double-choir Confitebor
listed in the index of Vesperae, et motecta (Rome: Zannetti, 1610) [RISM C 2187], is missing in
the print. One might speculate that this could have been its original condition because so many
copies have survived to consult, see I Vespri concertai, 271.
11 “Agiuntovi li 2 ultimi versi del Signor Fabio Costantini.” The hymn was printed
originally in Dialogici concentus, senix, octonisque vocivus ab Augustino Agazario Armonico
Intronato nunc primum in lucem editi, opus decimum sextum (Venice: R. Amadino, 1613). The
dedicatee, Roberto Cennini Salamandri, is likely the same as that of Costantini’s 1639 print.
12
O'Regan, "Sacred Polychoral Music." Costantini’s 1630 volume is not included in
O’Regan’s catalog of polychoral pieces, which, with a few exceptions, stops at 1621.
498
the Corpus Christi hymn, in 1618, and a number of settings of medieval rhymed hymns
13
throughout, they were not set apart from other motets in those publications. In
contrast, the hymn settings in the 1630 publication are grouped under that genre heading,
and their feastday usage printed in both the index and the parts. All four hymn settings
follow the standard text present in the breviaries of both 1568 and 1596.14 Each one
could be used at vespers in conjunction with the psalms in the collection. Like psalms,
hymn settings were also an obvious locus for sectionalized textural variety and a rich
stimulus for concertato treatments, the unifying feature of this volume . 15
Almost all of the psalms, hymns, and Magnificats employ the segmented printing
conventions of the “alia Romano” type, with two exceptions. Beati omnes by Costantini
is labeled concertato like all the rest, but adds in seguito, which refers to its unsegmented
layout. 16 Another psalm, Dixit Dominus (G. F. Anerio) is also continuous but without
comment, although along with Beati omnes, shows cues for scoring changes in the basso
continuo.
The psalm tone rubric and occasional instructions for the intonation were
standard from Costantini’s first vespers collection forward. Only four of the ten psalms
in the 1630 volume indicate an intonatione, referring to the chant incipit, but each one
13
The medieval rhymed hymns of the Jesu dulcis memoria type.
14
The classical revisions to some of these texts by Urban VIII were not sanctioned until
the following year, and thus were not a prompt for any settings in this volume. John Harper, The
Forms and Orders o f Western Liturgyfrom the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1991), 158. The version of the texts composed in the 1630 print are found in
both the Breviarum romanum, 1568, ed. Sodi and Triacca, and in the Breviarum romanum Ex
Decreto Sacrosancti Concilij Tridentini restitutum. PIIV Pont. Max iustu editum. (Venice:
Giunti, 1596).
15 Kurtzman, Monteverdi Vespers, 162-63.
16 What Dixon called “textural concertato,” in "Liturgical Music in Rome," but described
simply as continuously changing texture in his more recent “Concertata alia romana and
Polychoral Music,” 129, 132.
499
calls attention to the fact in the index. New in the print are occasional rubrics for the
organ’s role. The opening Dixit Dominus (A. Costantini) calls for the psalm intonation
by the organ only, although no music is provided. The references to liturgical usage
among the hymns was also new in the 1630 print. One possible explanation for this
seeming surge in liturgical specificity might have been increased regulation imposed
from without, but perhaps the more practical reason was the increased need for more
explicit performance instructions for the musicians who would perform the music.
The most interesting work with respect to Costantini’s current approach to
composition, if not anthologizing, is his revision of Agazzari’s hymn Exultet caelum
laudibus, discussed below. The other hymns and psalms, though still “concertato ” are
quite different from the Agazzari/Costantini setting, but give an insight, as do all the
anthologies, into common practice of the period, and to Costantini’s overall concern for
“putting music together.”
Hymns in Salmi, himni (1630)

Iste confessor Domini by Alessandro Costantini, for the Common of a Confessor,
sets only four o f the five stanzas (1, 2, 3, and 5), with double-choir forces only used at
17
full strength in the final stanza. The first stanza, a duet for two altos, uses imitatively
two motives derived from the chant melody. The second and third stanzas do not refer to
the chant melody in their settings for choirs one and two, respectively. Both are in triple
meter, which contrasts with the duple meter of the duet, with a homophonic and triadic
texture. The final stanza engages both choirs in spurts of antiphonal homophony that
converge well before the final measures in a full homophonic tutti. The basso continuo,
moderately figured when accompanying the alto duet and lightly figured for the rest,
17
Brev. 1568 (6288), hymn at vespers for a Confessor/Pontiff and Confessor/non-
Pontiff.
500
provides clear harmonic support. Its sequence of sectional finals, GGDG, strays from the
convention of keeping them all the same, revealing a large-scale tonal understanding of
this cantus mollis piece, one not particularly linking textual specifics with musical
details, in keeping with a structural rather than affect-generated approach to a hymn.
Deus tuorum militum by G. F. Anerio also makes reference to its hymn tune, but
Costantini’s Ave maris stella builds the piece around the chant more directly. The Deus
tuorum incipit of the mode 3 chant melody constitutes the opening gesture of the bass of
the second choir within its homophonic setting, and also determines its E final. Unlike
Exultet caelum laudibus (discussed below), the texture within each stanza, once begun,
never varies, and is summarized in table 8.3.
Table 8.3. Textures in Deus tuorum militum , G. F. Anerio

1. Deus tuorum... Second choir
2. Hie nempe mundi S1T1 (imitative)
3. Poenas cucurrit... Second choir
4. Ob hoc precatu... B1
5. Laus, et perennis..(Gloria tutti, (homophonic).
tibi Domine...
A pattern emerges of soloists, who make up the first choir, answered by the strictly
choral entity of the second. This deployment of double-choir forces as a group of
soloists plus ripieno was a familiar Venetian treatment of psalms and Magnificats,
although the pattern among most of the Roman concertato pieces in this double-choir
collection is to spread the small ensemble duties, if not equally between the members of
.18
the choirs, at least occasionally to the second choir. The bass solo in stanza four offers
a virtuoso turn for the bass with a rare bit of word painting for a hymn, taking advantage
18
James H. Moore, "Vespers at St. Mark's, 1635-1675: Music of Alessandro Grandi,
Giovanni Rovetta and Francesco Cavalli," Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los Angeles,
1979, 250.
501
of trionfo and bassi servelus (“triumph” and “lowly servant”) as an occasion for eighth-
note runs enclosing both the highest and lowest notes in the section. The final tutti
stanza is provided with a second text laid under the first. This second text is not part of
the hymn in the breviary and there is no cue given in the basso continuo part (or any of
the others) as to its treatment as either an alternative text—one commemorating the
resurrection instead of Pentecost, perhaps—or as a reason to repeat the finale.
Laus, et perennis gloria

Deo Patri, et Filio,
Sancto simul paraclito,
In sempitema saecula
Gloria tibi Domine

qui surrexists a mortuis
Cum Patre et Sancto Spiritu
In sempitema saecula
Alternations of the two choirs emphasize in sempitema saecula, the point of convergence
on the shared final phrase. Even if meant only to be sung to a repetition of the music, the
impact of the double-choir finale is much increased.
Ave maris stella by Costantini relies closely on the mode 1 chant on D
(transcription 28). Its seven sections correspond to the seven stanzas of the hymn, whose
various treatments are perhaps typical of mature polychoral practice although only the
last of the seven stanzas is notated for double choir (table 8.4). The preceding six show
the way to achieve maximum diversity with a minimum of formally composed means,
but also specify a way of acknowledging an alternatim performance which might only
have been implied before. By using the concertata alia romana print convention the
hymn makes equally economical use of space on the page.
502
Table 8.4. Textures in Ave marts Stella, F. Costantini
1. Ave maris Stella... SI solo (chant)
2. Sumens ilium... organ solo
3. Solve vincla... a 3, ATB, first choir
(imitative cantus firmus trio)
4. Monstra te esse... organ solo
5. Virgo singularis... T2 solo (chant)
6. Vitam presta puram organ solo
7. Sit laus Deo Patri a8
Stanzas two, four, and six are all for “organo solo,” another indication of an organ
performance rubric which appear for the first time in the Costantini prints in 1630. The
indications for the organ solos are found only in the vocal partbooks while the organ part
itself provides no music, nor accounts for them even by rubric. Traditional alternatim
practice of any sort had not been called for in any obvious way in the Costantini
repertory before. None of its psalms or Magnificats set even or odd verses, for example,
with chant or organ alternation in mind. But then chant itself has played a limited role in
these printed anthologies until now, appearing here and there as incipits, and typically
camouflaged if part of a polyphonic texture. The fact that this group of hymn settings
would display affinities to the chant is not that surprising because a long tradition of
19
incorporating the traditional tune in a polyphonic version of a hymn preceded them.
The insertion of organ versets in alternation with chant is an old performance method.
Part of the organist’s job involved improvisation of this type of verset, a practice well-
grounded in documents and in handbooks for the purpose, but reference to it in
Costantini’s anthologized compositions of vocal polyphony had not occurred before
19
"In hymns...the plainchant should serve as the subject of the imitation,” H[oratio],
Tigrini, Compendio della Musica (Venice, 1588). The chant melody was encouraged here, while
discouraged in other pieces in favor of imitation of the improvised counterpoint itself. Quoted in
Ernest T. Ferand, "Improvised Vocal Counterpoint in the Late Renaissance and Early Baroque,"
Annales Musicologiques 4 (1956): 147, 129-74. This is the same Tigrini who served as maestro
at Orvieto cathedral in 1587.
503
20
this. The soprano and tenor solos, stanzas one and five of Ave Maris Stella, along with
their organ bass resemble the outer voices of written organ versets representing
21
contemporary practice, and might hint at the performance expected here (mm. 1-5). If
the vocal soloist kept to the simple—but metered—chant line, the organ might be
expected to improvise a contrapuntal accompaniment. On the other hand, the chant
melody itself might be subjected to improvisation according to the converging techniques
of solo falsobordone and contrapunto alia mente. In either case, the details are up to the
performer, but at the discretion of the maestro. The third verse is a trio where the chant
is retained in the upper voice and two contrapuntal lines are woven around it. Here too
the organ part could anchor or add to the polyphony. The chant disappears in the final
homophonic tutti, where the composer’s fully notated verse takes over (mm. 60-70).
No other piece is quite like this one in Costantini’s printed collections. A
combination of chant used as both cantus flrmus and accompanied melody, an
independent bass, and instrumental improvisation, are all locked together by the tutti,
double-choir finale. It represents an amalgam of traditional and still-common musical
performance styles elevated and made festive by a double-choir finish. Perhaps it was
seldom printed in this fashion because it was usually ad hoc and would be organized by a
maestro, a part o f professional practice common enough that it was carried out without
much need for its presence in print.
The kind of knowledge expected of a maestro di cappella in order to organize
this hymn performance may have been perceived by Costantini as either beginning to
20
On organ substitution for psalm versets, see Bernadette Nelson, "Altematim Practice
in 17th-Century Spain: The Integration of Organ Versets and Plainchant in Psalms and
Canticles," Early Music 22 (1994): 252-53, ex. 4, and Severi, Salmipassaggiati (1615), xii-xiii.
Banchieri’s handbook for organists, L ’organo suonarino, devotes the third of its five sections to
organ basses to be used on alternating hymn stanzas.
21 Nelson, "Altematim practice," 252-53.
504
erode by 1630, or more likely, could not be taken for granted in every locale where he
had found himself. In addition to Costantini’s usual criteria of good pieces by good
composers, one finds tools for standardizing musical liturgical performance in this
publication. Its timing and location emphasize Costantini’s role in this process. His
printed collection may have proven to be a resource for more than just individual
compositions. It may have also served as a repository for methods of integrating various
styles into proper liturgical performance, as this one appears to do. In Costantini’s
choices of pieces, and increasingly through his own compositions, we might see his
concern for providing a link between practices he knew from his Roman experience and
those which he knew were sought in peripheral institutions, making them available and
accessible to the outlying institutions through the pieces offered in his prints.
At the same time, the prints only go so far. They are not didactic works in that
they contain no explanatory texts accompanying the pieces, such as Conforti’s Psalmi,
passaggiati or Banchieri’s L ’organo suonarino earlier in the century. They are meant
purely as collections of music. The choices in the prints presume an acquaintance with
the techniques and procedures those other works spell out, such as liturgical use of the
organ, and solo falsobordone on the part of the singer, and they assume access to
performers who know how to carry them through. The prints from 1630 forward provide
a greater degree of guidance than in Costantini’s earlier works as to when pieces are used
in the liturgy, and what styles and techniques the music employs. Solo falsobordone
sections and organ versets are only partially notated, or merely indicated, in the score.
They allude, however, to the part of professional practice of the seventeenth century
maestro not methodically codified anywhere, but assumed to be functioning. Thus the
terse rubrics imply an unwritten tradition that was part of cultivated music but that
depended on training and memory. Like any unwritten tradition, it is difficult for those
of us far removed to reconstruct, but Costantini’s print provides a glimpse of how
505
improvisatory practices were integrated into performances by indicating the process, if
not the very notes, indications found most frequently in his own compositions. The
clearest example is the solo falsobordone written into the two Magnificats and three of
the psalms in the 1630 collection. In these works improvisatory practice, the proprietary
knowledge and skill of the well-trained Roman singer, attained a middle ground between
unwritten and fully composed traditions.
Costantini is the composer of two of the psalms and a Magnificat in the 1630
print with falsobordone, while his brother Alessandro and Domenico Allegri authored
the other psalm and Magnificat with this procedure. In his tone two Magnificat,
Costantini calls specifically for canto, bass and alto voices to sing solo falsobordone for,
respectively, Quia respexit (verse 3), Fecitpotentiam (verse 6), and Esurientes (verse 8).
Only the continuo part is provided in the print and is meant to be used for all three solos.
This continuo part matches the instrumental bass line given for passaggi in the second
22
tone m Francesco Seven’s 1615 Salmi passaggiati. What was inserted into the
Magnificat was an improvisational embellishment of the psalm tone using one of the
techniques a trained singer was expected to know in Rome in the late sixteenth and early
decades of the seventeenth century.
Falsobordone characterized by chordal chanting of psalm verses is not the same
falsobordone that is meant by Costantini. The former type, called “classical” by
Bradshaw continued its sixteenth-century practice into the seventeenth with the
23
modernizing touch of the basso continuo. At the end of the sixteenth century there also
22
Severi, Salmi passaggiati.
23
Murray C. Bradshaw, The Falsobordone: A Study in Renaissance and Baroque Music
(Stuttgart: AIM-Hanssler Verlag, 1978) is the most complete treatment offalsobordone from a
source and style standpoint in English to date. A newer study raises interesting questions about
both written and oral traditions of falsobordone, and its interface between cultivated and popular
506
developed a solo-performance style of falsobordone which took advantage of the
rhythmic freedom of the psalm-verse recitation and the virtuosic possibilities of the
cadential embellishment, both techniques fundamental to the art of good singing so
highly prized in the early baroque. Seven’s Salmi passaggiati is a printed example of
this practice in Rome and perhaps the one most closely linked with Costantini, but by no
means the first.24 Previous didactic writings show the practice well established before
the end of the sixteenth century in the works of Bovicelli in Milan and Giovann Luca
25
Conforti in Rome. Viadana, too, published some monodic falsobordoni in his 1602
Cento concerti ecclesiastici, although the extent of his examples in the genre fall far
26
short of that of the two Romans. The most complete practical work devoted to the
technique was Conforti’s volumes of salmi passaggiati published between 1601 and
27
1603 in Rome. Because the soprano volume was reprinted in Venice in 1607, and
again in 1618, their Roman origins have sometimes been de-emphasized. These
volumes, one for each vocal range, were variations or passaggi on the psalm verse, in
essence a written version of one type of improvisational technique taught the student in
professional training in Rome, and expected of the developed singer in Roman
music in Italy: Ignazio Macchiarella, IIfalsobordone fra tradizione orale e tradizione scritta
(Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1994).
24
Severi, Salmi passaggiati, viii-ix.
25
Giovanni Battista Bovicelli, Regole: Passaggi di musica (1594), ed. Nanie Bridgman,
Faksimile-Nachdruck, Documenta Musicolgica, 12 (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1957); Giovanni Luca
Conforti, Breve etfacile maniera (1593), ed. Giancarlo Rostirolla (Rome, 1986), and a
complementary edition, Giovanni Luca Conforti, Breve etfacile maniera (1593), ed. Murray C.
Bradshaw (1999). For the considerable connection to Milan, see Kendrick, Sounds o f Milan, 91-
94.
26
Murray C. Bradshaw, "Lodovico Viadana as a Composer of Falsobordoni," Studi
musicali 19 (1990): 96-101; Lodovico Grossi da Viadana, Cento Concerti Ecclesiastici, Opera
duodecima, 1602, ed. Claudio Gallico, Monumenti Musicali Mantovani, I (Barenreiter, 1964).
27
Giovanni Luca Conforti, Salmi Passaggiati (1601-1603), ed. Murray C. Bradshaw,
Miscellanea 5: Early Sacred Monody 1 (Neuhausen and Stuttgart: AIM-Hanssler Verlag, 1985).
507
institutions. The practice offalsobordone at this period intersected with the improvised
counterpoint which was also part of a singer’s training. Also known as contrapunto alia
mente, it was a specialty of the singers of the Cappella Pontificia, although few attained
28
the position without mastering the technique. Both Severi and Conforti were papal
singers, and the extent to which Conforti’s and Severi’s music might represent common
Roman practice has yet to be fully explored, but the fact of publication alone shows it to
29
range beyond the pope’s private chapel.
The improvisatory practice captured in composition by both Conforti and Severi
was based on the psalm tone’s simple formula and its execution provided opportunities to
demonstrate the brilliance of solo-voice embellishment. Conforti subjected the whole
verse to variation, regulated metrically. Severi’s passaggiati provided a different
realization which kept the rhythmic freedom of the reciting tone, along with virtuosic
embellishment toward cadences. Conforti’s more numerous compositions were technical
exercises only in the sense that mastery of them would allow proper embellishment of
every kind of verse the singer would encounter, perhaps like the virtuosic etudes of later
generations of instrumentalists. Severi’s more selective examples were also meant to
represent the tasteful application of the skill, for his preliminary remarks announced them
as suitable for singers of modest abilities as well as the accomplished. These
falsobordone are indicative of a skill for which Roman singers were particularly noted.
28
The case of Grappucioli was exceptional. The relationship between written and
improvisational practice from an earlier period is the subject of Margaret Bent, “Resfacta and
Cantare Super Librum, ” Journal o f the American Musicologicai Society 36(1983): 371-391, and
Bonnie J. Blackburn, “On Compositional Process in the Fifteenth Century,” Journal of the
American Musicologicai Society 40 (1987): 210-309. The threads of this earlier practice need to
be drawn through the evidence of the early seventeenth century to see to what extent these
musical traditions still remained a part of thinking and practice.
29
Kapsberger published volumes of Motetti passeggiati(Rome 1612) and Arie
passeggiate (Rome, 1612) which might be indicative of the aristocratic slant of the early print
tradition ofpassaggi.
508
Costantini’s use of it here reminds us of his own training as a Roman tenor, but also of
his experience during his first years at Orvieto as the teacher of the young singer
Francesco Severi. For Costantini, solo falsobordone remained—or became again—a
selective part of performance of psalms apart from the context of systematic antiphonal
psalmody. It is no surprise to find it as familiar practice in 1630, but to see it indicated in
print is remarkable. Although new to Costantini’s pieces, it may simply have put into
print what had been common practice for decades. Agostino Agazzari, in the forward to
his Psalmi sex (1609), says that one of his versets might be jettisoned in favor of one in
30
solo falsobordone, a practice he associated with Rome. Initially a singer’s art, solo
falsobordone is recognized by the Costantini and the others using it here as one among
many ways of performing sections of long liturgical pieces. Its success depended on the
taste and imagination of the maestro, as well as the abilities of the performers, another
responsibility of the maestro. In this 1630 anthology we see falsobordone, and perhaps
signs of improvised counterpoint, become another texture in the toolbox of the Roman
composer of vespers liturgical music in concertato style, a framework for the mixing of
styles. Furthermore, it was a technique employing the art of good singing perfectly
compatible with liturgical rectitude—and by 1630 had the weight of tradition behind it.
Solo falsobordone’s status as variation on plainchant, combined with its improvisational
style relying on the well-trained singer, may have been one means by which composition
for the liturgy combined with appeal to contemporary taste. Solo falsobordone newly
inserted in anthologized pieces, just at the end of the classical falsobordone's printed
30
Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 86.
509
heyday, raises the question of why Costantini would suddenly be moved to include it
31
now.
The printed bass lines in the 1630 edition suggest a precise connection with the
embellishment practice of Severi for several pieces in addition to Costantini’s
Magnificat. The solo alto falsobordone at Peccator in Beatus vir (also Costantini) is
marked “Tone 8” at the continuo part, the only part printed for the solo. This bass line is
the same one given in Severi’s Passaggiata for the falsobordone of a tone 8 psalm verse.
There may also be a tenuous connection with Conforti’s passaggiate, as Costantini’s bass
appears to be a less-active version of Conforti’s eighth tone falsobordone bass for canto
solo. Costantini’s bass line looks nothing like those for the classic falsobordone
published by Banchieri in Bologna in 1605 nor Giovanni Paolo Cima in Milan in 1610,
32
which are at least contemporary with Conforti. The family resemblance of Severi’s
and Conforti’s compositions may reflect a Roman practice distinct from that in other
. . 33
cities.
In the psalms of 1630, versets offalsobordone were inserted among other solo
and full-choir sections. De profundis (Costantini) calls for solo falsobordone in alternate
verses which tends to recall the alternatim performance tradition offalsobordone, but his
Beatus vir designates it only once (table 8.5, 8.6). In both cases the bass lines here match
31
See sources (which do not necessarily overlap) in Bradshaw, Falsobordone, 159-87,
and Macchiarella, IIfalsobordone fra tradizione orale e tradizione scritta, 299-316. Bradshaw
shows sixty-fourfalsobordone sources, most of them prints, between 1600 and 1621, with only
five from 1631 through 1651. Macchiarella lists sixty-one prints, not including several reprints,
from 1600 to 1630, with only two more by 1651.
32
Adriano Banchieri, L'organo suonarino, 59; Giovanni Paolo Cima, Concerti
Ecclesiastici a 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 e 8 voci, Archivum Musicum: La cantata Barocca, 24 (Florence:
Studio per Edizioni Scelte, 1986), 160-61 in the partitura.
33 .
Circumstantial, but tempting to consider, is that the only extant copy of Conforti’s
Roman-published Salmi passaggiati, the print edited by Bradshaw, is to be found in the library at
Ancona today. The provenance of that collection is not known to me, however.
510
Severi’s sixth- and eighth-tone basses, respectively. Costantini’s Magnificat uses it in
much the same way, providing a bass matching Severi’s second tone. Because this
printed edition was generated with the intention of serving a well-endowed music
establishment and an occasional cappella equally, these falsobordone sections of psalms
and Magnificat could be satisfied by more -or less-embellished singing, depending on the
talent and training of the available singers. The elasticity of the settings allowed for
performances that could range from simple and straightforward to brilliant and elaborate,
either one satisfactorily.
Table 8.5. Textures in Beatus vir, F. Costantini

1. Beatus vir... intonation, SI solo
2. In mandatus...potens...gloria... a8: primo, secondo, tutti
3. Exortum est... a 2, BB
4. Jucundus homo... In memoria a8: AT, SS, AT, tutti
5. Paratum... a2: TT
6. Dispersit... a4: SSBB
7. Peccator... falsobordone: alto solo
8. Gloria Patri...sicut erat a8
Table 8.6. Textures in De Profundis, F. Costantini

1. De profundis... a8
2. Fiant aures... falsobordone, una voce sola
3. Si iniquitates... a 2, SS
4. Quiaapudtepropitiatio... falsobordone, una voce sola
5. Sustinuit... a8
6. A custodia... falsobordone, una voce sola
7. Quia apud dominum a8
8. Et ipse redimet... falsobordone, una voce sola
9. Gloria Patri... a 2, TT
10. Sicut erat... a8
Alessandro Costantini’s Laudate pueri calls for “tutti in falsobordone’’’ for the
verse Suscitans, providing only the instrumental bass. It, too, matches Severi’s sixth tone
511
falsobordone, even though the psalm is “senz ’intonations” and without a printed psalm-
tone rubric. Domenico Allegri’s Magnificat calls for “una ho tutti” (one or all) in
falsobordone at Deposuit, for which the bass matching Severi’s second tone bass is
provided. Trusting that these indications are the composers’ and not Costantini’s editing,
there are varying shades of commitment on the part of these two composers to a virtuosic
solo at these points in the piece, but still a reliance on improvisation. Alessandro
Costantini’s and Allegri’s rubrics leave the way open for choral improvisation, or even
homophonic declamation. Costantini’s attention to solo falsobordone in this print is
remarkable but quite natural, given his own singer’s background. For Costantini this
tradition continued in Orvieto as suggested by his young grandson’s acknowledged
abilities in singing passaggi under his direction, and possibly tutelage, a few years later
in Orvieto.
The arrangement of some of these pieces perhaps grew out of actual performance,
and an attempt to at least blueprint the plan, which Costantini did from his position as
maestro di cappella. The same impulse can be seen on the part of Costantini’s organist
brother in the opening Dixit Dominus which calls for organ intonation without providing
notation.
As we have come to expect from Costantini, this anthology represents a
contemporary practice that mixed old and new styles rather freely. The use of chant is
obscured, for the most part, by the strong rhythmic and harmonic profile of the
prominent homophonic texture. Solo falsobordone inserts a virtuoso solo performance at
chosen places in the piece, another way of achieving textural variation in a long form.
Interestingly, falsobordone was employed in slightly new ways by Ignazio Donati
during his tenure as maestro at Milan Cathedral (1631-1638) in a period roughly
512
contemporary with Costantini’s later publications.34 Although the music employed a
different strand offalsobordone technique than the one common to Rome—the simple
declamatory psalm tone in chordal homophony—its inclusion among other textures
while avoiding the inference of regular alternatim practice is similar in idea to
Costantini’s use of it here.
Improvisation was not the only type of solo singing in these concertato psalms,
and the beginning of Costantini’s Laudate pueri shows an ease with melodic line. The
duets which follow, which he does not confine to a single choir, also show his rather
schematic employment o f homophonic and contrapuntal possibilities for the ensemble
(example 8.1).
34
Kendrick, Sounds o f Milan, 339-57.
513
Example 8.1. Laudate pueri (1630), Costantini
TI
o
Solo
Lau-da-te lauda-te pu e- n Do - minumLau-da-te pu - e-ri Do - mi-
® • 7 « 4 i
Be o
o
P. Tenore
Laudate pueri
Solo
Sit no - men Do - m i-n i (Sit no men D o - mini) Be
num Lau - da
C2
Solo
Sit no - m^n Do - m i-n i sit no men Do - mi - m t^<
Be o o o
o
2. Canti.
Cl
o
nedic - turn
AI
Solo
m Lau da - te (Lauda - te) pu - e ri Do - - minumLau-da-te
TI J. A' - r— -T-~-
Lauda te(lauda-te) pu e -r i - Do mi - num
C2
nedic - turn
4 3
Be
* I O
Alto, e Tenore primo Choro
r if w J r Jr
514
Magnificats in the 1630s Prints

The Magnificats in the 1630 Salmi, himni are as different as the psalms from
those in Costantini’s earlier prints, but share an affinity with some Magnificat settings of
the 1605 to 1621. The cluster of four double-choir Magnificats in both of the later
publications serve to pinpoint common style characteristics in the genre as it continued to
be performed after 1621, and show a continuation of the concertato features marking the
35
latest developmental period in Roman double-choir composition. Those in the 1639
anthology are labeled concertato just as those in 1630 are, even in this collection which
otherwise tends to include a concertato and non -concertato version of its paired psalms.
Two of the Magnificats are by Costantini (1630, 1639), which are joined by a setting by
Domenico Allegri (1630) and one by Virgilio Mazzocchi (1639). Costantini’s pieces
have tended to be more reliably contemporary with their publication date, so his pieces
alongside the two others give a snapshot of typical Magnificat performance styles at the
beginning, and perhaps through, the 1630s (table 8.7).
35
See O'Regan, "Polychoral Music in Rome," 206-10, and 246-52, for discussion of
common style from 1585-1605, and 1605-1621 respectively. The two Magnificats in
Costantini’s 1615 and 1620 collections, one by each of the Anerios, are included in the
discussion of works from the earlier period (207), although G. F. Anerio’s Magnificat in the 1615
Raccolta de ’salmi could date from the period 1605-1615, according to O’Regan.
Table 8.7. Magnficat settings in Salmi, himni (1630) and Salmi, Magnificat (1639)“
D. Allegri 1630 [tone Costantini 1630 [tone 2] -133 Costantini 1639 [tone 1] V. Mazzocchi 1639 [tone
2] -184 Breves Breves -230 Breves 6] “in seguita”-185
Breves
Magnificat Intonation: solo C Intonation: solo C Intonation: solo C a 2. CCl (1-9)
1. Animamea solo T a 8: a 4 + a 4 overlapping a 2. CB-(primo) 44
imitation—>a 8 i
2. Etexultavit CB->tutti a. 8 a8. (10-19)
3. Quiarespexit a4 CCAA->solo bass solo C—falsobordone, tone 2 a 2. CT-primo a2. AA[C]—»tutti[3/l]
(ecce enim)—>tutti omnes generationes (20-
(omnes generationes) 30, 30-36)
4. Quia fecit a8 a 4. AATT (psalm tone, a8 a2. TT (37-44)
countermelody)
5. Et misericordia a2. AA. a 8. [meter 4/2—>3/2] a 3. ATB-primo a 8(45-55)
6. Fecit potentiam solo B-»a 8 solo B—-falsobordone, tone 2 a 8. a4 (56-67)
7. Deposuit solo or tutti— a 4. CCBB (psalm tone var.) a 2. CT-secondo a 8 (67-81) C-3/1
falsobordone, tone 2
8. Esurientes a 8 'i alto solo—falsobordone, tone a8 a4 (81-97) C
2
9. Suscepit Israel “ 4 a 4. TTBB, counter-melody a2. AA a2TT (98-116) 3/1
a
10. Sicut locutus a 8 Abraham: antiphonal, a 8 [C-3/1] a 8 (117-131) bass solo
M—»m mode on Abraham, (122-23)
C
11. Gloria patris a 2. CB a 4: CATB (psalm tone var,) a 6 [AA, TT, CC] (132-154)
12. Sicut erat a8 a8 a8 tutti-tenori-tutti (155-185)
aCompare with Magnificat table in O’Regan, “Sacred Polychoral Music in Rome,” 1:247.
L/\
516
The concertato schemes of all four Magnificats can be compared in table 8.7, and the
Costantini’s 1630 Magnificat is transcribed in full (transcription 29). All four settings
are formally organized according to the phrases of the canticle, with all but Mazzocchi’s
sectionalized in print. The schematic organization is easily compared with the
concertato settings examined by O’Regan, and this proves to be fairly similar. Each
verse is a self-contained piece except in Allegri’s setting where three verses are through-
composed. Even the Mazzocchi through-composed setting shows no overlap at the
sections. In all four settings value is placed on the variety of textures that can be woven
into this long form, but the resulting length of each piece ranges from economical to
extravagant, with Costantini’s offerings occupying both ends of the spectrum. His 1630
Magnificat, which calls for three of the verses in solo falsobordone, is about 130 written
breves long, while his 1639 setting has fully composed duets and trios in alternation with
tutti choirs, but is a whopping 230 breves long. O’Regan found that in the earliest
double-choir Magnificat settings the intonation of the psalm (Magnificat) tone, was used
and the first phrase might employ its paraphrase, but after that the chant was largely
36
abandoned. These four seventeenth-century Magnificats, however, maintain a closer
relationship with the psalm tone, particularly the two in the 1630 collection, and might
call for a reevaluation of the continuing importance of the cantus firmus as part of these
37
traditional forms. Description of the styles and scoring within sections and the
relationship of sections to the whole reveal for the 1630s group the differences between
them, and differences as well from the earlier settings tabulated by O’Regan.
Kurtzman concurs, Monteverdi Vespers,

37
A return, perhaps to an earlier practice if not an enduring tradition, see David Crook,
Orlando di Lasso's Imitation Magnificats for Counter-Reformation Munich (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994).
517
Costantini’s 1630 Magnificat employs the least tutti, and the most frequent solo
sections of all the Magnificats, but all of the solos are the indicated falsobordoni.
Costantini’s 1639 Magnificat uses no falsobordone nor other type of solo singing, but
steadily alternates mixed duos and one trio with tutti passages. His first duet on Anima
mea Dominum gives a taste of Costantini’s melismatic elaborations in each voice
(example 8.2). In the same volume, Mazzocchi opens his canticle also with an
embellished duet which is more concentrated and varied (example 8.3). Costantini’s
alternating tuttis, however, are more complicated than the antiphonal homophonic
harmonic progressions characterizing his earlier pieces. In the 1630 setting, he
manipulates the tone, treating it as a theme subject to variation He introduces a counter
melody in Quia fecit, then reiterates both in subsequent section to unify the piece.
518
Example 8.2. Magnificat (1639), F. Costantini
CI
A - ni - ma me - a Do
m m num
9: . O
BI
a 2. C. eB . 7 fi 1
t ) ; - ------------------- 0 0 ----------------1-----------------------------------
0 l 0
Be y 0 -------------------------- 0 —0 — —
r 1
Le ....... ...................... — —
Anima mea
CI
¥
f
m - ma
-p —
rr
me - a
rr or Do
BI
a Do mi - num
Be o o o
p p - - - _ l —p - — -j~
V- IMT
mi ■ num.
--------- 5 “F f 1 p . r r f r r p * IMI
\k ^ \
P O ^ ----- ------- 3 ^ -------U l~
-------- P „
m i - num.
r >2 ° T
■ -^ - 7 ------------- p
. -J - . - r -
- Ikill
..... — - — z> ~ cs ------------
519
Example 8.3. Magnificat (1639), V. Mazzocchi
~ J h T 7 * ......................■— - j ct J~• f -. f. t )-. . . T ;;i---------p — i— — — 1— K— — r ~

^ C o -------P -------
W fj J ..... J — d — J-— ^ J J.—
l. Ma - gni fi - cat a ni - ma me - a Do
■ -------------
u o ------------------------------ i --------------- J _
9 ^ ^ —
Ma gni - ft -
4 3 ......................... | ...
/a o --------— ^ - m --------------------------
^ ------- 1-------------------------------- " . .. _ r
2. Canti
M agnificat
m i-num nimamea Do mi-

CII
cat ni-ma-me- a Do mi-num a mm;
o o
n
num m - ma me Do mi-num
CII
Do mi-num,
IT
tutti
e t exultavit
520
The Agazzari/Costantini Exultet caelum laudibus

Apparently the music of the Sienese composer Agazzari was newly appreciated
38
by Costantini in 1630. He had not appeared in Costantini’s earlier anthologies, perhaps
because the two musicians had little personal contact or, more likely, because Agazzari’s
39
music had sufficient publishing outlets. Nevertheless, something about Agazzari’s
music, and perhaps more importantly the ideas behind it, must have resonated with the
anthologist by the beginning of the 1630s for him to include, and even more importantly,
to augment, Agazzari’s Exultet caelum laudibus.40
In Agazzari’s Dialogici concentus (1613), where Exultet caelum was first
published, an Italian preface (appearing only in the bassus ad organum partbook where it
replaced the official dedication in Latin) refers to the problem of ill-prepared, and by
implication, low class, singers who might perform this music, much as Costantini
addressed the ubiquitous presence of lower-class composers in the musical profession in
38
Although they would have resided in Rome at the same time in the early part of the
century, there is no obvious point of contact between them. Agazzari’s importance as a
composer in tum-of-the-century Rome might have been tempered by controversy fed by jealousy
and hostility toward him in some professional circles, perhaps coloring Costantini’s earlier
assessments of him. See Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 29. Agazzari had not been present in
Rome probably since 1606.
39
It probably has nothing to do with Agazzari’s blacklisting by the papal choir (ibid.,
19), because Stefano Landi, who suffered the same fate in 1615, wasn’t kept out of Costantini’s
1616 anthology.
40
Dialogici concentus, senis, octonisque vocibus, ab Augustino Agazario Armonico
Intronato nunc primum in lucem editi, opus decimum sextum (Venice: R. Amadino, 1613).
Contents listed in Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 202-3. It was reprinted in Venice in 1616, 1617,
and 1618 so many copies were in circulation. The Costantini version corrects some of the
mistakes of the 1613 version (although they may also have been corrected in the intervening
reprints), but otherwise the version is close enough to suggest that Costantini took his model
from the print.
521
his own dedication.41 Dixon finds in Agazzari’s later treatise on church music that he
reiterates these convictions even more strongly in reaction to current trends—those of the
1630s—in Rome 42 Costantini may be reacting to similar trends, detecting and
addressing them in 1630. He was likely familiar with Agazzari’s 1613 prefaces, as the
original portion of his expanded version of the Agazzari piece so nearly matches that in
the earlier print. Costantini recognized that both he and Agazzari were of one mind
regarding the make-up o f the music profession. Both viewed their compositions—and in
Costantini’s case, his collections—among the counteractions needed to maintain the
dignity as well as artistic value of the music sung in church. Costantini joined his own
ideas with Agazzari’s by augmenting the 1613 hymn setting, an act of homage in the
Renaissance tradition of imitation (transcription 27).43
Agazzari’s original version set the first three stanzas of the six-stanza hymn sung
at vespers on feasts of Apostles 44 He used the double-choir tutti to accentuate the text as
well as delineate structure, but solo singers are featured in what can be read as individual
41
Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 84, with a transcription p. 190. For a translation see
Graham Dixon, "Agostino Agazzari (1578-afterl640): The Theoretical Writings," Research
Chronicle o f the Royal Musical Association 20 (1986-87): 43-44. Similar prefaces or forwards in
other Agazzari editions also appeared just in the organ partbook, with the Latin dedication in all
the others, as here. The difference in intent of these two types of prose interventions in the music
publication is underscored by their languages, the formal Latin reflecting the patron’s status, and
the preface in Italian carrying the weight of musical and performance concerns. The practical
preface was intended to be read by the maestro di cappella or organist, the person most likely to
deal with this part book, its Italian prose meant to assure it would be clearly understood.
42
Dixon, "Agostino Agazzari: The Theoretical Writings" 40.
43
Howard Mayer Brown, "Emulation, Competition, and Homage: Imitation and
Theories of Imitation in the Renaissance," Journal of the American Musicologicai Society 35
(1982): 10-12, 35. An expansion of this notion of imitation manifested in many different ways in
the Magnificats of Lasso is explored in Crook, Lasso’s Imitation Magnificats.
44
Brev.1568, (6040) Hymn at vespers for Common of Apostles. See also Clemons
Blume and Guido Maria Dreves, eds., Analecta hymnica medii aevi. (1886-1922; reprint, Johnson
Reprint Corporation, 1961), 2:74.
roles, thus making the music both text-responsive and structurally coherent, perhaps
tighter and better organized for setting only half the hymn. The strict stanzaic plan was a
structural point of departure for him as it would be for Costantini, but did not provide the
only divisions, or perhaps the most important ones, in this setting.45 The text of the
complete hymn is shown in table 8.8, with a double line separating the stanzas set by
Agazzari from those added by Costantini. The fifth stanza (in italics) was not set by
either 46
45
Sacrae laudes (Rome, 1603) has nine hymn settings and Dialogici (Venice, 1613, with
reprint) has four, cited in O'Regan, "Polychoral Music in Rome"l:257, and listed in Reardon,
Agostino Agazzari, 198, 202-3. Costantini reprinted Amor Jesu dulcissime from Sacrae laudes in
his 16392 anthology, see below. Liturgical implications for anything less than a full setting of the
text were apparently not a concern in the case of hymns, although in Banchieri’s L ’organo
suorino, 71-88, the chosen stanzas indicate which verses might ordinarily be set polyphonically.
46
Hymn text in Brev. 1568 (6040), trans. Leofranc Holford-Strevens. Agazzari’s 1613
print shows “clauveitis, sacrasque” in stanza three instead of “clauditis, serasque” the latter
matching contemporary as well as modem text sources. The apparent misspelling of clauveitis
suggests this is a type-setting error rather than a deliberate text change, which Agazzari would
not hesitate to make (Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 106,) but “sacrasque” may have appeared
more familiar to a churchman. Thanks to Dr. Holford-Strevens for this observation.
523
Table 8.8: Exultet caelum laudibus
1. Exultet caelum laudibus, Let heaven exult with praises,
Resultet terra gaudiis, Let earth echo with rejoicings,
Apostolorum gloriam Our sacred rites
Sacra canunt sollemnia. sing the glory of the Apostles.
2. Vos saecli iusti iudices, You the righteous secular governors [judges]
Et vera mundi lumina, and true lights of the world,
Votis precamur cordium, we beg you with the entreaties of our hearts,
Audite preces supplicum. hear the prayers of (us your) supplicants.
3. Qui caelum verbo clauditis, You [priests] who with a word close heaven
Serasque eius solvitis: and undo its locks,
Nos a peccatis omnibus by your command, we beg,
Solvite iussu quaesumus. release us from all sins.
4. Quorum precepto subditur, You to whose command are subject

Salus, et languor omnium: the health and sickness of all;
Sanate aegros moribus, heal those who are sick in their conduct,
Nos reddentes virtutibus. restoring us to virtue.
5. Ut cum index advenerit That when Christ the judge shall come
Christus in fine saeculi: at the end o f the world,
Nos sempiterni audii he may make us sharers
Faciat esse compotes. in eternal joy.
6. Deo Patri sit gloria, To God the Father be glory,

Eius quern soli filio, and to his only Son,
Cum spiritu paraclito, With the Spirit, the Paraclete,
Et nunc, et in perpetuum. Amen. both now and for ever. Amen.
Unusual here is the attention which Agazzari paid to text interpretation in a hymn in his
fifty-seven breve setting, and Costantini’s addition carried it on through the two
additional stanzas which increase the setting by more than half (mm. 58-90).
Agazzari’s motet opens with paired sopranos representing the heavenly realm,
followed by the first choir’s alto and tenor representing earth, praising and exulting
imitatively, then resolving to eighth-note passages in thirds (on laudibus and gaudiis;
524
m.1-14). The subject of singing in the stanza’s final line prompts the only departure
from duple meter in the entire piece. Triple meter is the usual topos for expressions of
rejoicing, a textual excuse for a kind of formal development. In the second and third
stanzas soloists recast the collective voice of the congregation into that of an individual
addressing the Apostles in their two different roles of governors and priests. For the last
half of the third and final stanza the two choirs alternate and then join for a homophonic
tutti.
In the center section of Agazzari’s setting (m. 28-39) the tenor in the role of
supplicant to governors, begs to be heard after first catching attention with an A-major
chord in the basso continuo. The tenor’s quick movement through an unstable harmonic
zone ends at “listen” (audite), set off by rests and uttered twice, which is followed by a
wide leap to “prayers” (praeces), the goal of the supplicant, and the highest note of the
melodic line (mm. 32-36).47 The solo tenor is in harmonic duet with the basso continuo
throughout, which contrasts with treatment given the bass solo opening the final stanza
of Agazzari’s hymn (mm. 40-44). Here the bass sings a filled-in version of the continuo
line, although the supplicating intent of his solo is similar. The bass of the second choir
appeals to the “releasing” (solvite) powers of the interceding saint. Solvite becomes the
theme of the final twelve measures of tutti and alternating choirs which repeat phrases
begging for release from all sins, but the musical setting relies for its interest from here to
the end on formal manipulations and tonal movement rather than word-painting. The
dotted, three-note motive attached to this word (mm.47-48) is treated polyphonically and
unifies the last twelve measures as it is woven through both the homophonic and
polyphonic segments (table 8.9).
47
A specific instruction to singers in the Dialogici concentus cautioned them pay
attention to the many rests, Reardon, Agostino Agazzari, 87.
525
Table 8.9: Distribution of Textures Correlated with Text, Harmony, and Measure
Numbers in Exultet caelum laudibus (Agazzari version).
text Qui... solvite nos...omnibus solvite nos...omni solvite iussus
iussus bus quaesumus
quaesumus
F D— A D—G
1
tonal C -G G
0
o
area
1st (solo bass) homophonic polyphonic homoph. polyphonic
Choir.
2nd homophonic homoph. polyph. polyphonic
Choir
meas. 40-44 45-47 48-49 50-52 52-54 54-— 57
55-57
The midsection of the original piece, the tenor solo of the second stanza, is
mirrored by Costantini’s added fourth stanza’s tenor solo (Quorumprecepto...). Here the
singer requests the Apostles to intercede on behalf of the restoration of virtue, continuing
the mode of individual supplication begun in Agazzari’s model (m. 58-68). Costantini’s
melody crawls chromatically upwards in a supple line while the bass supports the
harmony, an affective touch which Costantini has shown himself capable of in his secular
music but is not often used in his psalms. By this Costantini aligned himself with
Agazzari’s nobility and approach to words in one stroke. The concluding doxology-like
stanza (Deo Patri sit gloria...) is set for choirs in rapid alternation brought together for
mid- and final tuttis, conveying a sumptuous finale mirroring Agazzari’s original ending,
but straightening the homophony in a way more typical of Costantini’s own tutti writing.
Salmi, Magnificat (1639)

The final publication of Costantini’s career combines five pairs of psalms and a
pair of Magnificats with ten motets for eight voices, as the title page announces (table
8.10). This last group of double-choir motets brings Costantini’s anthologies full circle,
returning to the genre and idiom with which he had launched his publications. The very
526
last piece, ironically, is by Palestrina, who had opened the first collection. This edition is
presented as though it were an individual print by Costantini as the primary composer,
although fully half of the twenty-two pieces are by ten other composers, continuing his
established approach from previous anthologies. In contrast with the first prints in this
genre which emphasized the identity of the composers above that of the piece, or style,
48
the various composers are listed in this print only in the tavola, almost incidentally.
The psalms in the 1639 collection provide polyphonic settings for four of five
psalms for the male cursus, Sundays, a number of saints, and common of martyrs, pairs
of the same psalms as those of 1630, plus a pair of settings of Laetatus sum (Ps. 121),
suitable for Marian feasts and for female saints. The contrasting styles within the
double-choir idiom are meant to be noticed: concertato or non-concertato style, “versi
spezzati,” even an entire piece in triple meter—“tutto in proportioned and “in trippolcF—
are all noted in the tavola, augmenting the trend toward specificity of style begun with
the 1630 print. Offering pairs of psalm settings in a single print, as do both vespers
collections of the 1630s, shows that flexibility of style within the double-choir idiom
continued to be more important for commercial success than a wider selection of

49
different psalms. Offering explanatory subtitles, as it were, enhanced their purpose of
aiding the professional in the execution of duties. The motets were geared for general
use (Cantate Domino canticum novum, Laudate Dominum psallite nomini, Omnes gentes
plaudite), with one for the common of Apostles (Tradent enim vos) and two for the
Eucharistic commemorations especially important in Orvieto (Dulcis amor Jesu, Jesu
dulcis memoria). New terminology in the 1639 edition, “versi spezzati” seems to be
48
With the exception of one perhaps misplaced attribution in the tenor part of
Antonelli’s Si tu vis.
49
A type of print seen in the 1610s, for example, Agostino’s 1619 collection, see
527
supplanting “c o n c e r ta to refining the meaning o f the latter to incorporate varied
scorings within a piece presented in the sectionalized printing layout.
Table 8.10. Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti (1639): Intonation/Style Indications, Clefs, Tonal Types
Psalm Composer Tone and Style Indications Tonal Type_____________

______________________________________________________________________________ Clefs Sys Final
Dixit dominus (F. Costantini) 109 Non-concertato, tone 3. Ci A
tl
Dixit dominus F. Costantini, Le 109 Concertato a versi spezzati, tone 2. Ci G

\>
versi a 8 di Gio.
Maria Nanini.
Confitebor tibi (F. Costantini) 110 Non-concertato, tone 2. Cl G
I
Confitebor tibi (F. Costantini) 110 Concertato, tone 4. “s’intono tutto il verso Cl L
A
del 4 tono” q
Beatus vir (F. Costantini) 11 1 Non-concertato, tone 6 . “s’intona meza Cl F
t
versa del 6 tono”
Beatus vir Agostino 111 Tutto in proportione, tone 3. “tutto in Cl L
A
trippola, senz’intonatione” no figures.
Laudate pueri (F. Costantini) 112 A versi spezzati, concertato, senza G2C2C3F3. L
G
intonatione. “alia quarta” (untransposed) G2C2C3F3-F3
Laudate pueri A. Costantini 112 Tutto seguito, concertato, senza intonatione. Cl F
\,
Laetatus sum (F. Costantini) 12 1 Non-concertato, tone 4. “sintona meza C, L.
E
versa.” q
Laetatus sum (F. Costantini) 121 A versi spezzati, tone 2 . Cl G
Magnificat (F. Costantini) A versi spezzati, concertata, tone 1 . Cl D

k
[concertato alia romana],
Magnificat V. Mazzocchi Tutta concertata, e seguita, tone 6 . Cl F
I
oo
Table 8.10. Salmi, Magnificat, e motetti (1639): Intonation/Style Indications, Clefs, Tonal Types
Motet Composer Text Source/ Liturgical Useabc Text Style indications Tonal Type
Clefs Sys Fina
1
Jesu dulcis Agazzari Affective Jesu/ Eucharist/ hymn concertato c , G
memoria Devotion; Jubilus Bernhardi,
strophes 1, 2, 4, 5
Ad te levavi Tarditi Ps. 122 [no dox] B concertato C], except be G
k
Omnes gentes G. Allegri Ps. 46: (1) 2-8 B non concertato Ci F
Cantate Domino (F. Costantini) Ps. 149, v.1-2 B non concertato C1; except be D
Tradent enim vos (F. Costantini) Brev. 1568 (6041), BL non concertato, g 2c 2c 3f 3- D
k
Magnificat ant. for feasts of In commune g 2c 2c 3f 3-
the Apostles; Matt. 10:17-18 Apostolorum [G2C2C3]F3
Laudate Dominum A. Costantini Ps. verse; all-purpose praise B concertato Cj G
k
Deus noster Giovannelli Ps. 45 B concertato c , G
refugium
Dulcis amor Jesu F. Anerio Hymn 1602 Anerio print,— hymn C, A
Affective Jesu.
Decantabat Quagliati Res. 7 third Sunday after BL c , G
Easter [with substitutions]
(2665)
Ave Maria “Del Palestina BL “alia quarta” g 2c 2c 3c 4. D
(sic) Padre della g 2c 2c 3c 4-c 4
Musica”
Cfl
K)
VO
530
Since Costantini dedicated this print to the conservatori pro-tem who had been
Costantini’s recent colleagues, he may have compiled it with as much concern for
gathering a collection of pieces often performed, maybe favorites at the Duomo in
Orvieto, as with commercial success. Indeed, one may have been a good predictor of the
other. As he says himself, it was hastily put together in this group’s honor, and its date
of publication coincides with the end of his own term as conservatore. The contents
suggest that both motivations might well be operating.
Costantini’s own compositions comprise eight of the ten psalms, including the
Nanino revision, as well as one of the Magnificats. Only two of ten motets are his,
however. Cantate Domino was probably one of his earlier attempts in the idiom since it
is both non-concertato and fitted with a basso seguente, without figures. Tradent enim
vos, the only one with its intended feastday use stated, is also non-concertato. Written in
high clefs, its bass is moderately figured and follows the lowest vocal line. Both are
contrapuntal from the beginning, Cantate Domino non-imitative with antiphonal
homophonic fragments, and Tradent omnes leisurely imitative at the beginning, voices
entering at the pace of two and one-half breves. The homophony of Cantate Domino
punctuates harmonic changes reminiscent of his earlier motets, while the fluid pseudo
polyphony of the tutti passages in Tradent omnes maintains a contrapuntal feel. These
are signs in both cases o f probable age; and in general the writing of new double-choir
motets was probably in decline, even as the 1614 collection was published, in favor of
psalms and Magnificats which continued to flourish as the mainstay of the idiom in the
later years of its popularity. The most likely reason Costantini’s motets are earlier
compositions is the nature of this collection. The needs of the provincial music
establishment in Orvieto may have preferred old favorites for festal music, and several in
this collection were published previously. Costantini’s own motets since 1614 had been
composed exclusively for few voices, the most up-to-date already published in 1634.
531
Hints of Costantini’s more recent work are to be found in his concertato psalm settings,
and the revision of the G. M. Nanino Dixit Dominus.50 These show his interest remained
in what could be accomplished with few voices.
Among the other motets, at least two were printed previously, and from the
composers and types o f works involved one could make the case that these are the
residual of the types of pieces that made his first anthology so successful. Twenty-five
years later, however, the mood they convey is truly conservative in the sense of
continuing long-established practice. One might guess that the reprinted motets are the
most often-performed extracts from their respective prints, and therefore candidates for a
typical anthologizing. One wonders, however, if such a project might have been taken
up by other than a provincial music printer, and what the commercial ties with Rome
were at this late date. Nevertheless, the print contains a majority of pieces printed for the
first time, perhaps with the encouragement of the pieces’ continuing good reception.
Palestrina’s Ave Maria can be found in earlier manuscripts like many of the pieces in the
1614 collection.51 Giovannelli’s Deus noster refugium shows traces of its Roman life
52
only in the Proske manuscripts, and is discussed by O’Regan. Three others had been
published previously, but many years before. These include Felice Anerio’s Dulcis amor
Jesu (1602) and Agazzari’s Jesu dulcis memoria (1603). The history of Quagliati’s
Decantabat exemplifies an instance of a piece that Costantini reclaimed for Rome and
50 See below
51 See app. E-3, Table of Pieces in Print Order.
52
O'Regan, “Polychoral Music in Rome,” 1:255. The transcription in 2:190-99 is taken
from Proske manuscript at Regensburg. O’Regan remarks on Deus noster refugium’s concertato
elements, as well as its virtuoso and contrapuntal duets contrasting with homophony,
Giovannelli’s preference for word painting, and choices of texture in service of the text.
Giovannelli’s piece is not among those that Teodori identified as concertato, however, see
Giovannelli, Composizione sacre, xxxv. This motet is also listed in Luciani, "Biblioteca
Altaempsiana," 287, 296, Collectio minor no. 70.
532
53
his anthology after almost fifty years in circulation. Quagliati’s Decantabat must have
seemed practically in the public domain. Not only was it in the first double-choir
anthology edited by Conforti in 1592, it quite possibly was printed in the previous year in
a Venetian collection, and thus by 1639 had the possibility of wide distribution for
almost fifty years. The only discernible order of motet composers is from still-living to
now-dead: Agazzari, Tarditi, Gregorio Allegri, and the two Costantini’s precede
Giovannelli, Anerio, Quagliati, and Palestrina.
The psalms are Costantini’s major contribution to this anthology. Costantini’s
brother Alessandro contributed one Laudate pueri, and one other by Agostino provides a
change o f pace with a complete setting in triple meter. The large number of psalms by
Costantini show them to be the texts he most favored for double-choir writing, in every
style. There are further cases of psalms “put together” from other parts, including his
revised psalm with tutti sections by G. M. Nanino.
Laetatus sum, “a versi s p e z z a t i is the only psalm calling for falsobordone,
which had played such a large role in the 1630 psalms, and it is used similarly here. The
presence of proficient improvisers of passaggi in the Orvieto choir, including his young
grandson Vincenzo, may have kept this performance idea viable through the later 1630s.
Costantini composed three settings of Laetatus sum, the first in 1620, and the two
“concertati” may be compared (table 8.11). The 1639 version treats each section
separately and achieves starker variation between sections than Costantini’s 1620
version, by inserting the solo falsobordone (based on Seven’s tone 2 bass line). The later
version is more homogeneous within the sections, however.
53
Some of the Roman double-choir repertory in the 1592 collection appears to have been
published that year, or the previous one, in Venice, tucked into a five-volume collection edited by
Stephani Felis of Bari, maestro di cappella to the archbishop of Naples, with some pieces
reprinted by Vincenti in 1599. See Lincoln, Latin Motet Indexes, 821, 823, no. 1592/02 and
1599/02. These same volumes are listed under RISM 15912 and 15992.
533
Table 8.11. Psalm 121, Laetatus sum (1620 and 1639), F. Costantini,
Psalm 121 1620 “concertato” [1639 “non 1639 “a versi spezzati”
concertato”]
Laetatus sum... Cl Intonation intonation “mezo verso 2
tono” [voice unspecified]
1. Indomum... (unaccounted for) a 4, Ch. I
2. Stantes... a 4, Ch.I, a8
homophonic
3. Jerusalem... Ch.I-II antiphonal, a 4, Ch. II
tutti, Ch.II
4. Illuc enim a4, tutti, CC a3, CAT (Ch. I)
5. Quia illuc... a4, Ch.II a8
6. Rogate... Ch.I-II antiphonal, falsobordone: tenor solo
a4, Ch. I; Ch.I-II
antiphonal, a4, Ch. I,
tutti
7. Fiat pax... TT, Ch.I-II a8
antiphonal, tutti
8. Propter fratres... BI; AA falsobordone: canto solo
9. Propter domum a4 Ch.I; a4 Ch.II falsobordone: bass solo
10. Gloria Patri... tutti-antiphonal a8
sicut erat...
From this it can be seen that the Magnificats in the 1639 volume actually pull back from
the starker concertato treatment extended to the two in the 1630 collection. Virgilio
Mazzocchi’s, though still concertato,is through-composed, still orchestrated by sections
although not notated that way, and less rigidly homogenous in each section, much like
Costantini’s 1620 Laudate pueri. Costantini’s own Magnificat alternates duets, like that
we have seen, and a single trio, with the double-choir tutti in a regular and predictable
pattern, unlike the design used for his 1630 Magnificat. The high and low voices paired
for his duets hearken back to the earliest kind of duet writing for either church or
chamber. The single trio, for alto, tenor, and bass at et misericordia incorporates a
sequential harmonic shift (ex. 8.4, mm. 8-9) emphasized by a snappy dotted figure,
similar to the effect Costantini often sought in larger-scale homophonic sections.
534
Example 8.4. E t misericordia, Magnificat (1639), F. Costantini
7 2/
AI $ a a o <d
7?^-- «' o
Et mi - se - ri - di et mi - se - n -
T1 $
Et
r r r-* r
mi - se - n - cor
• |* p :»— :i
di - a e
Q- 0
B1
A. 3 nel primo choro A. T. e B. Et mi - se - ri - cor - di - a
Be
■* r f ° .Mr r i o
5. Et misericordi
AI
cor 1US pro - m in

n
1US in
n
1US m- in pro - ge
o
Be n
AI
i *
prqge - m-es
1 -m—m-
a pro-ge-m - e.— m
—
pro- ge
m m es ti -
TI
m m ••pt^ rJ ^
prqge - m-es a pro I g e - me - e in pro-ge es ti-men
~xg~
p- \?m «
BI
m-es a pro - ge- m - e in pro-ge m- es ti-men

TQ
- 79
9 35 .I 6’ j|5 ----------
o Helf-
Be o
535
The Nanino/Costantini Dixit Dominus (1639)

The revised piece in this collection is Dixit Dominus by Giovanni Maria Nanino,
whose alternate verses were newly composed by Costantini, or rather, Costantini
published his own composition with borrowed parts by his esteemed predecessor, G. M.
Nanino (table 8.12).54 Nanino’s name occurs only in the index, the author in the basso
continuo part is Costantini. The original Dixit Dominus by Nanino has not been
located.55
Nanino’s tutti psalm verses are a fruitful stimulus for Costantini’s duets
(transcription 36). The psalm is in tone 2, and its tonal type is consistent with second
tone pieces (G-mollis), but Nanino replaces the melodic formula in his first tutti segment
(Donee ponam) with a melody spanning the G-D interval, which he goes on to treat
homophonically and antiphonally (mm. 7-21). Costantini’s opening soprano duet, which
precedes the tutti, takes this melodic idea and gives it a distinctive rhythmic profile,
filling in passing tones and adding escape tones, the snapping eighth notes on Dixit
propelling the voices toward the top of the phrase from the first moment. The second
soprano’s Sedes a dextris derives from Nanino’s scabellumpedum tuorum in its variation
on the descending fifth, but the second dextris is interrupted to start the descent a third
time from a half-step higher, the duet moving in thirds. Everything about the opening
conveys forward movement and deft handling of a melodic line. The first tutti may have
suggested the rhythmic energy captured in the opening duet by its own homophonic
antiphonal exchange. The second pair of duet-tutti verses finds Costantini borrowing the
54
“Li versi a otto di G.M Nanino”
55 Schuler shows incipits for two versions of this psalm in Cappella Giulia and Sistine
manuscripts, but both are in tone 1 and bear no relation to this setting. I have not examined the
third in the Santini manuscripts.
536
descending scale from the second choir’s answer in the subsequent tutti for his preceding
bass solo. Long scaler descents were the stuff of virtuosic bass lines, so Costantini’s
Virgam virtutis bass duet is both idiomatic and elegantly linked to the next segment of
the piece. Each voice group is granted its duet in alternation with the double-choir
chorus, the one for the altos also moving the melodic material toward D, and into triple
time (mm. 46-58). The two tenors combine all three previous duet characteristics, the
ascending and descending melodies plus triple meter, in this final duet (mm. 71-84). The
Gloria patri is written for a trio (CCB) although the bass part is optional (“si placet”).
Whether the lower voice is added or not, the texture is three-part with the basso continuo,
which is essentially the case for the duets as well, the “trio” option here is probably
mindful of the Gloria p a tri’s invocation of the Trinity. Nanino’s tutti choruses anchor
this psalm but Costantini takes hold of the model from the opening measure making the
composition his own. The opening and odd verses are claimed by Costantini,
composing, for his part, lively duet commentaries generated by material of the venerable
Nanino. This contrasts with his approach to Agazzari’s hymn, where he took into
account the dimensions of the model, but expanded its ideas by adding on to them at the
end. Costantini’s compositional approach was facile, and perhaps for that easy to
deconstruct. Yet he was equal to the task of enfolding his own composition into that of
other notables.
Table 8.12. Dixit Dominus (1639), Costantini /Nanino:

1. Dixit Dominus... CC FC, derived from4
2. Donee ponam... tutti Nanino
3. Virgam virtutis tuae... BB FC, derived from4
4. Tecum principium... tutti Nanino
5. Iuravit dominus AA FC, triple time; D
6. Dominus a dextris tuis tutti Nanino
7. Iudicabit... TT
8. De torrente... tutti Nanino
9. Gloria Patri... “a tre, si placet”—CC+B FC, trio texture; D
10. Sicuterat tutti Nanino
537
Costantini’s turn to G. M. Nanino as a model for this later piece is worth
pursuing. The 1639 anthology also contains a piece by Palestrina which remains
untouched by the editor. Costantini may have seen in Nanino more of a stimulus for his
own composition at this stage in his life, an example of the reception of G. M. Nanino’s
music that bears noting. Costantini’s legacy from this master, apart from his own
acknowledgement in this piece might be examined two ways. One is that Nanino was
certainly writing in what came to be called concertato style in his large-scale pieces at
least as early as 1610, exemplified by his Magnificat in the manuscripts of the Cappella
Giulia. Nanino may also have been the one among those in the previous generation
whose influence on Costantini endured.
The Agazzari hymn and Nanino psalm may be the clearest instance of revision as
imitation among Costantini’s interventions, but a list of the others whose works
Costantini adjusted in some way, an action he always acknowledged in the print, shows
that, besides Agazzari, he only intervened in the works of those who might be described
as “old masters:” Crivelli and Palestrina, Bernardino and Giovanni Maria Nanino, and
Agazzari. The last composer in this list is the only one still living, although his celebrity
in Rome dated from early in the century. Costantini undertook each of these
interventions to make the pieces conform to the current standard o f performance, but
more than that, Costantini readied each piece by a composer from an earlier generation
whom he held in high esteem, whom he wanted to be linked with, and whom he wanted
to be remembered by the listening public.
The addition to the Agazzari hymn shows Costantini’s most sophisticated
endeavor in this respect. The expansion of Agazzari’s piece was probably motivated by
more than the desire to offer additional hymn text in a liturgical collection. The musical
result is a larger-scale sectional piece than the original, one balancing solo and duet
sections with the double-choir tutti, conforming to the hymn text and to Agazzari’s
538
original conception but with details reliant on the text. This musical updating shows
Costantini’s commitment to two approaches to motet writing in 1630, textual expression
and coherent musical structure. His practical, and largely successful, attempt to integrate
the two by expanding a setting by a respected composer celebrates someone Costantini
recognized as surpassing him in consistent rhetorical and textual clarity.
Motetti a 1, 2,3, 4, e 5 voci (1634)

O f all the anthologies the Motetti of 1634 is the richest in Costantini pieces
(17/27). There is no apparent connection between the patron and the anthology’s
composers or its general contents, although admittedly little is known about this political
figure’s artistic or musical leanings. Its organization is similar to the customary few-
voice collections of single author publications, and Costantini’s pieces likely display his
most recent compositional tendencies. That this is a publication for few voices may itself
be a function of the household employment he enjoyed in the years since his last
institutional job— and double-choir publication—in Ancona. The use for such pieces in
chapels with small musical staffs as well as at domestic recreation seems to fit
Costantini’s present circumstances, continuing the same pattern as his previous few-
voice motet collections (table 8.13).
Table 8.13. Motetti (1634): Text/Use, Style Cues, Clefs, Tonal Types
Composer Piece Voices Tonal Type
Text/ Use* Style Cues Literary Clefs Syst Fin
Source em al
1v
1 Costantini, F. Deus canticum Cp. “In die Resurrectiones, et BLi C 1 -F 4 G
novum tempore paschali” Ps. 143: 9; H
Res., post Pasqua Brev. (
2726)a
2 Costantini, A. Dulcis Jesu Cs. Eucharist. Medieval hymn 0 C 1 -F 4 A
pie Deus *
3 Costantini, F. Facta est cum Cp. Nativity. Luke 2: 13-14; Ant. 4 Gloria BLo C 1 -F 4 l> F
Angelo at Laudes (881); Antiph.b “ecco”
4 Costantini, A. In die Cs. Easter/Paschaltime. Eucharist “t.”embellis Lo C 1 -F 4 G
solemnitatis Offertory feria 5 in Easter h ment
week
2w
5 Costantini, F. Pulchra es TA “De Beata Virgine” Song of Bi C 3 C 4 -F 4 C
*
Songs 6:3-4; Antiph
6 Costantini, A. O bone Jesu CB Affective Jesu. Common concertato, o C 1 C 4 -F 4 A
t!
incipit, then free text & voice
cues in be
7 Costantini, F. Quam dilecta AT Ps. 83:2-5 “concertato” Bi C 3 C 4 -F 4 D
8 Costantini, F. Cantate CT Ps. 95: 1-3 “concertato” Bf C 1 C 4 -F 4 !> F
Domine voice & text
canticum cues in be
novum
9 Costantini, F. In dilectus CB Marian. Song of Songs 2: 10, “in Dialogo” o C 1 C 4 -F 4 G
meus 5: 6 concertato H
alia romana
539
Source em al
10 Costantini, A. Transfige CC [Affective Jesu] “trillo”; o C 1 Q -F 4 k G
dulcissime alleluia “si
placet,”
“Repetitur
alleluia, si
placet”
11 Anerio, F. Justus CC Common of Doctor/Confessor Li C 1 Q -F 4 G
germinabit and/not pontiff. Res. Brev.
(6370)
12 “del P.” Gaudeamus AA “sub honore sanctuorum Lf C 3 C 3 -F 4 G
*
omnes omnium” “sub honore sancte
Maria Vergine”; Int., All
Saints, Miss. 1570 (
13 Costantini, F. Vos amici mei AA Common of Apostles and Lf C 3 C 3 -F 4 D
Evangelists (6074); Antiph. tl
14 Costantini, F. Beata es virgo CC Assumption. Res. 6, Brev. Lf C 1 C 1 -F 4 G
n
Maria (5428); Little office (6649)
15 Costantini, F. Facta es cum CC Nativity. Luke 2: 13-14; Ant. 4 BLo C 1 C 1 -F 4 L G
Angelo at Laudes, Brev. (881); Antiph.
Antiphone
Natalie
16 Costantini, F. Tecum CC Nativity. Ps. 109:3; Ant. 1, Grouped as BLo Q C 1 -F 4 L F
principium Sec. Vespers (and octave), a set in four
Brev. (893) Antiph. sections
17 Costantini, F. Redemptione AA Nativity. Ps. 110: 9; Ant. 2, BLi C 3 C 3 -F 4 \> G
m Sec. Vespers, Brev. (894)
o
Source em al
18 Costantini, F. Exortum est TTT Nativity. Ps. 111:4; Ant. 3, BLi C 4 C 4 C 4 -F 4 G
Sec. Vespers, Brev. (895);
n
Antiph
19 Costantini, F. Apud BB Nativity. Ps. 129: 7; Ant. 4, BLo F 4 F 4 -F 4 G
ti
Dominum Sec. Vespers, Brev. (896);
Antiph.
3vv
2 0 Costantini, A. Duo seraphim SSA Trinity. Res. 8 , Brev. (3082) Li C A C 3 -F 4 G
1
21 Allegri, D. Jesu dulcis CCB [Affective Jesu] 11th c. hymn “concertato” 0 C1QF4-F4 h A
H
o f S. Bernardo voice cues
in be
2 2 Costantini, F. Te invocamus ATB Trinity. Three ant.at 2nd Li C3C4F4-F4 h G
R
Nocturne, (3066)
23 Costantini, F. O amantissime CCB [Affective Jesu] 0 c , c 1f 4 - f 4 D
4w
24 Costantini, F. Confitemini CATB Ps. 135:1-5, 13. “concertato” Bf C1C3C4F4- y G
Domino refrain f4
structure,
voice cues
25 Antonelli, A. Domine si tu SAAT Sts. Peter and Paul (June 29), “concertato” Lo CiC 3 C3C4- . A
vis Res. 4, Brev.(5000) f4
5vv
C om poser P iece V o ic e s T onal T ype
T ext/ U se* S tyle C ues Literary C lefs Syst Fin
Source em al
26 Costantini, F. Ave Maria SSAT Marian “concertato” o C1QC3 F
cuius animam B concertato C4F4-F4
alia romano
sections;
part cues in
be; refrain.
27 Nanino, G. M. Dominus CCAA Eucharist/Corpus Christi/ Holy BLi g 2g 2c 2 G
[Homo Jesus B Thursday; I Cor. 11: 23-24; C2C4-
insignia] Holy Thursday, lectio viii, [C2F4C2F4]
Brev. (2326) _______ _____
*See Table 6.2 for explanation of categories and abbreviations
Ol
to
543
The texts still include a fair number from biblical sources, many with a place in
the liturgy, but they tend to be different liturgical texts from those in that category
frequently set in the earlier period. The most noticeable change overall is the increase of
texts with Eucharistic or personal devotional themes, the “Affective Jesu” type.56 These
include O Amantissime by Fabio, and O Bone Jesu and Transfige dulcissime, both by his
brother. An additional three motets carry these same themes through medieval hymn
texts and add to the Eucharistic emphasis of the collection, but none of these were
57
composed by Costantini. Song of Song motets persist here even as they decline
elsewhere, and the two texts in this print were both set by the anthologizer, Pulchra es
arnica mea suavis (6:3-4) and En dilectus meus (2:10, 5:6). In a collection with a fairly
low percentage of Marian texts overall one of the few is the free text with refrain, Ave
58
Maria cuius animam, also by Costantini.
Surprisingly, the largest number of text concordances with Anerio’s Antiphonae
to be found among all of the Costantini-published motets are in this collection published
over twenty years later. A closer look shows no connection between Anerio’s collection
and Costantini’s prints necessarily, and common Roman roots may account for the
similarity in the version of Pulchra es set in both. The large number of concordances
occurs in texts for the feast of Nativity, including two settings by Costantini of Facta es
cum angelo, and may be a commentary on the latter’s approach to liturgical texts, or the
crossover o f liturgical and recreational in colorful texts related to the most popularly
celebrated feasts.
56 Dixon identifies the type in "Liturgical Music in Rome," 222-24.

57
Dulcis Jesu pie (A. Costantini) and Jesu dulcis (D. Allegri), plus Dominus Jesus (G.
M. Nanino.
58
The only other Marian text is the responsory, Beata es Virgo Maria.
544
It is striking that two of the free texts in the 1634 collection have antecedents in
motet books published by Alessandro Grandi, O bone Jesu and Transfige dulcissime
already mentioned, and it is tempting to hypothesize an introduction of fresh ideas into

59
his own collections after Costantini encountered Grandi’s works in Ferrara. There are
other correspondences between texts in most of Grandi’s motet books and Costantini’s
series, but for the most part the similarities are of a generic sort: texts or text types set
often in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. Because these two devotional
motets set free texts, they would be more likely to indicate some kind of cross pollination
but in fact even these are among the texts also widely set in northern Italy.60 If there are
new influences on Costantini’s own composition, they are more generally geographical
than personal. If texts circulating in northern Italy were a stimulus for motet composition
it was somehow Alessandro Costantini who responded more than Fabio, if the above
pieces are an indication.
Costantini’s lone contribution to compositions on Jesu texts is O Amantissime.
With all its affective possibilities he chose to compose a three-voice imitative setting that
at first seems curiously detached, but quickly shows its character with unexpected
chromatic alterations which, are notated only in the basso continuo (example 8.5a). The
mood at ardeat et liquiefiat (burning and melting) intensifies the chromaticism in this
nominally D-durus piece (example 8.5b).
59
Roche, "Alessandro Grandi."
60 Carissimi also composed Transfige, see Jones, Motets of Carissimi, 143.
545
O amantissime et dulcissime Jesu Christe accende cor meum
amore tuo sanctissimo et da mihi spiritum tuum
ut ardeat et liquefiat anima mea in suavitate dilectionis tue.
O most loving and most sweet Jesus Christe, kindle my heart

with your most holy love, and give me your spirit,
that my soul may bum and melt in the sweetness of your love.61
61 Translated by Leofranc Holford-Strevens.
546
Example 8.5a. O Amantissime (1634), F. Costantini
A-mantis si-me et dulcis me su Chris
a-man- si-me et dulcis -
A-man et dul-
s- me Ie- su Chris
o
man dul - cis me
o o o
CIS si me Je suChris ste.
et dul-cis - si-me Je su Chri ste.
o
su Chri ste
o o
o
547
Example 8.5b. O Amantissime ( 1634), F. Costantini
40a
m
ut arde- at et li- que fi-at a-
'Ccor r
ut ar - de - at et li- que
O <
9
f i - a t et li- que- fi
-o-
at
&-1 0- o
H-
ut ar - de - at f
et li - que - fi - at a - m - ma
765 6
6 5 9 8 5 6
o
rv^n-
V -
-po- o
548
The kinds of sacred texts Costantini still responded to most easily in 1634 were those
whose derivation was biblical or liturgical. The duet Quam dilecta tabernacula, setting
the first five verses of Psalm 83 (specified for Matins on Corpus Christi), was one of
those (transcription 30). Labeled “concertato” in the tavola and in the instrumental bass
partbook, it refers to the solo tenor and alto sections in alternation with tutti segments
that move in thirds. Reference to its psalm origins is seen in its phrase structure and
repeated-note declamation. These repeated-note solos might also appear recitative-like,
suggesting performance with more rhythmic latitude or interpolated embellishment than
the printed page conveys. Early chromatic movement in the bass, as the soul “longs and
faints” (concupiscit et deficit) for the courts of the Lord (m. 5), appropriately colors the
text, but also alters the hexachord from D to an internal cadence on A. This sign of
shifting tonal centers—the harmonic progressions—that enliven this transparent duet is
seemingly text driven, but such moves are familiar from Costantini’s large-scale psalm
settings, and continue here as formal procedures without relationship, in every case, with
text. The ranges for both the tenor (d-e’), and alto (a-a’) are not particularly wide, but the
entire range is traversed by each voice in turn in one sweeping genuflection when the
words “my king and my god” (Rex meus et Deus meus) are encountered (mm. 17-19, 23-
25). These sequential gestures end on D and A, appropriately for this D-durus piece, but
at this point (m. 25) the bass shifts down a step to proceed in a clear G tonality at “bless
the inhabitants of your house” (Bead qui habitant in domo tua). This unprepared
harmonic shift to the optimistic G tonality emphasizes the further blessing upon all in the
house of the God whose collective knee is bent. The final twelve measures, almost a third
of the piece, make energetic work of “praising you forever and ever” in imitation and
with repetition, spending most of the harmonic effort in the dominant and final regions of
D. Thus Costantini shows tonal and structural response to the text, to a certain extent,
but keeps the formal approach familiar in his larger psalms.
549
The verses of Psalm 135, the text for Confitemeni Domino, provide a ready-made
refrain structure which Costantini uses as his musical framework for this four-voice
setting made up o f solo-tutti sections (transcription 34).
Ps.l35:l-5, 13
Confitemini Domino quoniam bonus: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.

Confitemini Deo deorum: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Confitemini Domini Dominomm: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui fecit mirabilia magna solus: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui fecit caelos intellectu: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui divisit mare Rubrum in divisiones: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Praise the Lord for he is good: for his mercy endures forever.
Praise the God of gods: for his mercy endures forever.
Praise the Lord of lords: for his mercy endures forever.
Who alone does great wonders: for his mercy endures forever.
Who made the heavens in great understanding: for his mercy endures forever.
Who divided the Red sea in parts: for his mercy endures forever.
Declamatory homophonic tuttis on quoniam punctuate each of the three solos on
Confitemini which are passed among the voices of the CATB choir. Costantini keeps the
psalmodic character of the text in these solos and commences those on Confitemini with
repeated notes the recitational D of this G-mollis piece, but the harmonies are not as
monotonal. The first homophonic quoniam stays in G, the second in D, and the third in F
before reaffirming the G just before the text pattern changes (mm. 21). At Qui fecit the
solo bass launches a downward scale from g to G which the subsequent tutti affirms.
The soprano solo on the second Qui fecit then modulates to D, continued in the following
tutti. In contrast with the other verses, the final one, Qui divisit mare,begins with its
homophonic tutti, but halts on F. There a bit of non-psalm text, in divisiones, issung by
the four solo voices in paired imitation, between the two halves of the final tutti verse,
550
ultimately reaching the G final. Costantini had much practice in polyphonic psalm
setting, and simply tightened psalm-related idioms to set this abbreviated text as a motet.
Costantini set the four antiphons for second vespers at Nativity in four separate
motets, each for a different voice range, but placed together as a set in the print: Tecum
principium for soprano duet, Redemptionem for two altos, Exortum est for a trio of
tenors, and Apud Dominum for bass duet. G. F. Anerio had set a group of four slightly
different texts in his thorough Antiphonae (1613), leaving out Redemptionem and adding
the antiphon at laudes, Facta est cum angelo, as the fourth vespers antiphon. Costantini
set two versions o f this last antiphon in 1634, but neither one as part of his “Antiphonae
Natale.” The settings of the four Nativity antiphons are distributed across the voices,
Costantini’s usual approach to enlisting the choir members as soloists. His four duets in
the 1616 and 1618 collections do the same thing, as do many of the solos within his
concertato settings, for example, Confitemini Domino in this collection. His musical
interest in vocal contrast was probably abetted by a choirmaster’s interest in putting
every singer to work, out of a sense of fairness perhaps, but also to keep them all
engaged in the proceedings.
Musically, there seems to be a relationship between Costantini’s duets of the
1610s and 1634. The relationship may be generic, and if so might be a basis for
distinguishing conventions in his own music for different equal-voice combinations from
those of his colleagues, and how they both might be changing. The tonal types used for
soprano (F-mollis), tenor, and bass solos (both G-durus) are the same in the two
collections, and the alto changes from G-durus to mollis. The texts of the antiphons—
each one a verse extracted from a different vespers psalm—are shorter, and the pieces are
shorter than in the earlier collections, but more happens in this abbreviated period,
exemplified by the bass duet, Apud Dominum (transcription 33). Costantini uses the
same melodic gesture in 1634 as in 1618, a rising scale with the final two notes repeated,
551
to increase the pace after a slow beginning. Whereas the early duet combines the two
voices only minimally, except for the climactic contrary motion at m. 23, the later one
leaves neither voice alone for long, thus intensifying the harmonic interaction. This set
of antiphons, as do the 1616 and 1618 duets, exemplify essentially formal notions of
setting texts to music, which Costantini used often, despite his humanist interest in text
setting displayed elsewhere, even in the same volume.
On the other hand, these formal duets, to which can be added several others for
equal and unequal voices (Pulchra es, Cantate Domino, Beata es Virgo Maria), perhaps
show Costantini’s approach to a certain kind of duet writing for standard texts, one that
allowed variance in certain gestures and harmonic goals, but kept to a basic plan. Further
studies of the repertory of Roman colleagues may determine the dividing line between
invention and convention.
A text from the Song of Songs is the one announced dialogue in the collection, a
62
genre in which Costantini has been particularly prolific. En dilectus meus (2:10, 5:6,
7:11-12) is a centonization of several widely-spaced verses of the canticle placed
together to create a coherent scene (transcription 31).
En dilectus meus loquitur m ih i.

Surge propera Arnica mea Formosa mea Columba mea et veni.
Anima mea liquefacta est ut dilectus locutus est.
Egrediamur in agrum commoremur in villis
videamus si floruit vinea et si flores fructus parturiunt.
Sponsa: Behold, my beloved speaks to me:

Sponsus: Arise, make haste, my love, my dove, my beautiful one, and come.
Sponsa: My soul melted when he spoke.
D u et: Let us go forth in the villages and abide in the fields.
Let us see if the vines flourish, if the flowers are ready to bring
forth fruits.
Domine si tu vis by Antonelli is labeled “concertato ”but is also a dialogue.
552
The speeches of the Sponsa and Sponsus, female and male beloved, are
differentiated by meter as well as content, a common indicator of recitative-aria as
motivated by text. In this case, the female beloved serves as the narrator in her own
behalf, and her duple-meter speech would be most effectively interpreted with rhythmic
freedom, something its repeated notes not only allow but encourage. The direct speech of
the male beloved is conveyed in triple meter aria. The dialogue continues even as the
duet commences in the triple meter (m. 26) previously established as the Sponsus’ voice.
Their conjoined pleasure in the vineyards and flowers that follows returns to duple meter,
allowing full participation of the female beloved as well as plenty of opportunity for
dramatic elaboration on the part of two imaginative singers. The allegorical
interpretation of this amorous narrative is given shape by the musical details. The
Christian soul (Sponsa) is invited to follow Christ (Sponsus) and responds as though
succumbing to seduction, but does not immediately follow the seducer. The call and
response is extended musically by the triple meter that begins the duet. Sponsa and
Sponsus ask and urge, in alternation, “let us go forth to the fields” (Egrediamur in
63
agrum). This triple-meter exchange is kept in the tonal regions of C and D before the
joined voices resolve into G and the final duple meter sections, a florid duet on the
fecundity of flowers and fruits.
These examples of solo writing bring us to the solo pieces in the motet collection.
Two of the four are by Costantini, his first solo motets although not his first
compositions for solo voice, an idiom he has long engaged for Italian poetry as well as
concertato vespers music. His move toward more clearly presenting modes of actual
performance in his 1630 anthology opens up in these little motets to precise notational
63
The theme is quite similar to that in Zerlina and Don Giovanni’s exchange on
“andiamo” in La ci darem la mano in Mozart’s Don Giovanni, even to the resolution in triple
meter.
553
representation of his sung embellishments. Deus canticum novum, which sings a new
song to God, is a natural vehicle for vocal display, although the kind of passage work in
this motet is not really new. Costantini the Roman tenor may have sung in this manner
his entire life, committing it to notation only now.
Traditional Roman training in improvised embellishment practice is apparent in

64
slow runs followed by faster ones, and retention of a fundamental pulse (example 8.6).
The fact that this is now a written reality indicates a change in compositional practice for
Costantini, far removed from his earlier motets. At the same time, it is precisely the
motivation toward notational specificity that captured the new music in written form. As
in the Florentine tradition, Costantini’s practice preserved in these motets is probably
nearer the actual performance of even his earlier motets as they would have been sung by
Roman-trained singers.
In Deus canticum novum, the vocal embellishment is the main point of the piece,
and becomes the focus of interest for us, perhaps because we can more closely
approximate what the music may have been like in its day. Facta es cum angelo, on the
other hand, also notates precise embellishments, but alternates sections of triple with the
duple meter, and weaves an echo, as advertised in the tavola, into the triple meter arioso
(example 8.7). Alessandro Costantini, responsible for the other two solo pieces, took a
different approach to the solo motet than his brother in Dulcis Jesu pie Deus, perhaps
prompted by the metrical text with which it opens:65
64
As understood particularly in the works of Conforti, Breve etfacile maniera and Salmi
passaggiati.
65 This first stanza is also set by Buxtehude as part of Cantata I in his cycle, Membra
Jesu Nostri. The entire text of this motet, with additional stanzas in irregular meters, is in app. C-
7.
554
Dulcis Jesu pie Deus,

Ad te clamo licet reus:
Rebe mihi te benignum,
Ne repellas me indignum
De tuis sanctis pedibus.
Sweet Jesus, merciful God,

to thee I cry as one accused;
be kind to me;
do not drive me, unworthy though I am,
from your holy feet.66
Its narrow melodic range and hemiola rhythm attempts to make a jaunty canzonetta of
this Jesus-themed text (example 8.8). The later strophes grow less regular metrically, so
the interruption of the rhythmic momentum near the beginning and its continued threat
from embellished notes along the way is probably justified. The figures occur mostly at
appropriate textual, if not rhythmic, spots ( holy, greatness, your love, one love, eternal,
for ever and ever). Nevertheless, arrival at the long, flowing alleluia in triple rhythm
delivers on the earlier promise of regular rhythm and smoothly melodic vocalization.
Popular and virtuosic devices grace these monodies textually suitable for feastday
worship on the most solemn and festive occasions: Nativity, Easter, and Eucharistic
worship, but perhaps just as appropriate for recreational singing performed by
professionals—the embellished singing, as well as amateurs—the simpler songs.
66 Translation adapted from unattributed web source.
555
Example 8.6. Deus canticum novum (1634), F. Costantini
psa
m
o
lam
Example 8.7. Facta es cum angelo (1634), F. Costantini
jt I, H — Is "'— w ~ o~ ^ 5- f i- l* n J- - I
— n ------------ 0 -----------
i f
—^ ----- G ----------
n r f f r r r
Glo - ri - a (Glo - ri - a) in ex-cel - sis De 0 De - 0
13
fc > :— $ ---------------------- , ^ 0 --------------------------- 1- O -----------------
0
' \f £ — o ----------------J - — 0 ----------------d~ ft \ t
Example 8.8. Dulcis Jesu Pie Deus (1634), A. Costantini
r mii PM r r
F # = fF = P P m P f J •— P m P
1 <il t O 0
D at- c LS Je - su Pi - e De - us ad te cla- rno licet re - us

»— 4*----
------- 0 ------- r r PM J » <5-----------
643 ,
556
Writtenpassaggi in Costantini’s own compositions ratcheted up in his motets of
1634, although remain confined to the solo pieces. Cifra’s Confitebor in Costantini’s
1630 print contains this kind of notated embellishment (at Memor erit in saeculum
testamentum), and indeed such passages are often thought characteristic of Cifra’s works.
However Costantini, who up to now was in many ways an economical composer, did not
notate long passaggi with such precision until perhaps the vogue for singing it had
diffused widely, and the singers trained to do it improvisatorally became more scarce.
Among the pieces in 1634 ostensibly for larger forces, are both a dialogue and a
refrain motet, unadvertised save for their usual concertato designation. Costantini’s
name in the tenor part of Abbundio Antonelli’s dialogue, Domine si tu vis, allows some
speculation as to the role he may have taken in its authorship. The motet is in fact a
dialogue for four high voices (CAAT) on a matins responsory for the important Roman
day of SS. Pietro and Paulo (29 June). The Ave Maria for five voices (CCATB) is
unequivocally by Costantini, and is his only motet with an exactly repeated refrain, as it
is one of his very few on a free text as well (transcription 35).
557
Ave Maria cuius animam paradisus factus est.
Gaudete omnes cantate angeli, jubilate cives delitiose civitatis.
Ave Maria cuius cor celeste convivium Deum invitat ad celestes epulas.
Ave Maria de cuius sanguine Deus homo factus est ut languores hominum faceret
in gaudia transire Beatorum.
Hail Mary, whose soul has become paradise.

All rejoice! Sing, angels, be delightedly joyous, citizens o f heaven..
Hail Mary, whose heavenly heart opens for the presence of God at celestial
banquets.
All rejoicel ...
Hail Mary, from whose blood God has become man, that the weaker of men may
cross over into the joys of the blessed.
All rejoicel ...67
The italicized second, fourth, and sixth sections of the piece are the tutti refrain, the first
half of it in triple meter homophonic arioso representing all the angels praising and
singing. The second half of the refrain in duple meter, however, is insistently, if squarely
rhythmic, representing the citizen’s jubilation (mm. 16-20). All five voices join in a
repeated eighth-note Jubilate, after the canto and tenor lead the way, and end on an F
triad in this cantus mollis piece. The three verses all beginning Ave Maria use all the
singers in turn: canto solo, alto-tenor duet, and a trio for two cantos and basso. The
shape of the solo and ensembles is reminiscent of Costantini’s previous handling of these
interpolated sections, except for the interjection of a pronounced reference to the most
68
familiar of the Ave Maria chants. Costantini has invoked a chant related to his psalms
or hymns from time to time, but its quotation in a motet with a free text is stimulated by
the use of the related text fragment.
67 Res. 4 at matins, Brev.1568 (5000); Matt. 14: 28-31; trans. Nicholas Young.
68
The chant at second vespers on the feasts of the Annunciation and Rosary in more
recent use, Liber Usualis, p. 1679.
558
In the company of the pieces just described we find again the Gaudeamus omnes
ascribed “del P” (transcription 32). The composers, other than the brothers Costantini,
whose works appear in this anthology were all deceased at the time of its publication, as
are the remaining candidates for our anonymous “P” : Paolo Quagliati who died in 1628,
and Paolo Agostino. In either case the piece is unascribed elsewhere, and its interest for
us is more the reason for its odd identification in the print than perhaps the merit of the
piece itself.
Quagliati’s tenure in Rome as a professional musician coincided with his status as
an aristocrat, giving him access to certain social and intellectual circles, and those who
would occupy them. Reference to him by Pietro della Valle in his 1640 polemic on
modem music is an indication of Quagliati’s proximity—or at least that of his music—to
the debate in which Della Valle argues that music’s value should rise from its suitability
69
to the needs of its audience, that is, how closely it corresponds to contemporary taste.
By this standard, the Quagliati piece which Della Valle found appealing as a youngster
perhaps had gone out of fashion. But implied in Della Valle’s discussion of Quagliati is
the composer’s interest in writing music that pleased the public, perhaps adjusting to
changing tastes. It is the theme of adjustment to change that guides Costantini’s efforts
in 1634 as well, and that accounts for the differences in features of pieces in his last few-
voice motet collection. Costantini must have recognized that Quagliati was known to
cater to current taste, and chose Quagliati’s Cantabo Domino for his 1618 anthology.
This piece, with its accompaniment for Spanish guitar, was styled after Quagliati’s early
canzonettas with lute accompaniment, but updated from earlier canzonetta types in two
important ways: written for duet texture, and adapted to a sacred Latin text. Its several
69
Robert R. Holzer, '"Sono d'altro garbo.Je canzonette che si cantano oggi': Pietro della
Valle on Music and Modernity in the Seventeenth Century," Studi musicali 21 (1992): 257.
559
possible performance modes show Quagliati’s lifetime interest, or at least continued
reputation for “pleasing the ladies” with his music, and it may be this idea that Costantini
70
is honoring with the motet in 1634, if indeed it is by Quagliati. On musical grounds the
Gaudeamus omnes could be by Quagliati. Its ease of melody and assured, if simple use
of harmony and thirds matches the style of his earlier Cantabo Domino, although the
later motet is more subdued in its duple meter sections and vocal ornamentation.
Paolo Agostini reenters the picture if we put back on the table the idea that this
could be an unattributed little work of the late maestro at the Cappella Giulia, the second
by him on this text. Having looked ahead to the 1639 anthology and found a psalm
“tutto in trippola” that is also unknown among Agostini’s works lends new life to this
hypothesis.
The mystery remains as to why Costantini would not identity Quagliati, Agostini,
or whoever the author might be, in his collection. One would think that any one of his
contemporaries who was truly interested would probably know who the author was,
although one o f only two discrepancies in attribution among Costantini’s earlier
anthologies involves Quagliati, and he may in fact be hedging his bets here. It may have
something to do with the debate migrating into theoretical circles in that decade about the
“music of our day,” as it reached and affected the practicing professional.
Emulation, or Imitation, in Costantini’s Revisions

O f the 171 pieces by fifty composers published by Costantini, only five were
explicitly changed in some way. The few examples available for comparison seem to
indicate that he was quite faithful to his sources, those copies of works that he possessed
or had access to, and accounts for the variety within each print in notation, continuo
70 Holzer, "Sono d'altro garbo," 278 n. 86.
560
figuration, and sectionalized layout which reveals the hand of an editor unconcerned
with standardization.
The five pieces he changed leave 166 that he did not, a statistic that suggests the
71
principles guiding Costantini, the compiler, in his work. First, he based piece
selections on their intrinsic qualities intertwined with the professional reputations of their
composers, and second, he meant to represent authentic versions of pieces by composers
he respected. The qualities of his own compositions were under his complete control,
and thus fit his own requirements of style and use. But his revisions of pieces by
Agazzari, the Naninos, Crivelli, and Palestrina add another dimension, on a different
order than his own compositions allowed. They reveal an urge to pay homage to the
legacy of these composers, at the same time adapting these particular pieces to the
purposes of his anthologies. He made sure they had a present-day use and appeal which
his own compositional skill and judgement captured.
Concertato as Understood in Rome

The concertato idea is fundamental to Costantini’s notion of “moderna” used in
72
its contemporary sense of up-to-date. The term concertato was not used by Costantini
in conjunction with pieces in his first three anthologies (1614, 1615, 1616), then slowly
gained a place, first in the works of others but soon in his own compositions. As
discussed in chapter 5, its meaning was quite specific in Rome. From the sample of
pieces in this repertory, it appears that the term concertato was quite specifically related
to sectionalized conception of a piece characterized by assignment of various vocal
textures to parts of the text. It did not carry any overt implication for instrumental
71
The other two guiding principles are patronage and the marketplace.
72
Holzer, “Sono d'altro garbo,” among others.
561
involvement, for none of these pieces have obbligato instrumental parts beyond the
instrumental bass. Nor at this late date could it have anything to do with the continuo
accompaniment, taken for granted as part of the texture since the last decades of the
sixteenth century. Concertato carries different connotations in different repertories (or
among different scholars), but was very clearly conceived as an operative technique in
Costantini’s vocal works according to this understanding. Evidence of its use in the
anthologies shows how it was most typically conceived and used by Roman
73
composers.
The sectionalized concertato alio romano discussed by Dixon essentially
reduced the concept to a printing convention which separates sections of music by a
double bar, and was known in Agazzari’s early Roman publications, used there without
comment.74 The label appeared in Venetian publications, but composers and their
printers in Rome seem not to have used the term even when they used the technique. In
Costantini’s case, the term was not used in his Venetian prints either. We have seen that
among Costantini’s works the sectionalized printing convention is seen as early as his
1618 Scelta di motetti, and becomes increasingly important through 1630. It assumes a
greater role in the secular publications of 1621 and 1622, but the pervasive use of
75
concertato peaks in the 1630s psalm collection. In 1639 Costantini used the term
“versi spezzati,” along with concertato, to indicate that a singer would find each discrete
section clearly marked in that piece. Seguito along with concertato meant continuous
layout even when scoring was varied concertato-style.
73
For discussion and bibliography of the understanding of concertato in Germany and
how it changed over the course of the seventeenth century see Frandsen, “Sacred Concerto in
Dresden,” 127-145.
74
Sacrae laudes...liber secundo (Rome, 1603)
75
It may well have been important in the vespers collection of 1621 but the absence of
most parts makes it impossible to know how it was used.
562
The evidence of the anthologies would suggest that the presence of concertato
writing evidently called for promotion beginning around 1620, for either aesthetic or
practical reasons. By 1620 the concertato character of a piece was made explicit in the
index, and by 1621 even Palestrina’s piece was “concertata.” The pinnacle of concertato
promotion was the 1630 vespers collection, where each piece was so labeled. In 1639,
each piece is meticulously assigned a concertato or non-concertato label except the final
three motets, where the works by Quagliati, Felice Anerio, and Palestrina, are the only
pieces not categorized one way or the other.
Concertato as Dialogue
In the 1634 Motetti we find “concertato ” and “dialogo” each describing a piece
with different speakers declaiming directly, one sectionalized, the other through-
76
composed. In Costantini’s 1630 print the revised Agazzari hymn Exultet caelum, now
concertato, makes less clear the division between the musical and textual understanding
of the term dialogue. Exultet caelum was originally published by Agazzari in Dialogici
concentus of 1613. The title of the earlier publication implies a collection of dialogues,
although in the early seventeenth century, this term carried two meanings: the setting of a
dialogue text, or the sectionalized setting of another kind of text using various voice
77
combinations and textures, perhaps in a way analogous to conversational exchange.
The Dialogici contains several hymns besides Exultet caelum, along with settings of
78
textual dialogues. Inclusion of hymn texts set in various combinations of voices
“offered the kind of strong formal divisions from which Agazzari liked to take his cue in
concertato works,” and confirms an understanding of the term “dialogue” by Agazzari,
76
Whenham, Duet and Dialogue.
77
Ibid, and further in “Dialogue” by Whenham and David Nutter in NGII.
78
Contents are listed Reardon, Agostino Agazzari.
563
79
and generally, in 1613, to be that conflating these two definitions. A closer look at the
text for this particular hymn shows a reworking of the text, musically, to resemble a
dialogue. The precise selection of the stanzas that Agazzari chose to set from this hymn
were influenced by the possibilities inherent in the text for direct address plausibly
placed in the mouths of individual singers, blurring somewhat the crisp distinction
between the strictly textual or entirely musical conception of the dialogue at this time.
Costantini seems to have incorporated the idea of dialogue in his addition to this piece.
However, here he labeled Agazzari’s piece “concertato” with no mention of dialogue.
Perhaps, despite the allusion within the text to dramatis personae, it was still a hymn.
Under the rubric of concertato much more modem composition was carried out
within the traditional genres than will ever be counted. Notions of diversity of styles,
embellishment, improvisation, and the art of good singing informed the composition of
even so-called “conservative” composers, in actuality the majority of musicians active in
their profession. There were very few who forged a path uninformed by tradition, and
fewer still who proceeded doggedly opposed to some new ways of putting sounds
together.
The keys to musical culture in Rome in the early seventeenth century are the
network of persons, institutions, and households who made, sponsored, and heard music
performed, and the interplay of coexisting styles and genres of music, much of which
found its way to print. Costantini’s role in this has been laid out in some detail in order
to establish his career and his published anthologies as typical and important outcomes of
79 Ibid, 107
564
the structures of Roman musical life, and to use them to reflect on the culture of which
both Costantini’s life and the music associated with him are such a characteristic part.
In this period in Rome the steep rise in the number of well-trained, capable music
professionals is a predominant factor in the musical life of the city, thus making these
anthologies, the only series of the era, an ideal way to approach a culture with so many
equally important contributors. The composers represented in the anthologies are a
cross-section of the best-regarded professional musicians— maestri di cappella,
organists, singers— at work, or whose compositions were still performed, in Rome in the
early decades of the century. Costantini, in his role as anthologist, furthers our
knowledge of how they fit together. He organized his anthologies, particularly those of
the 1610s, according to his perception of the status and prestige of the composers. The
list is adjusted in some instances to reflect the interests of the patron, or the purpose of
the collection, but for the most part the choice of composers is related to the perceived
stratification in Roman society o f various institutions, which employed many of the
composers. It acknowledges, too, the important element of personal patronage as
resulting from, but also conferring, professional status. The role of the professional
musician in early modem Rome is thus the sum of the roles played by the professionals
in Costantini’s anthologies.
Patronage is a central issue that can be addressed through these anthologies.
Even though they contain the compositions of others, Costantini made these collections
his own creations within contemporary print conventions. Their organization
corresponds to that of other publications of their types—double-choir and few-voice
motets, vespers selections, and secular song—but one can read in Costantini’s choice of
pieces his awareness of two kinds of patronage. The first is patronage from the top
down, where a collection is meant to honor the powerful or wealthy and to seek favor,
although subtler issues of reciprocity may be at work as well. The second kind of
565
patronage is from the bottom up, the patronage of the marketplace, which takes into
account what people need and want in music, and the demands of different venues. It is
this second kind of patronage, a corollary to the commercial intent of musical anthologies
generally, which alerts us to the contemporary reception of the repertory.
The dedications of the anthologies, which superficially reflect standard patronage
forms, exceed the often-assumed uses of this convention to reveal far more information.
As an aggregate, distinct characteristics define each dedication but similar themes thread
through them all. Beyond the standard tropes of favor, Costantini referred to proclivities
of the patron which were very different for a cardinal from Rome, a noble in Orvieto, or
the corporate body of a confraternity. The dedications are rich in biographical
information, for Costantini, and sometimes for his patron. This reservoir of factual data,
however, has been used selectively by Costantini to enhance each patronage relationship.
Legitimizing the collection to a third party, his music-buying public, also enters
Costantini's inscriptions. His most personal statements comment on the state of the
music profession in 1630, which by inference doubles as an introduction to his current
collection. The information yielded by a careful reading of these dedications sensitive to
the poetics of such documents is rich indeed.
The anthologies offer a repertory that represents the coexistence of old and new
approaches to composition by the majority of Roman musicians, sometimes in the same
pieces, but certainly in the same publications. Revealed in the pieces, too, are the habits
and practices of the musician trained according to standards still operating in the late
sixteenth century. Not incidental to the fact that Costantini produced both sacred and
secular anthologies is that they indicate that church musicians trained in solo
falsobordone were equally skilled in secular music styles. This cross-fertilization of
performance skills, as well as compositional skills, cannot be underestimated in
imagining the sounds of performances, or the intentions of composers.
566
It is just these practices that Costantini is at some pains to preserve in his
anthologies of the 1630s. By then he observed that the training and performance
traditions that shaped his generation could no longer be taken for granted. Costantini
expanded the performance details of print presentation in the 1630s in order to
transmit—and also preserve as a standard—past professional expertise to a current
generation of musicians whose performance skills, as well as compositional priorities,
were changing.
As for his own music, Costantini’s compositions begin to be printed in significant
numbers only with the secular collections of the 1620s, and after that assume an ever
larger part of the total. They constitute a subset of all the genres, types, and styles spread
over the series, and show Costantini both to be a worthy product of his training, and a
maturing practitioner. The revisions of his later years of works by Agazzari and
Giovanni Maria Nanino are most revealing of the extent to which he adopted new
melodic idioms and structural means, while retaining his links with the past.
Still more can to be learned from Costantini’s story which might be useful in
further explorations of the era, providing a foil for the explication of the lives and music
of others like him. The abundant details of Costantini’s anthologies and biography help
focus on the microcosmic issues of Roman music and patronage, but Costantini and his
works can also be projected onto a wider screen. Costantini’s endeavors flourished in an
urban setting. There the growth of musical cappelle and the increased number of
professional musicians, the needs of institutions, and the habits of the urban elite all
played a part in marshalling an aesthetic consensus that Costantini’s anthologies reflect.
Costantini’s personal trajectory is caught up in larger trends of the period,
including expansion o f economic and artistic opportunities in Rome, religious reform and
rejuvenation, and later, hardening of class boundaries, perhaps to the detriment of those
who would have otherwise thrived. Through no want of trying, Costantini’s career
567
diminished in the later years of his life. The facts of his life do not bespeak failure, yet
the feeling of thwarted expectations comes from Costantini himself, in his final
dedication. Perhaps his musical career did not end with the position or recognition he
hoped for. His unrealized ambitions may have been a result of societal changes as much
as musical ones, however, and the reasons for the disappointment he communicates are
difficult to know. At the same time, Costantini’s influence did not stop with the end of
his life, nor did it really end poorly, for his grandchildren were to carry on in very
fundamental ways his musical legacy. Costantini’s motet collections circulating in the
cities of Northern Europe were perhaps a prelude to grandson Vincenzo Albrici and his
siblings’ music making in these places. The grandfather’s training, standards, expertise,
and response to the needs of the patron and the public were his legacy to his
grandchildren, and through them, it was carried beyond Italian borders.
I return now to the model of center and periphery, suggested initially by the
geography which delimited the career of our musician and his repertory, but with a
deeper resonance for Costantini and his works in the context of Roman musical and
cultural life in the early seventeenth century. This study brings Costantini and his
anthologies from the periphery to the center in terms of historiographical evidence, a
view that I argue is valid for describing and ultimately better understanding the musical
culture of Rome. By foregrounding one hardworking musician, I have shown that he
was not an obscure figure among his contemporaries, that the goals he sought to
accomplish were shared by his colleagues, and that he used his varied gifts effectively.
Costantini understood his profession in terms of his training and the social order into
which he was bom, and he built on these with his own compositions and publishing
program. His accomplishments endure in the anthologies he edited which, in turn, offer
rich and important insights into the musical culture, institutions, and audiences of
Costantini’s era.
APPENDIX A
Documents
Note: Honorific abbreviations have been left as they are; other abbreviations have been
expanded without comment. Alternative readings or indications of illegibility are shown
in brackets. In general, original spellings have been retained except the interchanged
usage of v and u. Proper names have been capitalized. All editorial remarks or
emendations are in brackets.
Documents of the Opera del Duomo, the Riformanze and Memoriali, show the original
manuscript folio number, but show also the more recent penciled page number enclosed
in parenthesis. When marginal comments are present, they precede the body of the entry
and are indicated by [marg]. The body of the entry is enclosed in quotations.
Document 1
Notebook 6, Sheet 1549: BustaNo. 6 [164-170]: aa: 1609-1611, Lettere Originale, I-Od.
No. 61:25 May 1610
da Roma, Francesco Soriano, a Orvieto, Vespasiano Aweduti
Roma/M° Francesco Soriano/ sotto li 25 di maggio 1610
A1 Molto Ill.tre Sig.r et p[ad]rone mio. / OSS.mo II Sig.r Vespasiano/ Aweduti in/
Orvieto
Molto Ill,tre Sig.r et Pr[adr]on[e] le mio OSS.mo:

Questi giomi passati il Sig.re Angelo Aweduti Fratello di V.S. et il Sig.r Gio. Piccioni
mi diedero nova della morte del Sig.re Leonardo et mi si accenso[accenno] che
haverrebbero voluntieri riceuto in suo luogo Ms Fabio Costantini nostro Tenore quando
havesse voluto accettare questo carico: e essendomene dimandato parere disse che
sarrebbe bonissimo per esser persona attiva, et pratica nel Choro, di bona voce, et bel
cantante, come anche parimente nel violino, il quale servirebbe all ‘Organo tal’hora col
suono et tal hora con la voce, poi che canta un bassotto gratiosissimo. Ma in vero[?]
dissi che mi pareva impossibile che lasciasse Roma, et La Cappella di S. Pietro, et tante
altre comodita, tutta via questo i negotii che fa alle SS. Loro et a lui a risolvendo. Et
perche mi disse il Sig.re Gio. Piccioni che la Cappella haveva bisogno anche de altre voci
quando cosi sia dandomene un minimo avviso, per quanto potro[pero] mi sforzaro siano
serviti et dicendoli di nuovo che per provisione non si lascino perder questo virtuoso,
asicurandoli che in Roma non vi e persona che habbia le qualita che ha lui; et se in altro
li possi servire li degni comandara che me honori [honora] proTiss.°[pro’tissimo].
Offerendomeli di tutto core, et bagiandoli le mano. Le prego dal Sig.re.bio[tri, bei] ogni
vero contente.
Di Roma q’sto di 25 maggio 1610/ I.V.S Molto Ill.tre/ Ser.r e Aff.mo/ Fran.co Soriano.
568
569
Document 2
Notebook 6, Sheet 1549: BustaNo. 6 [164-170]: aa: 1609-1611, Lettere Originale, I-
Od.
No. 78: 1 July 1610
da Roma, Francesco Soriano, a Orvieto, Vespasiano Aweduti
Roma./S.r Francesco Soriano m° di Cap/di S. Pietro sotto il di/primo di luglio 1610
A1 Molto Ill.me Sig.r et Pron—mio/OSS.mo 11.° Sig.r Vespasiano Awe-/duti, in/Orvieto

Ill.me Sig.r et p[ad]rone mi Oss.mo:
Si degnara perdonarmi, se non ho risposto p[rim]a di hora, essendo stato impedito dalle
molte occupatione, et in particular per la n’ra principal festa di S. Pietro. Hora saluto
V.S. insieme con il Sig.r Angelo suo fratello, ringratiandolo infinitamente dell’honore
che si s’degna farmi in havermi scritto diverse volte, se ben in vero non mi son capitate
se non le due delle 15 et delle 22 giugno, essendo come V.S. dice, facil cosa siano andate
servitevi[scrivami] l’altre. per il che non occorreva far’ con me simil complimenti, ne
meno ringratiarmi, poi che non cognosco sin’ hora, haver servito V.S in cosa
nuova[ruina, nivra]. questo si che desidero servirla con tutto il cuore se si degnara pero
comandarmi. Mi rallegro poi che ho per inteso che il negotio del M.° di Capella sia
diffinito in favore di ms Fabio Costantini n’ro Tenore e se ben mi e discaro perderlo,
tutta via, et per servitio delle 111. loro et per util’suo, ne sento contento. Fra’ tanto starro
spettando li suoi comandamenti, pregandoli dal Sig.re.bio[tri, bei] ogni vero contento, et
bagiandoli le mani, con ogni affetto me li raccomando.
Di Roma q[ue]sto di p.° luglio 1610/D.V.Sr. Ill.tre/Aff.mo Ser.re/Fran[ces]co Soriano
Document 3
Memoriali 34, 3v (8v), 28 January 1611,1-Od.
(marg) Modo di dare piena informationi nel primo numero di Gen° dell’attioni di tutti i
cantori, et altri salariati avanti che vadano per la conferma. “Nel sopradetto Numero II
Sig.re Cap° Erasmo spadente sopra la Publica utilita consulto’ che per l’avvenire avanti
che nel Numero vadano a partito per la conferma li P[ote]sta et Fattori, Musici, et altri
salariati di questo pio luoco, il Sig.re Cammor[leng]° et i signori Soprastanti devono con
ogni esquisita diligentia, et secretezza informarsi del modo del servire di soprad[ett]i, et
se corrispondano secondo l’obbligo loro, et, doppo questa diligentia, nel n° di ss.i
soprastanti congregato a quest’effetto, si faccia chiamare anco il Sig.r M° di Cappella, il
quale, con giuramento, debbia dare quelle’ informatione, che per conscientia, et honor
suo, deve, di tutti i Cantori si delle voci delle qualita, come anco dell’esser ‘atti a d°
servitio, accio nel primo Numero Grande il Notario minutamente referisca il tutto,
affinche, informato il numero, possa confirmare, cassare, accrescere, et diminuire le
provisione secondo il merito di quelli.”
570
Document 4
Memoriali 3 4 ,140r (145r), 12 July 1616,1-Od.
(marg) Libri donati alia Cappella “II Sig. Fabio Costantini gia M.° di Cappella alii altre
opere che dono alia R[everen]da Fab[ri]ca come in queste car:[te] 89, ha aggiunto de esse
n.° 9 pezzi et opere di diversi huomini celebri in musica, et sue, intitolate salmi, quali da
me Sfroza Marabottini Cam0 sono stato fatte legare, et achomodare, et si son consegnate
al Rev ms. Gio: Francesco Manfredi che oggi fa la battuta mancando il m. di cappella.
Sta in quest’altri il Sig Fabio Med.mo mostrato la memoria che tiene della n’ra chiesa,
quale ha per molti anni servito con’estraordinaria diligenza e affetione, et tanto
onoratam[ente.].”
Document 5
Memoriali 34, 310r-v (316r-v), 24 March 1622,1-Od.
[margin] Concordia della pace fatta tra ‘ Illus.ma Citta d’Orvieto et SS.ri. Canonici del
Duomo
“Memoria a me Angelo Orienti cam.go della R.da Fab.ca come a di 24 di marzo 1622 fu
fatto l’inst0 della concordia pretentioni dell’incenzo, et altre pretendenze tra l’lll.ma Citta
d’Orvieto, et il Capitolo delli SS.ri Canonici, del q’te se ne rogare insolito mj.re Lucido
Lucij Cancilliere della Citta, m.re Pietro Bucciotti Cancelliere dell’Ill.mo Sig.re Card.le
Vescovo, e mj.re Bilisario Sanvitani notaro del Cap.lo delli SS.ri Canonici essendo stato
testimonij in d.° inst.0 fatto nel Palazzo Episcopale il Sig.re Pompilio Taruggi, et me
Angelo soprad0 [Orienti]. In vigor del qte Plll.mo Sig.re Magistrato sotto il di 27 di d° il
giomo di domenica Ill.ma Pasqua di resurrettione venne in domo al Vesparo dove fu. p.a
Incensato l’lll.ma Sign.re Card.le dalla p.a dignita, e dopo dal diacono parato, l’asistenti
dall ‘Ill.mo Sig. Card.le Vescovo, e dopo dal d°, diacono l’lll.mo Sig.re Confaloniere, qte
incensato, fu’ poi dal d° diacono sequitato d’incenzare il restante dell’Ill.mo Sig.
Magistrato, et in un med.° tempo dal su diacono fu’ incenzato il Capitolo cominciando
dalla p.a dignita, e cosi fu’ dichiarato nell’ inst.° sempre et in perpetuo dovessi fare,
come anco nel darla pace, e fare altre ceremonij conforme al Ceremoniale, eccetto pero
nell’adoratione della Croce, e li dare della cenare il Cap.lo delli SS.ri Canonici con tutto
il clero sia preferito essendo atto di humilta con espressa dechiaratione, che in tutti i casi
che non fusse p ’nte il Confaloniere, il Conservatore, che sara p ’nte nel p.° luogo (pio
luogo) habbia istessa pre rogateria [pre rogativa] come si fusse l’istesso Confaloniere,
come nel sopracitato inst.0
Document 6
Memoriali 34, 326r (332r), 12 November 1622,1-Od.
(marg) Processione, e traslatione della B.ma Verg.ne di S. Britio nella Cap.la Nova. “Et
a di 12 del d[ett]o fu fatta la Processione della traslatione della B.ma V. di S. Britio,
571
q[ua]le dalF Altare a piede della Chiesa fu’ Portata per tutta la Citta con grandiss.ma
Devotione, et allegrezza della med.a Citta, e con grandiss.mo concorso delli Diocesani, e
Convicini con copia grandiss.ma di lumi, e fuochi, dove intervene rillus.m o et Rev.mo
Sig.re Card.le Crescentio novo Vescovo Ill.mo Mons.re Gover.re e Magistrato, clero,
tutti li religiosi tanto dentro, come fuori della Citta e Confratemite, Collegij, et arti,
portando tutti il lor lume, e dopo haver girato in molti luoghi della Citta fu riportata sotto
un Baldechino bianco, portato dalli primi Gentilhomini della Citta nella med.a n’ra
Chiesa Catredale e fu collocata nella Cap.la Nova di d.a Chiesa con grandiss.ma
allegrezza di tutto il Populo, e fu adomata del soprad.0 adomamento, accesi in d.a Cap.la
in ogni parte di essa gran copia di lumi, e fatta in simile occasione dal Sig. Fabio
Costantini m° di Cap.la superbiss.ma Musica a dui, tre e quattro Chori sonando dui
organi a laude e gloria di questa S.ma Vergine, dove per tutta l’ottava ogni giomo si sono
fatti sermoni, et orationi in detta Cap.la particolarmente ms’ dall’Ill.mo et Rev.mo Sig
Card.le Crescentio n’ro Vescovo, con la med.a Musica il che, si seguira’ anco ogni
Sabbato a’ Sera, essendoci gran concorso, e devotione del populo. Dove che essendo
q[ue]sta S.ma Verg.ne Santa principio, e fondamento di questa n’ra Chiesa e Fab.ca non
mi parendo decente stesse a’ piede la Chiesa mi passo?[ e parso] collocarla nel soprad.0
luogo molto piu condecente per crescere la devotione dei populi come in effetto e riuscito
stando in d.a Cap.la con grand.ma maiesta.
See also: Laura Andreani, "La ricerca d'archivio," in La Cappella Nova o di San Brizio
nel Duomo di Orvieto, ed. Giusa Testa (Milan: [Rizzoli], 1996), 422..
Document 7
Barb.Lat. 9969, f. 2 4 7 ,1-Rvat 31-32.
[27 December 1625]
1625, da Loreto 27 Dic.re/ II Sig. Fabio Costantini/ li rallegra del felice ritomo di V.S.
Illus.
Da contro l’essere stato honorato / delle carica di m.ro di Cappella /di quella chiesa ad
intercess.e del /ecc.mo Sig. D. Antonio Barberini /l’esibisce di tomare al servire/di V.S.
Illus.ma quand’essa lo comandi.
Ill.mo e R.mo Sig.e p[ad]rone mio sing.mo:

Dal di che 111. sig.r Don Antonio Barberini procuro che io fusse m.ro di Cappella
vedendomi patire, che se stavo un poco piu in Roma ero pieno di debiti, ritrovandomi su
le spalle una famiglia numerosa per pigion di casa et non haver altro che quella parte che
V.S. Illustrissima mi lascio. Sempre ho pregato dell continuo questa gloriossissima
Vergine et per V.S. Illustrissima che gli desse sanita e felice viaggio con ottimo ritomo,
dell che ne sono stato esaudito. Vengo hora come suo devotissimo servo a ralegrarmi et
insieme darli le buone farlo forte con mille boni anni; et la supplico non scordassi di me
che gli vivo et vivero in etemo vostro devotissimo, non voglio restare de dire a V.S.
Il.ma che don Bartolomeo non doveva mai conferire al. p[resent]e Girolamo ne al.
572
tedesco della tiorba che V.S.Ill.ma havrebbe havuto accaro che io havesse qualche
Cappella, perche li detti subbito s’imagginarano che io gli volesse passare avanti et loro
per raggione di stato mi travessono. Et in San Luigi ci messero un prete loro amico che
non vale cosa alcuna et a san Giovanni ci ficarono il Cifra. Io son[o] qui nella s.ta Casa
merce di s. r. Don Antonio, nondimeno son pronto a servire V.S. Ill[ustriss]ima se
comanda che io lassi lassero sappia solo che quello che ho fatto la necessita mi ha spinto
al humilmente gli fo [=faccio] riverenza et bacio le vesti con pregasse dell continuano
questa s[antissi]ma Madre del Cielo e della terra che mantengli in vita N.S. et tutti di sua
Casa, questo di 27 dicembre del anno 1625
a V.S. Ill.mo et R.mo, Humiliss.mo et Devotiss.mo servitore, Fabio Costantini M.ro di
Cappella della Santa Casa
Document 8
Barb.Lat. 9969, f. 248-249,1-Rvat 33-34.
[27 September 1629]
Ferrara/ 26 7bre 1629/ Fabio Costantino M.ro di Cappella/ Dell Card: Magalotti
Supp[licand]a S.D. a volergli/ impetrare la carica / di M[aestr]o di Cappella della/
Mad[on]na che la conferisce/ il sig Card, le Burghese
Illustrissimo e Eccellentissimo Sig. prone mio sing.mo

L’anno passato fui condotto al carico di M.o di Cappella di questo nobiliss.mo Duomo di
Ferrara dall sig.r Card.le Magalotti, con provisione di dui cento sessanta scudi l’anno tra
me et il mio Genero, hora vedendo che per l’infirmita della mia famiglia et gran carestia
non si pote durare. Sono ricorso dall detto S.r. Card.le il quale con ogni carita mi ha
detto che lui non pote darci maggior provisione, essendo Anco lui povero Cap[ito]lo ma
che noi cerchiamo qualche occasione migliore. che lui ci condonera il tempo che semo
obligati a servirlo e che dove potra sempre ci prestera aiuto. II Cavaliere Alless[and]ro
Co[stanti]ni mio ffa[tel]l° horganista di S[an]ta Casa, mi scrive che tra pochi giomi sarra
per vacato detta Cappella, e che pero io mi Aiuti per via di Roma. Per tanto con ogni
humilta vengo a supplicare VS. Ecc.a si degni per carita domandare detto carico di M.ro
di Cappella di S.ta Casa quando pero sarra vacante. che sia dato a me dalle Sr. Card.le
Borghese in gratia di Vesc.vo il tutto bisognia farlo avanti che venghi il caso accio il loro
non fusse dato all’altri. Come Sr. Vechio di Casa posso anch’io concorrere in domandare
gratie, havendo servito la bona memoria delli S. Alless.ro Barberini suo Frat.lo nelle
tempo della felice memoria di Papa Clemente Ottavo. con ogni humilta li fo humiliss.ma
reverenza e prego II Signore delle continuo per la nobiliss.ma sua Casa di Ferrara li 26
settembre 1629.
573
Document 9
Collezione Cartari, No. 16 [1635], I-Od.
“Descrittione della citta di Orvieto”
c.i Breve/ Descrttione della /Citta di/ ORVIETO
c.2 Descrittione della Citta di Orvieto in Toscana
Delle origine, e nomi
65r Delle Fiere
Non sara forse discavo ad alcuni il saper, come in questa Citta fanno si tre volte l’anno le
fiere per antichissimo instituto. Cominciasse La Prima in memoria della solennita, che
da Urbano 4 fu ordinato per il miracolo del S.to Corporate L’anno 1264, et dassi
franchezza, et liberta di continuaro [contianaro], condurre, e cavaro mercantie otto giomi
prima, et altretanti dopo la festa. La 2a fiera farsi le 13 9bre, perche in tal giom o____
Nicolo 4 messe la prima pietra nelli fondamenti del Duomo L’anno 1290. Et
celebrandosi ancora da fedeli in questa giomata La festa di S. Britio Vescovo, Discepolo
di S. MartinoA per cio si chiama la fiera di S. Britio, Havendo la Franchezza [fianchezza]
per tre giomi prima, et tre dopo. Lo 3a si celebra li 15 d’Agosto: perche in q.ta giomata
celebre per L’Assunta di Maria Vergine. Bonifatio VIII l’anno 1291 celebro nel duomo
la prima messa, et gode ha Franchezza di otto giomi, quattro prima, et altretanti dopo la
fest, come piu diffusame si legge, nel Manente, nel Monaldeschi, e nell’istesso statuto
della Citta.A
[The following footnotes are located in the margin of the manuscript.]
Amartirologio Romano in d° giomo.
AStatuto d’Orvieto L° 1, mb. 47.
Document 10
Memoriali 35, 54r (53r), 25 January 1637, I-Od.
[Trivultio Gualterio is Camerlengo] “Nel med.° giomo il Sig.re Cav.l.° Scipione
Magalotti Cammerlengo dell anno passatol636 mio Antecessore mi consegna la chiave
della solita Cassetta che e nel Credenzone; nella detta Cassetta vi e il Diamante della
Sant.ma Madonna Assunta, li tre Bottom di perli per allocciare il Pie[ce]vole alii Card.e
Vescovo, le Chiave del Sant.mo Corporale, et altre Reliquie, con la Bolla di Martino V.
et altre scrit.ti prestinenti a q’ste Pio luogo come al lib° .... dell libri a.C.i.”
Document 11
Excerpt from Dedication to Cardinal [Giovanni Battista] Pallotta, 1634, Op. 12.
(Complete transcription in appendix B-2.)
Con’opportuna occasione di mandare alle stampe questa mia duodecima opera al

chiarissimo nome di V. Eminenza prima anco, che composta dovuta, vengo con chiari, e
espressi caratteri di vera divotione a publicare insieme con’essa al mondo l’antica servitu
mia con l’lllustrissima casa sua, e l’infinite obligationi che non ricordevoli di principio,
cominciorono quasi con la vita; percioche L’Eminentissimo Signor Cardinal di Cosenza
574
de felice ricordatione e impareggiabili meriti gia suo degnissimo Zio, essendo io picciolo
garzonzello nella gran Basilica Vaticana dove egli alia porpora portava intessuto il
freggio del sommo Presbiterio, sotto la disciplina del Palestrina Padre della Musica, i cui
vanti nel canto quei solamente non ammirano, e predicano, chi non gli conoscono,
soprano costituimmi.
Document 12
Riformanze 31, 283v (297v), 1 February 1624, I-Od.
[marg] Che il S.r Cam.°[Angelo Aweduti] Intendenda le difficolta, che sono fra li musici
insieme con li Sig.ri Soprastanti; et provedino quietarli. “Che essendo la Cappella della
Musica tutto un Corpo, et che mentre li membri soni disobedienti et disvinti dal Capo, et
che il Capo non corisponda ancora con li membri, possa pero rendersi disfirme, et non
dare quella sodisfattione, che si desidera, a questo prestantissimo numero, sia pero
pregato il Signore Camerlengo a far chiamare tanto il Maestro di Cappella, come li
Cantori separatam[en]te e dall’uno e dall’altri intendere le difficolta, e dispareri, che vi
sono, et poi stia con li Signori Soprastanti quieti il tutto facendo rassegnare ciascheduno
d’essi al giusto, et al dovere con farvi per l’avenire quella provisione, che maggior.e alle
Signorie loro[] parra per quieto, e concordia di detta Cappella, e mentre alcuno d’essi non
vogli stare obediento a quanto sara rissoluto possa il Signore Camerlengo ancorche siano
riffermati per il presente anno levarli et mettere altri in luogo loro.”
Document 13
Memoriali 34, 375v (389v), 4 March 1625, I-Od.
[marg] Elettione del Sig .re Anselmo Anselmi per M° di Cappella e sua provisione.
“Radunato il Numero Grande a di soprad.0. l’Eccell Sig’ Horatio della Rovere consulto
che per la partita di Ms Fabio Costantini gia M° di Cappella del n ’ro Duomo faccia
bisogno d’un ‘altro soggetto per M° di Cappella rispetto all’honore volezza et grandezza
della n’ro Catedrale et anco per la confusione che nasci tra li Musici s’intenda eletto il
Sig.’Anselmo Anselmi per ms.° di Cappella per dui Anni da incominciarsi al suo arrivo
qua, poiche s’intende per r[elatio]ne del Sig.re Giulio Cesare Bottifango n’ro conevio et
per relatione del Sig.’ Angelo Aweduti Cam° essere soggetto di molto valore di costume
esemplari et di optima vita e per tutti questi requisiti, gli si assegnia di provisioni scudi
dieci il mese, some duo di grano, et sei some di vino l’Anno, e favoritam, fu’eletto, come
al lib° delle Rifor’, a C291.”
Document 14
Riformanze 3 2 ,163r (165r), 15 October 1641, I-Od.
“Idem per Raphael consuluit [videlicet] “Essendo stato il Sr. Fabbio Constantini M.ro di
Cappella di questo Duomo risecato, et levatoglisi trenta scudi della sua solita provisione,
et essendo restato nondimeno contentissimo in utilita di questa R. fabrica, e servendo
assiduamfente] et con quell’ardore medesimo che la fatto sempre in servitio della chiesa,
575
et havendo al presente quattro putti a i quali insegna e spera d’ haverli a far cantare in
breve tempo con sicurezza e vedendosi che senza lui la Cappella viene a patir fuor di
modo, e che con la persona sua ancorche manchi in essa qualche cantore che nondimeno
fa comparire come vi fussero tutti et ancorche sia hormai in eta e non obligato come M.ro
di Cappella a cantare nondimeno egli canta, e suona il violino, et essendo la verita che
non habbiamo havuto mai M.ro di Cappella che in Cappella habbia dato piu sodisfatione
di lui, et che vi habbia premuto piu di lui, et che fusse errore doppo a qualche
mortificatione che ha havuto di non dargli la riferma di dui altri anni doppo finita la
condotta sua con il resecamento pero statoli fatto, et obligo d’insegnare, e ridurre a piu
perfettione che puo li quattro putti s’intenda pero vinti per li detti dui altri anni con li
detti oblighi.”
Victum otto in contrario.
Document 15
4 June 1624, Letter to Cardinal Scipione Borghese, Carte Borghese, pacco 68, Archivio
Segreto Vaticano.
Ill.mo et R.mo sig.r p[ad]rone mio si[n]g[olarissi]mo
Mi vien scritto dalla S[an]ta Casa [di Loreto] che quel m[ast]ro di Cappella non sia per
continuare in detto carico rispetto alia poca sodisfatione che da nel suo exercitio.
Havendomi piu volte V.S. Ill.ma dato parola che venendo qualche occasione mi havrebbe
p[er] raccomandato, et pochi giomi sono il Sig.r Car[dina]le Roma parlo per me, et io
venni di p[er]sona da V.S.Ill.ma in Roma et la suplicai che mi volesse accettare alii suoi
servitij, et mi rispose che si ne tomai, in Orvieto, dove anco [continuero?]. Supplico di
nuovo V.S.Ill.ma far di maniera che vacando detto loco sia dato a me che oltre Lesser
sicura che quella S[antissi]ma Vergine sarra servita, io con tutti di mia Casa non
cessaremo del continuo pregare p[er] V.S.Ill.ma e p[er] tutti li suoi e facendo fine con
hogn’humilta gli fo profondissima riverenza et bacio le vesti. Di Orvieto li 4 Giugnio
1624.
D.V.S.Ill.ma et R.ma
Humil.mo et Devotiss.mo S.re
Fabio Costantini Romano
[transcription: Claudio Annibaldi]
Document 16
Music schedario, manuscript, I-Od.
(Partial list of current inventory of music holdings in the Archivio dell’Opera del
Duomo, Orvieto.)
(Mus. 110.X) - Pedota
[a conspicuous break in the numbering]
576
Mus. 156 MORALE, Cristoforo, Libro Corale
Mus. 157.1 - ANIMUCCIA, Giovanni, Libro Corale
Mus. 157.11 - ANIMUCCIA, Giovanni, Libro Corale
Mus. 158 PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pierluigi, Libro Corale
Mus. 159 VITTORIA, Tommas Ludovico, Libro degli inni
Mus. 160 GUERRERO, Francisco, Libro Corale
Mus. 161 VITTORIA, Thomas Ludovico, Libro Corale
Mus. 162 PELLEGRINO, Vincenzo, Libro Corale
Mus. 164 ANONIMO, Libro degli inni
Mus. 165 SORIANO, Francesco, Libro Corale
Mus. 166 CIFRA, Antonio, Libro Corale
Mus. 167 PACIOTTI, Pietro Paulo, Libro Corale
Mus. 168 PRENESTINO (sic), Giovanni Pierluigi, Libro Corale
Mus. 169 PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pierluigi, Libro Corale
Mus. 163: the folio manuscript of masses by Leonardo Meldert, is missing from the list
but present with the other volumes in cupboards.
111-155 are missing from the list. There are items with numbers 150,151 etc. in the
armadio but they do not correspond with items of those numbers from the 1931
inventory (see document 17).
Document 17
Opera del Duomo/Archivio Musicale/Inventario/ Anno 1931 IXo/Luigi Petrangeli,
Presidente.
786 Salmi & Inni

787 150 Viadana Pezzi varii Stamp Lib. Ho
788 150 Bemardini Motecta in 4 Libri
789 150 Antonelli Sacre Canzioni in 6 Libri
790 150 Costantini Raccolta de’Salmi a otto, in 3 libri
791 150 Marchesi Messe brevi concertate a 8 voci Lim
792 150 Ugolini Motecta et missae lim 2 Libri
793 150 Diruta Messa a vespro - Lim 6 Parti
794 150 Grandi 11 sesto libro a Motetti im Basso
795 151 Foggia Psalmi quatemis vocibus 3 Libri
796 151 Arresti Messe a tre voci Basso
797 151 Graziani Litanie Canto secondo
798 151 Vannarelli Decachordum Marianum 3 Lib
799 151 Rovetta Messe e Salmi Canto secondo, violino 2
800 151 Celissimi Sacri concerti musicali 2 Libri
fCarissimi?)
577
801 151 De Stephanis Messe a 4 voci - Canto

802 151 Baroni Salmi di Vespero 8 Libri
803 151 Micheli 11 secondo libro de’ madrigali
804 152 Varii Miscellanea -Manoscritti
805 153 Caprari Beatus vir - a canto solo
806 153 Galanotti Quaem ad m-ndum Desiderat
807 153 ? Credidi - canto con ripieni
808 153 Sodi (Todi) Mottetto per l’Elevazione
809 153 “ (Todi) Victimae Pascalis
810 153 ? Offertorio
811 153 Bencini Confitebor tibi Domine
812 153 9 Diffusa est gratia
813 153 Grassi Domine ad adiuvandum
814 153 Bencini Gustorum animae
815 153 Bencini Gustorum animae
816 153 Amadori (Amadori) Qui sunt coeli
817 153 ? Fila regnam in honore tuo
818 153 Bencini Timete Dominum
819 153 Grassi Constitues eas
820 153 ? Lauda Gerusalem
821 153 ? Diffusa est gratia
822 153 ? Per l’Elevazione
823 153 ? Terra tremuit
824 153 ? Ave Maria a 3 Voci
825 153 ? Sacerdos
826 153 ? In die palmarum
827 154 Casaro Salmi 106 - Legato in pergamena
828 155 ? Sacra Canzoni - Legato in pergamena
829 156 Christophori Hysphalensis. Missarum Liber, primus
Moralis leg. in cuoio [From this point until the
end of the table, the volumes are
present in the Orvieto Duomo
archives.]
830 157 Goannis Animuciae Magistri Cappallae Sacrosanctae Basilicae
Vaticanae Missarum Liber Primus Legato
in cuoio con stemma dei Monaldeschi,
1568
831 158 Goannis Petris Missarum Liber Primus. Leg. in
Aloysij Praenestini pergamena.
in Basilica S. Petri di
capel sae Magistri
832 159 Thomae Ludovici a Inni totius anni 1583. Leg. in cuoio,
578
Victoria abulensis 1582

833 160 Francisci Guerreri Missarum liber secundus 1582
834 161 Thomae Ludovici a Missarum. Libri due. Legato in cuoio
Victoria abulensis 1583
835 162 Vincentii Pellegrini Missarum Liber Primus- Legato in cuoio
Pisaureri 1604.
836 163 Leonardo Meldert Missa Leonardo Meldert - Grande corale
manoscritto-Legato in cuoio 1604.
[actually 3 masses in huge choirbook
format, the first modest in length, the
second Missa Lauda Sion (very little falso
bordone in the long songs) [very
elaborate], and the third, just barely
finished it seems.
837 164 Hymnorum senza intestazione - mutilo di
60 pagine. Leg. in cartone
838 165 Francesco Suriano Missa nos autem gloriari - quatuor vocum
anno 1609- Legato in pergamena
839 166 Antonii Cifrae Missarum Liber primus Leg. in
pergomena 1621
840 167 Petri Pauli Paciotti Missarum Liber primus, Leg. in
pergamena 1596
841 168 Goannis Petri Aloysi Missarum Liber, quintus quator, quinque
Praenestrini. ac sex vocibus - 1590- Leg in cuoio.
842 169 Palestrina Hymnorum - senza prospetto. Leg in
cartone 1589
Document 18
Riformanze 32, 96v-97r (98v- 99r) 30 September 1636, I-Od.
“Sentendosi che fra Anton.0 Maria Ricci Contralto di questa Cappella habbia havuto
l’intendenza da questa per andare ad una Cappella in Germania et non havendo contralto
nella Cappella che sia di valore e di sodifatione e sia pero neccessario di provedere uno
che potesse dare equale o maggior sodisfatione di d[ett]o fra Anton0 Maria et essendo
stato proposto per Contralto bonissimo et [...] II S.r Domenico Alberici hoggi contralto in
vita nella Cappella di San Pietro di Roma et possendendosi speranza che sicuramente sia
per venire per fare a tenere con II S.r Fabio Costantini M.° di Cappella di questo nostro
Duomo essendo suo Genero e perche si dice che egli habbia [favorevolissima] Provisione
oltre l’estraordinarij che guadagna per Roma, e che pero non possi venire a servire questa
non meno di sette scudi il mese, e tre some di Grano e sei some di Vino l’anno, et
essendo necessita di provedere alia Cappella di Una parte soli p[rese]nte, s’intenda pero
con il presente decreto vinto per Contralto di questo Cappella II detto S.r Domenico con
579
la sud[ett]a provisione delli sette scudi il mese, e tre some di grano, e sei di vino l’anno
per tre anni futuri non obstante qualsiasi decreto che sia fusse in contrario poiche
havendosi da Una Cappella di S. Pietro di Roma non e giusto, che sia vinto solamente
per un anno.”
Document 19
Memoriali 34, 1lr (16r) 2 June 1611, I-Od [Distribution of mazze at Corpus Christi]
[marg] mazze distribuiti “ Memoria delle Mazze destribuite secondo il solito da me
Vespasiano Aweduto Cammor[leng]o nel giomo del Sant[issi]mo Corpus D[omi]ni.’
[marg] Consegna e reconsegna.
“II Sig. Cammerlengo 1

II Sig. Cassiere 1
SS Soprastanti 4
Cass[ie]re Ant[erio]ri 1
Notario della Rev Fab[ric]a 1
Fattori della Rev. Fab[ric]a 3
Cancell.’et Vice Cancell[eri]o delli
Ill.mo Sig.re Magistrato 2
Fameglia del medesimo 5
Trombetti dell istesso 3
Molto Rev Sig Arciprete 2
Molto Rev Sig.re Sagrestano Maggiore 1
Rev[eren]di Sottosagrestani 2
Lampadarij; o Ceraiuoli 2
Rev. di Curati 4
Rev. diCeremoniere 1
Chiavici salariati 4
+Sig. Hipolito scalza scultore 1
Quattri altri salariati 4
Moderatore delli Horologio 1
Spetiale della Rev. Fab[ric]a 1
Sig. M° di Cappella 1
Organista del n[ost]ro Duomo 1
Collegio di 111.mi Dottori et Notarij

Arti
Arte di Lana
Arte di spetiali 2
Arte di Calzolari 2
Arte di Falegniami 2
Arte di Pizzicaroli 2
580
Arte di Sartori 2
Arte di Mugniavi 2
Arte di Muratori 2
Arte di Tessitori 2
Arte di Fabri 2
Arte di Mercian 2
Arte di Hortolani 2
Arte di Vassellavi 2
Arte di Orefice 4
Balij a tutti 5
Com[uni]ta di Porano 2
Conventi
Convento di S.to Francesco2
Convento di Seccolanti 2
Convento di Cappuccini 2
Convento del Carmine 2
Convento di s. Agostino 2
Convento dei Servi 2
Convento di S. Domenico 2
Convento di S. Giovanni 2
Rev. Padri della Dottrina Cristiana
Rev. Padri di S.Roccho
Confratemite
Confratemita di S.ta Maria 2
Confratemitan della Misericordia
Confratemita di s. MichelAngelo
Confratemita di s. Domenico 2
Confratemita di s. Francesco 2
Confratemita di s. Agostino 2
Confratemita di s. Giovanni 2
Confratemita di s. Andrea 2
Confratemita di s. Jovenali 2
Confratemita di s. Roccho _
Confratemita di s. Honofrio
Confratemita della Sant[issi]ma Annuntiata
II resto delle mazze, sino alia quantita di ducento, sonno state da me Vespasiano
Aweduto Cammo[leng]o despenzate alii Figliuoli di 111.mi Cittadini, et altri, secondo il
solito.
[Cera given back after the procession]
581
Nota di tutti quelli che hanno portato la Cera nel giomo del sant[issi]mo Corpus
D[omi]ni, et a me Vespesiano Avveduto Cammor.o consegniata arsiccia doppo haver
accompagniato il Sant.mo Corporale.”
[2 June 1611] 12v (17v) -cont’d—

[marg] Offerta di Cera nella sollennita’ del Corpus Domini
L ’lll.ma Comm.ta d’Orvieto un Cerio.
“Comm.ta di Porano
Arte di spetiali.
Arte di merciari.
Arte di Calzolari.
Arte di Canaparoli
Arte di Fabri
Arte di Falegniami
Arte di Pizzicaroli
Arte di Muratori
Arte di Molinari
Arte di Sartori
Arte di Tessitori
Arte di Hortolani
Arte di Hosti”
[13r(18r)2 June 1611]

“La sopra.o Cera Arsiccia estata lib. 58. la quale da me Vespasiano d.o nell’istesso
Giomo, fu consegniata al Sig.re Belardino Rossi Cass.ri________ 58
[marg] Colleggio di SS. Dottori et altri che hanno mancato di portare il Cerio nel giomo
del San.mo Corpus Domini
“Nota di tutti quelli, chi hanno mancato di portare il Cerio nel giomo del Sant.mo Corpus
D.ni
Collegio di SS.ri Dottore

Collegio di Notarij
Arte d’Horefeci
Arte di Lana
Arte di Scarpellini
Arte di Bastari
Arte di Macellari
Arte di Guantari
Arte di Fomaciari
Arte di Mulattieri
Arte di Calcinari
Arte di Fomari
[P if--]
582
Vaccari
Cacciatori
Tentori”
Document 20
Riformagione 322, 1642 c. 34v, I-Oas.
[marg] S. Lorenzo Cavallucci aggregato Cittadino
“Havendo altre volte questa n’ro Prestant.mo Consiglio delPanno 1623, ammesso, e
aggregato il S. Gio. Dom.co Cavallucci per Cittadino di q.ta no.ra Citta, si come ne
appare decreto ottenuto sotto il di 16 dicembre [xbre] 1623, supplicando per cio
Roggi[rogiti] il S. Lorenzo Cavallucci nepote di d° Gio. Dom.co esser anor esso gratiato,
et ammesso per Cittadino, e vedendosi, che non affetto [effetto] il d° Sig.r Lorenzo viene
con non meno honorevolezza di quella faceva d° suo Zio, e che [gioma.mente] si va
avanzando in far’ attioni degne di ricevere ancor lui q[est]o honore. S’indenda pero con
il p[rese]nte decreto rinovata la gratia anco in persona di d° S. Lorenzo, e quello con tutti
i suoi descendenti ammesso alia Cittadinanza, con tutti gl’honori e prerogative, che
godono gl’altri n’ri Cittadini.
Document 21
576 No. 8 ,1-Rsgf.
Ottavio Catalani, Inni sacri (Rome: Zannetti, 1616)
ded: Pope Paul V
partbooks: Be 1-36 (G), Sesto 1-24.
contents:
1. Justus germanibit a2 SS
2. Cantabo Domino SS
3. Isti sunt sancti AA
4. Andraeas Christi famulus AA
5. Vos qui reliquistis TT
6. Congratulamini AT
7. Et ecce terraemotus BB
8. Populus qui ambulabat in tenebris BB Dialogo
9. En dilectus meus ST
10. Gaudebunt labia mea SB
11. Qui mihi est in coelo a3 sss
12. Omnes gentes sss
13. Accipiens Simeon AAA
14. Quasi cedrus TTA
15. Simeon erat in Hierusalem BBB
16. Dum complerentur SSB
583
17. Iesu dulcis memoria SSB soprano primo solo

18. Exultate Deo a4 a4 [SATB]
19. Tantum ergo sacramentum a4
20. Benedicam Dominum a4
21. Cantemus Domino SSSS
22. Estotes fortes imbello a5 SAATB
23. Iesu suavis SSATB
24. Petrus Apostolus SSATB
25. Ave verum corpus SSATB
26. Oculi mei SAATB
27. Beata es a6 SSATTB
28. Te deum patrem a7 SS-----
29. Angelus ad Pastores a8 Dialogo Pastorale, per il Natale [concertata
alia Romana-like sections]
30. Viderunt aqua
Document 22
576 No. 7 ,1-Rsgf.
Abundio Antonelli/ Metropolitanae Cappellae Beneventanae Moderatur.
Cantus Primus (Roma: B. Zannetti, 1614)
ded. p.2: Cardinal Arigonio
[21 pieces: Cl, CII, A, T, B, [Be missing]; CII has extra parts, commences only with
Nomen Iesu (10)]
1. Occurent turbae “In die palmarum, Dum sit processo”
2. Gloria, laus, e honor tibi sit rex Christi
[concertato alia Romano; Be missing which might be able to organize the logistics of this
piece; some rubrics are present]
[first “gloria” sung by:]
canto primo: Primus chorus cantus a4. Intus
altus: Primus chorus Intus
[second “gloria” sung by:]
tenore: Secondus chorus. Extra Ecclesiam
bassus: Secondus chorus Extra Ecclesiam
[four parts doubled into two choruses, one inside and one outside the church]
3. Ingrediente Domino Entrando Ecclesiam
4. Adoma thalamus tuum Sion. Dum sit processio. In die Purificationis.
5. Obtulerunt pro eo Domino.[alto begins: Ingrediendo Ecclesiam
6. Benedicite gentes Angelo Antonelli
7. Bonus es tu, et in bonitate tua. Angelo Antonelli
8. Dextera tua Domine (tenor, altus e bassus) resolutio
584
(cantus) quatuor in unum. Cantus a4. canon in subdiapente, subdiapason, e sub diapason
cum diapente. [the other three voices resolve the canon; where they enter is indicated in
the soprano part by .S. and they enter in this order: A,T,B]
9. Confundantur superbi, clama, neceffes: nec errbis, si ceffabis.
10. Nomen Iesu nomen dulce. Cum instromento
11. O sacramentum pietatis. Cum instromento
12. Vidites manus meus. Cum Instromento
13. A Divina nos Deus salutaris. Angelo Antonelli. Cum Instromento
14. Notus in Judaea Deus. Canon. Noli tardare.
(altus) Resolutio (O [in 3])
(canto primo)Canon, noli tardare (C)
(tenore) Canon, noli tardare (3/2)
(bassus) Canon, noli tardare (O)
15. Quae est ista, quae processit, Cum Instromento
16. Speciosa facta es, e suavis
17. Angelus domini locutus ext
18. Paradisi portae per te. a5 Canon in Diapason, e Diatessaron.
(cantus e altus) Canon in Diapason, e Diatessaron.
(tenor e bassus) Resolutio
19. Cogitavi dies anti quos
20. Interroga bat Herodes
21. Quis similis tui in fortibus Domine?(cantus) Canon. Revoca
altus
(tenore) dispersos in terrain suam
(bassus) resolutio
Document 23
Altemps Inventario,\620, Case Z 491 .A466, US-Cn.
f.866r
1. Moralis missa... 1544
2. Palestrina Missa lib primus Roma 1572
3. Palestrina missa manuscrit
4. Psalterium Justa reformatione calendarium Roma 1591
5. Brev. Romanum Venezia 1605
6. Manuale Corale cum hymni et Antiph Yen. 1597
7. Prisatione? in canto firmo 1588
8. Spartitura di Bassi de concerti a tre di Costanzo Ategnato Yen 1609
9. Psaltarium David 1586
10. Sebastiani motecta a 5 1597 Rome
11. Litanie della madonna a 2,3,4,5,6,7,8 Viadana Venezia 1605
12. Hieronymi Barthei Missa a8 1608
585
13 Jo Petri A Prenestini magnificat a4 1591
14. missa a4,5,6 Roma 1591
15. Costantij Antignatic missa Borromea motecta a 3 Venezia 1603
16. Dionysius Blassi Card:[sacre, laura] cantiones a5 4° 1604
Villa 17. Selva di varie cureat.ione di Oratio Vecchi a3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 Venezia 1595
18. Amphipamasso comedia Armonica di Oratio Vecchi Venezia 1597

19. Madrigali a quattro di Luca Marentio Venezia 1592
20. Metamorfosi musicale di Adriano Banchieri Venezia 1601
21 Un libretto di motetti e canone 8° 1538
APPENDIX B-l
Source Locations for Costantini Anthologies
Location [bold not listed in

RISM Title_______________________ Opus Place_______ Date RISM]
16143 Selectae cantiones [Op. 1] Rome 1614 A-Wgm[Wien-GesellschafL]
D-Mus[Santini] [ms copy]
D-Rp (A l)
GB-Lbm
I-Bc
I-Rsmt
I-VCd (S,A,T,A2)
P-La
PL-Kj (formerly Berlin
collection)
16151 Raccolta de'salmi Op. 2 Naples 1615 GB-Lbm

16161 Selectae cantiones Op. 3 Rome 1616 B-Br (C l, B, Be)
D-Rp (C l)
GB-Lbm
I-Bc
I-Ls
I-Rsc (2 extant)
16183 Scelta di motetti Op. 4 Rome 1618 D-Rp (C l)
I-Ls; I -Rsc
16201 Scelta de Salmi Op. 5 Orvieto 1620 D-Rp (T2)
I-Nc
Salmi, Magnficat, e Motetti a Op. 6 Orvieto 1621 I-Oc (T l)
sei I-Rsgf (T2)
16211 Sacrae cantiones R/Op. 1 Antwerp 1621 B-Br (CII)
162114 Ghirlandetta amorosa Op. 7 Orvieto 1621 GB-Lbm(C 1,C2,B)
I-Bc
162210 L'Aurata Cintia Op. 8 Orvieto 1622 GB-Lbm

I-Bc (C l, C2)
Psalms a 4,5 Op.9/ Venice 1626 not extant

10
Lamentatione Op.9 / Venice 1622- not extant
10 1630
16263 Calvi publication: 1626 GB-Lbm (Be)
I-Bc
Salmi, himni et Magnificat Op. 11 Venice 1630 Stiftsarchiv, Laufen an der
concertati Salzach, now held in Munich
16341 Motetti a l,2.3.4 e 5 voci Op. 12 Venice 1634 GB-Och
16392 Salmi, magnificat, e motetti Op. 13 Orvieto 1639 F-Pc (Bibliotheque du

conservetoire)
586
APPENDIX B-2
Worklist and Contents
The title pages and headings have been transcribed quasi-diplomatically, with type fonts
and the conventions of “v” for “u” observed; type size is not shown, and spelling is
transcribed as given. The long s has been replaced by s, ligatures separated, and some
abbreviations expanded. The dedications and tables of contents are rendered in modem
type, with contents resembling the layout offered in the print. Format and collation is
based on examination of photocopies, and information in RISM B. Numbers in
parentheses are unnumbered pages.
587
588
RISM 16143, Op. 1

SELECTAE CANTIONES/ EXCELLENTISSIMORVM/ AVCTORVM/ Octonis
vocibus concinendae./ A FABIO CONSTANTINO/ ROMANO/ VRBEVETANAE
CATHEDRALIS/ MVSICAE PRAEFECTO/ IN LVCEM EDITAE./ Cum Basso ad
Organum./ (typographer’s illustration: three arrows inside a frame decorated with
musical angesl)/ ROMAE, Ex Typographia Bartholomaei Zannetti. 1614./ (-)/
SVPERIORVM PERMISSV.
9 vol. in 8° (21.5 x 16cm); CANTVS PRIMI CHORI (2) 3-31, [A8]; ALTVS PRIMI
CHORI (2) 3-31,[B8]; TENOR PRIMI CHORI (2) 3-31 (1), [C8]; BASSYS PRIMI
CHORI (2) 3-31 (1), [D8]; CANTVS SECVNDI CHORI (2) 3-31(1), [E8]; ALTVS
SECVNDI CHORI (2) 3-31(1), [F8]; TENOR SECVNDI CHORI (2) 3-31 (1), [G8];
BASS VS SECVNDI CHORI (2) 3-31(1), [H8]; BASSVS AD ORGANVM (2)3-31(1),
[18]-
Place: Orvieto
Date: 25 May 1614
Dedication: ex numero Reverendae fabricae Sanctae Mariae
PER ILLVSTRIBVS D.D./ ex numero Reverendae fabricae Sanctae Mariae,/ qui

primariae Vrbis Veteris Ecclesiae/ praesunt aedificio./ FABIUS CONSTANTINVS S.
Inter opera summae artis, e magnificentiae, quibus magnanimitas vestra Templum hoc in
paucis admirabile omavit, longe maximum est Sacellum, quod tot ac tantis nobilium
Musicorum sumptibus locupletastis; quandoquidem veluti anima in adeo praestanti
corpore ad caelum usque permeat, ita ut in eo non modo spiritum ducant lapides, sed
etiam ipsaemet statua ad Urbis huius laudem amplissimam proloquantur, et ut quae
celeberrima aedificii fronte, externa quasi facie, oculos omnium in sui traxit
admirationem, intus quoque turn Sacelli amplitudine, turn organi magnificentissimi
suavitate animos omnium placidissime raperet, atque inde Deus optimus idemq. maximus
summis laudibus efferretur. Cui ipse cum praecaeteris debere me animadvertam, quippe
qui Musicae praefecturam quadriennio gesserim, et cum non sim solvendo, optimum
factu duxi, si quas alii Musicae artis peritissimi modulationes orbi peperere, illas ego in
lucem darem ut lucis Authori maximo grates a me persolverentur. Quod si Vos desiderio,
et officio meo minime pares effectus esse videritis, id a vobis nec ipsi operi, nec sociis
meis vitio dabitur, si et hasce modulationes optimis parentibus natas, et istos de Musica
arte benemerentes esse compertum habueritis, sed meae tenuitati illud potius adscribetis.
Si vero secus evenerit, laudem omnem opera ipsa sibi vendicabunt, quae et artem
numero, et spiritum vocibus summo tarn Illustrium Authorum decore addiderunt. Quibus
cum tantopere patrocinium vestri nominis placuerit, ut illo communitas typis mandari
modulationes istas volverint, feci id ego libentissime ausus insuper gemellas
modulationes meas illis adiungere, vel ut una cum ipsarum lumine prodeuntes non
penitus delitescant, vel ut in harum tenebris tanto niteat magis earundem lumen, atque ita
fiat ut minime ab aliis perspectae ab aliorum invidis morsibus facilius arceantur.
589
Quamquam et id muneris illis. Yos, qua estis erga me, meaq. omnia propensione, affatim
praestabitis. Vestris igitur auspiciis, atque opera Equitis Iannotti Simoncelli hoc tempore
praedictae fabricae Camerarii typis traduntur, et qualescumq. tandem sunt vobis, sicut et
ego ipse, dedicantur; illas vos facites excipite maiores quotidie grati animi mei
significationes excepturi. Valete. Urb.Vet. Die 25. Maij. 1614.
TAVOLA/ delli Motetti a otto de diversi.
Sub tuum praesidium del Palestina. (sic)

Fratres del Palestina
Caro mea. del Palestina
Hie est Panis.[2p] del Palestina
Cantate Domino di Gio. Maria Nanini
Domine quis habitabit. di Gio. Maria Nanini
Sancta & immaculata di Gio. Maria Nanini
Venite ad me omnes. di Felice Anerio
Pastores Loquebantur de Felice Anerio
Ecce sacerdos Magnus. di Francesco Soriano
Gaudeamus di Ruggiero Giovannelli
Puer natus est nobis. di Ruggiero Giovanelli
Angelus ad Pastores. di Ruggiero Giovanelli
Laetentur caeli. di Arcangelo Crivello
Crucifixus. di Archangelo Crivello
Beatus Laurentius. di Bernardino Nanini
Domine Deus noster. di Bernardino Nanini
Beati omnes di Bernardino Nanini
Aurora lucis di Gio. Francesco Anerio
Factum est silentium. di Asprilio Pacelli
Inclina Domine, di Alessandro Costantini
Dextera tua Domine di Alessandro Costantini
Angelus Domini de Prospero Santini.
Beata Mater. di Anibal Zoilo
Iubilate. di Luca Marentio.
Gloria tibi Trinitas. di Bartolomeo Roi.
Super flumina. di Gio. Battista Lucatello.
Sancti Dei omnes. di Fabio Costantini
O lumen Ecclesie. di Fabio Costantini
590
RISM I6151, Op. 2

[CANTO, Primo Choro]/ RACCOLTA/ DE’SALMI A OTTO/ de diversi Eccellentissi-
/mi Autori,/ POSTI IN LVCE DA/ FABIO COSTANTINI/ ROMANO./ OPERA
SECOND A./ (printer’s mark: ribbon banner drawn through compass reads “Lahore et
Constantia”)/ IN NAPOLI,/ (-)/ Nella stamperia di Gio: Giacomo Carlino. 1615./ (-)/ Ad
Instanza di Gio. Ruardo.
The partbooks from which the signatures were taken have in some cases been assembled
from other partbooks, in some cases incorrectly.
9 vol. in 4°in 8s: CANTO, Primo Choro (2) 3-22 (1), [A B C]; ALTO, Primo Choro (2) 3-
22, [B K M]; TENORE, Primo Choro (2) 3-21 (1), [G H I]; BASSO, Primo Choro (2) 3-
21 (1), [K L M]; CANTO, Secondo Choro (2) 3-21(1), [N O P]; ALTO, Secondo Choro
(2) 3-21(1), [Q R S]; TENORE, Secondo Choro (2) 3-21 (1), [Y V X]; BASSO, Secondo
Choro (2) 3-19 (1), [Y Z A]; Basso steso per l’Organo (2) 4-27 (1), [A B C D], “ 1616” on
title page.
Place: Naples
Date: 25 April 1615
Dedication: Monsignor Don Geronimo Pignatelli, Archbishop of Rossano
ILLVSTRISSIMO, ET REVERENDISSIMO/ SIG.MIO PADRONE COLENDISSIMO./

MONSIGNOR/ D. GERONIMO PIGNATELLO/ ARCIVESCOVO DI ROSSANO.
10 ho servito fin’da fanciullo Monsignor il Vescovo dell’Aquila Zio di V.S. Illustrissima

presso il quale posso [penso] dire d’esser stato allevato, et e venuto in maniera con gli
anni crescendo, e confirmandosi in me questa consideratione di dovere esser’ a questa
casa infmitamente obligato, che dovendo communicare hora al Mondo co’l mezo delle
Stampe alcuni Salmi di diversi Eccellentissimi Musici per accompagnare un’altra
simil’opera publicata nel tempo, ch’io era Maestro di Cappella dell’Illustrissima Citta
d’Oruieto mi sono assicurato di dedicarli a nomi di V.S. Illustrissima in testimonio della
mia gratitudine, spero, che la devotione dell’animo mio, e quel merito, che potra [potro]
acquistar a questo picciol dono, la qualita degli autori, oltre alia convenienza, che porta
seco il trovarmi hor’in questa Citta Patria di V.S. Illustrissima in tempo, che la nuova
dignita confiritale, non pure [puro] concede licenza, ma puo imponere obligo a servidori
suoi, anche minimi di concorrere a significarli la lor’allegrezza, con qualche
dimostratione esteriore, et il donare cosa, che per oggetto ha il culto Diuino, et il servitio
della Chiesa potra persuadere la sua Benignita a non isdegnarla, e perdonar al mio ardire,
l’havere [l’hauerei] applicato me stesso al servitio del Signor Cardinale Aldobrandino
Principe d’eminente qualita, e che tanto stima il merito di V.S. Illustrissima non mi
concede poter satisfare alle mie obligationi, e confirmare questo titolo, ch’io pretendo di
servidor’ suo, co’l mio attual servitio. Percio la supplico a degnarsi di gradire la mia
volunta, e dechiararmi per tale con la sua Protettione, e co’l favor della sua buona gratia,
nella quale humilmente mi raccomando [racomando]. Di Napoli a 25. d’Aprile 1615.
591
Di Y.S. Illustrissima, & Reuerendissima. Deuotissimo Servitore, Fabio Costantini
Romano.
[Note: Words in brackets, found in version of dedication in Canto Primo Choro, Tenore
Secondo Choro and Basso Secondo Choro but were corrected for the other partbooks]
TAVOLA delli Salmi di diversi Eccelentissimi Autori.

Al Lettore.
Non tanto, benigno Lettore, perche Tordine dell’Opera, richiedeva, che’1 Salmo, da me
composto, fosse nel principio di questa allogato, mi sono io preso ardire di cosi fare,
quanto, che per tal dispositione ho veramente creduto, ch’egli habbia a recevere
sofficiente lume, accio se non altro almeno appara la volonta mia verso l’arte, la quale
sempre cerco d’aggradire con forze di valenti huomini a pro di chi se gli compiace. Pero
voglia Lettore non ascrivere a prosontione l’haver io si sattamente ordinato: e con questo
restati felice.
Dixit Dominus di Fabio Costantini

Confitebor di Archangelo Chrivello
Beatus vir di Gio: Maria Nanini
Laudate pueri di Alessandro Costantini
Credidi di Francesco Soriano
Laetatus sum di Gio. Bernardino Nanini
Nisi Dominus di Favolo[Paolo] Tarditi
Lauda Ierusalem di Cesare Roilo [Zoilo]
Magnificat di Gio: Francesco Antrio [Anerio]
Regina caeli di Rugiero Giovannelli
Salve Regina di Vincenzo de Grandis
Ave Regina caelorum de Felice Antrio [Anerio]
592
RISM 16161, Op. 3
SELECTAE CANTIONES/ EXCELLENTISSIMORVM/ AVCTORUM,/ Binis, Temis,
Quatemisq; Vocibus concinendae./ A FABIO CONSTANTINO ROMANO/ insignis
Basilicae S. Mariae TransTyberim/ Mufices moderatore, simul collectae./ LIBER
PRIMUS. OPUS TERTIUM./ ROMAE, Apud Bartholomaeum Zannettum, MDCXVI./ (-
)/ SUPERIORVM PERMISSV.
4 vol. in 8°: CANTVS PRIMVS (2) 4-31 (1) [A]; CANTVS SECVUNDVS (2) 4-27 (1)
[B]; BASSVS (2) 4-27 (1) [C]; BASSVS AD ORGANVM (2) 4-31 (1) [D]
Dedication: Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini

Place: n.p. [Rome]
Date: n.d. [1615]
ILLVSTRISSIMO PRINCIPI/ PETRO ALDOBRANDINO/ S.R.E. CARDINALI/

CAMERARIO./ FABIUS CONSTANTINUS ROMANUS. F
Cantiunculas istas ad religionem, ritusque sacros pertinentes, ut in lucem ederem,

nominique tuo dedicarem, id me Illustrissime Princeps in primis adduxit, atque impulit.
Cum inter principes mufiae facultatis viros fuissem summa cum animi voluptate versatus,
excerpsissemq. semper aliquid, quod bellissime illaberetur ad aures, precibus a me
quamplurimi poftularunt, ut quicquid in hoc genere iucundum, ac suave iudicarem, id
typis mandare ne gravarer. Itaque mandavi, tibique muneris loco consecravi. Quod tibi
fore non ingratum existimavi: turn quia hae cantiones authorem me non habent omnes, sic
enim te dignae nequaquam effent, sed ad hunc libellum modulate componendum plures
artis musicae peritissimi operam contulerunt: turn quia eduntur a me, hoc est ab eo, quern
tuo famulorum numero adscriptum, tuaque florentissima in Aula receptum abstraxisti non
nihil ab reliquorum comitatu, ac in Basilicae Sanctae Mariae Transtyberim Cantorum
choro praefecisti: ut quas tu sacras Virginis aedes ob tuam in Dei matrem praecipuam
Religionem, novis quotidie muneribus amplisicas, illustri, atque operoso horarum indice
foris exomas, intus eleganti, ac magnifico laqueari locupletas; etiam aucto musicorum
concentu celebriores, frequentioresq. redderes, atque ad eum splendorem revocares, qui
earn Basilicam deceat, quae omnium prima magnae Dei Genetrici erecta sit. Accipe igitur
Cardinalis Illustrissime, quod tibi munusculum supplex offero: in eoque et carminum
pietatem, et Authorum excellentiam et Basilicae tuae fructum, volens, ac libens
amplectere. Sic te eadem Dei Parens, cuius tu gloriae tantopere studes, suis apud Filium
precibus diutissime sospitet.
/(-)/ Imprimatur, si videbitur Reverendissimo Patri Mag. Sac. Pal. ApostJ Caesar Fidelis
Vicesg./ Imprimatur. F. Gregorius Donatus Magister, & Socius Reverendissimi P.F.
Hiacyn-thi Petronij Sacri Palatij/ Apostolici Magistri.
593
Voce mea A2 Canto, e Tenore. Di Ruggier Giovannelli.

Fratres A2 Soprani. Di Gio. Belardino Nanini.
Verba mea. A2 Contralti Di Gio. Belardino Nanini.
Cantabo Domino. A2 Canto, e Basso. Di Teofilo Gargari
Rorate Caeli A2 Soprani. Di Vincenzo de Grandis.
0 Quam Pulchra A2 Tenori. Di Vincenzo de Grandis.
Hi sunt A2 Bassi. Di Felice Anerio.
Audite coeli. A2 Soprano, e Tenore Di Ottavio Catalano.
Inclina Domine. A2 Canto e Basso Di Paolo Tarditi.
Adiuro vos. A2 Basso, e Soprano Dialogo di Abundio
Antonelli.
Narrabo A2 Canto, e Tenore Di Alessandro Costantini.
Hoc /est praeceptu[m] A2 Bassi Costantini, Fabio
Elevatus manibus A2 Alto, e Tenore Zoilo, Cesare
Erat vir Domini A2 Bassi Troiani, Giovan
Tu es vas A2 Canto, e Basso Vailerij, Roberto
Columna es. A3 Alti Giouanelli, Ruggiero
Pulchra es. A3 Doi Canti, e Basso Anerio, Gio. Francesco
Amor Iesu. A3 Doi soprani, e Basso Quagliati, Paolo
In medio Ecclesiae A3 Cotralto, Ten. e Ca’to. Brissio, Francesco
Anima mea A3 Doi canti, e Basso Heredia, Pietro
Vidi speciosam. A3 Soprani Massentio, Domenico
Pastores A3 Tenori Costantini, Alessandro
Peccavi A3 Doi Soprani, e Tenore Frescobaldi, Girolamo
Subtuum presidiu[m]. A3 Doi Soprani, e Basso Landi, Stefano
Quern vidistis A4 Criuello, Archangelo
Sancti mei A4 Anerio, Felice
Hodie A4 Costantini, Fabio
594
RISM 16181, Op. 4

SCELTA DI MOTETTI/ Di diuersi Eccellentissimi Autori/ a 2.a 3. a 4. & a 5./ POSTI IN
LVCE DA/ FABIO CONSTANTINI ROMANO/ Maestro di Cappella dell’Illustrissima
Citta/ d’Orvieto./ Libro Secondo, Opera Quarta.I Pinter’s mark: three upright arrows
linked, in oval with decorative frame and putti with trumpets/ IN ROMA,/ Appresso
Bartholomeo Zannetti. M.DC.XVIII./ (-)/ CON LICENZA DE’SUPERIORI.
4 vol. in 8°: CANTO PRIMO (2) 3-35 (1) [A]; CANTO SECONDO (2) 3-31 (1) [B];
BASSO (2) 3-23 (1) [C]; Basso per P’Organo (2) 3-31 (1) [D]
Place: Orvieto
Date: 1 July 1618
Dedication: Conte Cesare Bentivoglio
ALL ’ILLUSTRISSIMO SIGNOR/ Padrone mio Colendissimo/ IL SIGNOR/ CONTE

CESARE BENTIVOGLI/ MAESTRO DI CAMPO/ Generale del Patrimonio di Nostro
Signore.
Infin’ da miei prim’anni (Illustrissimo Signore) oltre modo avido, e bramoso fui de
Musicali componimenti de piu rari, e famosi compositori di Musica, che gran nome
s’hanno fra gl’huomini co’l suo valore acquistato, e procacciandone vera copia, e
restatone favorito, non altrimenti appresso di me sempre li conservai, di quello, che far
suole chi gemme pretiose, carissime tiene. Et perche cotal desio, non solo mai in me
punto si e scemato, anzi in gran maniera tuttavia piu, qual viva fiamma, si e acceso. Hora
quasi non pigro Gioielliero, e da questa parte, e quella (merce dell’altrui virtu, e
humanita) ho raccolto, o pure, come in belle fila d’oro intessuto (formandone vaga, e
nobil collana,[)] varie, e ricche perle de musici concenti, che noi chiamamo Motetti, a fin
che gli elevati spirti partecipi ne fossero, e i nobili cantanti gusto ne prendestero. Ma
dovendoli hora dare alia Stampa, a chi dovevo io con piu ragione quasi scelte gioie,
insieme con me stesso offerirli, che a V.S. Illustrissima tanto della sprituaT armonia
vaga, e amatrice? Alla cui innestata gentilezza mi conosco, e confessando professo
esser’in si fatta guisa gia molto tempo, per i segnalati, e molti ricevuti favori, obligato,
che d’ogni stagione la di lei viva memoria starammi fissa altamente nel cuore. Hor
mentre la picciol fatica d’alcune mie compositioni, con le grandissime, e honorate altrui
fatiche, che Tillustrano, accompagnata riverente gl’offero, pregola, et ad accettarla con
sereno volto difendendola anco da chi potrebbe esser molestata, et ad aggradire, che
mentre, (come spero) queste sacre gemme, et armoniose note d’eccellentissimi
compositori per il mondo s’andranno divolgando, il suo chiaro nome parimente con esse
in ogni lato piu si diffonda, e gloriosamente si dilati, e baciandole affettuosamente le
mani, li prego da N.S. Iddio ogni compita felicita.
Di Orvieto il primo di Luglio. 1618./ Di V.S. Illustrissima/ Devotissimo Servitore/ Fabio
Constantini Romano.
595
/(-)/ Imprimatur, si videbitur Reverendissimo Patri Magistrato Sac. Pal. Apostolici./
Cesar Fidelis Vicesg./Imprimatur./ F.Greg. Donat. Rom. Magister, e Reverendiss. P.F./
Hiacynthi Petronij S. P. Apost. Mag. Soc. Ord. Prad.
INDEX
A DUE VOCE
Ave verum corpus, a 2. Canti. Di Gio. Francesco Anerio.
Cantabo Domino, a 2. Canti. Di Paolo Quagliati.
Laetentur Caeli, a 2. Canti. Di Ruggiero Giouannelli.
Domine in multitudine, a 2. Canti. Di Vincenzo Ugolini.
Calistus est vere martyr, a 2. Canti. Di Fabio Constantini.
Cantemus Domino, a 2. Canto, e Tenore Di Ruggiero Giovanelli.
Sancti mei, a 2. Canto, e Basso Di Felice Anerio.
Angelus ad pastores a 2. Canto, e Ten. Di. Girolamo Frescobaldi.
Panis Angelicus, a 2. Canto, e Basso Di Paolo Agostino.
Ave gratia plena Dialogo a 2. Canto, & Alto d’incerto.
Iste est qui ante Deum, a 2. Alti Di Felice Anerio
Os iusti, a 2. Alti Di Fabio Constantini.
Pulchra es & decora, a 2. Bassi. Di Abundio Antonelli.
Veni electa mea, a 2. Bassi Di Cesare Zoilo.
O quam pulchra es, a 2. Tenori. Di Ascanio Pianti.
Cum iucunditate, a 2. Tenori. Di Fabio Constantini.
A TRE VOCI
Audi filia, a 3. Soprani, Di Gio. Bernardino Nanini.
Laudent te Domine, a 3. 2.Ten.e Basso Di Domenico Massentio.
Panis Angelicus, a 3. 2. Sopr. e Basso Di Paolo Tarditi
Egredimini, & videte, a 3. 2. Sopr. e Ten. Di Gregorio Alegri.
Iubilate, a 3. 2. Soprani, e Basso. Di Carlo Tassoni.
A QUATTRO VOCI
Ego mater pulchra, Di Vincenzo de Grandis.
Iesu decus Angelicum, Di Ercole Pasquini.
A admirabile commercium, Di Fabio Constantini.
Ego sum panis viuus. Di Alessandro Constantini.
A CINQUE VOCI
Percussit Saul mille, Di Ottavio Catalano.
Oculi mei semper ad Di Alessandro Constantini.
Dominum.
596
RISM 16201, Op. 5

SCELTA DE SALMI A 8./ Magnificat, Antifone,/ cioe,/ Regina Caeli. Ave Regina
Caelorum./ Alma Redemptoris. Et Litanie della Madonna./ DE’ DIVERSI
ECCELLENTISSIMI AVTORI./ Post’in luce/ DA FABIO COSTANTINI ROMANO/
Maestro di Cappella dell’Illustrissima/ Citta d’Oruieto./ Con il Basso Continuoper
VOrga.no/. LIBROQVINTO. OPERA SECOND A. [correctly: Opera Quinto, Libro
Seconda]/ [Printer’s mark: three upright arrows in oval, tied with ribbon, framed with
decoration including putti with string instruments]/ IN ORVIETO, Per Bartholomeo
Zannetti. 1620./ (-)/ Con Licenza de’ Superiori.
9 vol. in 8°: CANTO/ Primo Choro. (2) 3-23 (1) [A]; ALTO/ Primo Choro (1) 3-23 [B];
TENORE/ Primo Choro (1) 3-23 [C]; BASSO/ Primo Choro 3-23 [D]; CANTO/ Secondo
Choro (1) 3-23 [E]; ALTO Secondo Choro (1) 3-23 [F]; TENORE Secondo Choro (1) 3-
23 [G]; BASSO Secondo Choro (1) 3-23 [H]; BASSO(-) STESO. (1) 3-21 [I]
Place: Orvieto
Date: 30 June 1620
Dedication: Ferdinando Saracinello
ALL’ILLUSTRISSIMO SIGNORE/ & Padrone mio Offeruandissimo/ IL SIGNORE/

BALI FERDINANDO/ SARACINELLO/ CAMMERIERO SECRETO/ del Serenissimo
Gran Duca di Toscana.
[N.B. Illuminated opening F is imaginary engraving of the town and cathedral.]
Felicissima e veramente Signore la penna di quei Scrittori, che senz’ opera alcuna di
maestrevol pennello forma a benefitio dell’ animo altrui una Ideal, e virtuosissima
bellezza, che data alia luce del Lettore, e da quello approvata, invaghito se ne resta, e non
mai a bastanza la loda, e l’ammira. Ma, piu felice, ed’ awenturosa e quella dell’
Eccellente Musico, che senza alcun color Rettorico, e con la sola unione, e concordia di
piu voci ad immitatione delle Celesti Sfere, e degli Angeli, e di Dio istesso, compone
bellezza d’armonia tale, che, tolto se a se stesso, l’ascoltatore rapito, sormonta al Cielo,
fruendo con questa 1’Angelica, ed immortal bellezza. Onde, se con li colori della ragione
quella modera gli affetti, e tra gli estremi unisce la Virtu; Questa con la misura di un
spiritual suono, modera l’asprezza, e discordanza della voci, e tra gli estremi dell’alto, et
il basso, e l’acuto, e’l grave unisce, e perfettiona l’armonia; Quella abbellito l’animo,
habile lo rende a questa. E questa a quella del Ciel, l’animo rapito invia per
dolcissimamente bearlo all’Etaema, e Divina contemplatione: come per appunto cercano
di fare questi Eccellentissimi Compositori con la raccolta di questi Salmi loro, che io
dedico a V.S. E come a lei averra ancora, se gradendoli, vorra dolcemente cantarli, e
sentirli. Compiacendosene dunque potra tacere la durezza d’alcune note mie, che ho
ardito di porvi, accio con l’asprezza loro maggiormente si conosca la dolcezza dell’altre,
e non restino senza la luce di quelle per loro stesse tra le tenebre, e l’oblio. E quali si
sieno, e l’opere de gli altri, e le mie, a lei le dedico; a lei dico, che, non solo come
Signore Orvietano mio Padrone de e gradirle, ma ancora diffendere, e proteggere sotto al
597
felice auspicio, et aura favorevole di si Gran Prencipe, qual’egli e per merito proprio, e
per gratia di quell’Altezza felicissima serve; Come humilmente la supplico a fare: e
rawivandole in tanto con l’opera istessa l’obligo mio infinito, e la mia divotione
riverentemente a V.S. bagio le mani. Di Orvieto Fultimo di Giugno 1620.
Di V.S. Illlustrissima/ Humilissimo & Obligatissimo Seruitore/ Fabio Costantini
Romano.
TAVOLA DELLI SALMI.
Dixit, Secondo Tono, a8 Di Gio. Bat. Zuchelli Org. Alias il

Cieco.
Confitebor Secondo Tono, a 8 Di Gio. Francesco Anerio
Beatus vir, Sesto Tono. a 8. Di Archangelo Chrivello
Laudate pueri, a8 Di Gio. Maria Nanini.
Laudate Dominum omnes gentes, a8 Di Francesco Martini, Concertato.
Credidi, a8 Di Ruggiero Giovannelli.
Laetatus sum, Secondo Tono. a 8 Di Fabio Costantini, Concertato.
Lauda Jerusalem delTOttavo Tono. Di Alessandro Costantini.
Magnificat, a 8. Quinto Tono Di Felice Anerio.
Regina Coeli, a 8. Di Domenico Massentio.
Alma Redemptoris, Breve, a 8 Di Fabio Costantini.
Ave Regina Caelorum, a8 Di Bernardino Nanini.
Letaniae Della Beata Vergine a8 Del Palestina Padre della Musica.
Letaniae Della Beata Vergine, a8 Di Anibal Zoilo.
LAUS DEO/ IN ORVIETO, Per Bartholomeo Zannetti. 1620./(-)/ Con Licenza

de’Superiori.
598
1621, Op. 6
SALMI, MAGNIFICAT,/ & Motetti a sei,/ Con la Sequentia di Pasqua di Resurret-/
tione a Otto Concertato/ Di diuersi Eccellentissimi Autori,/ Posti in luce/ DA FABIO
COSTANTINI ROMANO/ Maestro di Cappella dell’Illustrissima/ Citta d’Oruieto./ Con
il Basso continuo per sonare./ OPERA SESTA. LIBRO PRIMO/ (Printer’s mark;
cardinal’s hat and stemma of Crescenzi)/ IN ORVIETO, Per gli Heredi del Zannettii
MDCXXI./ (-)/ Con Licenza de’Superiori
7? vol. in 10°[8°]: TENORE PRIMO (2) 3-19 (1) [D] [Index attached to this copy is not
for T l]; TENORE SECONDO (2) 3-20;
Place: Orvieto
Date: 9 May 1621
Dedication: Cardinal Pietro Paulo Crescenzi
ALL’ILLUSTRISS, REVERENDISS. SIG./ & Padron mio Colendissimo,/ IL SIG.

CARDIN ALE CRESCENTIO/ Vescovo d’Orvieto.
NEL giubilo uniuersale, che tutta la Citta ha sentito per la collatione fatta da N.S.
GREGORIO XV, di questo Vescovato ai V.S. Illustriss. non conviene, che io me la passi
in silentio, ch’oltre all’esser Maestro di cappella della medesima Citta, ho sempre
singolarmente professato d’esser del numero de suoi piu veri Servitori; Onde non
rappresentandomi si per hora altro modo piu proportionate alia mia professione, per
accompagnar l’allegrezza di tutto questo Popolo, ho determinate di dar alle stampe
alcune opere musicali sotto la favorita protettione del nome di V.S. Illustriss. Ma perche
io son’ sempre stato buon conoscitore di me stesso, onde senza lasciarmi ingannar
dall’amor proprio, ho sempre saputo molto ben discemere, quanta legitima cagione io
possa havere, che 1’opere mie molto prima, che finisca la mia vita, possano immergersi
nella profonda caligine dell’oblivione, mi sono ingegnato non meno in questa, che in altre
opere, che ho posto in luce, di accompagnar le Compositioni mie, con quelle de maggiori
soggetti de quest’eta, accio rischiarate le tenebre loro dallo splendore dell’honorate
fatiche di personaggi tanto eminenti, e ravvivate (per cosi dire) con la mescolanza, e
compagnia di Compositioni tanto pellegrine, possano anco esse sperare di mantenersi
felicemente in vita: II che tanto piu sicuramente saranno per conseguire, portando in
fronte, com’io porto nel cuore, il glorioso nome di V.S. Illustriss. la quale supplico
humilmente che voglia degnarsi, di gradir nella poverta di questo dono, qual egli si sia, la
ricchezza dell’affetto, ricevendo questa picciola dimostratione per vero contrasegno della
singular mia devotione, e per fine le faccio profondissima reverenza. Di Orvieto li 9. di
Maggio 1621.
Di V.S. Illustriss. & Reverend, Humilissimo & Devotissimo servitore, Fabio Costantini
Romano.
TAVOLA
Dixit a 6 di Felice Anerio dell’ottavao tono, 2.Tenori, Alto,

Basso, Canto, e Baritono
Confitebor a 6. di Alessandro Costantini, del Primo Tono, 2. Canti, Alto,
Concertato, Basso, e 2. Tenori.
Beatus vir, a 6. Costantini, Fabio 2.Canti, Alto, Basso, 2.Tenori,
del Primo Tono. Concerto
Laudate pueri. a 6 Catalano, Ottavio 2.Canti, Alto. Basso, e 2. Tenori.
senza intonatione, Concertato
Magnificat a 6. Costantini, Alessandro avertite, che il Sicut locutus est, e
2.Canti in ecco, Alto, Basso,
2.Tenori, 2. Canti.
del 5. Tono, Concertata
MOTTETTI
Vidi speciosa, a 6 Victoria, Toma Ludovici de 2.Canti, Alto Basso, e 2.Tenori.

Confitemini Domino, a6. Costantini, Fabio Concertato, in 2.Chori 2.Canti,
2.Bassi, Alto e Tenore, si puol
cantare assieme ho vero a 2 Chori
divisi Come piu piacera a chi
Concertata.
Amor Iesu a6. Anerio, Felice 2.Tenori, Alto, Basso, e 2. Canti.
Deus Deorum, a6 Costantini, Alessandro Concertato, 2.Canti, Alto, Basso e
2.Tenori.
Quae est ista Anerio, Gio Francesco Concertato, 2.Canti, Basso, Alto, <
in dialogo, a5. Tenore.
Laudate Dominum in de Jusquino con 2 Canti
sanctis eius, a5.
La Sequentia di Pasqua di del Palestina (sic) Padre accomodata per cantare
Resurrettione, a8. della Musica nell’organo da Fabio Costantini.
Concertata
600
RISM 16211, [Reprint 16143]
SACRAE/ CANTIONES/ EXCELLENTISSIMORYM/ AVCTORVM,/ OCTONIS
VOCIBVS/ COLLECTAE/ A FABIO CONSTANTINO/ ROMANO/ VRBEVETANAE
CATHEDRALIS/ MVSICAE PRAEFECTO./ Cum Basso Continuo ad Organum./
CANTUS II CHORI./ printer’s mark/ ANTVERPIAE, / APVD PETRVM PHALESIVM/
(-)/ M. D. CXXI
9? vol. in 4°: CANTUS Secondi Chori (1) 3-31 [E-Cant. Selectae a 8]
INDEX/ SACRARVM CANTIONVM/ DIVERSORVM AVTHORVM/ OCTONIS VOCIBVS

Angelus ad Pastores ait Ruggiero Giovanelli
Aurora lucis rutilat Francesco Anerio
Angelus Domini descendit de caelo Prospero Santini.
Beatus Laurentius. Bernardino Nanino
Beata mater e inter acta Annibal Zoilo
Beati omnes qui timent Dominum Bernardino Nanini
Caro mea. del Palestina
Hie est Panis. [2p] del Palestina
Cantate Domino di Gio. Maria Nanini
Crucifixus. di Archangelo Crivello
Domine quis habitabit. di Gio. Maria Nanini
Domine Deus noster. di Bernardino Nanini
Dextera tua Domine di Alessandro Costantini
Ecce sacerdos Magnus. di Francesco Soriano
Fratres del Palestina
Factum est silentium. di Asprilio Pacelli
Gaudeamus di Ruggiero Giovannelli
Gloria tibi Trinitas. di Bartolomeo Roi.
Inclina Domine, di Alessandro Costantini
Iubilate. di Luca Marentio.
Laetentur caeli. di Arcangelo Crivello
0 lumen Ecclesie. di Fabio Costantini
Pastores Loquebantur de Felice Anerio
Puer natus est nobis. di Ruggiero Giovanelli
Sub tuum praesidium del Palestina. (sic)
Sancta & immaculata di Gio. Maria Nanini
Super flumina. di Gio. Battista Lucatello
Sancti Dei omnes. di Fabio Costantini
Venite ad me omnes. di Felice Anerio
FINIS
601
RISM 162114, Op.7

GHIRLANDETTA/ AMOROSA,/ Arie, Madrigali, & Sonetti,/ Di diuersi Eccellentissimi
Autori,/ a Vno, a Due, a Tre, & a Quattro,/ Poste in luce/ DA FABIO COSTANTINI
ROMANO/ Maestro di Cappella dellTllustrissima/ Citta d’Oruieto./ OPERA SETTIMA.
LIBRO PRIMO./ [stemma half Aweduti, half Canali?]/ IN ORVIETO, Per
Michel’Angelo Fei, &/ Rinaldo Ruuli. 1621. a/ CON LICENZA DE’ SVPERIORI.
Place: Orvieto
Date: 5 October 1621
Dedication: Adriano Canali and Caterina Aweduti
4 vol in 8°: CANTO PRIMO (2) 3-30 ([27-28]) [A A2 B C C2 D D2]; CANTO

SECONDO (2) 3-29 (2) [E2 F F2 G2 H H2]; BASSO (2) 3-17 (2); Basso Steso per il
Cimbalo,/ overo altri Stromenti. (2) 3-28 [a-a2b-b2 c-c2 d]
ALL’ ILLUSTRISSIMI SIGNORI,/ ET PADRONI OSSERVANDISSIMI/ LI SIGNORI/

ADRIANO CANALI/ ET CATERINA AW EDUTI.
Ecco, felice coppia di sposi, che gia scende dal Cielo il Santo Himeneo per apprestarvi il
Talamo nuttiale: Ecco le vezzose schiere delle Gratie, e de gl’Amori, e havendo piene le
mani, e il grembo d’odorati fiori, colti ne felici giardini di Permesso, non solo ne
spargono, e adomano il letto maritale, ma ne vanno anco tessendo lente, e piacevoli si,
ma tenacissime e indissolubili catene per stringere, e unire in perpetuo nodo di pace, e
d’Amore i vostri cuori. Hor mentre all’annuntio di questo felice maritaggio gioisce, e si
rallegra il Popolo Orvietano, giubila, e festeggia il Reatino sperando di vedersi ben presto
arricchiti di numerosa prole di awenturati figli; Ancor’io sento rapirmi all’allegrezze, e
al Canto. Onde havendo sopra cio composte alcune operette Musicali, ho risoluto
mandarle alle stampe sotto l’ombra del vostro nome, in dimostratione della dovuta
osservanza mia verso le Signorie Vostre, per le continue gratie, con le quali siamo sempre
stati favoriti mia moglie, mia figliuola, e io da i Genitori della Signora Sposa, e da lei
medesima per il corso di tanti anni, che sono dimorato al servitio di questa Illustrissima
Citta. E perche ho temuto, che per se stesse non siano bastevoli a mantenersi lunga
stagione in vita, ho procurato di accompagnarle con altre opere de’ piu pellegrini ingegni
de questa eta, per render, se sia possibile, insieme con quelle immortali anco le mie
fatiche. Gradischino nella poverta del Dono, la ricchezza dell’affetto, e mentre io resto
pregando il Datore di ogni bene, che secondi gl’annunzi, e le speranze, concedendole il
colmo delle vere felicita, si degnino tener memoria della mia devota servitu E le bacio le
mani. Di Orvieto li 5. di Ottobre 1621.
Delle Signorie Vostre Illustrissime/ Devotissimo Servitore/ Fabio Costantini Romano.
602
Tutte le viste homai [Rinuccini] al, canto o tenore Fabio Costantini

Alla gloria, alii honori a l, canto o tenore Girolamo Frescobaldi
Deh scoprite colorite a2 canti Alessandro Costantini
Ecco nata or or la rosa a2 canti Abbundio Antonelli
Mentre che Febo a2 canti Pelegrino Mutii
O della vita mia a2, canto e basso Fabio Costantini
Non dormo no (Sonetto) al, canto o tenore Gio. Francesco Anerio
Dove io credea le mie speranze a l, canto o tenore La Cecchina di Fiorenza
[Francesca Caccini]
Splendor di gl’occhi miei a l , canto o tenore Alessandro Costantini

Aure vaghe, aure gioconde a l , canto o tenore Alessandro Costantini
Deh mirate luce ingrate al, canto o tenore Gio Domenico Puliasca
Vaghe Ninfe e Pastori a2 canti D’Incerto
MADRIGALI A DUE
Dolce Augellin a2, canto e basso Fabio Costantini
Giosce l’aria (Sonetto) a2, canto e basso D’Incerto
Si mi dolce il tormento a2 canti Theofilo Gargari
[Sannazzaro]
Cosi col mia ventura [Sannazaro] a2 tenore Theofilo Gargari
0 cor sempre dolente a2 tenore Bernardino Nanini
Se la doglia e’l martire [Marino] a2 tenore Alessandro Costantini
Donna mentre vi miro [Guarini] a2 tenore Alessandro Costantini
Non porta ghiaccio Aprile a2 canti Fabio Costantini
[Pocaterra]
Riede la primavera [Marino] a2 canti Fabio Costantini
A TRE CONCERTATI
Ecco ch’all’apparir di coppia si a3 canti Fabio Costantini
leggiadra [F.M.Turigii]
Dialogo; Amaranta, Clori, & a3 canti concertato Paolo Quagliati
Armilla: Perche non togli, 0 Clori
S’ardo il mondo com’io, a3, 2 canti e tenore Fabio Costantini
In Dialogo concertato
Giacea pensoso Aminta a3, due tenore e basso Alessandro Costantini
Ninfe, ninfe venite [F.M. Turigii] a3, alto, tenore, e basso Fabio Costantini
A QUATTRO
I lieti amanti [Sannazzaro] a4, canti, alto e basso Iacomo Ben’Incasa
Amor tu parti [Guarini] a4 concertato: canto, Alessandro Costantini
Voi pur da me partiste alto, tenore e basso
Credete voi ch’io
603
RISM 162210, Op. 8

L’AYRATA CINTIA ARMONICA,/ ARIE, MADRIGALI, DIALOGI, E
VILLANELLE,/ Di diuersi Eccellentissimi Autori, a 1. a 2. a 3. & a 4./ Posta in luce/
DA FABIO COSTANTINI ROMANO/ Maestro di Cappella dell’ Illustrissima Citta
d’Oruieto./ AllTllustriss. e Reverendiss. Sig. il Sig./ CARD. CRESCENTIO/ VESCOVO
D’ORVIETO./ Opera Ottava, Libro Secondo. Con la Partitura./ [stemma of Card.
Crescenzi]/ In Orvieto, Per Michel’Angelo Fei, e Rinaldo Ruuli. 1622./(-)/ Con Licenza
de’Superiori.
Place: Orvieto
Date: 15 September 1622
Dedication: Cardinal Pietro Paulo Crescenzi
3 vol. in 8°[4° in 8s]: CANTO PRIMO. (2) 3-43 (1), [ A B C D E F ] ; CANTO

SECONDO. (2) 3-39 (1), [G H I K L]; Basso steso per il Cimbalo, overo altri
Stromenti.(2) 3-15(1), [MN]
Illustriss. & Reverendiss. Signore, e Padrone Colendiss.
Scrive il Ripa nella sua Iconologia, che Avicenna col mezzo del suono dell’Incudine,
venisse in cognitione della Musica, dove percio si diede scrivere della convenienza, e
misura de’Tuoni Musicali, e delle voci, cosi accrescendo un legiadro omamento all
conversatione humana: Et il Padre Contarino Crucifero nel suo Giardino dice, che
Guidone Musico ritrovo tutta la melodia, con sei voci, nei nodi della mano; la quale
quanto diletti a gl’animi nostri, molto bene lo dimostra Boetio, dicendo, che e tanto
naturale all’huomo, che ad ogni eta diletta, & e di tanta forza, che ogn’huomo muta: E
che sia il vero scrive il Garimberto ne’ Problemi, che Empedocle, con la Musica mitigo, e
spinse l’ira d’un Giovane, che voleva uccidere l’Accusatore, & Aristotile, che a gli
addolorati, & allegri giova la Musica; a quelli per diminuire il dolore, & a questi per
accrescere l’allegrezza; tanta e la proportione dell’armonia sua, con l’anima nostra. Che
piu? Scrive Teofrasto, che alcimi morficati dalla Vipera, sono guariti, col suono
de’Flauti, e d’altri stromenti accompagnati dal Canto. Trovasi ancora, che anco e atta
ad’indurre in noi la quiete del dormire, che pero i gran Principi (Illustrissimo, e
Reuerendissimo Signore) anticamente andavano in letto accompagnati da suoni, e canti,
per mezzo de quali si addormentavano; percioche la Musica, come risolutiva causando
vapori, che ascendevano al Cervello, inducevano in loro il sonno. Dunque cosi
maravigliosamente operando, & essendo per l’addietro stata, & hora per il presente tanto
arnica de’Prencipi Religiosi, come Seculari; e di piu le lodi fatte dal Mondo a Iddio, &
alia Corte Celeste, quasi tutte con la Musica essendo espresse: maraviglia non e se V.S.
Illustrissima, non solo nelle fontioni della sua Chiesa tanto ne piglia diletto, ma bene
spesso all’hore de recreationi, con molto suo piacere ha voluto nelle sue Camere sentir da
me cantare le presenti allegre, e piacevoli compositioni; convenienti al passar l’hore
otiose, senza pero turbare la Religiosa, e casta menta di V.S. Illustrissima. Benche da
rauco, & inesperto Cigno, come son io, venendo cantate, poca melodia recar potevano
604
alle perfette, e ben purgate orecchie sue: Nondimeno per essere io stato dalla sua
benignita, a i suoi servigi, tra li piu infimi, e devoti Servitori accettato, spero sotto i raggi
delle sue crescenti tre Lune d’oro, di venire canoro Cigno, e sublime; E vivendo sotto
l’ombra della sua invitta Casa Crescentia, spero crescere anch’io le forze, e la voce, &
ascender col canto (inalzando le supreme virtu sue vincitrici del mondo) non solo al Cielo
della sua impresa; ma a quello del Signore de’Pianeti. Tra tanto solo per segno di questo
mio desiderio, dedico a V.S. Illustrissima la presente Opera Musicale, da me raccolta di
diversi Eccellenti Autori; supplicandola, ad’accettarla, e proteggerla, conforme alia sua
solita grandezza d’animo, non guardando al poco dono, ma al grand’affetto
dell’obligatissimo donatore, inclinato a servirla, & ubidirla sempre. Con che le so
humilissimamente la debbita riverentia, pregandole dal sommo Fattore (conforme a i suoi
gran meriti) il colmo di tutte le gratie. Di Orvieto li 15 di Settembre 1622.
Di V.S. Illustrissima, e Reuerendissima, Humilissimo e deuotissimo Servitore, Fabio

Costantini
0 felice guerrieri al, canto solo Fabio Costantini

Deh fermate
Sentite come al suon
Dialogo Amore, e Venere a2, alto e tenore Fabio Costantini
Fiammeggiante del ciel Amore solo
Figlio qual gran ventura Venere solo
Oggi coppia gradita Amore solo
Su dunque alata schiera Venere solo
Scherziam cantando a4 2canti, alto, tenore,
2 parte per libro
Per pianto la mia came a2 canti Teofilo Gargari
Hor pensate al mio mal a2, tenore Teofilo Gargari
La mia Clori vezzosa a2 canti Pellegrino Mutii
Ricciutella pargoletta a2 canti Boschetti
Lascivette Pastorelle a2 canti Boschetti
Pastorelle vaghe, e belle a2 canti Gio. Francesco Anerio
Care lagrime mie a2 tenore Cavalier Alessandro
Costantini
Mentre sorge 1’Aurora. a2 canti, 1.2.3 stanza del Grappucio
Al dolce mormorar a2 canti Abundio Antonelli
Dialogo, Clori e Filli a2 canti Cavalier [Alessandro]
Costantini
Quando il ciel mi fe soggetto a2 canto Boschetti
Dialogo, Aminta, e Clori, Canto e basso Fabio Costantini
concertato: 0 bella Clori
Era l’anima mia a2 canti Frescobaldi
Cruda Amarilli a2 canti Alessandro Costantini
2a parte; Ma grideran per me, a 3, 2 canti e basso
Ch’io t’ami a2 canti Alessandro Costantini
Co’l fior de’ fiori a2 canti Fabio Costantini
La mia leggiadra, e vaga a4, 2 canti, alto, e Fabio Costantini
Pastorella tenore
606
1630, Op. 11
SALMI HIMNI, ET MAGNIFICAT/ Concertati a Otto Voci./ DI FABIO COSTANTINI/
Romano, e Cittadino d’Oruieto, Maestro di Cappella/ Della Nobilissima Compagnia del
Santissimo/ Rosario d’Ancona./ Et de Altri Eccelenti Compositori./ Opera Vndecima./
Novamente Stampati./CON PRIVILEGIO/ Stampa Del Gardano./ IN VENETIA.
M.DC.XXX../ Apresso Bartholomeo Magni.
Place: Ancona
Date: 8 September 1630
Dedication: Fratelli della Compagnia del santissimo Rosario d’Ancona.
9 vol. in 8°?: CANTO Pr.Ch. (2)[l]-33 (1) [A[A2, p.l missing]-A9]; ALTUS (2)1-29(1)
[C-C8]; TENORE Pr.Ch. (2)1-29(1) [B-B8]; BASSUS Pr.Ch.(2)l-25 (1) [D-D7];
CANTUS Sec.Ch. (2) 1-29 (1) [E-E8]; ALTO Sec.Ch. (2)1-25(1) [G-G7]; TENORE
Sec.Ch. (2)1-25(1) [F-F7]; BASSO Sec.Ch (2)1-24(1) [H-H7]; BASSO Continuo
Del[l’organo] (2)1-37(1) [I-I10].
ALLI MOLT ILL.ri SIG.ri PATRONI /MIEI OSS.mi LI SIG. FRATELLI DELLA/
COMPAGNIA DEL SANTISSIMO ROSARIO /D’ANCONA.
La Gentilezza, con che me eligeste Maestro di Cappella della vostra famosa, e

honorevole Compagnia persuase al mondo, che nella profession della Musica io fusse di
qualche valore, doveva io per direttura di ragione persuadere almeno a voi con qualche
dimostratione la gratitudine del mio volere. Ma non sentendomi forze alia voglia pari,
ricorsi, come io soglio nelli miei bisogni da chi poteva aitarmi, cioe da piu egregi Musici
de nostri di, perche con qualche loro fatica concorressero meco a una offerta di
Componimenti Sacri, non indegna de vostri orecchi, alio stile necessaria di cotefta
Devotissima Congregatione, ed altre Cappelle Illustri per gusto de buoni Cantanti mando
questa undecima opera alle stampe sperando, oltre accio, quello, che per me non potrei io
solo, in Compagnia di questi ottenere, che e, non la loda di buon Musico (che non lo
merito, ne l’affetto, assai bastandomi si quella otterro di Seruitor grato) ma l’uso, e la
durevolezza dell’opera. E percio l’essermi nel numero addimesticato di Soggetti si
Illustri, non mi si dovra a prosontione recare, ma piu tosto ad industriosa necessita. I
Servitori in compagnia de Padroni hanno spesso entratura cola, onde, soli senza dubbio
sarebbeno isclusi. Su gli omeri dell’Aquila, come favoleggiano del Regolo, procuro a
queste mie Compositioni debili agevolare la strada al sommo de piu celebri Cori
Musicali; li difetti del Componitore dal giudicio forse adempiti del Compilatore; Estimo
ancora, che in questa guisa, 1’opera, se bene del mio piu povera, almeno per me piu sicura
sara avanti il giusto rigore del nostro secolo, il quale contro l’antico uso quando
sopravivevano l’opere alia morte degl’Autori, e necessitato dalla plebe innumerabili de
Compositori insopportabili a condannare i Padri di celebrare piangendo il funerale de
quei figli a cui diedero con indegno canto la vita. A voi dunque di tutto core queste
607
compositioni offerisco, o cultori Illustri del Santo Rosario a cui celesti odori sono in gran
parte cresciuti. Se vero e quelche disse Demostene, che gl’huomini apparassero la
Musica dal Usignolo, bisogna dire che nascessero nella medesima stagione a un parto la
Musica e la Rosa, non cantando quell’Ucellino, che nella stagione fiorita e vivendo in lui,
come suo Spirito la Primavera, la qual non so quasi si sia o prodottrice, o prodotta dalla
Rosa. E si come Ausonio lascio in dubbiosa 1’Aurora disse, o prendesse dalla Rosa il
vermiglio, e chi precedesse fra loro, o questa che Aurora e di Giardini, o quella che e rosa
del Cielo, cosi potrebbe si rivocare a dubio se debba dirse la Rosa il Fiore di Primavera o
la Primavera de Fiori.
AlPesemplare di questa Rosa, che fu Simbolo sempre di pudica Verginella
massimamente allora, che mostrandosi meno, piu bell’apparisce, ho tratteggiate io le mie
Musiche, si che piu tosto al decoro del luogo Sacro, e delle parole Divine rispondessero,
che alio stile sfacciatamente dessoluto, e lusureggiante di alcuni disaweduti della nostra
eta. A Fiori, si come io spero, diranno le voci animate di gentile espressione da leggiadri
Cantori; alle fronde gli Stromenti gravi, onde con nobile adomamento sieno
accompagnate alle spine i contraponti affetuosi, e piccanti, aggradite cortesi o Signori il
piccolo argomento della molta servitu, e debito, che io professo a cotesta Fioritissima, e
Santissima Compagnia, alle cui Rose prego per sempre Aura Soave, Cielo Sereno, terra
feconda, Secolo favorevole. Ancona li 8. Settembre. 1630.
Delle Signorie Vostre Molt’Illustri/ Obligatissimo servittore/ Fabio Costantini Romano e
Cittadino d’Orvieto
TAVOLA Delli Salmi dupplicati, Himni & Magnificat, a Otto Concertati.
Dixit Del Signor Caualier Alessandro Cofitantini a otto Concertato

Dixit Del Signor Gio: Francesco Anerio a otto Concertato
Confitebor Del Signor Fabio Coftantini a otto Concertato
Confitebor Del Signor Antonio Cifra a otto Concertato
Beatus vir Del Signor Fabio Coftantini a otto Concertato
Beatus vir Del Signor Paolo Tarditi a otto Concertato
Laudate pueri Del Signor Caualier Alessandro Costantini a otto Concert.
Laudate pueri Del Signor Fabio Coftantini a otto Concertato
Beati omnes Del Sig. Fabio Coftantini a otto tutto Seguito Concertato
De profundis Del Signor Fabio Costantini. a otto Concertato
Himni.
De Apoftolis. Exultet caelum Laudibus a otto Concertato del Signor Agoftino.
Agazzari agiuntovi li dui ultimi versi di Fabio Costantini.
De Confessori. Ifte Confessor a otto Concertato del Signor Cavalier Alessandro
Coftantini.
De unius Martiris. Deus tuorum militum a otto Concertato del Signor Gio:
Francesco Anerio.
De BEATA VERGINE Ave Maris Stella a otto Concertato Del Signor Fabio
Coftantini.
608
Magnificat.
Magnificat a otto Concertato Del Signor Domenico Allegri.
Magnificat a otto Concertato Del Signor Fabio Costantini.
IL FINE Laus Deo, & B. Virgini.
609
RISM 16341, Op. 12

MOTETTI/ A 1. 2. 3. 4. e 5. voci./ DI FABBIO COSTANTINI/ ROMANO/ Et Cittadino
d’Oruieto familiare deirEminentissimo/ Signor Cardinal Pallotto Legato di Ferrara./
Con Alcuni de altri Eccelentissimi Compositori,/ Libro Quarto. Opera Duodecimal
IN VENETIA MDCXXXIV/(-)/ Appresso Bartholomeo Magni. A
Place: Ferrara
Date: 15 October 1634
Dedication: Cardinal Pallotta, Legate to Ferrara
4 vol. in 4°: CANTO Primo. (3) 2-3 (1) [A-A9. Finis.]; CANTO Secondo. (3)2-33 (1) [B-
B9.Finis.]; BASSO (3) 2-27 (1) [C-C7.Finis.C8]; BASSO Continuo: (3)2-28 (1) [D-
D 7 .Finis. Dg]; [N.B. running head (Motetti di Fabbio Costantini al.2.3.4.5.) on all odd-
numbered signatures]
ALL’EMINEN.mo E REV.mo Sig.re / PATRON SINGVLARISSIMO/ II Signor

Cardinal Pallotto Legato di Ferrara.
Con opportuna occasione di mandare alle stampe questa mia duodecima opera al
chiarissimo nome di V. Eminenza prima anco, che composta dovuta, vengo con chiari, e
espressi caratteri di vera divotione a publicare insieme con’ essa al mondo l’antica servitu
mia con l’lllustrissima casa sua, e Finfinite obligationi che non recordevoli di principio,
cominciorono quasi con la vita; percioche L’Eminentissimo Signor Cardinal di Cosenza
de felice ricordatione e impareggiabili meriti gia suo degnissimo Zio, essendo io picciolo
garzonzello nella gran Basilica Vaticana dove egli alia porpora portava intessuto il
freggio del sommo Presbiterio, sotto la disciplina del Palestrina Padre della Musica, i cui
vanti nel canto quei solamente non ammirano, e predicano, chi non gli conoscono,
soprano costituimmi. Fui io quasi insecondo, e fertili terreno di Musici Eccelenti, da
continui favori di lui in‘affiatto crebbi, dopo alquanti anni a segno, che non contento del
preggio di sempleci cantanti, sotto altrui battuta, incominciai a porre insieme note, e ad
havere altrui sotto la mia. Per lo che vari Eminentissimi Signori Cardinali personaggi,
che in dignita, come fa ogni’uno teste Coronate pareggiano, perche nelle Chiese loro
commesse la Musica reggessi in diversi tempi, mi chiamorono. L’Eminentissimo Signor
Cardinal Sannesio fu il primo, che dal Tempio Vaticano al suo d’Orvieto condussimi. II
Signor Cadinale Aldobrandino al suo servitio e alia Cappella in Santa MARIA in
Trasteveri. L’istesso Eminentissimo Sanesio di nuovo, nel suo Duomo d’Orvieto, e dopo
la morte di lui, L’Eminentissimo Sig. Cardinal Crescentio, che in quella Chiesa gli
succedete. Nella Santa Casa 1’Eminentissimo Signor Cardinal Borghesi.
l’Eminentissimo Signor Cardinal Magalotto in questo suo duomo di Ferrara, ultimamente
a quel d’Ancona dove vi fui un’altra volta, per dove poi V. Eminenza nel suo ritomo di
Germania passando per prendere in Roma, per man del Pontefice, l’insegna propria della
Dignita novellamente per li suoi gran meriti da esso conferitali, havendome, per suo
riconosciuto della sua servitu, de cui fui sempre ambiciosissimo, si compiacque
d’honorarmi, e di ricevermi, fra suoi in casa, per fomirvi la vita, che vi cominciai. Mi
scusi adunque V. Eminenza. se fra tante opre Musicali dati da me fin’ora in luce frutti
610
tutti al primo suo colono dovuti, quanto solamente piu di tutti tardino, essendo si come ho
detto il duodecimo nella persona sua il riconosce. Impercioche il sommo valore di V.
Eminenza l’ha tenuta, e in Portogallo, e in Alemagna, e in Roma, e qui in Ferrara, in alti
affari, e maneggi di Govemo si fattamente occupata che io non ho in verun conto
giudicato con queste mie puerili cantilene porre ostaculo, e impaccio al corso del publico,
bene che solo in’ogni suo govemo e stato sempre il suo unico bersaglio. Hor che la
legatione di Farrara con quelle sodisfatione e applauso, che ogni’uno, il quale da privato
alcuno affetto abbacinato non sia, ottimamente conosce, e gia come fomita, vengo con
queste poche note, che le consacro, come a dare il Plauditi all’honorate Attioni, che V.
Eminenza a pieno teatri, dentro e fuori di Ferrara, ha con somma approbatione di tutti i
buoni in questo Triennio rappresentati. E accio, che laudi d’obligato servitore, sospetta
ad alcuno non sia, mentre alle mie note quelli di molti altri Eccellenti musici, men
sospetti, come il benigno lettore puo agevolmente vedere, vado in quest’opra
intrecciando, intendo di dar con’essa sincera testimonianza de govemi, che ella con menti
incorrotta, e con’ogn’altro necessario requisito ad’ogni buon regimento e in Ferrara e
altrove, per un decennio intiero, che decade, io chiamo delle sue glorie, ha
degnissimamente essercitato. e poiche in questa hora ho gia fatta la parte dell’Epilogo
(ben che trattandosi delle sue laudi dovrebbe sempre principiarsi) non diro altro pregando
per fine il Signore che a sua gloria, e giovamento da populi, dia a V. Eminenza largo
campo di essercitare il talento, che egli con somma liberalita, gl’ha communicato. Di
Ferrara li 15 ottobre 1634.
D. V. Eminenza Reverendissima./ Humilissimo e obligatissimo servidore./ Fabbio
Costantini
[16341 Op. 12] Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5. voci Op. 12

Deus canticum novum S Fabio Costantini
Dulcis Iesu S Alessandro Costantini
Facta est cum Angelo S Fabio Costantini
In die solemnitatis S Alessandro Costantini
Pulcra es TA Fabio Costantini

0 bone Iesu CB Alessandro Costantini
Quam dilecta AT Fabio Costantini
Cantate Domine CT Fabio Costantini
In dilectus meus CB Fabio Costantini
Transfige dulcissime CC Alessandro Costantini
Iustus germinabit ss Felice Anerio
Gaudeamus omnes AA del P [Paolo Agostini]
Vos amici mei AA Fabio Costantini
Beata es Virgo Maria SS Fabio Costantini
Facta es cum Angelo ss Fabio Costantini
611
Tecum principium SS Fabio Costantini
Redemptionem AA Fabio Costantini
H I
Exortum est Fabio Costantini
Apud Dominum BB Fabio Costantini
Duo seraphim SSA Alessandro Costantini

Iesu dulcis SSB Domenico Allegri
Te invocamus ATB Fabio Costantini
0 amantissime SSB Fabio Costantini
Confitemini Domino SATB Fabio Costantini

Domine situ vis SATB Abundio Antonelli
Ave Maria a5 Fabio Costantini

Dominus Iesus SSAAB Gio Maria Nanino
612
RISM 16392, Op.13

SALMI,/ MAGNIFICAT, E MOTETTI/ A Otto Voci./ Con Basso ContinuoJ DI FABIO
COSTANTINI/ Romano, e Cittadino Orvietano./ Vno de ’Conseruatori dell ’Iliustrissima/
citta d ’OruietoJ Libro sesto de Salmi. Opera decimaterza/
In Oruieto, Per Rinaldo Ruuli, 1639./ (-)/ Con Licenza de’ Superiori.
9 vol. in 8°: Canto Primo Choro (2) 3-50 (1), [A-A6 B-B7]; Alto Primo Choro (2) 3-47 (1)
[C-C6 D-De]; Tenore Primo Choro (2) 3-47 (1) [E-E6 F-F6 ]; Basso Primo Choro (2) 3-
47 (1) [G-G6 H-Hg]; Canto Secondo Choro (2) 3-47 (1) [I-I6 K-K6]; Alto Secondo Choro
(2) 3-46 (1), [L-L6 M-Mg]; Tenore Secondo Choro (2) 3-43 (1) [N-Ng 0 - 0 5]; Basso
Secondo Choro (2) 3-39 (1) 3-39 (1) [P-P6 Q-Q4]; Basso Continuo (2) 3-47 (1) [R-Rg S-
Sg]
Place: Orvieto
Date: 25 March 1639
Dedication: Roberto Cennini, Confaloniero, and Conservatori ‘della Palla d’Oro’ of
Orvieto
AllTllustriss.mi Signori, e Padroni miei Colendiss.mi/ IL SIGNOR / RVBERTO

CENNINI / CONFALONIERO, E CONSERVATORI/ Della Palla d’Oro dell’
Iliustrissima Citta d’Orvieto.
QUESTI miei Salmi, e Mottetti musicali, ch’all’improviso mando alle Stampe; Ho voluto
per sicurezza sottometterli al glorioso Nome delle Signorie Vostre Illustrissime, accio con
la loro authorita l’accreditino, e con la generosita del lor sangue me l’honorino; Che se
bene non ho servitu di merito con loro; Hanno essi nondimeno benignita con tutti. Onde
spero, che siano per riceverli con l’affetto della propria natura, e non co’l riguardo della
qualita mia; Benche io m ’apra con l’eccesso della devotione appresso di loro quella
strada; che mi e serrata per mancamento di merito. Spero bene che si come in questa mia
compositione non ho hauto altra mira, che di essaltare il culto Divino; Cosi confido, che
sua Divina Maesta sia per essaudire i miei voti, che sciolgo al Cielo per la giustissima
essaltatione delle SS.VV.Illustrissime, e di tutta questa Iliustrissima Patria d’Orvieto, gia
che per ogni rispetto ne possiedono il merito. Et con ogni humilta inchinandomi
devotamente le riverisco. Orvieto il di 25. Marzo. 1639.
Delle SS.VV. Illuftriss./ Devotiss. Servitore/ Fabio Coftantini.
Dixit. Terzo tono. non concertato Fabio Costantini

Dixit Secondo tono. concertato a versi FC Le versi a 8. sono di
spezzati Gio. Maria Nanini.
Confitebor. Secondo tono. non concertato Fabio Costantini
Confitebor concertato Fabio Costantini
Beatus vir. Sesto tono. non concertato Fabio Costantini
Beatus vir. Terzo tono.tutto in proportione Di Paolo Agostini.
613
Laudate pueri a versi spezzati concertato. senza Fabio Costantini
intonatione
Laudate pueri. Tutto seguito. concertato senza Cavalier Coftantini.
intonatione.
Laetatus sum Quarto tono. non concertato Fabio Costantini
Laetatus sum. Secondo tono. a versi spezzati Fabio Costantini
Magnificat. Primo tono. a versi spezzati concertata Fabio Costantini
Magnificat. Sesto tono. Tutta concertata, e seguita Virgilio Mazzocchi.
MOTTETTI.
Jesu dulcis memoria. concertato Dell’Agazzarre.
A te levavi. concertato Del Tarditi.
Omnes gentes. non concertato Di Gregorio Alegri.
Cantate Domino non concertato Fabio Costantini
Tradent enim vos. non concertato Fabio Costantini
Laudate Dominum. concertato Del Cavalier Costantini.
Deus noster refugium. concertato Di Ruggiero Giovanelli.
Dulcis mor Iesu. Di Felice Anerio
Decantabat. Di Paolo Quagliati.
Ave Maria. Del Palestina Padre
della Musica.
LAUS DEO
APPENDIX C
Selected Texts in the Anthologies
The version o f the text comes from its literary source except where noted. Some spelling
has been modernized and errors corrected without comment. Secular sources are more
varied, and are cited in full with each text, except the few sources for multiple texts, with
abbreviation and source listed below. The following abbreviations are used for sources:
Armstrong James Armstrong, "The Antiphonae, seu sacrae cantiones (1613)

of Giovanni Francesco Anerio: A Liturgical Study," Analecta
musicologica 14 (1974): 139, 89-150.
Brev. 1568 Breviarum romanum, 1568, edited by Manlio Sodi and Achille
Maria Triacca (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana,
1999)
Brev. 1596 Breviarum romanum/ Ex Decreto Sacrosancti Concilij Tridentini
restitutum. PIIVPont. Max iustu editum. (Venice: Giunti, 1596).
Brev. 1655 Breviarum romanum! Ex decreto Sacrosancti Concilij Tridentini
restitutum, P I I V Pont. Max. iussu. editum. et Clementis VIII.
primum...Urbani PP. VIII. auctoritate recognitum. Antverpiae, ex
Officina Plantiniana Balthasaris Moreti. M.DC.LV
Charteris Giovanni Gabrieli, Catalog o f works, edited by Richard Charteris
(New York: Pendragon Press, 1996)
Cifra, 1638. Antonio Cifra, Sacrae cantiones quae binis, ternis, quaternis,
senis, octonis vocibus concinuntur. organum. (Rome: Grignani,
1638), Basso per VOrgano partbook found in US-Cn, Case VM
2061 c56s.
DV Holy Bible: Translatedfrom the Latin Vulgate; Old Testament first
published by the English College at Douay, 1609; New Testament
first published by the English College at Rheims, 1582 (Baltimore:
Murphy, 1914).
Fortescue Adrian Fortescue, Latin Hymns sung at the church o f Saint Hugh
Letchworth (1913; reprint, Harrison, NY: Catholic Books, 1994).
LE Silke Leopold, Al modo d'Orfeo: Dichtung und Musik im
Italienischen Sologesang des Fruhen 17. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols.,
Analecta Musicologica, 29 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1995). Vol. 2
is catalog of monodies by verse form.
LU Benedictines of Solesmes, Liber Usualis (Toumai: Desclee & Cie,
1952).
Miss. 1570 Missale Romanum, ed. Manlio Sodi and Achille Maria Triacca,
Editio Princeps (1570) (Citta del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice
Vaticana, 1998).
614
615
Marbach Carolus Marbach, Carmina Scripturarum (Hildesheim: Georg
Olms Verlagsbuchhandling, 1963).
Yul. Biblia Sacra Vulgata (Stuttgart: Wurttembergische Bibelanstalt,
1975).
Wackemagel Philipp Wackemagel, Das Deutsche Kirchenlied: Von Der
Altesten Zeit Bis Zu Anfang de XVII. Jarhunderts (Hildesheim:
Georg Olms, 1964).
ant. antiphon
chap. capitulum (chapter)
epist. epistle
grad. gradual
int. introit
lect. lectio at matins
res. responsory
vers. versicle
APPENDIX C-l
Motet Texts in Selectae cantiones (1614)
Contents = Sacrae cantiones (1621)
Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi

1. Sub tuum praesidium BVM
Marian feasts: antiphon for Nunc dimitis at Compline: Brev. 1568 (6629).
Sub tuum praesidium confugimus sancta Dei genetrix: nostras deprecationes ne despicias
in necessitatibus sed a periculis cunctis libera nos semper, Virgo gloriosa et benedicta.
We fly to thy patronage, O holy Mother of God; despise not our petitions in our
necessities, but deliver us always from all dangers, O glorious and blessed Virgin.
[www.unidial.com/~martinus/thesaurus/]

2. Fratres ego enim accepi CORPUS CHRISTI/ EUCHARIST/HOLY WEEK
Chapter at vespers on Corpus Christi, Brev. 1568 (3119); unchanged in Brev. 1596,
1655; Corinthans I, 11:23-24.
Fratres, Ego enim accepi a Domino quod et tradidi vobis: quoniam Dominus Jesus in qua
nocte tradebatur, accepit panem, et gratias agens fregit, et dixit: accipite, et manducate:
hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur: hoc facite in meam commemorationem.
Brothers: I have received of the Lord that which also I delivered unto you, that the Lord
Jesus, that same night in which he was betrayed, took bread, and giving thanks, broke it
and said: “Take ye and eat: this is my body which shall be delivered for you: do this for
the commemoration of me.” [DV]

3a. Caromeavere— CORPUS CHRISTI
Matins at Corpus Christi, third nocturne, lect. 7 + res. 7, res. 8, lect. 9 Brev. 1568 (3146,
3148, 3150, 3151); John 6: 56-58.
Caro mea vere est cibus, et sanguis meus vere est potus.
Qui manducat meum camem, et bibit meum sanguinem.
in me manet et ego in eo [illo].
Sicut misit me vivens Pater et ego vivo propter Patrem.
Et qui manducat me et ipse vivet propter me.
616
617
For my flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed. He that eateth my flesh, and
drinketh my blood, abideth in me, and I in him. As the living Father has sent me, and I
live by the Father; so he that eateth me, the same also shall live by me.
3b. Hie est panis (seconda parte)

Feast of Corpus Christe, matins, third nocturne, lect. 9, Brev. 1568 (3151); John 6: 59
His est panis, qui de caelo descendit. Non sicut manducaverunt patres vestri manna, et
mortui sunt. Qui manducat hunc panem vivet in aetemum.
This is the bread that came down from heaven. Not as your fathers did eat manna, and
are dead. He that eats this bread, shall live forever. [DV]
Nanino, Giovanni Maria

4. Cantate Domino canticum novum DE TEMPORE: PRAISE
Ps. 149:1-3.
Cantate Domino canticum novum, laus eius in Ecclesia sanctorum.

Laetetur Israel in eo qui fecit eum, et filiae Syon exultent in rege suo.
Laudent nomen eius in choro, in tympano et psalterio psallant ei.
Sing to the Lord a new song, let his praise be in the Church of the saints.
Let Israel rejoice in him that made him, and let the children of Zion be joyous in their
king.
Let them praise his name in choir; let them sing to him with the timbrel and the psaltery.
[DV]

5. Domine quis habitabit in tabernaculo tuo SINGLE MARTYR
Ps. 14
Domine quis habitabit in tabernaculo tuo? Aut quis requiescet in monte sancto tuo?
Qui ingreditur sine macula: et operatur iustitiam.
Qui loquitur veritatem in corde suo: qui non egit dolum in lingua sua:
Nec fecit proximo suo malum: et opprobrium non accepit adversus proximos suos.
Ad nihilm deductus est in conspectu eius malignus: timentes autem Dominum glorificat.
Qui iurat proximo suo, et non decipit: qui pecuniam suam non dedit ad usuram, et
munera super innocentem non accepit.
Qui facit haec: non commovebitur in aetemum.
618
Lord, who should dwell in thy tabernacle? Or who should rest in thy holy hill?
He that walketh without blemish and worketh justice:
He that speaketh truth in his heart, who has not used deceit in his tongue:
Nor hath done evil to his neighbor: nor taken up a reproach against his neighbors.
In his sight the malignant is brought to nothing: but he glorifieth them who fear the Lord.
He that sweareth to his neighbor, and deceiveth not;
He that hath not put out his money to usury, nor taken bribes against the innocent:
He that doth these things shall not be moved for ever. [DV]

6. Sancta et immaculata BVM
Annunciation, res. 6 at matins, Brev. 1568 (4681); res. 1, Office of the BVM on
Saturday, (6598); res. 3, Nativity, (861); unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655.
Sancta et immaculata virginitas,

quibus te laudebus efferam, nescio:
Quia quern caeli capere non poterant
tuo gremio contulisti.
Holy and Immaculate virginity,

with what praises I may exalt you I know not;
For him whom the heavens would not contain,
you held in your bosom. (Charteris)
Anerio, Felice
7. Venite ad me omnes EUCHARIST
To* first verse from Matt. 11:28 (first verse is also Gradual at All Saints, Miss. 1570
(3389). Remainder uses language of John 6, 48-58, a source for readings and responds
for Corpus Christi.
Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis, et onerati estis: et ego reficiam vos,* dicit Dominus.
Panis quern ego dabo caro mea est pro mundi vita. Accipite et comedite hoc est corpus
meum quod pro vobis trade[tur], hoc facite in meam cum memorationem in bibit meum
sanguinem qui manducat meam camem in me manet et ego in illo.
Come to me, all you that labor and are burdened, and I will refresh you, says the Lord.
The bread, that I will give, is my flesh, for the life of the world... [DV]
619
Anerio, Felice
8. Pastore loquebantur NATIVITY
Nativity, matins, lect. 8 (to *), Brev. 1568 (870); unchanged in Brev. 1596,1655; Luke
2:15-20.
Pastores loquebantur ad invicem: Transeamus usque Bethlehem: et videamus hoc

verbum quod factum est, quod fecit Dominus et ostendit nobis.*
et venerunt festinantes, et invenerunt Mariam et Joseph, et Infantem positum in praesepio
videntes autem cognoverunt de verbo quod dictum erat illis de puero hoc.
et omnes qui audierunt mirati sunt et de his, quae dicta erant a pastoribus ad ipsos
Maria autem conservabat omnia verba haec conferens in corde suo
et reversi sunt pastores glorificantes et laudantes Deum.
Soriano, Francesco
9. Ecce Sacerdos Magnus COMMON OF POPE, CONFESSOR/DOCTOR/PONTIFF
Common of a Confessor/Pope, chapter at first vespers, Brev. 1568 (6287), partial text
used as ant. at vespers and laudes throughout the feast, e.g. 1568 (6323); similar, more
specific in Brev. 1596, 1655.
Ecce sacerdos magnus, qui in diebus suis placuit Deo, et inventus est iustus: et in
tempore iracundiae factus est reconciliatio, Alleluia.
Behold the great priest, who in his time pleased God and was found just: and the time of
growing anger, became the reconciliation, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Giovannelli, Ruggiero
10. Gaudeamus omnes in Domino ALL SAINTS/BVM
Introit, Feast of All Saints, Miss. 1570 (3385).
Gaudeamus omnes in Domino, diem festum celebrantes, sub honore sanctorum omnium:
de quorum solemnitate gaudent Angeli, et collaudant Filium Dei.
Let us all rejoice in the Lord, celebrating the festive day in honor of all the saints about
whose feastday the angels rejoice, and together praise the Son of God.
11. Puer qui natus est nobis FEAST OF JOHN THE BAPTIST (24 June)
1596: p. 347v, Magnificat antiphon, second vespers; also Brev. 1568 (4942).
620
Puer qui natus est nobis, plusquam propheta est: hie est enim de quo Salvator ait: Inter
natos mulierum non surrexit maior Ioanne Baptista.
A child is bom to us according to the prophecy; it is him of whom the Savior said:
among those bom of woman, none surpasses John the Baptist.
12. Angelus ad Pastores ait NATIVITY
Antiphons 3 and 4 at laudes, Brev. 1568 (880-881).
Angelus ad pastores ait. Annuncio vobis gaudium magnum:

quia natus est vobis hodie Salvator mundi.
Facta est cum Angelo multitudo caelestis exercitus laudantium Deum [setting:
benedicunt Dominum] et dicentium: Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus
bonae voluntatis, alleliua.
The angel said to the shepherds: I bring you tidings of great joy:
for unto you is bom today the savior of the world. (Charteris)
And with the angel were a multitude of the heavenly host, praising God and saying:
Glory to God in the highest, and on earth, peace to men of good will, alleluia.
Crivelli, Archangelo
13. Laetentur caeli ADVENT-NATIVITY
Ps. 95:11-13; opening phrase[to*] used as res. at matins in Advent, Brev. 1568, (528),
and matins antiphon at Nativity, (863).
Laetentur caeli, et exultet terra* commoveatur mare et plenitudo eius

Gaudebunt campi et omnia quae in eis sunt; tunc exaltabunt omnia ligna sylvarum
A facie Domini quia venit, quoniam venit iudicare terram, iudicabit orbem terrae in
aequitate, et populos in veritate sua.
Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad, let the sea be moved, and the fullness
thereof:
The fields and all things that are in them shall be joyful. Then shall all the trees of the
woods rejoice
Before the face of the Lord, because he cometh: because he cometh to judge the earth.
14. Crucifixus surrexit EASTERTIDE
Laudes antiphon, versicle and response outside the octave, Brev. 1568 (2557).
621
Crucifixus surrexit a mortuis, redemit nos. Alleluia. Dicite in nationibus. Alleluia. Quia
Dominus regnavit a ligno. Alleluia.
The crucified one has risen from the dead, he has redeemed us. Alleluia. Tell the
nations. Alleluia. Because the Lord has reigned from the cross. Alleluia.
Nanino, Bernardino
15. Beatus Laurentius SAN LORENZO, MARTYR (10 August)
Magnificat antiphon, second vespers, Brev. 1568 (5374)
Beatus Laurentius, dum in craticula superpositus ureretur, ad impiissimum tyrannum

dixit: Affatum est iam, versa, et manduca: nam facultates Ecclesiae quas requiris, in
caelestes thesauros manus pauperum deportaverunt.
The blessed Lawrence, as he burnt on the fire in the grill, said to the most wicked tyrant:
Roasting’s done now; turn me over and eat: for the wealth of the Church that you are
after the hands of the poor have carried off to the treasuries of heaven, [trans. Leo franc
Holford-Strevens]
Nanino, Bernardino
16. Domine Dominus noster ALL SAINTS, TRINITY, COMMON OF A DOCTOR
Ps. 8, specified for matins at All Saints, Brev. 1568 (5851).
Domine Dominus noster: quam admirabile est nomen tuum in universa terra?
Quoniam elevata est magnificientia tua: super caelos.
Ex ore infantium et lactentium per fecisti laudem propter inimicos tuos: ut destruas
inimicum, et ultorem.
Quoniam videbo caelos tuos opera digitorum tuorum: lunam, et stellas, quae tu fundasti.
Quid est homo, quod memor es eius? aut filius hominis, quoniam visitas eum?
Minuisti eum paulo minus ab Angelis, gloria et honore coronasti eum:
et constituisti eum super opera manuum tuarum.
Omnia subiecisti sub pedibus eius: oves, et boves universas, in super et pecora campi.
Volucres caeli, et pisces maris: qui perambulant semitas maris.
Domine dominus noster: quam admirabile est nomen tuum in universa terra?
Domine Dominus noster quam admirabile est nomen tuum in universa terra.
O Lord our Lord, how excellent is thy name in all the earth!
Who has set thy glory above the heavens.
Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings you have ordained strength because of your
enemies,
622
That you might still be the enemy and the avenger.
When I consider your heavens the work of your fingers, the moon and the stars, which
you have ordained;
What is man, that you are mindful of him, and the son of man, that you visit[ed] him?
For you have made him a little lower than the angels, and crowned him with glory and
honor.
You made him to have dominion over the works of your hands;
You have put all things under his feet: all the sheep and oxen, yes, and beasts of the field,
the fowl of the air, and the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passes through the paths of the
seas.
O Lord our Lord, how excellent is your name in all the earth! (revisions of Charteris)
Nanino, Bernardino
17. Beati omnes qui timet CORPUS CHRISTI
Ps. 127. Used at vespers at Corpus Christi, (3118); [no doxology].
Beati omnes qui timet Dominum: qui ambulant in viis eius.

Labores manuum tuarum qui a manducabis: beatus es, et bene tibi erit.
Uxor tua sicut vitis abundans: in lateribus domus tuae.
Filii tui sicut novellae olivarum: in circuitu mensae tuae.
Ecce sic benedicetur homo: qui timet Dominum.
Benedicat tibi Dominus ex Sion: et videas bona Hierusalem omnibus diebus vitae tuae.
Et videas filios filiorum tuorum: pacem super Israel.
Blessed is everyone that fears the Lord, that walks in his ways.
For you shall eat the labor of your hands, happy shall you be, and it will be well with
you.
Your wife shall be like a fruitful vine by the side of the house.
Your children like olive plants round about your table.
Behold, that this is how the man will be blessed who fears the Lord.
The Lord will bless you out of Zion, and you shall see Jerusalem all the days of your life.
And you shall see your children’s children, and peace upon Israel.
Anerio, Gio. Francesco

18. Aurora lucis rutilat EASTERTIDE
Octave of Easter, hymn at laudes, Brev. 1568 (2534).
Aurora lucis rutilat, Light’s glittering mom bedecks the sky,

Caelum laudibus intonat: heaven thunders forth its victor cry,
mundus exultans iubilat, the glad earth shouts its triumph high,
623
Gemens infemus ululat. and groaning hell makes wild reply:
Cum rex ille fortissimus, While he, the King of glorious might,
Mortis confractus viribus, treads down death’s strength in death’s
Pede conculcans tartara, despite,
Solvit a pena miseros. and trampling hell by victor’s right,
brings forth his sleeping Saints to light.
Ille qui clausus lapide, Fast barred beneath the stone of late
Custoditur sub milite: in watch and ward where soldiers wait,
Triumphans pompa nobili, now shining in triumphant state,
Victor surgit de funere. He rises Victor from death’s gate.
Solutis iam gemitibus, Hell’s pains are loosed, and tears are fled;
Et infemi doloribus: captivity is captive led;
Quia surrexit Dominus, ‘The Lord is risen from the dead,’
Resplendens clamat Angelus. the Angel, crowned with light, hath said,
Quaesumus, auctor omnium,

In hoc Paschali gaudio,
Ab omni mortis impetu
Tuum defende populum.
Gloria tibi Domine,

Qui surrexisti a mortuis,
Cum Patre, et sancto Spiritu,
In sempitema saecula, Amen.
unascribed translation taken from www.unidial.com/~martinus/thesaurus/Hymni/
Pacelli, Asprilio
19. Factum est silentium DEDICATION OF ST. MICHAEL (29 September)
Matins res.-vers 1, Brev. 1568 (5710); unchanged Brev. 1596.
Factum est silentium in caelo dum committeret helium Draco cum Michaele archangelo.
Audita est vox millia millium dicentium, Salus, honor, et virtus omnipotenti Deo.
Millia millium ministrabantei, et decies centena millia assistebantei. Audita est vox
millia millium dicentium, Salus, honor et virtus omnipotenti Deo.
There came silence in the heavens as long as the Serpent waged war with the Archangel
Michael. There is heard the voice of thousands of thousands saying: salvation, honor,
and virtue to our omnipotent God. Thousand of thousands minister, and ten times
hundreds of thousands are at hand.
624
There is heard the voice of thousands of thousands saying: salvation, honor, and virtue to
our omnipotent God. [trans. Nicholas Young]
Costantini, Alessandro
20. Inclina Domine NAME OF JESUS
Ps. 85: 1,6,11, 12.
Inclina, Domine, aurem tuam* intende voci deprecationis mea. Deduc me Domine in via
tua et ingrediar in veritate tua laetetur cor meum ut timeat nomen tuum et glorificabo
nomen tuum in aetemum.
Incline thy ear, O Lord, and hear me: attend to the voice of my petition. Conduct me, O
Lord, in thy way, and I will walk in thy tmth: let my heart rejoice that it may fear thy
name. I will glorify thy name forever. [DV]
21. Dextera tua Domini BVM
Exodus 15: 6, 7,11
Dextera tua Domine magnificata est in fortitudine, et in multitudine gloriae tuae

deposuisti adversarios tuos (meos). Quis similis tui magnificus in sanctitate terribilis
atque laudabilis et faciens mirabilia.
Thy right hand, O Lord, is magnified in strength. An in the multitude of thy glory thou
hast put down thy adversaries. Who is like thee, glorious in holiness, terrible and
praiseworthy, doing wonders?
Santini, Prospero
22. Angelus Domini descendit de caelo EASTER
Matt.28:2-6; Easter matins, res. 1, Brev.1568 (2429); unchanged Brev. 1596, 1655.
Angelus domini descendit de caelo, et accedens revolvit lapidem,

et super eium sedit, et dixit mulieribus: Nolite timere: scio enim quia crucifixum
quaeritus: iam surrexit: venite, et videte locum, ubi positus erat Dominus: Alleluia.
The Angel of the Lord descended from heaven, and came and rolled back the stone,
and sat upon it, and said to the women: Fear you not, for I know that you seek him who
was crucified: he is already risen, come and see the place where the Lord lay, Alleluia.
Zoilo, Annibale
625
23. Beata Mater BVM
Office o f the Virgin, outside Advent, Magnificat ant. Brev. 1568 (6621).
[Brev] Beata mater, et innupta Virgo, gloriosa Regina mundi, intercede pro nobis ad
dominum.
[Zoilo text]Beata Mater, et intacta Virgo gloriosa Regina mundi/ porta Paradisi gaudium
electorum spes certa peccatorum/ intercede pro nobis ad Dominum.
Blessed Mother, pure Virgin, glorious Queen of the world, gate of paradise, joy of the
chosen, sure hope of sinners, intercede for us with the Lord, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Marenzio, Luca
24. Jubilate Deo ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE
Ps. 97:4-9, Brev. 1568 (315).
Jubilate Deo omnis terra: cantate et exultate, et psallite.

Psallite Domino in cithara, in cithara et voce psalmi: in tubis ductilibus, et voce tubae
comeae.
Jubilate in conspectu regis Domini: moveatur mare et plenitudo eius, orbis terrarum, et
qui habitat in eo.
Flumina plaudent manu simul montes exultabunt a conspectu Domini: quoniam venit
iudicare terrain.
Judicabit orbem terrarum in iustitia: et populos in aequitate.
Sing joyfully to God all the earth; make melody, rejoice and sing.
Sing praise to the Lord on the harp, on the harp, and with the voice of a psalm.
With long trumpets and sound of comet.
Make a joyful noise before the Lord our king. Let the sea be moved and the fullness
thereof: the world and they that dwell therein.
The rivers shall clap their hands, the mountains shall rejoice together at the presence of
the Lord. Because he cometh to judge the earth.
He shall judge the world with justice, and the people with equity. [DV]
Roi, Bartolomeo
25. Gloria tibi Trinitas TRINITY
Antiphon at vespers, laudes and other hours on feast of Trinity, Brev. 1568 (3085).
Gloria tibi Trinitas, aequalis una Deitas, et ante omnia secula, et nunc, et in perpetuum.
Alleluia.
Glory to you O Trinity, one equal deity, both before all ages, and now, and forever.
626
Lucatello, Gio. Battista

26. Super flumina Babilonis ALL PURPOSE: PENITENCE
Ps. 136: 1-4.
Super flumina Babilonis, illic sedimus et flevimus: dum recodaremur tui, Syon.
In salicibus in medio eius, suspendimus organa nostra.
Quia illic interrogaverunt nos, qui captivos duxerunt nos: verba cantionum.
Et qui abduxerunt nos: hymnum cantate nobis de canticis Syon.
Quomodo cantabimus canticum Domini in terra aliena?
By the waters of Babylon, there we sat and wept when we remembered Zion.
On the willows there we hung up out lyres.
For there our captors required of us songs, and our tormentors, mirth, saying
“Sing us one of the songs of Zion”
However we sing the Lord’s song on the earth. [DV]
Costantini, Fabio
27. Sancti Dei omnes BVM/ALL SAINTS
Commemoration of the saints at BVM office, vespers and laudes, Brev. 1568 (6623).
Sancti Dei omnes intercedere dignemini pro nostra omniumque salute. Laetamini in
Domino et exultate iusti. Et gloriamini omnes recti corde.
O all ye saints, may ye deign to intercede for the salvation of ourselves and of all
mankind. Rejoice in the Lord and exult ye righteous, and glory all ye who are upright of
heart, [trans. Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
Costantini, Fabio
28. O lumen Ecclesie ST. AUGUSTINE, DOCTOR-CONFESSOR (28 August)
“in Festo s. Augustini, Ant. 4”,. no. 200 in Armstrong; matins, res. 3; Analecta hymnica,
5:137; see Brev. 1568 (5524) for approximate location of proper for the feast, but no
responsories, antiphons, are in the Roman breviary.
I/O lumen Ecclesiae

Beate Pater Augustine
nobilis prosapiae
doctor legis divinae, //
Eremitarum Pater et fundator/ pro nobis apud Deum esto
627
pius advocatus, Alleluia.
Sancte Pater Augustine preces nostras suscipe.
O light of the Church, blessed Father Augustine of noble lineage, teacher of the divine
law, father and founder of hermits, be a loyal advocate for us before God, Alleluia. Holy
Father Augustine, hear our prayers, [trans. Leoffanc Holford-Strevens]
APPENDIX C-2
Motet Texts in Selectae cantiones (1616)
1. Vocemea SUPPLICATION
Ps. 141:2-3,6.
Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi: voce mea ad Dominum deprecatus sum:

Effundo in conspectu eius orationem meam, et tribulationem meam ante ipsum
pronuncio.
Clamavi ad te, Domine, dixi: tu es spes mea, portio mea in terra viventium.
I cried to the Lord with my voice; with my voice I made supplications to the Lord.
In his sight I pour out my prayer and before him I declare my trouble.
I cried to thee O Lord: I said, thou art my hope, my portion in the land of the living. [DV]
Nanino, Bernardino
2. Fratres qui gloriatur COMMON OF A VIRGIN
Chap. at first vespers, Brev. 1568 (6408), unchanged in 1596, 1655; epist. Miss. 1570
(3735); 2 Cor. 10: 17-18.
Fratres, qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur: non enim, qui se ipsum commendat, ille
probatus est, sed quern Deus commendat.
Brethren, he that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord. For not he who commends himself
is approved, but he, whom God commends. [DV]
Nanino, Bernardino
3. Verba mea SUPPLICATION
Ps. 5: 1-3.
Verba mea auribus percipe Domine: intellige clamorem meum.

Intende voci orationis meae: rex meus, et Deus meus.
Quoniam ad te orabo Domine: mane exaudies vocem meam.
Give ear, O Lord, to my words, understand my cry.

Hearken to the voice o f my prayer, O my King and my God.
For to thee I will pray: O Lord in the morning thou shalt hear my voice. [DV]
628
629
Gargari, Teofilo
4. Cantabo Domino DE TEMPORE
Ps. 103:33,34.
Cantabo Domino in vita mea, psallam Deo meo quamdiu sum; ego vero delectabor in
Domino.
I will sing to the Lord as long as I live, I will sing praise to my God while I have my
being.... I will take delight in the Lord. [DV]
De Grandis, Vincenzo
5. Rorate caeli ADVENT
Isaiah 45: 8; vers.-res. at first vespers for first Sunday in Advent, plus res. 7, third
Sunday in Advent,Brev.l568 (481) [through Salvatorum], (653) [Veni, Domine];
unchanged in Brev. 1596 and 1655; Also used as int. in Advent, Miss.1570 (65).
Rorate caeli desuper, et nubes pluant iustum. Aperiatur terra, et germinet Salvatorem.
Veni Domine, et noli tardare. [Alleluia]
Drop down dew, ye heavens, from above, and let the clouds rain the just: let the earth be
opened and put forth a savior. Come, Lord, without delay. [DV adapted]
De Grandis, Vincenzo MARIAN

6. O quam pulchra es arnica mea formosa
Song of Songs 4:1, 2:10, 4:9, 2:5; [Same text set by Pianti, 1618]
O quam pulchra es arnica mea, formosa mea; tu vulnerasti cor meum, soror mea sponsa,
dicito dilecto meo, quia amore langueo.
How beautiful you are my love//my dear one//; thou hast wounded my heart, my sister,
my spouse;//! said to my beloved that I languish with love. [DV adapted]
Anerio, Felice
7. Hi sunt quos habuim us COMMON OF MALE MARTYR
Wisdom 5: 3-4; epist. at mass for one martyr, in Paschaltime (Miss)1570 (3547) [Motet
lacks text in italics.]
Hi sunt quos habuimus aliquando in derisum et in similitudinem improperii.

Nos insensati, vitam illorum estimabamus insaniam,
630
etfinem illorum sine honore.
Ecce quomodo computati sunt inter filios Dei,
et inter sanctos sors illorum est.
These are they, whom we had some time [held] in derision, and for a parable of reproach.
We fools esteemed their life madness, and their end without honor.
Behold how they are numbered among the children o f God, and their lot is among the
saints. [DV]
Catalano, Ottavio
8. Audite caeli ALL PURPOSE: SUPPLICATION
Deuteronomy 32:1-3; Cifra, 1638
Audite caeli quae loquor, audiat terra verba oris mei,

Concrescat, in pluvia doctrina mea fluat ut ros eloquium meum quasi imber super herbam
et quasi stille super gramina.
Qui a nomen Domini invocabo.
Hear, O ye heavens, the things I speak, let the earth give ear to the words of my mouth.
Let my doctrine gather as the rain, let my speech distil as the dew, as a shower upon the
herb, and as drops upon the grass.
Because I will invoke the name of the Lord. [DV]
Tarditi, Paolo
9. Inclina Domine LENT/PENITENCE
Ps. 85: 1, 3-4; 84: 8.
Inclina Domine aurem tuam et exaudi me: quoniam pauper sum ego.
Miserere mei Domine, quoniam ad te clamavi tota die:
Laetifica animam servi tui, quoniam ad te Domine animam meam levavi.
Ostende nobis Domine misericordiam tuam, et salutare tuum da nobis.
Incline thy ear O Lord and hear me: for I am needy and poor.
Have mercy on me, O Lord, for I have cried to thee all the day.
Give joy to the soul of thy servant, for to thee, O Lord, I have lifted up my soul.
Show us, O Lord, thy mercy, and grant us thy salvation. [DV]
631
Antonelli, Abundio
10. Adjuro vos filiae Hierusalem MARIAN
Song of Songs 5: 8-12; lect. 1 at matins, fifth day in octave of Assumption, Brev.1568,
(5475); unchanged in Brev. 1596 and 1655.
Adjuro vos filiae Hierusalem si inveneritis dilectum meum, ut nuncietis ei quia amore
langueo. Qualis est dilectus tuus, ex dilecto, o pulcherrima mulierum?
Qualis est dilectus tuus ex dilecto, quia sic adiurasti nos?
Dilectus meus candidus, et rubicundus electus ex millibus.
Caput eius aurum optimum: comae eius sicut elatae palmarum, nigrae quasi corvus:
oculi eius sicut columbae super rivulos aquarum, quae lacte sunt lotae, et resident iuxta
fluenta plenissima.
[Sponsa:] I adjure [entreat] you, O daughters of Jerusalem, if you find my beloved, that
you tell him that I languish with love.
[Daughters o f Jerusalem:] What manner of one is thy beloved of the beloved, O thou most
beautiful among women? what manner of one is thy beloved of the beloved, that thou
hast so adjured [entreated] us?
[beautiful one responds] My beloved is white and ruddy, chosen out of thousands.
His head is as the finest gold: his locks as branches of palm trees, black as a raven.
His eyes as doves upon brooks of waters, which are washed with milk and sit beside the
plentiful streams. [DV adapted ]
Costantini, Alessandro ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE

11. Narrabo
Ps. 9: 2-3; Com. first Sunday after Pentecost, Miss. 1570 (1880).
Narrabo omnia (et) mirabilia tua:

laetabor, et exultabo in te: psallam nomini tuo, Altissime.
I will relate all thy wonders,.

I will be glad and rejoice in thee: I will sing to thy name, thou most high. [DV]
Costantini, Fabio
12. Hoc est praeceptum COMMON OF APOSTLES AND EVANGELISTS
John 15: 12; ant. 1 at first vespers, laudes and hours Brev. 1568 (6072).
1655: ant. 1 at first vespers, laudes and hours, p. i, ix.
Hoc est praeceptum meum, ut diligatis invicem sicut dilexi vos. [Alleluia]
This is my commandment, that you love one another as I have loved you. [DV]
632
Zoilo, Cesare
13 Elevatis manibus ASCENSION
Luke 24: 50-51; ant. at laudes and hours, Brev. 1568, (2845)
Elevatis manibus suis benedixit eis et ferebatur in caelum. [Alleluia]
Lifting up his hands, he blessed them and was carried up to heaven. [DV]
Troiani, Giovannni MALE SAINT

14. Erat vir Domini
“N.”construction.
Erat vir Domini N. vultu placido. Canis decoratus, Angelicus, tanta quae circa
eum, claritas effulsit, ut in terris positus caelestia perlustraret, Alleluia.
There was a man of the Lord, N.______ , with a peaceful countenance. Honored with age
[gray-haired], angelic one, such great things which are about him. His brilliance glowed
so that placed on the earth he illuminated the heavens, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Vailerii, Roberto
15. Tuesvas PAUL, APOSTLE (30 June)
Res. 4, Brev.1568 (5044); unchanged in 1596 and 1655.
Tu es vas electionis sanctae Paule Apostole, praedicator veritatis in universo mundo: per
quern omnes gentes cognoverunt gratiam Dei. Intercede pro nobis ad Deum qui te elegit.
You are the vessel of the holy elect, Apostle Paul, spokesman of truth in the whole
world, through whom all the nations know the glory of God. Intercede for us with the
God who chose you. [trans. Nicholas Young]
16. Columnaes SANTA LUCIA (13 December)
Benedictus antiphon at laudes and hours, Brev. 1568, (4360); unchanged, Brev. 1596.
1596: p. 312 antiphon at laudes and hours.
Columna es immobilis, Lucia sponsa Christi: quia omnes plebs te expectat ut accipias
coronam vitas.
633
You are the unmovable pillar, Lucia, bride of Christ, because all the people await you,
that you may receive the crown of life, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Anerio, Gio Francesco

17. Pulchra es arnica mea, et macula MARIAN
Song of Songs 4: 7-10 adapted:[(text added in motet) [omitted from Vulgate]]
Pulchra es arnica mea, et macula non est in te,

Veni de Libano sponsa veni de Libano veni coronaberis
de capite Amana [de vertice Sanir et Hermon]
de cubilibus leonum de montibus pardorum.
Vulnerasti cor meum soror mea sponsa vulnerasti cor meum
in uno oculorum tuorum, et in uno crine colli tui.
Quam pulchrae sunt mammae tuae soror mea sponsa,
pulchriora (sunt) ubera tua vino, et odor unguentorum tuorum super omnia aromata.
Thou are fair, my love, and there is not a spot on thee.

Come from Libanus, my spouse, come from Libanus, come; thou shalt be crowned from
the top of Amana [from the top of Sanir and Hermon], from the dens of the lions, from
the mountains of the leopards.
Thou hast wounded my heart, my sister, my spouse, thou hast wounded my heart with
one of thy eyes, and with one hair of thy neck.
How beautiful are thy breasts, my sister, my spouse, (they are) more beautiful than wine,
and the sweet smell of thy ointments above all aromas. [DV adapted]
Quagliati, Paolo
18. Amor Jesu dulcissime EUCHARIST
Reflects language, but not structure, of eleventh-century hymn by S. Bernardo. [Is not the
liturgical hymn sung at Transfiguration, 1568 (5306).]
Amor Jesu dulcissime,

Qui Beatorum gloria,
et Angelorum gaudium
es in caelis in cibum nostri,
et viatorum, escarn in terris te dedisti,
quis vidit unquam, quis audivit talia, admiramini omnes fit Homo ipse Deus. [Alleluia]
Most sweet love Jesus,

who art the glories [glory] of the blessed
and the joy of the angels in heaven; thou gavest thyself
to be our food and the sustenance of travellers on earth.
634
Who has ever seen or heard such things? wonder ye all; god Himself becomes Man.
[trans. Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
Brissio, Gio. Francesco

19. In medio ecclesia JOHN, APOSTLE AND EVANGELIST (27 Dec.)
Ecclus. 15: 5; int., Miss. (217); res. 6 at matins to *, Brev. 1568 (953); chap. at nones,
Brev 1568, (971); unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655.
In medio Ecclesiae aperuit os eius, et implevit eum Dominus, spiritu sapientiae, et

intellectus,* stollam gloriae induit eum.
In the midst of the church she shall open his mouth, and shall fill him with the spirit of
wisdom and understanding, and shall clothe him with a robe of glory. [DV]
Heredia, Pietro
20. Anima mea exultabit ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE
Anima mea exultabit in Domino et delectabitur super salutari suo, Confitebor tibi in
Ecclesia magna in popolo gravi laudabo te.
My soul will exalt in the Lord, and will delight beyond his salvation. I shall confess to
you in the great church, among the masses I will praise you. [trans. Nicholas Young]
Massenzio, Domenico
21. Vidi speciosam ASSUMPTION
Res. 1 at matins, Brev. 1568 (5417), also res. 1 at the octave and here and there in the
intervening days; unchanged in Brev. 1596 and 1655.
Vidi speciosam sicut columbam, ascendentem desuper rivos aquarum, cuius

inaestimabilis odor erat nimis in vestimentis eius: Et sicut dies vemi cercundabant earn,
flores rosarum, et lilia convallium.
I saw thus the splendid dove, ascending above the river of waters, of which the
unimaginable perfume was overpowering his robes: and thus the days of spring encircled
it, blooms of roses, and lilies of the valley, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Alessandro Costantini
22. Pastores loquebantur NATIVITY
Luke 2:15; matins, lect. 8, Brev. 1568 (870); unchanged in Brev. 1596,1655.
635
Pastores loquebantur ad invicem: Transeamus, usque Bethlehem: et videamus hoc

verbum, quod factum est, quod fecit Dominos, ostendit nobis. [Alleluia]
The shepherds said to one another: Let us go over to Bethlehem and see this word which
has come to pass, which the Lord has showed to us.
Frescobaldi, Girolamo
23. Peccavi super numerum TIME AFTER PENTECOST
1596: res. 1, fourth feria after Trinity, Brev. 1596, p. 212, res. 7, third Sunday after
Pentecost, p. 226; [only res. 7, third Sunday after Pentecost, in Brev. 1568, (3264)];
Apocrypha: Oration ofManasses
Peccavi super numerum arenae maris, et multiplicata sunt peccata mea, et non sum
dignus videre altitudinem caeli prae multitudine iniquitatis meae: quoniam irritavi iram
tuam, et malum coram te feci.
I have sinned more than the number of the sands of the ocean, and multiplied are my
sins. I am not worthy to see the heights of heaven because o f the multitude of my
iniquities. Because I have raised your anger, I have done evil in your sight, [trans.
Nicholas Young]
Landi, Stefano
24. Sub tuum praesidium MARIAN
[Same text as 1614, see app. C -l, no. 1]
25. Quem vidistis pastores NATIVITY
Res. 3 at matins, Brev. 1568 (852); unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655.
Quem vidistis pastores? dicite, annunciate nobis: in terris quis apparuit?

natus vidimus, et choros angelorum collaudantes, Dominum, haleluiah, haleluiah
Shepherds, whom have you seen? Tell us, announce to us, who has appeared on earth.
We have seen the birth, and choirs of angels together praising God, Alleluia, Alleluia.
636
Felice Anerio
26. Sancti mei, qui in carne [SSAB] ALL SAINTS/ COMMON OF MARTYRS
Res. 6 for All Saints, Brev. 1568, (5826), res. 8 for Com. of Martyrs (6257); unchanged in
Brev. 1596, 1655; Book of Wisdom 10:12, 17 (paraphrase); Matthew 25:34
Sancti mei, qui in came prositi certamen habuisti.

Mercedem laboris ego reddam vobis.
Venite benedicti Patris mei, percipite regnum.
Gaudete et exultate in aetemum.
My holy ones, you who have made a contest on the flesh of the representative,
I shall give back to you the worth of your labor.
Come, ye blessed of My father, possess you the kingdom. [DV adapted]
Costantini, Fabio
27. Hodie Beata Virgo [SATB] PURIFICATION
Luke 2:25, 28 (paraphrase); Magnificat ant., second vespers, Brev 1568 (4562).
Hodie Beata Virgo Maria puerum Jesum praesentavit in templo, et Simeon repletus
Spiritu Sancto
accepit eum in ulnas suas, et benedixit, Deum in aetemum.
Today, Blessed Virgin Mary, your child Jesus was presented in the temple, and Simon,
filled with the Holy Spirit,
Took him into his arms, and blessed God for eternity. [DV adapted]
APPENDIX C-3
Motets Texts in Scelta di moteiti (1618)
Giovanni Francesco Anerio

1. Ave verum corpus ELEVATION, BENEDICTION
Late medieval Eucharistic hymn, attributed to Pope Innocent VI (d. 1362) [brackets
indicate different text in source] From a 14th cent. Gradual at Limoges.
Ave verum corpus natum

De Maria Virgine:
Vere passum, immolatum
In cruce pro homine:
Cuius latus preforatum
Unda fluxit [Fluxit aqua et] sanguine,
Esto nobis pregustatum
In mortis examine, [mortis in examine.]
[O Jesu dulcis] O Jesu pie, O Jesu fib Mariae miserere nobis, [miserere nobis added]
Amen.
Hail true Body, bom

of Mary the virgin; suffering,
sacrificed truly on the cross for men;
from whose pierced side water flowed and blood.
Be merciful to us at the judgement of death,
O sweet Jesus, O merciful Jesus, O Jesus Son of Mary, [have mercy on us]
(trans. Fortescue 1994: 77)
Paolo Quagliati
2. Cantabo Domino DE TEMPORE
Ps.103: 33-34 [Cantabo Domino in vita mea set by Palestrina, Motettorum (Venice:
Scotto,1572), while other 16th century motets set Cantabo Domino qui bona mihi or
tribuit.]
Cantabo Domino in vita mea, psallam Deo meo quamdiu sum,

Iucundum sit ei eloquium meum, ego vero delectabor in Domino, (Cantabo Domino in
vita mea.)
I will sing to the Lord all my life: I will sing praise to my God while I have my being.
Let my speech be acceptable to him: I will take delight in the Lord.
I will sing to the Lord all my life, [adapted DV]
637
638
Ruggiero Giovanelli
3. Laetentur caeli ADVENT
Ps. 95:11, Ps 97:7-9; Phrase [to*] used as matins responsory in Advent, Brev. 1568
(528), and matins ant. at Nativity, Brev. 1568 (863). [Differs from Crivelli text.]
Laetentur caeli, et exultet terra* commoveatur mare, et plenitudo eius.

Orbis terrarum, et qui habitant in eo flumina plaudent manu simul montes exultabunt a
conspectu Domini, quoniam venit iudicare terram.
Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad, let the seas be moved, and the fullness
thereof: the world and they that dwell therin.
The rivers shall clap their hands, the mountains shall rejoice together at the presence of
the Lord, because he cometh to judge the earth.
Vincenzo Ugolini 1618

4. Domine in multitudine
Domine in multitudine misericordiae tua introibo in domum tuam, adorabo ad templum

sanctum tuum et confitebor nomini tuo.
Lord, I shall enter your house in the greatness of your mercy. I shall worship at your
holy temple, I shall confess your name, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Fabio Costantini
5. Calistus est vere martyr COMMON OF A MARTYR
Res. 8 at matins, Brev. 1568 (6148), outside paschal time [although this setting is
flexible]. Correctly: ‘Hie est vere martyr...
N. est vere martyr, qui pro Christi nomine sanguinem suum fudit: Qui minas iudicum
non timuit, nec terrenae dignitatis gloriam quaesivit, sed ad caelestia regna pervenit. (Si
placet) Alleluia.
N. [or Callistus] is truly a martyr, who shed his blood for Christ’s name; who did not fear
the threats of the judges, nor sought the glory of earthly dignity, but attained to the
kingdom of heaven, [trans: Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
Ruggiero Giovanelli
6. Cantemus Domino ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE
Exodus 15: 1-2 [Song of Moses]
639
Cantemus Domino, gloriose enim magnificatus est: equum et ascensorem proiecit in
mare.
Fortitudo mea, et laus mea Dominus: et factus est mihi in salutem.
Iste Deus meus, et glorificabo eum: Deus Patris mei, et exaltabo eum.
Let us sing to the Lord, for he is gloriously magnified, the horse and the rider he has
thrown in to the sea.
The Lord is my strength and my praise, and he is become salvation to me;
He is my God, and I will glorify him: the God of my father, and I will exalt him.
Felice Anerio 1616, 1618

7. Sancti mei, qui in carne ALL SAINTS; COMMON OF MARTYRS
[same text as in 1616]
Girolamo Frescobaldi
8. Angelus ad pastores NATIVITY
Luke 2: 10-11; ant. 3 at laudes and hours, Brev.1568 (880).
Angelus ad pastores ait, annuncio vobis gaudium magnum: quia natus est vobis hodie
Salvator mundi, alleluia.
The angel said to the shepherds, I bring you tidings of great joy: unto you is bom this day
the saviour o f the world.
Paolo Agostino
9. Panis Angelicus EUCHARIST; CORPUS CHRISTI
One verse of hymn, Sacris Solemniis, at matins, Brev. 1568, (3124). [see Tarditi, below]
1655: p. 529
d’incerto
10. Ave gratia plena ANNUNCIATION
Centonized from scripture and hymn/antiphon: laudes and hours, Brev. 1568, (4687-
4694), Luke 1:30-38;
Ave gratia plena.

Quae est ista salutatio?
Ne timeas Maria invenisti gratia[m] apud Deum, Ecce concipies, et paries filium
Quomodo?
Audi Maria Virgo.
Quomodo fiet istud quoniam virum non cognosco?
640
Spiritus Sanctus superveniet in te, et virtus altissimi obumbrabit tibi.
Ecce ancilla Domini fiat mihi secundum verbum tuum.
Dabit illi Dominus Deus sedem David patris eius, et regnabit in domo Jacob in atemum,
et regni eius non erit finis.
Hail thou that art highly favored! [Hail full of grace]

What manner o f salutation is this?
Fear not, Mary, for thou hast found favor with God. Behold, thou shalt conceive, and
bring forth a son.
How?
Hark, Virgin Mary.
How shall this be, seeing I know not a man?
The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow
thee.
Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me according to thy word.
The Lord God shall give unto him the throne of his father David, and he shall reign over
the house o f Jacob for ever, and of his kingdom there shall be no end. [trans., Leofranc
Holford-Strevens]
Felice Anerio
11. Iste est qui ante Deum COM. OF CONF. NOT PONTIFF; MALE SAINT
Res. 4, Brev 1568 (6375).
Iste est, qui ante Deum magnas virtutes operatus est, et omnis terra doctrina eius, repleta
est. Ipse intercedat pro peccatis omnium populorum
Here he is, with him his great good works before God, and all the earth is full of his
doctrine; he intercedes on behalf of the sins of all people.
Fabio Costantini
12. Os iusti COM. OF CONFESSOR NOT PONTIFF; MALE SAINT
Ps. 36: 30-31; res. 3, and hours, Brev. 1568, (6373, 6395.)
Os iusti meditabitur sapientiam, et lingua eius loquetur iudicium.

Lex Dei eius in corde ipsius, et non supplantabuntur, gressus eius.
The mouth of the just shall meditate wisdom; and his tongue shall speak judgement.
The law of his God is in his heart, and his steps shall not be supplanted. [DV]
641
Abundio Antonelli
13. Pulchra es et decora MARIAN
Song of Songs 6:3; Ant. at laudes (paschal time), Brev 1568 (6657).
Pulchra es, et decora, filia Ierusalem:

terribilis ut castrorum acies ordinata. Allelulia.
Thou are beautiful, O my love, sweet and comely as Jerusalem: terrible as an army
arrayed for battle.
Cesare Zoilo
14. Veni electa mea COMMONOF AVIRGIN
Common of a Virgin; Res. Brev 1568 (6427) (6456). (paschal time)
Veni electa mea, et ponam in te thronum meum, Alleluia.
Come my chosen, I shall place you on my throne, Alleluia.
Ascanio Pianti
15. O quam pulchra es arnica mea formosa MARIAN
[Same text set by De Grandis, 1616]
Fabio Costantini
16. Cum iucunditate IMMACULATE CONCEPTION
Res. 5, Brev 1568, (5570); (8 September (Nativity of BVM) responsories to be used for 8
December (Immaculate Conception), Brev. (4331)).
In Brev. 1596, the feast of Immaculate Conception has its own liturgy. 8 December (p.
757), vers, at lectio 2, res. at lectio 5 and hours: “Cum iucunditate Conceptionem beatae
Maria celebremus: Ut ipsa...”; 8 September (p. 1042) ver. 2 matins: “Cum iucunditate
Nativitatem beatae Maria virginis devotissimae celebremus. Ut ipsa...” [page nos. from
Brev. 1655, which uses the same texts as in 1596.]
1568, res.-vers. 5: Cum iucunditate nativitatem beatae Mariae celebremus: Ut ipsa pro
nobis intercedat ad Dominum Jesum Christum.
Corde et animo Christo canamus gloriam, in hac sacra Conceptione [sollemnitate],
praecelsae, genetricis Dei Mariae. [Text in italics substituted in motet]
With joy, we celebrate the birth o f the blessed Mary: that she herself may intercede for us
with the Lord Jesus Christ.
With heart and spirit, let us sing glory to Christ, in this sacred Conception [solemnity] of
the highest, Mother of God, Mary, [trans. Nicholas Young]
642
Gio. Bernardino Nanini

17. Audi filia S. CECILIA; COMMON OF A VIRGIN AND MARTYR
Ps. 44: 11-13, 10
Audi filia et vide, et inclina aurem tuam:

quoniam concupiscit rex spetiem tuam,
vultum tuum deprecabuntur omnes divites plebis
filiae regum in honore tuo.
Listen, o daughter, and see, and incline thine ear;

Since the king shall greatly desire thy [spetiem—in place of ‘decorem’],
The rich among the people shall entreat thy countenance
The daughters o f kings show honor to you. [DV adapted]
Domenico Massentio
18. Laudent te Domine ALL-PURPOSE PRAISE
Psalm centonization, including Ps. 144:16.
Laudent te Domine caeli et universa terra, Tu aperis manum tuam et imples omne animal
Benedictione.
Ad te Domine [text incomplete: missing page]
Infimde Domine, Infunde flammas amoris tui, infunde quia tu solus es bonus.
Quia tu solus es bonus, tu solus amabilis Deus cordis mei, et pars mea Deus in aetemum.
Laudent te Domine caeli et universa terra.
Laudent te Domine caeli et universa terra, in saecula saeculorum, Alleluia.
Let the heavens and all the earth praise you, Lord: You open your hand, and fill with
blessing every living creature.
To you, Lord [...].
Lord, pour out, pour out the flames of your love, pour them out for you alone are good.
You alone are good, you alone the loving God o f my heart, my portion in eternity.
Let the heavens and all the earth praise you, Lord.
Let the heavens and all the earth praise you, Lord, for ever and ever, [trans. Nicholas
Young]
Paolo Tarditi
19. Panis Angelicus EUCHARIST/CORPUS CHRISTI
Two verses of Hymn, Sacris Solemniis, at matins, Brev. 1568, (3124). [Text set also by
Agostini, above]
643
Panis Angelicus fit panis hominum: Angels bread made into bread of man
Dat panis caslicus figuris terminum: The bread of heaven does away with forms.
0 res mirabilis, manducat Dominum O wondrous gift, sent from God
Pauper, servus, et humilis. saving the poor and humble.
Te trina deitas, unaque poscimus, We implore thee, O Godhead, One in three

Sic nos tu visita, sicut te colimus: So may Thou visit us as we worship Thee,
Per tuas semitas due nos, quo tendimus, And lead us on thy way that we at last may
Ad lucem, quam inhabitas. Amen. see,
The light wherein thou dwellest.
(translation adapted from www.unidial.com/~martinus/thesaurus/Hymni/SacrisSol/)
alt.
Gregorio Allegri
20. Egredimini, et videte MARIAN
Song o f Songs 3:11
Egredemini, et videte filiae Syon Regem Salomonem

in diademate quo coronanit eum mater sua
in die desponsionis illius, et in die laetitiae cordis eius.
Go forth and see, ye daughters of Sion, king Solomon in the diadem, wherewith his
mother crowned him in the day of his espousals, and in the day of the joy of his heart.
[DV]
Carlo Tasoni
21. Jubilate Deo omnes terra cantate ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE
[Same text set by Marenzio in 1614]
Vincenzo de Grandis
22. Ego mater pulchrae MARIAN
Ecclus. [Sirach] 24: 24-27
Ego mater pulchrae dilectionis, et timoris et agnitionis et sanctae spei,

In me gratia omnis viae et veritatis, in me omnes spes vitae et virtutis.
Transite ad me omnes qui concupiscitis me et a generationibus meis (ad)implemini
spiritus enim meus super mel(le) dulcis et haereditas mea super mei et favum.
I am the mother of fair love, and of fear, and of knowledge, and of holy hope.
644
In me is all grace of the way and of the truth, in me is all hope of life and of virtue.
Come over to me all ye who desire me, and be filled with my fruits.
For my spirit is sweet above honey, and my inheritance above honey and the honeycomb.
[DV]
Ercole Pasquini
23. Jesu decus angelicum ELEVATION
Strophes 23, 45 of Jubilus Bemhardi: Jesu Dulcis memoria,in Wackemagel.
Jesu decus angelicum Jesus, glory of the angels,

in aure dulce canticum a sweet song in the ear,
in ore mei mirisicum purifying honey in the mouth,
in corde nectar caelicum heavenly nectar in the heart.
Tu fons misericordiae
tu vere [verae] lumen patriae
pelle nubem tristitiae
da [dans] nobis lucem gloriae.
(trans: Mary E. Frandsen and Bradford G. Hays, in Frandsen, “Sacred Concerto in
Dresden.”)
Fabio Costantini
24. O admirabile commercium CIRCUMCISION/ MARIAN
Ant.l (1075); Ant at Laudes and hours post Nativity, Brev. 1568 (6705).
O admirabile commercium, creator generis humani, animatum corpus sumens, de Virgine

nasci dignitus est: et procedens homo fine femine, largitus est nobis suam deitatem.
O wonderful commerce: creator of the human race, assuming a living body made worthy
to be bom of the Virgin; and coming forth as man from a woman’s body, he bestowed
upon us his deity, [trans. Nicholas Young]
25. Ego sum panis vivus. CORPUS CHRISTI
Vers, and part of res. 6 at matins, and ant. at Laudes. Brev. 1568 (3142, 3158);
unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655; John 6: 51-52.
1655: p. 533Vers. and part of res. 6 at matins,
Ego sum panis vivus qui de caelo descendi: si quis manducaverit ex hoc pane, vivet in
aetemum; et panis quem ego dabo, caro mea est pro mundi vita, Alleluia.
645
I am the living bread which came down from heaven.
If any man eat of this bread, he shall live forever; and the bread which I shall give, is my
flesh, for the life o f the world. [DY]
Ottavio Catalano
26. Percussit Saul mille PASCHALTIME
Samuel (Kings) I: 18:7 plus paraphrase of Song of Songs 2:10, then free.
1655: p. 556, incipit res. 4, third Sunday after Pentecost.
Percussit Saul mille et David decern milia, Alleluia.

Tempus redemptionis advenit, alleluia, exultemus et laetemur, Alleluia.
Flores facta sunt vulnera Christi et fructis salutis dederunt, exultemus et laetemur,
Alleluia.
Saul hath slain his thousands and David his tens of thousands. Alleluia.
The time of redemption is come, alleluia, let us rejoice and be glad, Alleluia
Christ’s wounds are become flowers and have yielded the fruits of salvation, let us
rejoice and be glad, Alleluia [Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
27. Oculi mei semper ad Dominum LENT
Ps. 24:15-16; int. third Sunday in Lent, Miss. 1570 (804)
Oculi mei semper ad Dominum, quia ipse evellet de laqueo pedes meos:
respice in me, et miserere mei, quoniam unicus et pauper sum ego.
My eyes are ever towards the Lord, for he shall pluck my feet out of the snare.
Look thou upon me, and have mercy on me; for I am alone and poor. [DV]
APPENDIX C-4
Texts in Ghirlandetta amorosa
Costantini, Fabio
1. Tutte le viste homai
Text author: Ottavio Rinuccini
Text source: Poesie del S.r Ottavio Rinuccini (Florence, 1622), 95-96.
Poetic form: LE63-2808-quinari, settinari, endecasillabo, piani e tronchi, free model (11
7t 11 7t 5 5 lit).
Poesie (1622) Costantini setting

Tutte le viste omai son fatte accorte, [l]Tutte le viste omai son fatte accorte,
Ch’in foco, e’n fiamma vo, Ch’in fiamma, e foco sto,
Ciascun rivolto alle mie guance smorte Ciascun rivolto alle mie guance smorte
Dice ch’io mi morro, Dice ch’io ne morro,
Sol’io contento Sol’io contento
Del mio tormento Del mio tormento
Sotto pallido aspetto allegro sto. Sotto pallido aspetto allegro sto.
Tutto piant’e sospir sembro di fuore [2]Tutto piant’e sospir sembro di fuore,
Ma dentro il cor liet’e, Ma dentro il cor liet’e,
Porto sparsa la fronte di pallore, Porto la faccia sparsa di pallore,
Ma qual puo dir perche. Ma qual puo dir perche.
Nessun si vanti Nessun si vanti
Da miei sembianti Di miei sembianti,
Yedermi il cor, ch’ingannerassi a fe. Vedermi il cor, ch’ingannerassi affe.
Cosi s’adombra’l ciel fra tuoni e lampi,

Che s’buon riguarda in su,
Ofera dir che per gli eterei campi
ser en non splende piu
E pur le stelle
Fulgide, e belle
E luminoso e’l Sol qual sempre fu.
Qual donna vo pregando ne’sospiri [4]Qual donna vo pregando coi sospiri

Colei ch’adoro il fa, Colei ch’adoro il fa,
Dove tenda lo stral de’miei desiri Dove tenda lo stral de’miei desiri
Null’altra mai sapra, Null’altro mai il sapra,
Amor e io Amor e io
646
647
Sa’l pensier mio, Sa’l pensier mio,

E chi dentr’ E chi dentr’il mio cor Regina sta.
Hor d’una man di neve, hor d’un crin [3]Hor d’una man di neve, hor d’un crin
biondo biondo
Cerco la notte, e’l di, Cerco la notte, e’l di,
Cosi tra finto amor celo, e nasconde Cosi tra finto amor celo, e nasconde
Lo stral che mi feri, Lo stral che mi feri,
Dira la Fama Dirra la Fama
Quell’arde e ama Questo arde e ama
Mentira poi se chiederai per chi. Mentira poi se, chiedera per chi.
2. Alla gloria, alii honori
Text source (modem): Arie Musicali, e brani sparsi, Monumenti Musicali Italiana 21,
ed. Claudio Gallico and Stefano Patuzzi (Milan 1998), xlv.
Text form: LE 63-1939-settenari-piani.
Modem edition: Frescobaldi, Arie Musicali, 100-103; John Walter Hill, "Frescobaldi's
Arie,” 178-86.
Alla gloria alii honori,

Correte pastorelle,
Ecco l’erb’ ecco gli fiori,
Di nove, eteme, e belle
Che ne riporta il raggio
D’un piu sereno Maggio.
Ecco la primavera,
Ecco 1’ombre’e gl’augelli,
Ecco l’amata schiera,
Di fonti, e di ruscelli,
che con lor raggi amati,
Fan gioir colli, e prati.
Ecco flora vezzosa,

Carca d’herbe, e bile,
Eccl il giglio, e la rosa,
con la fiorita prole,
che con sereni lampi,
Fan gioir selve, e campi.
648
Per lui fiorisce il prato,

Per lei verdegia il colie,
Per lui divien beato,
II giardin grat’e molle
Per ambi santo zelo,
Gioisc’il mond’el cielo.
La veggio il prato adomo,

Di stelle il ciel di fiori,
Qui tutto intomo intomo
Rimiro almi splendori,
Ma non so dove sia,
Corilla anima mia.
Ahime, chi mi t’asconde,

Corilla, hai fiera sorte,
Ti celi tra le fronde
Forse perche la morte,
Con piu gravi martiri,
Mi facci hor hor morire.
3. Deh scoprite colorite
Text source: Costantini print
Text form: LE 170-2277-recurring model
Deh scoprite
Colorite
Fresche rose il vostro seno,
Ho che fuora,
Vien l’aurora
Ond’i ciel si fa sereno
Fior vermigli
Bianchi gigli
Palesate il bel tesoro,
Finche cada,
La ruggiada,
Sovr’il sen dai nembi d’oro.
Bell’Aurora,
Ch’innamora
649
Sia colei ch’ogn’hor desio

L’aura e Fonda
Sempre abonda,
Nei sospir nel pianto mio.
Bel narciso,
Fior al iso,
Biondi crochi, e amaranti,
Vostro grembo
L’aspr’al nembo,
Di bellissimi diamanti.
Da suoi rai,
Da miei guai
Havra vit’il vostro seno,
Si godrete
Prenderete,
La belta che non vien meno.
Antonelli, Abbundio
4. Ecco nata or or la rosa
Poetic form: ottenari-ABACDC
Ecco nata hor hor la Rosa

nel bel prato coronata
di verd’herba, ruggiadosa,
sul main tutto ridente
Conl’aurora che s’infiora
fa l’entrata in Oriente.
Ogn’altr’herb’a lei s’inchina,

ogn’odore e colore
Riconoxce sua Reina,
Ella in tanto superbetta
porporeggia tiranneggia
ogni giglio e violetta.
Ha per guardia, crude spine,

la pomposa la ritrosa
rien’ascoso il volt’il crine
sol s’aggira a lei d’intomo,
seffiretto pargoletto
che vagheggia il nato giomo.
650
Aure crude, aure d’a vemo

non sperate ma tremate
Riverenti a pie del vemo
stelle voi, lumi dorati,
sere oscure ite pute,
che glie nato il sol de’prati.
Mutii, Pellegrino
5. Mentre che Febo
Text author:
Text form: A 11B11C11C7D12E11F11G11G10
Modem edition: Hill, Roman Monody, 2:397
Mentre che Febo con suoi raggi d’oro,

Da mezo giomo, e quand’arde la terra,
Vann’i lieti pastor col gregg’amato,
A1 font’all’ombra’al prato.
Chi fa ghirlandette di fiori, ed’herbette,
Chi canta d’amore, chi ama il suo core,
Chi bram’e desia lodar Filli mia,
Altri pieni d’ardor, e di desio,
Va notando per Fonda del rio.
Quando F aurora con mggiade, e fiori,

La terra in gemma, de piu bei colori,
Cantan Ninfe d’amor dolci parole,
AlFaura all’alba al sole.
Chi terge la fronte nel lucido fonte,
Chi toglie da’prati, i fiori odorati,
Chi lod’il bel volto che l’alma m’ha tolto,
10 con nobil[e] suon, di cetra d’oro,
Vo cantando la Ninfa ch’adoro.
Mentre la notte tra dolc’ombr’amate

Scopre la pompa, delle stelle aurate,
Lascian lieti pastor al l’aer fosco,
11 prato il fonte il bosco.
Chi tragge dal petto dolcezza, e diletto,
Chi scaccia il martire, con lieto gioire,
Chi sfog’il tormento con dolce concento,
Io sol alio splendor di chiare stelle
Vo cantando le fiamme novelle.
651
Costantini, Fabio
6. O della vita mia
Text author:
Text form: endecasillabo-ABABCC
O della vita mia, vita, e sostegno,

Se da l’anno, e dal mar il nom’hai tolto,
prendi l’esempio ancor, mostrane segno
non sempre il mar ha minaccio so il volto,
Ne mai sempre di giaccio ha Tann’il seno
che io scalda, e l’accende April sereno.
Ahi tu ben sembri un mar cui die natura,

di coralli un tesor, di per le, e d’ostri,
un mar si bel ch’ogni bellezz’oscura,
ma un mar che nutre sol Sire ne e mostri,
un mar che minaccioso in mezz’all’onde,
un cor di scoglio, adamantino a sconde.
Sembri l’anno non men c’hai nel bel viso,

Primavera di fior vago ridente,
e ne begli’occh’ond’io restai conquiso,
Dell’estate 1’ardor chiar’e cocente,
Autunno in seno invemo hai tu nel core.
Che non senti, giammai caldo d’amore.
Fugace, e l’anno, e non arresta piede,

Fuggi mai sempre tu chi sempre t’ama
e sordo l’anno, e chi pieta ti chiede,
non odi tu ne chi t ’i voca, o chiama,
ma volubile, e l’anno, e tu costante.
In esser cruda al tuo fedele, Amante.
652
Anerio, Gio. Francesco
7. Non dormo no (Sonetto)
Poetic form: LE 190-1042, LE63-1032-sonetto
Non dormo no, non sogno anziche desto

per tropp’ amor’ io sento e veggio e sento
scorrermi per le vene il tuo tormento
alia salute mia troppo molesto.
Ohime quel viso Angelico modesto,

ch’[appir tua]* al mio cor gioia, e contento
nell’ altrui braccia all’ altrui voglie intento
Tosto farra per me spirto funesto.
Deh pria quest’ochi miei trist’ e dolenti,

che gia mai rimirar si dura forte,
si en dell’ amata vista, in tutto spente.
Poich’ io pers il mio ben la mia consorte,

al suon de Tangoscioisi miei lamenti,
che fai che tardi, homai vienten’ o morte.
* ’’ch’apportav” in II maggio fiorilo(\ 623)
Cecchina [Francesca Caccini]

8. Dove io credea le mie speranze
Text author: Rinuccini. Quotations from L ’Arianna, scene vi [which opens with
“Lasciatemi morire”]; Ottavio Rinuccini, Drammi per musica: Dafne-Euridice-
Arianna.Antroduzione e note di Andrea della Corte, Intro. Andrea Della Corte,
Collezione di Classici Italiani, 50 (Turin: UTET, 1926). The poetic form of each stanza
is that of L ’A rianna, and line 863 is used as refrain for each strophe of song. The third
strophe of the song is a slightly altered version of lines 861-863.
Text source: Remigio, Seconda raccolta (1618), reprint 1622, p. 32.
Poetic form: LE38-1235-terzetti
Dov’io credea le mie speranze ha vere

lui trovai smarrita piu la fede,
Cosi va, chi tropp’ama e troppo crede.
II cor sincero, che con fede amara,

sena speme tradtio al fin si vede,
Cosi va, chi troppo ama e troppo crede.
653
II mio amor la mia fede, e 1’altrui inganno,

D’un’infinito duol mi fanno herede,
Lass’, che ben m’accorge, e tardi il veggio,

che fede non puo dar chi non ha fede,
9. Splendor di gl’occhi miei
Poetic form: LE 186/63-1425 canzonetta strophe
Splendor degl’occhi miei,

gia s’aw icina il giomo,
forza, e pur di partire;
chi non sente il martire,
eh’or mi torment’il core,
non ha provato, e non conosce amore.
II placido sembiante.
Che noi se liete l’ore
forza e pur ch’io abandoni
chi non sente li sproni,
ch’or stann’in tom ’al core
II posseduto bene
il sommo mio contento
forza e pur perda, o cielo
chi non proga quie gielo
ch’or m ’empie il sen d’orrore,
Le piu rare bellezze

ch’il mon a’ha mai produtto
forza, e ch’io lassi,
e non si strugge, e more,
Rimante in pace, o bella,

Ardor di questo petto,
forza, e ch’io vada a Dio
654
chi vede il languir mio,
e non sente dolore,
10. Aure vaghe, aure gioconde
Text source: Remigio Romano, Raccolta Terza, 1623, p. 4, (1627 ed, p. 262).
Poetic form: LE63-2363-8888488
Aure vaghe, aure gioconde,

che volate ,che scherzate
Dolcemente e tra le fronde,
Deh portate i sospir miei
A colei,
Che mi fugge, e mi s’asconde,
Aure vaghe, aure gioconde.
Aure, voi ch’al guono, e a i canti

De’ ruscelli, e de gli augelli
Circondate intomo errante,
Deh, narrate a la mia Clori
De gli ardori
La gravezza, e de’ miei pianti
Aure belle, aure volanti.
Voi, che molli, e rugiadose

Gite errando, dispiegando
Al seren vile e rose,
Fate homai nel ffeddo core,
[Re] d’amore
Germogliar voglie pietose,
Aure dolci aure vezzose.
Raccontate in quante pene

Per lei vivo di lei privo,
che m ’invola ogni mio bene,
Dite, che per lei languisce,
E nodrisce
Solo il cor di poca speme,
Aure vatghe, aure serene.
Puliasca, Gio. Domenco
11. Deh mirate luce ingrate
Text source: Remigio Romano, Prima Raccolta (reprint, 1622 edition) p. 42.
Poetic form: LE 63-2281-strophic 448448
Deh mirate
Luci ingrate
II dolor de la partita,
Mio partire
E' morire,
Occhi belli aita aita.
Ahi sdegnose,
Ahi ritrose,
Voi sprezzate il suon de’ carmi?
Luci fere,
Luci altere
Voi gridate a Tarmi, a Tarmi?
Fero ardore
strugge il core,
Chi vien meno a poco a poco;
Chi m’accende
Non m ’intende,
E pur grido al foco al foco.
Cor ferito,
Cor tradito
Fuggi meco, hormai partiamo?
Tua mercede
Non ha fede;
Non tardar, andiamo, andiamo.
[Fifth stanza from Costantini print, not found in Remigio.]

Rie faville
O pupille
Sol donaste al petto mio
vostri sguardi
Fumo dardi
Rimanete a Dio a Dio
656
d’Incerto
12. Vaghe Ninfe e Pastori
Vaghe Ninfe, e pastori

Ecco ch’a noi ritoma
la primavera de fioretti adoma.
Si rinovella Clori
nel cor degl’augelleti,
La Bella Madre di cari diletti.
Ridono al vago Aprile

Tutte piene d’amore,
le piagge, e Therbe di novelli fiori.
Toma all’usato stile,
la selv’il mont’e’ il piano
E han senzo d’amor dolce, e humano.
Tu sola dispietata.
Fiamma d’amor, non senti.
Alle forze del ciel non ti risenti,
prima ch’io mora ingrata,
odi al meno una volta,
i miei sospir, e il mio pianto ascolta.
Costantini, Fabio
13. Dolce Augellin
Dolce augellin se forse per conforto

de gl’aspri miei tormenti
snodi la lingua in si giocondi accenti
taci ohime ch’il mio cor non e piu core,
ma per troppo dolor tutto dolore
se consolarmi voi, piangi ch’il pianto
ancor di duolo, e canto.
657
d’Incerto
14. Giosce l’aria
Poetic form: sonetto
Gioisce l’aria il ciel, e gl’elementi

Si rinverde la terra, e si rinfiora
Assai piu vaga mostrasi l’aurora,
E spiran dolci li piu crudi venti,
Placidi se ne van fiumi, e torrenti,
AlPapparir di lei, che m ’inamora,
E con un moto di belli occhi ancora,
Humani fa venir Tigri, e serpenti,
Io solo vivo, in doloroso affano
Perche de raggi suoi schermo non trovo
Ch’ad ogn’hora provar morte mi fanno,
Ben’a pieta col pianto mio la movo,
ma non per questo scemasi i danno,
Anzi sia dubbia speme io la rinovo.
Gargari, Theofilo
15. Si mi dolce il tormento
Text author: Jacopo Sannazzaro
Text source: Eclogue II, 91-95 in (Sannazaro, Opere volgari, ed. Alfredo Mauro. Bari,
1961).
Text form: a 5-verse barzzelleta with mixed 7-11 syllable lines, rhymed AbCcB BcDdC,
Kennedy, Sannazaro and the Uses o f Pastoral, 119.
Montano:
Si me e dolce il tormento, e’l pianger gioco,
che canto, sono e ballo,
E cantando e ballandto al suon languisco,
E seguo un basilisco.
Cosi vuol mia ventura, o ver mio fallo.
658
Gargari, Theofilo
16. Cosi col mia ventura
Text source: Arcadia, Eclogue II, 96-100
Text form: see above, no. 15.
Uranio:
Cosi vuol mia ventura, o ver mio fallo;
Che vo sempre cogliendo
di piaggia in piaggia fior e fresche erbette,
trecciando ghirlandette;
e cerco un tigre umiliar piangendo.
Nanino, Bernardino
17. O cor sempre dolente
Text author:
Text source: (unknown)
Poetic form: LE 102-340, LE129-192 Melli-madrigal
O cor sempre dolente

Che fai che pensi, o core,
Vorrai tu forse sospirar d’Amore,
Cangia desiri o lacrime, o sospiri,
Ahi lasso, il cor di sospiara desia,
e gli’occhi lacrimar la pena mia,
Se per nove bellezza, e nove pene,
Sospirar sempre, e lacrimar conviene.
18. Se la doglia e ’1 martire
Text author: Marino
Text source: La lira ( 1602)
Poetic form: LE 66-526-madrigal
Se la doglia e’l martire

Non pud farmi morire,
Mostra m ’almen’ Amore
Come di gioia e di piacer si more.
Voi che la morte mia ne gl’occhi’havete
E la mia vita siete,
Dite, dite ch’io mora a tutte l’hore
Ch’io con contento poi,
Mille volte morir ma in braccia voi.
659
19. Donna mentre vi miro
Text author: Giambattista Guarini
Text source: Giambattista Guarini, Delle opere del cavelier Battista Guarini, vol. 2:
Rime (Verona: Tumermani, 1737), 67.
Madrigale No. 27:

Donna, mentre i vi miro
visibiliment i mi trasformo in voi;
E trasformato poi
In un solo sospir Tanima spiro.
Oh bellezzo vitale,
Oh bellezza mortale.
Poi che si tosto un’core
Per te rinasce, e per te nato more.
Costantini, Fabio
20. Non porta ghiaccio Aprile
Text author: Pocaterra, Annibale
Text source: Gareggiamento poetico del Confuso Accademico Ordito (Venice: Barezzi,
1611) [noted in Whenham, Duet and Dialogue]; Pocaterra, Due dialoghi della vergogna
con alcune prose e rime. ed. B. Angeli, (Reggio: F. & F. Bartholi, 1607), no. 43 [reported
in James Chater, Luca Marenzio, 1:201].
Non porta ghiaccio Aprile

Ma liete, e vaghi fiori,
O bellissima mia cruda Licori,
Deh come avien che per mia dura forte,
Cangi suo stil natura,
e sua natura il cielo,
poiche le rose el gielo,
miro in te sola, e sol in te discemo,
Viso di primavera, e cor di vemo.
Costantini, Fabio
21. Riede la primavera
Text author: Marino
Text source: G. B. Marino, La lira, parte seconda: madrigali e canzoni, (Venice: ciotti,
1621-22), 37.
660
Riede la primavera
Toma la bella Clori:
Odi la rondinella,
Mira Ferbett’e i fiori,
Ma tu Clori piu bella
ne le stagion novella,
Serbi l’antico vemo.
Deh, s’hai pur cinto il cor di ghiaccio etemo,
Perche, Ninfa crudel quanto gentile,
Porti ne gl’occh’il Sol, nel volto Aprile.
Costantini, Fabio
22. Ecco ch’all’apparir di coppia si leggiadra
Text author: F.M. Turigii
Text source: Ghirlandette amorosa (1621)
661
GHIRLANDA DELLE NOVE MUSE NELLE NOZZE

delle Signori Adriano Canale, e Caterina Avveduti,
di Francesco Maria Turigii Romano.
Clio prima musa canta cosi. E piu si gloria, e preggia,
Ecco ch’all’apparire Chi piu colpisce Falma,
Di coppia si leggiadra E nel colpir, alza felice palma.
Dipon giu l’armi, e prende con desire
Ogni celeste squadra, Erato sesta musa.
Mille Cetre Canore Felice Palma, e bella
Cantando Amor, cantando amore, Alzar vedrassi al Cielo
amore. Da nobil Cavalier, e da Donzella,
Cinta d’honesto velo,
Euterpe seonda musa. O ben felice giomo
Amor, amor si canti Di si vago spettacolo, e adomo.
Con festa, e mille balli
Di duo Sposi gentil, e di duo amanti Tersicore settima musa.
Fra fior vermigli, e gialli Adomo vien deh vieni
Mentre eh’a poco a poco Di mille fregi d’oro
Beon [sic] un dolce mar, di dolce foco. Liet’Imeneo, e i tuoi vasi pieni
Di dolcezza, e tesoro
Talia terza musa.. Versa giocondo all’hora,
Di dolce foco avampa Che Vener vaga i suoi bei letti infiora.
Di Adriano il bel viso
Di casta, e dolce, e inusitata vampa Urania ottava musa.
Di Caterina il riso Infiora ogni pendice,
Arde, o facelle amate, Ove gl’amanti Sposi
Che si bell’alme son per voi beate. Premon, col bianco pie, col pie felice
O cori awenturosi
Melpomene quarta musa. O cori, o cor beati
Per voi beati sono Che con nodi del Ciel fuste legati.
Queste due Tortorelle,
Che con un dolce, e desiato suono Caliope nona musa.
Spiegon le sue fiammelle, Fuste legati, e stretti
Cosi lor mormorando Con catena amorosa,
Braman felice, e cara prole amando. E lieti ne gioir mill’amoretti
Felice Sposo, e Sposa,
Polinnia quinta musa.. Che gia sonante tromba
Amando dolci dardi Adriano, e Caterina ogn’hor rimbomba..
L’un l’altro avido ondeggia
Son gl’occhi gl’archi, e le saette i
sguardi
662
Quagliati, Paolo
23. Perche non togli, o Clori
Text source: (text in Costantini print shown here varies slightly from the manuscript
version attributed to Cenci in Hill)
Modem edition: Hill, Roman Monody, vol. 2: 56, no. 13.
Amaranta:
Perche non togi, o Clori,
I pesci al fiume al bosco
La fiere, e fl’augeletti
AlTaria al prato i fiori,
Sgombra d’amor la cura homai nel core,
Avvezza sempre a lacrimar d’amore.
Clori:
Chi voi sentir nel cor dolci diletti
Ami e volga in amor, tutti i desiri,
E per sempre gioir sempre sospiri.
Amaranta:
Amor de cori e lusinghier fallace,
E mentre dolce alletta, e dolce ride
Cmdel tirann’ancide.
Clori:
Per soave morir cara, e la vita
Ne sa che sia gioire
Che vivendo non sa d’amor morire.
Amaranta:
O amare dolcezze.
Clori:
Dolcissime amarezze.
Armilla:
Cedi Amaranta cedi,
Cedi Amaranta cedi,
Che le glorie d’amo cieca non vedi.
663
Amaranta:
Ancor tu dunque Armilla,
Nascost’hai dentr’al sen d’amor favilla,
E quel ch’io gia stimai fero veleno,
Dolce ti nudr’il seno.
Armilla:
Chi non ama Amaranta
E chi d’amor non canta,
Nulla sa, nulla puo, nulla desia,
Anzi se stessa oblia.
tutti:
[Amaranta] //:Amero dunque, e cantero d’amore://
[Armilla] Vine’ Amor,
[Clori] Regn’ Amor,
[Amaranta] trionfi amore.
[tutti] Vine’Amor, Regn’Amor, trionfi amore.
Che viver fa beato
Un cor innamorato,
E sempre in gentil core,
Vinc’amor, regn’amor, trionfi amore.
Costantini, Fabio
24. S’ardo il mondo com’io
1
S’ardo il mondo com’io,
Altri ardend arso son’al foco mio.
Al qual trovaro scampo
Se foco son, se d’i me stesso a vampo.
2.
Se queste dive amati,
Gl’argentie seni, e gl’avrei crin gemmati,
S’or nano amor, e Flora,
Gli smeraldi, a rubin’ imperla, e infiora.
3.
E tu zeffiro in tanto,
Ch’io di questi dive, omi’l crin, e canto,
Vanne a la bella filli, e qui portela,
A queste piaggie Apriche.
664
4.
Se dolce aura soave,
D’amor spiro, e di spirar non m ’e grave,
Hor veloci e alanti
Ite, ite pur, o miei soavi canti
5.
Ite , ite fiori, e rose,
e nel bel sen tra le mammelle ascose,
Non di cadu chi, e frali,
Fate d’amor le piaghe aspr’e mortali,
Ite, ite al crin intomo,
Stelle al ciel’o raggi del sol’al giomo,
E col splendor del viso,
Fate, o fior, fate aprir il paradiso.
6.
Voi, voi fior herb’e ffondi,
Che tra voi si chiaro sol accogliete,
Sue gliate in cor tesia
La cara amata, e bella filli mia.
7.
O d’amor schier’amata,
Eccovi d’amor la sposa bramata,
Hor in liete sembianti
Accolta sia da voi in suoni, e canti.
8.
Avra soave, e lieta, che dolce spiri,
e refrigerio porti,
Herbette fior, e frondi,
Che date soave, e grat’odor’a gl’orti.
Chiar’acque e limpid’onde,
Ch’al vostro mormorio ogn’alm’acqueta,
Deh date in cortesia.
Homai il divin sposo a l’alma mia.
665
Costantini, Fabio
26. Ninfe, ninfe venite
Text author: F.M. Toriggii
Text source: Printed in Ghirlandetta amorosa
Madrigale nell ’istesse nozze

Ninfe, Ninfe, venite
Ninfe, Ninfe, gioite,
Hor che duo Sposi amati, e sposi amanti,
Hoggi festeggian quieti
Hoggi trionfan lieti
Fra dolci cori, e dolce cetre, e canti,
Deh versate, versate
Ne le piume beate,
Purpuree rose, e teneri narcisi
In quei leggiadri visi,
Mentre Imeneo con piu felici amori,
Stringe ridente, i corpi, e stringe i cori.
Benincasa, Giacomo
27. I lieti amanti
Text source: Arcadia, Eclogue VI, lines 103-11, in Le opere volgare, ed. Gio. Antonio
Volpi, Padua, 1723, p. 43.
I lieti amant, e le fanciulle tenere

Givan di prato in prato rammentandosi
II foco, e l’arco del figliuol di Venere.
Non era gelosia, ma sollazzandosi

Movean i dolci balli a suon di cetera,
E’n guisa di colombi ognor baciandosi.
O pura fede, o dolce usanza vetera! [Benincasa: O dolce tempo, o dolce usanza vetera!]
Or conosco ben’ io, che’l mondo instabile
Tanto peggiora piu, quanto piu invetera.
666
28. Amor tu parti
Text author: Guarini
Text source: Delle opere del cavelier Battista Guarini, Verona: Tumermani, 1737, 2:86-
87.
Rime: Madrigali 82, 83, 86

Amor tu parti sent’al tuo partire
II penar il morire
Da me parte colei che la mia vita
Ma che vita di ch’io s’ella gioisce,
Quando’l mio cor languisce
O durezza incredibile infinita
C’anima che’l suo core
Duo lasciar morto, e non sentir dolore.
Voi pur da me partiste anima dura

Ne vi duol s’il partire
Ohime quest’e morire
Crudel e voi gioite?
Questo e pur vera, esser Phora suprema
E voi non la sentite?
O meraviglia di durezza estrema
Esser alma d’un core
E separarsi e non sentire dolore.
Credete voi ch’io vivo

Pascendo il cor famelico e penoso
D’un pensier amoroso?
Ahi ch’io ne moro
Perche vita, e ristoro
Ben’ho pensando anima cara in voli
Ma quando penso poi ch’io ne son privo
Moro del cibo, ond’io mi pasce’e vivo.
APPENDIX C-5
Texts in L ’Aurata Cintia
Costantini, Fabio
1. O felice guerrieri
Poetic form: LE 64-1179-ottava rima
O felice guerrieri che ricetto

havrete qui fra gl’altri collocati
ch’Armida da con sue gioie da diletto,
ove potrete a pien dir vi beati,
Vi condurremo al suo real’aspetto,
Che vi accora fra suoi piu cari, e amati,
Ma pria la polv’in quest’acque deporre
vi piacia’l cibo, a quella mensa torre.
Deh fermate qui il passo ne vi caglia

oltre piu gire, o fortunata forte,
non di Marte d’amor cara battaglia,
a voi s’offfe di vita, e non di morte,
Pria che ne monti del ciel piu in alto saglia,
La lampa universal le Reggie porte,
V’additeremo onde direte all’hora,
Vedend’ Armida, Ecco del sol l’aurora.
Sentite come al suon delle bell’onde,

quel leggiadro usignol snoda gli accenti,
E mentre Echo sonora gli risponde,
ride il ciel, tace il mar, che tansi i venti,
A si dolce Armonia appo le sponde
Corrano i pesci ad ascoltare intenti
Corran le belve sherzosetti, e gai,
del sol fuggendo, gli infocati rai.
Costantini, Fabio
2. Fiamme ggiante del Ciel (Dialogo Amore, e Venere)
Amore solo:
Fiammeggiante del ciel fulgida Stella
spoglia di Cipro il regno,
667
668
dell’odorato mirto, e della rosa,
e di corona bella
stringemi il biondo crin madre amorosa.
Venere solo:
Figlio qual gran ventura
ti fa cosi festoso,
ch’al tuo gioir, gioisce il ciel la terra el mare,
dillo alia madre tua bel pargoletto,
che colm’essa d’allegrezza il petto.
Amore solo:
Hoggi coppia gradita
sara felice pieno
doppo lungo acerbissimo dolore,
E messo hoggi in non calla propria vita
Amorosa guerriera nell’aringo
d’amore pugnera fatta ardita
dalla fida di fede Arme sincera,
e fatta vincitrice.
Si dara vinta a priggionier felice.
Venere solo:
Su dunque alata schiera
d’Amoretti Amorosi
a che star neghittosi
s’all’univers’il Dio d’Amor Impera,
Scherzi ogn’un languisca,
e fera, fugga, e tomi,
Baci adomi,
di dolcezz’all’altro porga
ceda. e scorga,
di letitia il cor trabocchi,
e sol d’or saette schocchi.
Scherziam cantando
spieghiam ridenti,
per le selve i vanni d’oro,
che ristoro
ad ogn’alma, ad ogni core,
hoggi da benigno Amore.
669
Gargari, Teofilo
3. Per pianto la mia carne si distilla
Text source: Eclogue II, 81-85 in L ’A rcadia di ...Sannazzaro, (Naples, 1782), 25.
Text form: a 5-verse barzzelleta with mixed 7-11 syllable lines, rhymed AbCcB BcDdC,
Kennedy, Sannazaro and the Uses o f Pastoral, 119; LE 178-1359
Montano:
Per pianto la mia came si distilla,
si come al sol la neve,
o come al vento si disfa la nebbia;
ne so che far mi debbia.
Hor pensate al mio mal qual’esser deve.
Gargari, Teofilo
4. Hor pensate al mio mal
Text source: Arcadia, Eclogue II, 86-90
Text form: Same as above, no. 3.
Uranio:
Hor pensate al mio mal qual esser deve
Che come cera al foco,
o come foco in acqua mi disfaccio,
ne cerco uscir dall’accio;
si me dolce il tormento, e’l pianger gioco.
Mutii, Pellegrino
5. La mia Clori vezzosa, la mia Clori amorosa
Text source: (first stanza) Remigio, Seconda Raccolta (1618), 60 [p. 198 in 1627
edition].
La mia Clori vezzosa

La mia Clori amorosa
quella che sembra col vago suo viso,
il seren paradiso://:
Quest’el mio ben’ e’l mio amor e la mia vita,
la mia gioia infinita,
Per lei vivo contento,
nelle fiamme d’Amore
e’n si grave tormento,
vive lieto il mio core
ne per altro desio
congeratt’il cor mio.
670
Cangi il tempo, e l’etade,

La terrena beltade,
hor chiuda l’alba hor scopra sereno
il suo candido seno.://:
Fuggan le stelle dal ciel, e fugga il giomo,
rida il sol tutto adomo
ogni casa creata,
muti voglia, o sembiante
10 per Clorida amata
vivro sempre costante,
Ne per altro desio
cangaratt’il cor mio.
Non sarra mai vaghezza,

O celeste bellezza,
ne sia che turbi losdegno Amoroso,
11 mio stato gioiso,://:
di scemar tant’ardor,
la lontananza,
non havra mai possanza,
sol o pace, o diletto,
Nel bellissimo volte,
al dolcissismo aspetto,
sempr’il guard’ho rivolto
ne per altro desio,
cangerrati il cor mio.
Boschetti, Giovanni Boschetto

6. Ricciutella pargoletta, piu del sol
Text source: Remigio, Prima Raccolta, (1618), 114
Poetic form: LE 120-2078-ottenari piano
Concordances: Boschetti, Strali d ’amore, (Venice, 1618), Intermedio V.
Ricciutella pargoletta
piu del sol lucenta’bella
vaga dei ma ritrosetta
del mio cor viva facella ://:
sembri rosa vermiglietta
nel tuo vis’alma donsella
ma te mostri, sdegnosetta,
ricciutella pargoletta.
671
Io tuo crin son fila d’oro,
la tua bocca, vermiglietta
di coralli, e ’l mio tesoro,://:
Le tue luci son saette
al mio cor, ond’io ne moro,
la tua vist’ognor m ’alletta,
Ricciutella pargoletta.
che d’amor non senti’il foco,
Ne mai giunse sua faetta,
al tuo cor, che prendi a gioco,://:
E non temi sua vendetta,
ne suo stral, ne arco, o foco,
ma sdegnosa fugg’infretta
Riciutella pargoletta.
Riciutella pargoletta,
Fuggi pur quanto te sai,
che d’amore l’aspra saetta
nel tuo petto, al fin havrai,
a farai la sua vendetta,
che’l suo foco provarai
Ne sarai piu ritrosetta
Riciutella pargoletta.

7. Lascivette pastorelle
Text author: [if same text as Kapsberger, Libro primo di villanelle (1610), then verse is
by Francesco Zazzera.]
Text source: Remigio, Prima raccolta (1618) p.76-77
Concordances: Boschetti, Strali d ’amore, (Venice, 1618); GB:Lbm, Add. 36877, [Hill,
Roman Monody 1:389.]
Lascivette pastorelle
Che scorrendo i campi intomo
Tutte vaghe, e tutte belle
Fate al sol vergogni’e scomo;
Di mostrate a la mia Clori
quanti sono i miei dolori.
672
Vaghi, e garruli augelletti,

che di qui cantar solete,
e sfogar con dolci affetti,
1’amorosa vostre sete.
Deh movete la mika Clori,
a pieta de miei dolori.
Voi che intom’aure volanti

delli accesi, dolor miei,
raddolcite l’aura miei,
il bel voltodi costei,
Accendete il suo desio,
d’un’ardor simil’al mio.
Anerio, Giovanni Francesco

8. Pastorelle vaghe’e belle
Pastorelle
vaghe’e belle,
Rabbellit’il biondo crine
Hor che fuora
vien 1’aurora
di bei fiori purpurini.
Ecco il giomo
tutto adomo
di splendor ‘e’n verde ramo,
gli augelletti
garrosetti
van cantando ‘io am’io amo.
La il prato
recamato,
e d’herbette fiori e fronde,
E la rosa
sta pomposa
Mentr’il sol esce dall’onde.
Pallidetta
tra Pherbetta,
la viola rimirate,
sonno sette
fastosette
fu il sonno homai lasciate.
673
Su v’invita
alia partita,
schiera vaga di Pastori,
Vezzosette
ritrosette
A gli Amori, su a gl’amori.
9. Care lagrime mie messi dolenti
Text author: Angelo Grillo (alias: Livio Celiano)
Text source: Rime di diverse celebripoeti dell’etd nostra,Bergamo: Comino (1587),
transcribed in Don Angelo Grillo, O.S.B., alias Livio Celiano, poetaper musica del
secolo decimosesto, ed. Elio Durante and Anna Martellotti, Florence, 1989, p. 314 [A 68]
Text type: LE85-172-madrigali
Care lacrime mie,

Messi dolenti di mie pene rie;
Poi che voi non potete
Far molle, ohime, quel core,
Che non have pieta del mio dolore,
Almen per cortesia
Ammorzate Taccesa fiamma mia;
0 pur crescete tanto,
Ch’io mi sommerga nel mio stesso pianto.
Grappucio [Ferdinando Grappucioli]

10. Mentre sorge 1’Aurora
Concordance: Vezzosetti fiori, (Rome: Robletti, 1622), 22, facs. ed. Tomlinson, SSI,
v.3, p. 226.
Mentre sorge 1’Aurora,

1 monti, ei colli indora,://:
E li gigli, e le rose
ridenti e vezzose,
Spiran soavi odori.
E par che rida in lore
scherzi scherzi amore,
Cosi mentri Licori,
appar vezzosa fuori
Fa chiaro giomo
sereno intomo,
674
E l’herbe, ei fiori,
Spuntano a gara fuori,
Et al girar Delle sue luci belle,
Ridono in terra i fior in Ciel le stelle.
Mentre Febo risorge,

II lume al mondo porge://
e le fiere e gl’armenti
piu lieti, e contenti
tomano al prato fuori.
E van pascendo rose
herbett’herbette, e fiori,
Cosi mentre Licori
appar con suoi splendori
Ne rend’il mondo
Lieto, e giocondo,
E gli arboscelli
Aprono, i fior piu belli,
E mentre scioglie la sua voce il canto,
Spiegando le campagne il verde manto.
Mentre toma il bel giomo,

ci rende il mondo adom o,://:
E con dolci ristori
gli augelli canori,
S’odon cantar d’Amore.
E si rallegr’all’hore
Gode gode il core,
Ma se toma Licori
nel prato a coglier fiori,
Per gran contento,
Mormora’l vento,
E li Pastori
Cantano a lei gli honori,
E sei lei canta poi vezzosa, e lieta,
Tace la terra, e’l Ciel e’l mar s’acqueta.
675
Antonelli, Abbundio
11. Al dolce mormorar de bei ruscelli
Concordances: Giardino musicale, Rome: Robletti, 1621 (in score)
Al dolce mormorar de bei ruscelli

Ninfe vezzose, Amorosi Pastori
Vanno scherzando fra l’herbe e i fiori,://:
E tu Filli crudele,
tra queste dure piante
ten vai solinga errante
E sprezzi chi t’ama,
ti segue, ti brama.://:
Deh vieni, vieni, Filli mio tesoro
Deh vieni ch’io mi moro.
Al dolce garreggiar degli augelletti

godon le fiere, e gli armenti amorosi
godon anch’essi de canti vezzosi,://:
E tu Filli crudele
sprezzi le gioie, ei canti
de tuoi miseri amanti
E cruda, e sdegnosa
ten fuggi ritrosa,://:
Deh vieni, vieni Filli mio tesoro
Al dolce susurrand’aura serena

vaghi augelletti scherzando d’amore
Pieni d’ardore di gioia il core.
E tu Filli crudele
gioir punto non brami
e me lasso non non ami,
ma cruda ten fuggi
e me lasso distruggi://:
Deh vieni vieni Filli mio tesoro
676
12. Pargoletta son’io che non conosco
Concordances: Vezzosetti fiori, (Rome: Robletti, 1622), 15-17, facs. ed. Tomlinson, SSI,
vol. 3:219. Clori in tenor clef and Filli in bass clef. Duet (Dunque com stile lieto) ends
with refrain O Giovinezza amabile which is repeated after Clori: ...primavera, and Filli:
...senza beltade. Closes with a final duet Veri diletti; LE 105-1948- settenari, two
strophes + 2 strophes.
Pargoletta son’io
Che non conosco affani,
Che non conosco inganni,
del Pargoletto Dio.
ne vo che scend’al seno
II suo mortal veleno.
Filli:
Anch’io son giovinetta,
Et ho la chioma d’oro,
Finto d’amor tesoro,
L’anima non m ’alletta
E ne gl’altrui lamenti,
Appress’i suoi tormenti.
Clori:
Deh qual sara diletto
ch’il bei desio n ’appaghi
Quai pensier dolci, e vaghi,
Albergheranno [Robletti: albergaranno] in petto,
E chi terra lontano,
II rio Tiranno infano.
Filli:
II suon d’aurata lira,
I scherzi’i ball’i canti,
E fian graditi amanti,
Virtu che gratie spira,
E liberta del core,
Che trionfo d’amore.
a Due:
Dunque con stile lieto, e dolcissimo
Cantiam l’Aprile che floridissimo
A noi ne mena l’eta serena://:
O giovinezza amabile
677
Fossi tu sempre stabile.
Clori:
II cor nel volto Rida, e gioiscasi
Al piede sciolto la cetera uniscasi,
Mai giunga a sera la primavera..
[Robletti: O giovinezza... ]
Filli:
Gia mira, o Clori Rosa bellisssima,
Ch’ai vivi ardori poi languidissima,
Sul tronco cade
Senza beltade.
(O Giovinezza amabile, ut supra)
a Due
Veri diletti qua giu non regnano,
L’herbe, ei fioretti Virtu n’insegnano,
Voli il pensiero
Al som’ impero,
Dove ammirabile, Bellezza, e stabile.

13. Quand’il ciel mi fe soggetto,
Concordances: Giardino musicale, (Rome: Robletti, 1621), 23.
Quand’il ciel mi fe soggetto,

con diletto, a d’amare,://:
Diedi il core a Filli amata,
e l’ingrat’al mio servire,
die merce, d’aspro martire.
In amor fido, e costante

vero amante sempre fui://
Ella astrui volse seguire
per gioire a tutte l’hore
di mia pena, e mio dolore.
Ma crudel che farai poi

gl’occhi tuoi vedram nia vita,://
E tua forte piangerai,
che sarai un di schemita,
da chi speri esser gradita.
678
To dirai non conobb’io

l’amor mio la vera fede.://
Che richiede amante amato,
Fu enturata hor son tradita
in amor, ciech’e schemita.
Costantini, Fabio
14. O bella Clori vezzosa
Text source: print
Aminta [basso]
O bella Clori, Clori vezzosa
piu vermiglia, e gentil, che fresca rosa.
Clori: [soprano]
Caro Aminta, Aminta saggio,
Adomo, e vago piu eh’Aprile, e Maggio.
Aminta:
Deh non fuggire, deh non fuggire.
Clori:
Io te non fuggo, ma sol per te mi struggo.
Aminta:
Io t’amo Clori, io t’amo.
Clori:
Te sol Aminta bramo.
a Due:
Dunque cantiamo, [cantiamo] sempre d’amore,
poiche struggendo l’alme, aw iva il core.
679
15. Era l’anima mea
Text author: Guarini
Text source: Giambattista Guarini, Delle opere del cavelier Battista Guarini, Vol. 2:
Rime (Verona: Tumermani, 1737), madrigale no. 65.
Era P anima mea

Gia presso l’ultim’ore
E languia come lange alma che more;
Quand’anima piu bella, e piu gradita
Volse lo suardo in si pietoso giro,
Che mi ritenne in vita.
Paraen dir que’bei lumi,
Deh, perche ti consumi?
Non m’e si caro il cor, ond’io respiro,
come se’tu, cor mio
Se mori, ohime, non moritu, mor’io.
16. Cruda Amarilli, che col nom’ancora
Text source: II Pastor fido, I, ii, 1-8; 9-20
Cruda Amarilli, che col nom’ ancora,

d’amar, ahi lasso , amaramente insegni!
Amarilli, del candido ligustro
piu Candida e piu bella,
ma dell’aspido sordo
e piu sorda e piu fera e piu fugace,
poiche col dir t ’offendo,
i’mi moro tacendo;
Ma grideran per me le piaggie ei monti

e questa selv’a cui
si spesso il tuo bei nome
di risonar insegni.
Per me piangend’i fonti,
e mormorando i venti,
diranno i miei lamenti;
parlera nel mio volto
la pieta de’l dolore;
e se fia muta ogn’altra cosa’al fine
parlera il mio morire,
e ti dira la morte il mio martire.
680
17. Ch’io t’ami e t’ami piu la mia vita
Text source: II Pastor fido, III, iii, 106-113;
Musical form: LE 192-466-madrigal
Ch’i’t’ami e t’ami piu la mia vita,

se tu nol sai, crudele,
chiedilo a queste selve,
che tel diranno, e tel diran con esse
le fere loro e i duri sterpi e i sassi
di questi alpestri monti,
ch’i’ho si spesse volte
inteneriti al suon de’miei lamenti.
Costantini, Fabio
18. Col fior de’fiori in mano
Text author: Claudio Achillini
Text source: Rime e prose,di Claudio Achillini. In queste nostri impressioni accresciute
di mold sonetti, E altre compositioni non piu stampate. ..Venetia. Per f. Baba, 1651, p.
90.[Regenstein Library, Special Collections, U of Chicago]
Rime, e prose di Claudio Achillini. In questa nuova impressioni accresciute di mold
Sonetti, e altri Compositioni, non piu stampate. Venice: Giacomo Bortoli (1656), p. 131
[preceded by: “Ninfa vede comparirsi avanti il suo Pastore con una
Rosa in mano.”]
[1656, p. 131, located between pp. 146

[1651, p. 90] and 148]
Col fior de’ fiori in mano Col fior de’fiori in mano
II mio Lesbin rimiro, II mio Lesbin rimiro,
Al fior respiro, e’l Pastorel sospiro. Al fior respiro, e’l Pastorel sospiro.
II fior sospira odori. II fior sospiro odori.
Lesbin respira ardori. Lesbin respira ardori.
L’odor de l’uno odoro. L’ardor de l’uno odoro.[sic]
L’ardor de l’altro adoro. Et odorando, E adorando i sento.
Et odorando, et adorando i sento Da l’odor, da Tardor gioia, e tormento.
Da l’odor, da l’ardor gioia, e tormento
681
Costantini, Fabio
19. La mia leggiadra, e vaga pastorella
Text author: unknown
Text source: print
La mia leggiadra e vaga pastorella

Piu che mai lieta amorosetta, e bella
Veggio venir in quest’ameno prato
Oper me dolce giom’e aventurato.
Vedila pur come vazzosa, e presta

move il pie scaltro in quella parti, e’n questa,
Mira come sfavilla il suo bei lume,
Ch’arder potreb’ogni gelato fiume.
Quest’e colei che rende chiaro il giomo,

all’apparir del suo bei viso adomo,
E se costei s’asconde il ciel s’imbruna
porgendo lum’al sol, e alia luna.
Hor che non sente di fiamma caprirsi

Caro ben mio con il tuo amato Tirsi,
vieni Filli de mia vieni ben mio
Ch’altro che te non bramo ne desio.
APPENDIX C-6
Motet texts in Motetti a 1, 2, 3,4, & 5 voce (1634)
Costantini, Fabio
1. Deus canticum novum EASTER/PASCHALTIME
Res. fourth Sunday after Easter, Brev. 1568 (2726); Ciffa, 1638; Ps. 143:9;
Deus canticum novum cantabo tibi in psalterio decacordo psallam tibi.
To thee, O God, I will sing a new canticle: on the ten-string psaltery I will sing praises to
thee. [DV adapted]
2. Dulcis Jesu pie Deus PASSION; AFFECTIVE JESU
Late medieval; see Frandsen, “Sacred Concerto in Dresden,” 11:61, for example of
irregular Latin poetry on similar theme set by Peranda; first verse is part o f Buxtehude’s
Membra Jesu nostri, BuxWV 75]; first stanza in Wackemagel, 124
Dulcis Jesu pie Deus, Sweet Jesus, merciful God,

ad te clamo licet reus: to thee I cry as one accused;
rebe mihi te benignum, be kind to me;
ne repellas me indignum do not drive me, unworthy though
de tuis sanctis pedibus. I am, from your holy feet.
O maiestas infinita
O petestas in audita
O amoris confumatio
Jesu mentis jubilatio
tuum amotem prebe mihi

tu gaudium mo strum
tu amor noster tibi
laus tibi gloria per etema semper secula
Alleluia
682
683
Costantini, Fabio
3. Facta est cum Angelo NATIVITY
Luke 2:13-14; ant. 4 at laudes, Brev. 1568, (881); Armstrong, No. 16.
Facta est cum angelo multitudo caelestis exercitus laudantium deum, et dicentium: Gloria
in excelsis deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis, alleluia.
There was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host praising God and saying:
Glory to God in the highest and peace to men of good will.
4. In die solemnitatis PASCHALTIME
Offertory, feria v after Easter, Miss. 1570 (1617); freely based on Ex. 13:5
In die solemnitatis vestre, dicit Dominus, inducam vos in terram fluentem lac, et mel.
Et gaudebit in etemum Alleluia
On your solemn day, says the Lord, I shall take you to a land flowing with mild and
honey. And he will rejoice forever, Alleluia, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Costantini, Fabio
5. Pulchra es arnica mea, suavis MARIAN
Song of Songs 6:3-4; Office of the Virgin, laudes, Brev 1568 (6657) (incipit only);
Armstrong, No. 188.
Pulchra es arnica mea, suavis, et decora sicut Hierusalem, terribilis ut castrorum acies
ordinata.
Averte oculos tuos a me quia ipsi me avolare fecerunt.
You are beautiful, O my love, sweet and comely as Jerusalem: terrible as an army set in
array.
Avert your eyes from me, for they have made me flee.
6. O bone Jesu AFFECTIVE JESU
Personalized passion meditation: common motet incipit with free continuation.
O bone Jesu quid fecisti ut talia paterteris

Peccata tua supra dorsum meum accerbissimam ham posuerunt Crucem.
O bone Jesu si pro me cruciatus es et ego pro tuo dulcissimo amore cruciari cupio.
O anima dilecta non poteris fustinere que a ludeis pro te passus sum.
684
O dulcissime Jesu anima mea nimio ardet desiderio in illo mellifluo latere quiescere,
Veni anima dilecta et inebri abote sanguine meo. Alleluia
O blessed Jesus, what you have done that you suffered such things?
For your sins they have place this most bitter cross upon my back.
O blessed Jesus, if you have been crucified for me, I indeed desire to be crucified for
your sweetest love.
O happy spirit, you are not able to take away the mockeries I have suffered on your
behalf.
O sweetest Jesus, my soul bums with such great desire to become quiet at your sweet
side.
Come happy spirit, and take drink in my blood, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Costantini, Fabio
7. Quam dilecta tabernacula
Ps. 83: 2-5
Quam dilecta tabernacula tua Domine virtutem: concupiscit et deficit anima mea in atria
Domini.
Cor meum et caro mea : exultaverunt in deum vivum.
Etenim passer invenit sibi: domum et turtur nidum, ubi reponat pullos suos.
Altaria tua Domine virtutum: Rex meus et Deus meus.
Beati qui habitant in domo tua domine: in secula seculaorum laudabunt te.
How lovely are thy tabernacles, O Lord of hosts! My soul longs and faints for the courts
of the Lord.
My heart and flesh have rejoiced in the living God.
For the sparrow has found herself a house, and the turtle a nest for herself where she may
lay her young ones: Thy altars, O Lord of hosts, my king and my God.
Blessed are they who dwell in your house, O Lord; they shall praise thee forever and
ever.
Costantini, Fabio
8. Cantate Domino canticum novum ALL PURPOSE: PRAISE
Psalm 95:1-3
Cantate Domino canticum novum Cantate Domino omnis terra.

Cantate Domino, et benedicite nomini eius: Annunciate de die in diem salutare ieus.
Annunciate inter gentes gloriam eius: in omnibus populis mirabilia eius.
Sing to the Lord a new song: Sing to the Lord all the earth.
Sing to the Lord and bless his name: show forth his salvation from day to day.
Declare his glory among the gentiles: his wonders among all peoples.
685
Costantini, Fabio
9. En delictus meus MARIAN
Song of Songs 2:10, 5:6, 7:11-12
En dilectus meus loquitur m ih i.

Surge propera Arnica mea Formosa mea Columba mea et veni.
Anima mea liquefacta est ut dilectus locutus est.
Egrediamur in agrum commoremur in villis videamus si floruit vinea et si flores fructus
parturiunt.
My beloved speaks to me:

Arise, make haste, my love, my dove, my beautiful one, and come.
My soul melted when he spoke.
Let us go forth in the villages and abide in the fields. Let us see if the vines flourish, if
the flowers are ready to bring forth fruits. [DV adapted]
10. Transfige dulcissime NAME OF JESUS
Adapted from prayer of S. Bonaventure, Jones, Motets o f Carissimi, 143.
Transfige dulcissime Domine Jesu

medullas viscera animae meae,
suavissimo ac saluberrimo amoris sui,
ut langueat et liquefiat anima mea.
Solo semper amore et desiderio tuo/tui. Alleluia.
Transfigured sweetest Lord Jesus,

You fill with marrow the guts of my soul
With the sweetest and most saving thing of your love,
That my soul may become feeble and melt,
Always, only with your love and your desire. Alleluia.
[trans. Nicholas Young]
Anerio, Felice
11. Justus germinabit COMMON OF NON-PONTIFF MARTYR/ DOCTOR/
CONFESSOR
Res. 2, Brev. 1568, (6370)(6127); unchanged in Brev. 1596; unchanged but more
specific, Brev. 1655; Loosely based on Osee 14: 6
Justus germinabit sicut lilium, et florebit in etemum ante Dominum. Plantatus in domo
Domini, in atriis domus Dei nostri, Et florebit.
686
The just man will grow like the lily and will bloom in eternity before the Lord. He has
been planted in the house o f the Lord, in the halls of the house of our God, and he will
flourish.
“del P.”
12. Gaudeamus omnes in Domino BVM; ALL SAINTS
Similar to text in 1614, adapted for Marian feasts.
Gaudeamus omnes in Domino diem festum celebrantes sub honore Sancte Marie Virginis
de Cuius solemnitate gaudent Angeli, Alleluia.
Let us all rejoice in the Lord, celebrating the festive day in the honor of the blessed Mary
Virgin, of whose holiness the angels rejoice, [trans. Nicholas Young]
Costantini, Fabio
13. Vos amici mei COMMON OF APOSTLES AND EVANGELISTS
Ant., laudes and hours, Brev. 1568 (6074); John 15:14; Armstrong, No. 145.
Vos amici mei estis si feceritis que precipio vobis Dicit Dominus.
You are my friends if you do the things the Lord commands. [DV adapted]
Costantini, Fabio
14. Beata es (Virgo) Maria MARIAN
Res. 6 Brev. 1568 (5428); res. 2 at Office for BVM (6649); unchanged Brev. 1596,
1655.
Beata es Virgo Maria, quae dominum portasti creatorem mundi: Genuisti qui te fecit, et
in aetemum, permanes virgo, Alleluia.
You are blessed, Virgin Mary, you who have carried the Lord, the creator of the world:
You have given birth to him who made you, and in eternity you remain virgin, [trans.
Nicholas Young]
687
Costantini, Fabio
15. Facta est cum Angelo NATIVITY
Ant. 4 at laudes (see above).
Costantini, Fabio
16. Tecum principium NATIVITY
Ant. 1, second vespers (and throughout the octave), Brev. 1568 (893); Ps. 109: 3;
Armstrong no. 13.
Tecum principium in die virtutis tue in splendoribus sanctorum ex utero ante luciferum
genuite.
With thee is the principality in the dayof thy strength: in the brightness of the saints:
from the womb before the day star Ibegot thee. [DV]
Costantini, Fabio
17. Redemptionem NATIVITY
Ant. 2, second vespers, Brev. 1568 (894); Ps. 110: 9.
Redemptionem misit Dominus populo suo, mandavit in etemum testamentum suum.
He has sent redemption to his people: he has commanded his covenant forever. [DV]
Costantini, Fabio
18. Exortumest NATIVITY
Ant. 3, second vespers. Brev. 1568 (895); Ps. 111:4; Armstrong no. 14.
Exortum est in tenebris lumen rectis corde misericors et miserator et iustus Dominus.
To the righteous a light is risen up in darkness: the Lord is merciful and compassionate
and just. [DV]
Costantini, Fabio
19. Apud Dominum NATIVITY
Ant. 4, second vespers, Brev. 1568 (896); Ps. 129:7; Armstrong, no. 15.
Apud Dominum misericordia et copiosa apud eum redemptio.
With the Lord there is mercy, and with him plentiful redemption.
688
20. Duo Seraphim TRINITY
Res. 8 at matins on Trinity Sunday, Brev. 1658, (3082); Isaiah 6:3 (loosely based).
Duo Seraphim clamabant alter ad alterum: Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus
Sabbaoth. Plena est omnis terra gloria eius.
Tres sunt, qui testimonium dant in celo, Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus Sanctus, et hi tres
unum sunt.
Two Seraphim cry one to the other: Holy, Holy Holy, Lord God of hosts. All the earth
proclaims your glory.
Three there are who give testimony in heaven: Father, Word, and Holy Spirit, and this
three are one.
Allegri, Domenico
21. Jesu dulcis memoria AFFECTIVE JESU/EUCHARIST
Strophes 1, 2, 4,10, 18, of medieval hymn, Jubilus Bernhardi, n Wackemagel, I: 117.
1. Jesu dulcis memoria, The memory of Jesus is sweet,

dans vera cordis gaudia: giving the heart true joy,
sed super mei et omnia, but beyond honey and everything
eius dulcis presentia. is his sweet presence.*
2. Nil canitur suavius Nor voice can sing, nor heart can frame,
nil auditur iucundius nor can the memory find
nil cogitatur dulcius a sweeter sound than Thy blest Name,
quam Jesu Dei filius o Savior of mankind.**
4. [solo] Jesus dulcedo cordium

fons vivus lumen mentium
excedens omne gaudium
et omne desiderium
10. Jesu rex admirabilis

et triumphator nobilis
dulcedo in effabilis
totus desiderabilis.
18. Jesu mi bone sentiam

amore tui copiam
da mihi per praesentiam
tuam videre gloriam.
689
*trans.: Mary E. Frandsen and Bradford G. Hays in Frandsen, “Sacred Concerto in
Dresden.”
*“Translation: Fr. Edward Caswall (1814-1878)
Costantini, Fabio
22. Te invocamus TRINITY
Three antiphons at matins, second nocturne, Brev. 1568, (3066-3068).
Te invocamus, te laudamus, te adoramus, O Beata Trinitas.

Spes nostra, salus nostra, honor noster O beata Trinitas.
Libera nos, salva nos, vivifica nos, O Beata Trinitas.
We call upon you, we praise you, we adore you, O Blessed Trinity.

Our hope, our health, our honor, O Blessed Trinity.
Free us, save us, enliven us, O Blessed Trinity.
Costantini, Fabio
23. O Amantissime NAME OF JESUS
O amantissime et dulcissime Jesu Christe accende cor meum amore tuo sanctissimo
et da mihi spiritum tuum ut ardeat et liquefiat anima mea in suavitate dilectionis tue.
O most loving and most sweet Jesus, kindle my heart with thy most holy love and give
me thy spirit, that my soul may bum and melt in the sweetness of thy love, [trans:
Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
Costantini, Fabio
24. Confitemini Domino ALL-PURPOSE: PRAISE
Ps.135:1-5,13
Confitemini Domino quoniam bonus: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.

Confitemini Deo deorum: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Confitemini Domini Dominorum: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui facit mirabilia magna solus: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui fecit caelos intellectu: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Qui divisit mare Rubrum in divisiones: quoniam in etemum misericordia eius.
Praise the Lord for he is good: for his mercy endures forever.
Praise the God of gods: for his mercy endures forever.
Praise the Lord of lords: for his mercy endures forever.
Who alone does great wonders: for his mercy endures forever.
690
Who made the heavens in great understanding: for his mercy endures forever.
Who divided the Red sea in parts: for his mercy endures forever.
Antonelli, Abundio
25. Domine si tues SS. PETER AND PAUL (29 June )
Res. 4 at matins, Brev. 1568 (5000); unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655; Matt. 14: 28-31.
Domine si tu es, iube me venire ad te super aquas.

Et extendens manum apprehendit eum, et dixit Jesus: modicae fidei, quare dubitasti?
Cumque vidisset ventum validum venientem, timuit, et cum coepisset mergi, clamavit
dicens: Domine salvum me fac.
Et extendens manum apprehendit eum, et dixit Jesus: modicae fidei, quare dubitasti?
“Lord, if it is you, bid me come to you upon the water.”

And stretching forth his hand, Jesus said: “O you of little faith, why do you doubt?”
But seeing the wind rising he was afraid, and when he began to sink cried out saying:
“Lord, save me.”
And stretching forth his hand, Jesus said: “O you of little faith, why do you doubt?”
[adapted DY]
Costantini, Fabio
26. Ave Maria MARIAN
free text.
Ave Maria cuius animam paradisus factus est.

Gaudete omnes cantate angeli, jubilate Cives delitiose civitatis.
Ave Maria cuius cor celeste convivium Deum invitat ad celestes epulas.
Gaudete omnes ...
Ave Maria de cuius sanguine Deus homo factus est ut languores hominum faceret in
gaudia transire Beatorum.
Hail Mary, whose soul has become paradise.

All rejoice! Sing, angels, be joyous delightedly, citizens of heaven.
Hail Mary, whose heavenly heart opens for the presence of God at the celestial banquets.
All rejoice! ...
Hail Mary, from whose blood God has become man, that the weaker of men may cross
over into the joys o f the blessed, [trans. Nicholas Young]
691
Nanino, Gio. Maria
27. Dominus Jesus EUCHARIST/HOLY THURSDAY
Lect 8 (Holy Thurs), Brev. 1568 (2326); Paul narration: 1 Cor. 11:23-24;
Dominus Jesus in qua nocte tradebatur accepit panem et gratia agens fregit et dixit
accipite et manducate Hoc est corpus meum quod pro vobis tradetur.
The Lord Jesus in the night of his betrayal took bread and gave thanks, broke it and said
“take and eat for this is my body, which has been given up for you.”
APPENDIX C-7
Motet Texts in Salmi, Magnificat, e Motetti (1639)
Agostino Aggazzari
13. Jesu dulcis memoria AFFECTIVE JESU/ EUCHARIST/ DEVOTION
Strophes 1, 2, 4, 5 of medieval hymn, Jubilus Bernhardi in Wackemagel, I: 117.
1. Jesu dulcis memoria, The memory of Jesus is sweet,

dans vera cordis gaudia: giving the heart true joy,
sed super mei et omnia, but beyond honey and everything
eius dulcis praesentia. is his sweet presence.*
2. Nil canitur suavius, Nor voice can sing, nor heart can frame,
nil auditur iucundius, nor can the memory find
nil cogitatur dulcius a sweeter sound than Thy blest Name,
quam Jesus Dei filius. o Savior of mankind.**
4. Jesu dulcedo cordium

fons vivus lumen mentium
extendens [1603: excedens] omne
gaudium,
et omne desiderium.
5. Nec lingua valet dicere,

nec littera exprimere
Expertus potest credere,
quid sit Jesum diligere.
translation: Mary E. Frandsen and Bradford G. Hays, in Frandsen, “Sacred Concerto in

Dresden”.
**Translation: Fr. Edward Caswall (1814-1878)
Paolo Tarditi
14. Ad te levavi Psalm-Motet
Ps. 122
Ad te levavi oculos meos: qui habitas in caelis [caelo].

Ecce sicut oculi servorum: in manibus Dominorum suorum.
Sicut oculi ancillae in manibus dominae sue
ita oculi nostri ad Dominum Deum nostrum, donee misereatur nostri.
Miserere nostri domine, miserere nostri: qua multum repleti sumus despectione.
692
693
Quia multum repleta est anima nostra: opprobrium abundantibus, et despectio superbis.
To thee have I lifted up my eyes, who dwellest in heaven.

Behold as the eyes of servants are on the hands of their masters,
As the eyes of the handmaid are on the hands of her mistress: so are our eyes unto the
Lord our God, until he have mercy on us.
Have mercy on us O Lord, have mercy on us: for we are greatly filled with contempt.
For our soul is greatly filled: we are a reproach to the rich, and contempt to the proud.
[DV]
Gregorio Allegri
15. Omnes gentes plaudite manibus ALL PURPOSE: REJOICING
Ps. 46: (1) 2-8
Omnes gentes plaudite manibus: jubilate Deo in voce exultationis

Quoniam Dominus excelsus: terribilis rex magnus super omnem terram.
Subiecit populos nobis: et gentes sub pedibus nostris.
Elegit nobis haereditatem suam: speciem Iacob, quern dilexit.
Ascendit Deus in iubilo: Dominus in voce tubae.
Psallite Deo nostro, psallite: psallite regi nostro, psallite.
Quoniam rex omnis terrae Deus: psallite sapienter.
All you people clap your hands: shout unto God with a voice of jubilation,
For the Lord is high: king, terrible and great, over all the earth.
He has subdued our people, and the nations under our feet.
He has chosen for us our inheritance, the beauty of Jacob which he loved.
God is ascended with jubilee, and the Lord with the sound of the trumpet.
Sing praises to our God, sing ye; sing praises to our king, sing ye.
For God is king over all the earth; sing wisely. [DV]
Fabio Costantini
16. Cantate Domino canticum novum ALL-PURPOSE: PRAISE; ADVENT
Ps. 149, v.1-2 Magnificat ant.in feria 6, second week of Advent Brev. 1568 (630). See
text set by G. M. Nanino in Selectae cantiones (1614).
Fabio Costantini
17. Tradent enim vos COMMON OF APOSTLES
Magnificat ant., Brev. 1568 (6041); also Matt. 10:17-18.
694
Tradent enim vos in conciliis, et in sinagogis suis flaggellabunt vos, et ante reges et
praesides ducemini propter me in testimonium illis, et gentibus.
They will deliver you up in their councils and they will scourge you in their synagogues.
And you shall be brought before kings and before governors for my sake, for a testimony
to them and to the Gentiles. [DV]
18. Laudate Dominum ALL-PURPOSE: PRAISE
Laudate Dominum psallite nomini eius omnia quaecunque voluit fecit in Caelo et in
Terra.
Praise the Lord and sing his name all who are in heaven and on earth.
Ruggiero Giovannelli
19. Deus noster refugium
Ps. 45. Brev. 1568 (208)
Deus noster refugium et virtus: adiutor in tribulationibus, quae invenerunt nos nimis.
Propterea non timebimus dum turbabitur terra: e transferentur montes in cor maris.
Sonverunt, et turbatae sunt aquae eorum: conturbati sunt montis in fortitudine eius.
Fluminis impetus laetificat Civitatem Dei: sanctificavit tabemaculum suum Altissimus.
Deus in medio eius, non commuovebitur: adiuvabit earn Deus mane diluculo.
Conturbatae sunt Gentes, et inclinata sunt regna: dedit vocem suam et mota est terra.
Dominus virtutem nobiscum: susceptor noster Deus Jacob.
Venite, et videte opera Domini, quae posuit prodigia super terram:
Auferens bella usque ad finem terrae.
Arcum conteret et confringet arma: et scuta conburet in igni.
Vacate, et videte, quoniam ego sum Deus: exaltabor in gentibus et exaltabor in terra.
Felice Anerio
20. Dulcis amor Jesu AFFECTIVE JESU
Dulcis amor Jesu, dulce bonum

dilecte mi rogate
sagittis tuis confinge me
moriar pro te
ah mi Jesu, Jesu piae
inter flores pone me
695
trahe me rogo pro te
langueo pro te
tu lux tu spes tu vita
tu bonitas infinita
tu veritas lucens
ad caelum perducens.
Sweet love of Jesus, sweet goodness,

Delight in my pleading
Strike me with your arrow that I should die for you.
Ah my Jesus, Holy Jesus,
Place me among the flowers
Take me, I beg, for yourself.
I grow weak for you,
You are light, you are hope, you are life,
You are infinite goodness,
You are the shining truth,
Leading to heaven.
[trans. Nicholas Young]
Paolo Quagliati
21. Decantabat
Res.7 for Third Sunday after Easter, Brev. 1568 (2665); unchanged in Brev. 1596, 1655.
[with “Laudem Domino” and “Gloria” in motet substituted or added]
Decantabat populus Israel, alleluia [Laudem Domino], et universa multitudo Jacob

canebat legitime. [Gloria Deo]. Et David cum cantoribus citheram percutiebat in domo
Domini, et laudes Deo canebat. Alleluia, alleluia. [Gloria in excelsis.]
The people of Israel sang Alleluia, [Praise to the Lord], and the whole multitude of Jacob
rightfully sang: Glory to God. And David, with his songs, struck his lyre in the House of
the Lord, and sang praises to God. [trans. Nicholas Young]
“Palestina Padre della Musica” MARIAN

22. Ave Maria
Luke 1:28, then free
Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum benedictatu in mulieribus

et Benedictus ffuctus ventris tuis Jesus
Sancta Maria Regina caeli,
dulcis et pia, o Mater Dei,
ora pro nobis peccatoribus
ut cum electis te videamus.
696
Hail Mary full of grace the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women and blessed
is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus.
Holy Mary Queen of heaven,
sweet and forgiving, O Mother of God,
pray for us sinners,
among the elect we see you..
APPENDIX D
Dedication Translations
In the following Latin translations I have been assisted by Leofranc Holford-

Strevins, without whom they could not have been included. I am extremely grateful to
Professor Holford-Strevins for his good-humored approach to the problem at hand. The
Italian translations are the result of collaboration with Louis Kibler, Professor of Italian,
Wayne State University, to whom I owe a debt of gratitude for his interest and insight.
Any amibiguities or infelicities are entirely my own.
16143 Op.l
SELECTAE CANTIONES
To his most illustrious lords from the numero of the reverend Fabric of S. Maria, who
preside over the building of the main church of Orvieto, Fabio Costantini, greeting.
Among the works of supreme art and magnificence with which your magnanimity has
equipped/adorned this uncommonly wonderful church, by far the greatest is the chapel
that you have enriched at the expense of so many and so great noble musicians; for as
much as, like the soul in so excellent a body, it reaches even to heaven, so that therein not
only do the stones draw breath, but even the very statues make utterance, to the most
ample praise of this city, and that [church] which by the most famous fa9 ade, as it were,
its outward face, has drawn the eyes of all to wonder at it, might within, too, most
peaceably grasp the minds of all, with the ample size of the chapel and with the
sweetness of the most magnificent organ. Since I myself am aware of owing it more than
all others, since I have been in charge of the music for four years, and since I am unable
to repay, I thought it the best course if those compositions, that others most skilled in the
art of music had begotten for the world, I were to publish [lit. put into the light] so that
the most great Author of light should be thanked by me. But if you see that my
achievements are by no means equal to my desire and duty, you will blame neither the
work itself, nor my colleagues, if you have ascertained both that these compositions are
the progeny of the best parents, and that they [my colleagues] deserve well of the art of
music, but will rather acribe it to my rashness. But if it shall happen otherwise, the works
themselves will claim all the praise, which have added both art to number, and breath to
voices, greatly to the glory o f composers so illustrious. Since they were so pleased at the
patronage o f your name that they were willing for those compositions, fortified thereby,
to be committed to print, I have done it most readily, daring in addition to add twin
compositions of my own to them, either so that, coming forth together with their
brilliance they may not be thoroughly hidden, or that in the darkness of these [ my works]
their [the other works’] brilliance may shine the more, and it may thus come to pass that,
having gone unnoticed by some, they may the more easily be kept away from the envious
697
698
bites of others; though you will sufficiently bestow that gift too on them, such is your
goodwill towards me and all things mine. Therefore under your auspices, and by the
effort of the cavaliere Giannotto Simoncelli at this time camerlengo of the aforesaid
fabric, they are committed to print, and whatever they may in the end be like are
dedicated to you just as I myself am; receive them indulgently, and you will receive every
day greater expressions of my gratitude. Farewell. Orvieto, 25 May 1614.
[trans. Leofranc Holford-Strevins]
16151 Op. 2
RACCOLTA DE’SALMI A OTTO
To card. Girolamo Pignatelli:
I served from boyhood Monsignor the Bishop of Aquila, uncle of Your Excellency, and I
might say I was reared in his presence. Growing up confirmed in me to be infinitely
obligated to this family, this esteem that I now need to communicate to the world through
the prints o f some psalms by various excellent musicians to accompany a similar work
published recently when I was Maestro di Cappella of the Illustrious City of Orvieto. I
have made sure to dedicate them in the name of Your Excellency in testimony to my
gratitude. I hope that the devotion of my spirit, and what merit which might be earned
through this little offering, and the quality of the authors that it carries with it is more
than suitable. Which is the reason I, finding myself in this Your Lordship’s home town,
with new dignity conferred upon the work by dedication [to you]. Such does not free
your servants, but imposes obligation, at least to share/assemble in making known their
joy, with some outward demonstration. Presenting something which has as its goal
Religion and the service of the Church can persuade Your Grace not to disdain, and to
pardon my boldness. Having applied myself to the service of Signor Cardinal
Aldobrandino, Prince of highest quality, and who esteems so highly your worthiness,
does not permit me to satisfy my obligations with my present service, and to confirm this
title, to which I aspire. Therefore I implore you to deign to accept with favore my [good]
will, and to declare myself such with your Protection, and with the favor of your good
grace, in which I humbly commend myself. In Naples, 25 April 1615.
To the Reader [with tavola]

Not so much, gentle reader, because the order of the works required it, that the psalm
composed by me would be at the beginning of this collection, but that I took boldly to do
it, because by such a placement I truly believed that it would receive sufficient exposure,
so that if nothing else at least my will toward art, which I always seek to be accepted with
great pleasure by talented men to the benefit of him whom it pleases. Thus, dear readers
don’t ascribe to presumption [that] I have ordered it thus: and with this be content.
699
16161 Op. 3
SELECTAE CANTIONES
To card. Pietro Aldobrandini:
My chief inducement and impulse, most illustrious prince, to publish and dedicate to your
name these little compositions relating to religion and sacred ritual was this. When I had
been with the greatest pleasure of mind in the company of the leading men of music and
had always taken down some passage that most delightfully slipped into the ears, a very
great number of people demanded of me that I should not object to committing to print
whatever in this style I judged pleasing and sweet. And so I have done, and dedicated it
to you in the place of a gift; which I thought would not be displeasing to you, both
because not all these compositions have me for author (for that way they would in no way
be worthy of you), but several persons most skilled in the art of music have contributed
their labor to the harmonious putting together of this little book, and because they are
published by me, that is by him whom, when he had been recorded in the number of your
servants, and accepted in your most flourishing court, you withdrew some way from the
company of the rest and placed me in charge of the choir of singers in the basilica of S.
Maria in Trastevere: in order that that holy house of the Virgin which owing to your
especial devotion to the Mother of God you are enlarging with new gifts every day, and
adorning on the outside by a renowned and elaborate clock, inside with an elegant and
magnificent ceiling, you might also render more famous and better attended by increasing
the company of musicians, and recall it to such splendor as befits that basilica which was
the very first to be dedicated to the great Mother of God. Accept therefore, most
illustrious Cardinal, this little present that I offer you in supplication, and willingly and
glady embrace therein the piety of the songs, and the excellence of the composers, and
the fruit of your basilica; so may the same Mother of God for whose glory you exert so
much zeal, protect you for the greatest length of time by her prayers to her Son.
[trans. Leofranc Holford-Strevins]
16183 Op. 4
SCELTA DI MOTETTI
To Cesare Bentivoglio:
From my earliest years (Illustrious Signore) unusually eager, and desirous I was of
musical composition of the most exceptional and famous composers of music, who have
acquired through their talents fame among men. Securing there true copy and continued
favor/support, nothing would do but to keep them close by me always, like one who is
want to hold precious gems dearly. And because such a desire not only did not diminish,
700
on the contrary, became increasingly greater, like a living flame was set ablaze. Now
hardly a lazy Jeweler, from here and there (thanks to the goodness and humanity of
others) I collected, or rather, as with beautiful thread of gold, wove (forming of it a
graceful and noble necklace) varied and rich pearls of harmonious music, which we call
Motets, such that elevated spirits might partake of them, and noble singers would take
pleasure in them. But now having to publish them, to whom should I offer them with
more reason, this choice selection, almost jewels, together with myself, than Your
Illustrious Lordship who is so desirous and loving of spiritual harmony? To whose
innate kindness I recognize, and confessing to have been in this frame of mind for a long
time, obliged for noble and numerous favors, so that in every season your vivid memory
will be fixed high in my heart. Now while the little effort of a few of my compositions,
with the great and honorable efforts of others that illuminate it respectfully accompanied,
I offer to you, and I pray you to accept it with a serene face, protecting it also from those
who could be aggravated/offended, and be pleased to accept, that while (as I hope) these
holy jewels and harmonious pieces of most excellent composers will be made accessible
to the world, your illustrious name, similarly, will be diffused and gloriously spread
everywhere. And affectionately kissing your hand, I pray for you from God every happy
endeavor. In Orvieto the first of July 1618, from your devoted servant Fabio Constantini
Romano.
16201 Op.5
SCELTA DI SALMI
To Ferdinando Saracinelli:
Most happy is truly, Sir, the pen of those writers, who without any work from a masterly
brush forms, for the spiritual benefit of others, an Ideal and virtuous beauty, which
presented to the Readers, and by them approved, is charmed by it, and can never praise
and admire it enough. Even happier and more adventurous [enterprising] is that of the
Eccellente Musician, that without any Rhetorical color, and with just the union and
concord o f many voices in immitation of the Celestial Spheres, and of Angels, and of
God himself, composes a harmonious beauty such that, tom away out of himself, the
abducted listener rises to Heaven, rightfully enjoying the Angelic harmonious beauty
[ “questa ” —bellezza d ’armonia] and immortal beauty. Thus, if with the colors of reason
immortal beauty [“quella ” = immortal bellezza] moderates the affections, and among the
extremes unites Virtue; [then] [harmonious beauty] with the measure of spiritual sound
moderates the harshness and discord of the voices, and among the extremes of high and
bass, and acute (high, sharpness) and grave (slow and serious) united, is the perfection of
harmony. [Immortal beauty] embellished by the spirit renders it capable of [harmonious
beauty]. And heavenly harmonious beauty and immortal beauty, sends the abducted
spirit on its way to to be made sweetly happy [sweet rejoicing] in Eternal and Divine
701
contemplation: and this is exactly what these eccellent composers are seeking to do with
the collection of these their Psalms, that I dedicate to Your Lordship. And this will
happen to you if appreciating them, you will be so good as to sweetly sing them, and to
hear them. If they are pleasing to you, therefore, you may overlook the hardness of some
of my music, that I boldly put there, so that with their great harshness you will appreciate
the sweetness o f the others, and would they remain without publication the others too
would remain among the shadows, in oblivion. And whatever they may be, [both] the
works o f others and of mine, I dedicate them to you. I say to you that not only as a noble
of Orvieto, my Master, [be pleased] to accept them, but also to defend and protect them
under your happy auspices, and the favorable atmosphere of so Grand a Prince, which
you by your own merit and the grace of that Highest happiness, serve; As humbly I
implore you to do: and encuring, in doing so, together with the work itself my infinite
obligation and devotion to Your Lordship, I reverently kiss your hand. In Orvieto the last
day of June, 1620. To your Illustrious Lordship, your most humble and most obligated
servant, Fabio Costantini Romano.
1621 Op. 6
SALMI, MAGNIFICAT e Motetti a sei
To card. Pietro Paulo Crescendo
In the universal jubilation that all the City felt upon the benefit bestowed by N.S. Gregory
XV, of this diocese to your illustrious lordship, it would not be right that I would let it
pass by me in silence; besides being Maestro di cappella of this City, I have always
particularly professed to be numbered among your most true servants. Therefore not
having any other means of representing myself at this time more appropriate than in a
way in keeping with my profession, in order to accompany the joy of all the popolo, I
decided to publish a few musical works under the favorable protection of your illustrious
name. But since I have always known myself well enough that, without allowing me to
be deceived by love for myself, I still found much to favor [in this idea], as much
legitimate reason as I could possibly have, so that my works would not merge into the
deepest fog of oblivion long before my life concludes. [In order that this not happen] I
endeavored no less in this than in other works that I published, to accompany my
compositions with those of major subjects [composers] of this age, so that their shadows
[of my works] illuminated by the splendor of honorable efforts of personages so eminent,
and revived (in a manor of speaking) by the blending and company of compositions so
exceptional, that they can yet hope to be maintained happily in life. How much more
securely will this proceed with the glorious name of Your Excellency carried on the title
page as I carry it in my heart, which I humbly ask you to grant this wish, to gracefully
accept then in the poverty o f this gift, such as it is, the richness of affection, receiving this
little demonstration as a true token of my special devotion, and finally, I make the
702
deepest reverence. In Orvieto 9 May 1621. From Your Excellency’s most humble and
devoted servant, Fabio Costantini Romano.
162114 Dedication
GHIRLANDETTA AMOROSA
To Lord and Lady Adriano Canali and Caterina Aweduti
Behold, Happy wedding couple, St. Himeneo who is descending from heaven to prepare
your nuptial bed: Behold the delightful bands of Graces and Cupids with hands and laps
filled with fragrant flowers, gathered from the happy gardens of Permessus, not only
strew and adorn the marriage bed, but also weave, though loose and pleasant indeed, but
firm and indestructible chains to bind together and unite your hearts in an eternal knot of
peace and love. Now while at the announcement of this happy marriage the People of
Orvieto rejoice, and the [People of] Rieti celebrate, hoping to see the marriage quickly
enriched with numerous offspring of fortunate children; I, too, am carried away with
happiness and song. Thus having upon this occasion composed a few musical works, I
resolved to have them published under the protection of your name, in demonstration of
the proper regard I have toward your lordships for the continued blessings with which
we have always been favored, my wife, my daughter, and me, by the parents of the bride,
and from the bride herself, over the course of the many years that I have remained in the
service of this Illustrious City. And because I feared that these by themselves weren’t
sufficient to remain in season [last a long time], I arranged to accompany them with other
works of the more illustrious talents of this age, in order to immortalize, if [it would be]
possible, my own works along with theirs. Be pleased to accept, in the poverty of this
gift, the richness of my affections, and meanwhile I pray the Giver of every good, that he
[bless] these bans and hopes, granting them the peak of true happiness, to remember my
devoted service. I kiss your hands. In Orvieto this 5 October 1621.
703
162210 Op. 8
L’AURATA CINTIA ARMONICA
To card. Pietro Paulo Crescenzi
II Ripa writes in his Iconologia, that Avicenna, by sounding the anvil came to know
music, whence he set to writing about the congruence and measure of modes [tuoni] and
of voices, thus adding a graceful ornament to humanity [human conversation]. And
Father Contarino Crucifero in his Giardino says that the Musician Guido [d’Arezzo]
found all melody, with six voices, in the joints of his hand; Music delights much our
spirits, which Boethius demonstrates so well saying that music is so natural to man that it
delights every epoch and is of such strength that it changes every man: and this is so true
that Garimberto writes in Problems that Empedocles, with music, mitigated and
extinguished the wrath of a youth who had wanted to kill the Accusor, and Aristotle says
that music delights the sorrowful and the merry; to the former by diminishing sorrow, and
to the latter by increasing pleasure, so great is the attachment of music’s harmony to our
soul. What more? Theoffastus writes that some bites of the viper are healed with the
sound of flutes, and by other instruments accompanied by song. Furthermore, it so
happens that music is able to induce in us the quiet of sleep, that therefore the great
Princes (Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord) in times past went to bed accompanied by
playing and singing, by means of which they fell asleep; because music, as a [medicinal,
soothing] solution causing vapors that rose to the brain and induced in them sleep.
[Working] thus so wondrously, music was and is presently as great a friend of Religious
Princes as of Secular Princes alike; moreover of all the praises made by the world to God
and the heavenly court, almost all are expressed with music; it is no wonder your
Excellency not only takes such a delight in the musical functions of the church, but often
at recreation time, with much pleasure you wanted to hear me sing in your chambers
these lively and pleasant compositions; to pass some leisure time appropriately, without
disturbing the Religious and chaste intellect of your Excellency. Although hoarse and
inexpert poet though I am, when it comes to song, a little melody could carry it to
perfection, even to your sharp ears [and cleaned your ears]: Nonetheless, I was by means
of your kindness accepted, being among the most inferior but devoted of your servants, I
hope, under the rays of the three gold crescent moons, to become a sublime singing poet;
and living under the shadow o f the indomitable House of Crescenzi, I hope to increase its
power, give it voice, and raise in song (exalting the supreme virtue of your victories in
the world) to heaven, not only your feats but those of the Lord of the Planets. Among so
much only the sign of this my desire, I dedicate to your Excellency the present musical
works by many excellent authors collected by me; imploring you to accept it and protect
it, in keeping with your usual greatness of spirit, taking no notice of the poverty of the
gift, only of the great affection of the much obliged giver who is inclined to serve you
and obey you always. With what I know humbly the respectful debt, praying that from
the great Maker (in keeping with your great merit) you will be filled to the top with grace.
Orvieto, 15 September 1622.
704
1630 Op. 11
SALMI HIMNI, ET MAGNIFICAT
To the brothers o f the Conratemity of the Most Holy Rosary of Ancona
The kindness with which you appointed me Maestro di cappella of your famous and
honorable confraternity, convinced the world that in this musical profession I was of
some value. I felt obligated to convince you [of my worth] at least with some
demonstration, the gratitude of my will. But not feeling my capablitiies match my
willingness, I appeal as I usually do in my time of need to those who can help, that is, to
the most distinguished Musicians of our day, so that with some of their work would come
together with mine as one offering of Sacred Compositions, not unworthy of your ears, in
the appropriate [kindred] style of this most Devoted Congregation, and other Illustrious
Chapels. For the taste of good singers I send this eleventh work to print, hoping that that
which I could not do alone, in the company of these [other works] is accomplished, that
is, not the praise of a good Musician ( which I don’t merit, nor do I pretend to it, being
enough for me to achieve the role of a grateful servant) but the use [performance] and
durability [lasting qualities] of the works. And therefore, to be included in the family of
Illustrious Musicians, is not due to my arrogance, but rather to industrious necessity.
Servants in the company of their Masters often have access, where alone [they] without
doubt would be excluded. “On the shoulders of the eagle,” as fabled by Regolo, I
procure for these my poor Compositions a smooth road to the summit of the most
celebrated Musical Choirs; [I hope] the defects of the Composer will be compensated for
by the judgement of the Compilor. I also think that in this manner the work, even if my
poorest, at least in my view will be more secure vis-a-vis the rigor of our age, which is
against the old custom whereby works outlived their authors. Necessitated by the
common crowd of innumerable and intolerable composers, it (my work) condemns
Fathers who celebrate, by weeping, the funeral of those children to whom they [Fathers]
gave life, with unworthy song. To you, therefore, I offer with all my heart these
compositions, o erudite [brothers] of the Holy Rosary to whom heavenly fragrances grew
everywhere. If it is true what Demostenes said, that men might have learned Music from
the nightingale, we have to say that in the same season as music, a single birth gave rise
to music and the Rose, when that bird was not singing, in the flowering season and living
in it, as its Spirit, the Springtime, which, I don’t know whether would be producer or
product of the Rose. As Ausonio left Dawn in doubt by saying that either from the red
rose they took crimson , and which one came first, either the Dawn or the Gardens, or
that which is the rose o f heaven, so it could be considered doubtful [it is not certain] if
one needs to call the Rose the flower of Spring or the Springtime of Flowers.
This Rose as exemplar, which was always a great Symbol of the innocent Virgin, that
when showing itself least, appeared most lovely. I have treated my Music so that it
would respond to the decorum of the holy place, and to the Divine word, rather than in
705
the brazenly dissolute and liscentious style of a few misguided [composers] of our day.
To the Flowers, as I hope, speak the spirited voices with gentle expression by gracious
singers; to the branches, the deep-sounding Instruments [speak] so that with noble
adornment, affective and piccant counterpoints would accompany the thorns. Be pleased
to accept, o courteous Lords, this little token of much service and debt, that I profess to
this Flowering and Holy Confraternity, whose Roses I pray may always have Sweet
Fragrance, Heavenly Serenity, fertile soil, favorable season.
Ancona 8 settembre 1630. Lords most illustrious, your most obligated servant, Fabio
Costantini Romano e Cittadino d’Orvieto.
16341 Op. 12
MOTETTI / A 1. 2. 3. 4. e 5. voci
To cardinal Pallotto
With the welcome occasion to send to print this my twelfth work, it is fitting that I
combine, first of all, specific expressions of true devotion to your renowned eminence
together with it, to announce [through it] to the world my long-standing service to your
illustrious house, not unmindful of my infinite obligations to your family from the
beginning, commencing almost with life. Since I being a little boy in the great Basilica
Vaticana where His Eminence Signor Cardinal di Cosenza, of happy memory and
incomparable merit, he [who] wore the purple cloth, the adornment of the highest body of
priests, indeed your most worthy uncle, made me a soprano under the tutelage of
Palestrina, Father of Music, whose glories in song are not admired and proclaimed only
by those who do not know him. I was almost barren [completely ignorant], but [in] the
fertile body of Excellent Musicians, and continually encouraged by him [who had placed
me there] I grew up well. After several years at this post, not happy with the merit of
simply singing under the beat [direction] of others, I began to put music together, and to
have others under my own beat. Various of the most Eminent Cardinal personages, all
worthy, each one equal to a crowned head, called me to their churches to put together and
manage the music at different times: His Eminence Signor Cardinal Sannesio was the
first, and from the Temple of the Vatican to his in Orvieto he led me; Signor Cardinal
Aldobrandini [called me] to his service, and to the cappella of Santa Maria in Trastevere;
Again His Eminence Sannesio to his Cathedral of Orvieto, and after his death, His
Eminence Cardinal Crescentio, who succeeded him at that church; at the Santa Casa His
Eminence Cardinal Borghesi; His Highest Eminence Cardinal Magolotto in this his
cathedral of Ferrara; finally to that of Ancona where I was another time, and where then
Your Eminence on your return from Germany, on your way to take up in Rome, by the
hand of the pontiff, the appropriate decoration [insignia] of worthiness again for your
great merits by him conferred, seeing fit, for your recognition of his [the previous
cardinal’s] service which was always the most ambitious, was pleased to honor me and to
706
receive me among those in your house, furnishing a living there where I had begun life.
Excuse me therefore Your Eminence if among so many works of Music given the light
by me [published] up to now, all fruits owed [you] from the beginning by your tenant,
how much the more of all those delayed [until now], being as how I said the twelfth
recognizes you in person. Since the supreme worth of Your Eminence has kept you, in
Portugal, in Germany and in Rome, and here in Ferrara, in high affairs and management
completely occupied, that I have no way intended with these my childish melodies to
place an obstacle, and impede the conduct of public affairs, which I know has been, in
every undertaking, your only goal. Now that the legation of Ferrara knows full well with
that satisfaction and applause, that everyone to the last person, who is not blinded by self-
love, knows. I come prepared with these few notes, and consecrate them, as to give
plaudits to honorable actions, for Your Eminence and full retinue, in and out of Ferrara,
has, with highest approbation, been agent for all good people in this three-year period.
And in order that praises of an obliged servant should not be suspect to anyone,
[mean]while to my music those of many other excellent musicians, less suspect, as the
gentle reader can easily see, I am weaving into this work, meaning to give with it sincere
testimony o f care [upbringing], that it[the work] with uncorrupted mind, and with every
necessary element to good rule [behavior] in Ferrara or elsewhere, I hail your honors,
which you performed most worthily, for an entire period of ten years, now coming to an
end. And since at this time I already took the part of the Epilogue (although your praises
should always be first) I will not say more praying even to the Lord that, for his glory,
and the benefit of the populace, would give Your Eminence a wide field to exercise the
genius, that Fie with highest generosity, imparted to you. In Ferrara this 15 day of
October, 1634.
16392 Op.13
SALMI, MAGNIFICAT, E MOTETTI
To the Illustrious gentlemen and lords, my most esteemed Sig Ruberto Cennini,
Confaloniero, and Conservatori of the Palla d’Oro of the illustrious city of Orvieto.
These are my musical psalms and motets, which, unplanned, I put in print. I wanted to be
sure to put them under the glorious name of your illustrious lordships, in order that your
authority might accredit them, and with the nobility of their lineage honor me, although I
do not deserve to merit from them; they have, nonetheless, been kindly received by
everyone. Whence I hope that they would be received on their own merits, and not
because of my station in life. Although my excess of devotion opens for them that road
which is closed to me for want of merit. I hope that, since I have no other aim in this my
composition than to exalt the worship of the Divinity, so I have faith in his divine
Majesty to grant my wishes, that I release to heaven the rightful exaltation of your
illustrious selves, and of this the illustrious City of Orvieto, since in every respect they
707
merit it. In all humility submitting myself devotedly I venerate you. Orvieto this 25
March 1639.
Your devoted servant, Fabio Costantini.
APPENDIX E-l
Index of Pieces
Piece Composer Anthol.
Ad te levavi Tarditi, Paolo 16392
Adiuro vos, filiae Jerusalem Antonelli, Abundio 16161
Al dolce mormorar Antonelli, Abundio 162210
Alla gloria, alii honori Frescobaldi, Girolamo 162114
Alma redemptoris mater Costantini, Fabio 16201
Amor Jesu amantissime Anerio, Felice 1621
Amor Jesu dulcissime Quagliati, Paolo 16161
Amor tu parti Costantini, Alessandro
CO
og
Angelus ad Pastores ait Frescobaldi, Girolamo 16183
Angelus ad Pastores ait Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16143
Angelus Domini discendit de caelo Santini, Prospero 16143
Anima mea exultabit Heredia, Pietro 16161
Apud Dominum Costantini, Fabio 16341
Audi filia Nanino, Bernardino
CO
T“
00
Audite caeli Catalano, Ottavio 16161
Aure vaghe, aure gioconde Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Aurora lucis rutilat Anerio, Gio. Francesco 16143
Ave gratia plena. Dialogo d'lncerto 16183
Ave Maria Palestrina, Giovanni 16392
Ave Maria cuius animam Costantini, Fabio 16341
Ave Maris Stella Costantini, Fabio 1630
Ave Regina caelorum Anerio, Felice 16151
Ave Regina caelorum Nanino, Bernardino/Costantini 16201
Ave verum corpus Anerio, Gio. Francesco 16183
Beata es Virgo Maria Costantini, Fabio 16341
Beata Mater et intacta Virgo gloriosa Zoilo, Annibale 16143
Beati omnes qui timet Costantini, Fabio 1630
Beati omnes qui timet Nanino, Bernardino 16143
Beatus Laurentius Nanino, Bernardino 16143
Beatus vir qui timet Agostino, Paolo 16392
Beatus vir qui timet Costantini, Fabio 1621
Beatus vir qui timet Crivelli, Arcangelo 16201
Beatus vir qui timet Nanino, Gio. Maria 16151
Beatus vir qui timet Tarditi, Paolo 1630
Calistus est vere martyr Costantini, Fabio 16183
Cantabo Domino Gargarii, Teofilo 16161
Cantabo Domino Quagliati, Paolo 16183
Cantate Domine...cantate domino omnes terra Costantini, Fabio
CO
CO
708
APPENDIX E-l
7 09
Index of Pieces
Piece Composer______________________ Anthol.
Cantate Domino canticum novum Costantini, Fabio 16392
Cantate Domino canticum novum Nanino, Gio. Maria 16143
Cantemus Domino Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16183
Care lagrime mie, messi dolenti di mie pene rie Costantini, Alessandro 162210
Caro mea vere est cibus/ Hie est panis Palestrina, Giovanni 16143
Ch'io t'ami Costantini, Alessandro 162210
Co'l fior de' fior Costantini, Fabio 162210
Columna es Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16161
Confitebor Anerio, Gio. Francesco
CD
CM
o
Confitebor Cifra, Antonio 1630
Confitebor Costantini, Alessandro 1621
Confitebor Costantini, Fabio 1630
Confitebor Crivelli, Arcangelo 16151
Confitemini Domino[ii]...quis loquetur Costantini, Fabio 16341
Confitemini Dornino[v]...confitemini Costantini, Fabio 1621
Cosi col mia ventura Gargarii, Teofilo 162114
Credidi Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16201
Credidi Soriano, Francesco 16151
Crucifixus surrexit a mortuis Crivelli, Arcangelo 16143
Cruda Amarilli Costantini, Alessandro 162210
Cum iucunditate Costantini, Fabio 16183
De profundis Costantini, Fabio 1630
Decantabat Quagliati, Paolo 16392
Deh mirate luce ingrate Puliaschi, Gio. Domenico 162114
Deh scoprite colorite Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Deus canticum novum Costantini, Fabio 16341
Deus Deorum Dominus Costantini, Alessandro 1621
Deus noster refugium Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16392
Deus tuorum militum Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1630
Dextera tua Domine magnificata Costantini, Alessandro 16143
Dixit Dominus Costantini, Fabio 16151
Dixit Dominus Anerio, Felice 1621
Dixit Dominus Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1630
Dixit Dominus Costantini, Alessandro 1630
Dixit Dominus Costantini, Fabio 16392
Dixit Dominus Nanino, Gio. Maria/Costantini 16392
Dixit Dominus Zuchelli, Giovan Battista (II Cieco)
CD
CM
o
Dolce Augellin Costantini, Fabio 162114
APPENDIX E-l 7 10
Index of Pieces
Piece Composer______________________ Anthol.
Domine Dominus noster Nanino, Bernardino 16143
Domine in multitudine Ugolini, Vincenzo 16183
Domine quis habitabit in tabernaculo tuo Nanino, Gio. Maria 16143
Domine situ vis Antonelli, Abundio 16341
Dominus Jesus Nanino, Gio. Maria
T“
CO
CO
Donna mentre vi miro Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Dove io credea Caccini, Francesca (La Cecchina) 162114
Dulcis amor Jesu Anerio, Felice 16392

Dulcis Jesu pie Deus Costantini, Alessandro 16341
Duo Seraphim Costantini, Alessandro 16341
Ecce sacerdus magnus Soriano, Francesco 16143
Ecco ch'all'apparir Costantini, Fabio 162114
Ecco nata or or la rosa Antonelli, Abundio 162114
Ego mater pulchra De Grandis, Vincenzo 16183
Ego sum panis vivus Costantini, Alessandro 16183
Egredemini, et videte Allegri, Gregorio 16183
Elevatus manibus Zoilo, Cesare 16161
En dilectus meus Costantini, Fabio 16341
Era I'anima mia Frescobaldi, Girolamo 162210
Eratvirdomini N. Troiani, Giovan 16161
Exortum est Costantini, Fabio 16341
Exultet celum Laudibus Agazzari/ F. Costantini 1630
Facta est cum Angelo Costantini, Fabio
CD
CO
Facta est cum Angelo Costantini, Fabio 16341
Factum est silentium Pacelli, Asprilio 16143
Fiammeggeiante del ciel Costantini, Fabio 162210
Fratres ego enim accepi Palestrina, Giovanni 16143
Fratres qui gloriatur Nanino, Bernardino 16161
Gaudeamus omnes in Domino diem festum Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16143
Gaudeamus omnes in Domino diem festum del P 16341
Giacea pensoso Aminta Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Giosce I'aria d'lncerto 162114
Gloria tibi Trinitas Roy, Bartolomeo 16143
Hi sunt quos habuimus Anerio, Felice 16161
Hoc est praeceptum Costantini, Fabio 16161
Hodie beata virgo Maria Costantini, Fabio 16161
Hor pensate al mio mal Gargarii, Teofilo 162210
I lieti amanti Benincasa, lacomo 162114
In die solemnitatis Costantini, Alessandro 16341
APPENDIX E-l 711
Index of Pieces
In medio ecclesiae Brissio, Gio. Francesco 16161
Inclina Domine aurem Costantini, Alessandro 16143
Inclina Domine aurem tuam intende voce Tarditi, Paolo 16161
Iste confessor Costantini, Alessandro 1630
Iste est qui ante deum Anerio, Felice 16183
Jesu decus Angelicum Pasquini, Ercole 16183
Jesu dulcis memoria Agazzari, Agostino 16392
Jesu dulcis memoria Allegri, Domenico 16341
Jubilate Deo omnis terra cantate et exultate Marenzio, Luca 16143
Jubilate Deo omnis terra cantate et exultate Tasoni, Carlo 16183
Justus germinabit Anerio, Felice 16341
La mia Clori vezzosa Mutii, Pelegrino 162210
La mia leggiadra, e vaga Pastorella Costantini, Fabio 162210
Laetatus sum Costantini, Fabio 16201
Laetatus sum Nanino, Bernardino [G.M Nanino] 16151
Laetentur caeli et exultet terra/ commoveatur Crivelli, Arcangelo 16143
Laetentur caeli et exultet terra/ commoveatur Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16183
Lascivette Pastorelle Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] 162210
Lauda Jerusalem Costantini, Alessandro 16201
Lauda Jerusalem Zoilo, Cesare 16151
Laudate Dominum in sanctis eius Jusquino [della Sala] 1621
Laudate Dominum omnes gentes Martini, Francesco
CO
CM
o
Laudate Dominum psallite nomini Costantini, Alessandro 16392
Laudate pueri Costantini, Alessandro 1630
Laudate pueri Costantini, Fabio 1630
Laudate pueri Costantini, Fabio 16392
Laudate pueri Nanino, Gio. Maria 16201
Laudate pueri Catalano, Ottavio 1621
Laudentte Domine Massenzio, Domenico 16183
Letaniae della Beata Vergine Palestrina, Giovanni 16201
Letaniae della Beata Vergine Zoilo, Annibale 16201
Magnificat Allegri, Domenico 1630
Magnificat Anerio, Gio. Francesco 16151
Magnificat Costantini, Alessandro 1621
Magnificat Costantini, Fabio 1630
Magnificat Costantini, Fabio 16392
APPENDIX E-l 712
Index of Pieces
Magnificat Mazzochi, Virgilio 16392
Magnificat Anerio, Felice 16201
Mentre che Febo Mutij, Pelegrino 1 6 2 1 14
Mentre sorge I'Aurora Grappuccio [Ferdinando 1 6 2 2 10
Grappuccioli]
Narrabo Costantini, Alessandro 1616 1
Ninfe, ninfe venite Costantini, Fabio 1 6 2 1 14
Nisi Dominus Tarditi, Paolo 16151
Non dormo no Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1 6 2 1 14
Non porta giacco aprile Costantini, Fabio 1 6 2 1 14
0 admirabile commercium Costantini, Fabio 16183
0 amantissime Costantini, Fabio
CD
CO
0 bella Clori, Clori vezzosa Costantini, Fabio 1 6 2 2 10
0 bone Jesu quid fecisti Costantini, Alessandro 16341
.&.
0 cor sempre dolenti Nanino, Bernardino
O)
to
0 della vita mia Costantini, Fabio 1 6 2 1 14
0 felice guerrieri Costantini, Fabio 1 6 2 2 10
0 lumen Ecclesie Beate Pater Augustine Costantini, Fabio 16143
0 quam pulchra es arnica mea formosa De Grandis, Vincenzo 1616 1
0 quam pulchra es arnica mea formosa Pianti, Ascanio 16183
Oculi mei semper ad Dominum Costantini, Alessandro 16183
Omnes gentes plaudite manibus Allegri, Gregorio 16392
Os iusti Costantini, Fabio 16183
CO
Agostino, Paolo
00
Panis angelicus
< J>
Panis Angelicus Tarditi, Paolo 16183
Pargoletto son'io Costantini, Alessandro 1 6 2 2 10
Pastorelle vaghe, e belle Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1 6 2 2 10
Pastores loquebantur Costantini, Alessandro 1616 1
Pastores loquebantur Anerio, Felice 16143
Peccavi super numerum Frescobaldi, Girolamo 1616 1
Per pianto la mia carne Gargarii, Teofilo 1 6 2 2 10
Perche non togli, 1Clori Quagliati, Paolo 1 6 2 1 14
CO
Percussit Saul mille Catalano, Ottavio

CO
t
00
—
Puer qui natus est nobis plusquam propheta Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16143
Pulchra es arnica mea, et macula non est in te Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1616 1
Pulchra es arnica mea, suavis, et decora Costantini, Fabio 16341
Pulchra es et decora Antonelli, Abundio 16183
Quae est ista, quae processit Anerio, Gio. Francesco 1621
Quam dilecta Costantini, Fabio
CO
CO
Quando il ciel mi fe soggetto Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] 1 6 2 2 10
APPENDIX E -l 713
Index o f Pieces
Quern vidistis pastores Crivelli, Arcangelo 16161
Redemptionem Costantini, Fabio 16341
Regina caeli laetare Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16151
Regina caeli laetare Massenzio, Domenico 16201
Ricciutella pargoletta Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] 162210
Riede la primavera Costantini, Fabio 162114
Rorate caeli de super De Grandis, Vincenzo 16161
Salve Regina De Grandis, Vincenzo 16151
Sancta et immaculata virginitas Nanino, Gio. Maria 16143
Sancti Dei omnes intercedere Costantini, Fabio 16143
Sancti mei, qui in carne Anerio, Felice 16161
CO
Sancti mei, qui in carne Anerio, Felice
CD CO
Y“
00
’’T
S'ardo il mondo com'io Costantini, Fabio
CNI
Se la doglia e'l martire Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Si mi dolce il tormento Gargarii, Teofilo 162114
Splendor di gl'occhi miei Costantini, Alessandro 162114
Sub tuum praesidium Palestrina, Giovanni 16143
Sub tuum praesidium confugimus Landi, Stefano 16161
Super flumina babylonius Locatello, Gio. Batt. 16143
Te invocamus Costantini, Fabio
CO CO
CO 0 0
■ sr
Tecum principium Costantini, Fabio
Tradent enim vos Costantini, Fabio 16392
Transfige dulcissime Costantini, Alessandro 16341
Tu es vas Vailerij(Valeri), Roberto 16161
Tutte le viste homai Costantini, Fabio 162114
Vaghe Ninfe e Pastori d'lncerto 162114
Veni electa mea Zoilo, Cesare 16183
Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis Anerio, Felice 16143
Verba mea Nanino, Bernardino 16161
Victimae paschali laudes Palestrina, Giovanni 1621
Vidi speciosam Massenzio, Domenico 16161
Vidi speciosam Victoria, Toma Ludovici de 1621
Voce mea Giovanelli, Ruggiero 16161
Vos amici mei Costantini, Fabio 16341
APPENDIX E-2
Index of Composers
Composer__________________________ Piece_____________________________ Anthol,
Agazzari/ F. Costantini Exultet celum Laudibus 1630
Agazzari, Agostino Jesu dulcis memoria 16392
Agostino, Paolo Panis angelicus 16183
Agostino, Paolo Beatus vir qui timet 16392
Allegri, Domenico Magnificat 1630
Allegri, Domenico Jesu dulcis memoria 16341
Allegri, Gregorio Egredemini, et videte 16183
Allegri, Gregorio Omnes gentes plaudite manibus 16392
Anerio, Felice Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis 16143
Anerio, Felice Pastores loquebantur 16143
Anerio, Felice Ave Regina caelorum 16151
Anerio, Felice Hi sunt quos habuimus 16161
Anerio, Felice Sancti mei, qui in carne 16161
Anerio, Felice Sancti mei, qui in carne 16183
Anerio, Felice Iste est qui ante deum 16183
Anerio, Felice Magnificat 16201
Anerio, Felice Amor Jesu amantissime 1621
Anerio, Felice Dixit Dominus 1621
Anerio, Felice Justus germinabit 16341
Anerio, Felice Dulcis amor Jesu 16392
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Aurora lucis rutilat 16143
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Magnificat 16151
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Pulchra es arnica mea 16161
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Ave verum corpus 16183
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Confitebor 16201
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Quae est ista, quae processit 1621
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Non dormo no 162114
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Pastorelle vaghe, e belle 162210
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Deus tuorum militum 1630
Anerio, Gio. Francesco Dixit Dominus 1630
Antonelli, Abundio Adiuro vos, filiae Jerusalem 16161
Antonelli, Abundio Pulchra es et decora 16183
Antonelli, Abundio Ecco nata or or la rosa
T“
CD
CM
T“
Antonelli, Abundio Al dolce mormorar 162210

Antonelli, Abundio Domine situ vis 16341
Benincasa, lacomo 1lieti amanti 162114
Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] Ricciutella pargoletta 162210
Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] Lascivette Pastorelle 162210
Boschetti, Boschetto [Giovanni] Quando il ciel mi fe soggetto 162210
Brissio, Gio. Francesco In medio ecclesiae 16161
7 14
APPENDIX E-2 7 15
Index of Composers
Composer Piece Anthol
Caccini, Francesca (La Cecchina) Dove io credea 162114
Catalano, Ottavio Audite caeli 16161
Catalano, Ottavio Percussit Saul mille 16183
Catalano, Ottavio Laudate pueri 1621
Cifra, Antonio Confitebor 1630
Costantin , Alessandro Inclina Domine aurem 16143
Costantin , Alessandro Dextera tua Domine 16143
Costantin , Alessandro Laudate pueri 16151
Costantin , Alessandro Narrabo 16161
Costantin , Alessandro Pastores loquebantur 16161
Costantin , Alessandro Ego sum panis vivus 16183
Costantin , Alessandro Oculi mei semper ad Dominum 16183
Costantin , Alessandro Lauda Jerusalem
CO
CM
o
Costantin , Alessandro Confitebor 1621
Costantin , Alessandro Magnificat 1621
Costantin , Alessandro Deus Deorum Dominus 1621
Costantin , Alessandro Deh scoprite colorite 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Splendor di gl'occhi miei 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Aure vaghe, aure gioconde 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Se la doglia e'l martire 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Donna mentre vi miro 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Giacea pensoso Aminta 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Amor tu parti 162114
Costantin , Alessandro Care lagrime mie, messi dolenti 162210
Costantin , Alessandro Pargoletto son'io 162210
O
Costantin , Alessandro Cruda Amarilli CD
CM
Costantin , Alessandro Ch'io t'ami 162210
Costantin , Alessandro Dixit Dominus 1630
Costantin , Alessandro Iste confessor 1630
Costantin , Alessandro Dulcis Jesu pie Deus 16341
Costantin , Alessandro In die solemnitatis 16341
Costantin , Alessandro 0 bone Jesu quid fecisti 16341
Costantin , Alessandro Transfige dulcissime
CO
CO
Nf
Costantin , Alessandro Duo Seraphim 16341

Costantin , Alessandro Laudate Dominum psallite 16392
Costantin , Fabio Sancti Dei omnes 16143
Costantin , Fabio 0 lumen Ecclesie Beate Pater 16143
Augustine
Costantin , Fabio Dixit Dominus 16151
APPENDIX E-2 716
Index of Composers
Composer__________________________ Piece_____________________________ Anthol.
Costantin , Fabio Hoc est praeceptum 16161
Costantin , Fabio Hodie beata virgo Maria 16161
Costantin , Fabio Calistus est vere martyr 16183
Costantin , Fabio Os iusti 16183
Costantin , Fabio Cum iucunditate 16183
Costantin , Fabio 0 admirabile commercium 16183
Costantin , Fabio Laetatus sum 16201
Costantin , Fabio Alma redemptoris mater 16201
Costantin , Fabio Beatus vir qui timet 1621
Costantin , Fabio Confitemini Domino[v]...confitemini 1621
Costantin , Fabio Tutte le viste homai 162114
Costantin , Fabio 0 della vita mia 162114
Costantin , Fabio Dolce Augellin 162114
Costantin , Fabio Non porta giacco aprile 162114
Costantin , Fabio Riede la primavera 162114
Costantin , Fabio Ecco ch'all'apparir 162114
Costantin , Fabio S'ardo il mondo com'io 162114
Costantin , Fabio Ninfe, ninfe venite 162114
Costantin . Fabio 0 felice guerrieri 162210
Costantin , Fabio Fiammeggeiante del ciel 162210
Costantin , Fabio 0 bella Clori, Clori vezzosa 162210
Costantin , Fabio Co'l fior de' fior
o>
o
ro
Costantin , Fabio La mia leggiadra, e vaga Pastorella 162210
Costantin , Fabio Confitebor 1630
Costantin , Fabio Beatus vir qui timet 1630
Costantin , Fabio Laudate pueri 1630
Costantin , Fabio Beati omnes qui timet 1630
Costantin , Fabio De profundis 1630
Costantin , Fabio Ave Maris Stella 1630
Costantin , Fabio Magnificat 1630
Costantin , Fabio Deus canticum novum 16341
Costantin , Fabio Facta est cum Angelo 16341
Costantin , Fabio Pulchra es arnica mea
CD
co
Nj-
Costantin , Fabio Quam dilecta 16341

Costantin , Fabio Cantate Domine...cantate domino 16341
omnes terra
Costantini, Fabio En dilectus meus
CO CO
co CONJ-
Costantini, Fabio Vos amici mei

Costantini, Fabio Beata es Virgo Maria 16341
Costantini, Fabio Facta est cum Angelo
CO CO
CO CO
Costantini, Fabio Tecum principium
APPENDIX E-2 717
Index of Composers
Composer__________________________ Piece_____________________________ Anthol
Costantini, Fabio Redemptionem 16341
Costantini, Fabio Exortum est
CO CO CO
CO CO CO
Costantini, Fabio Apud Dominum
Costantini, Fabio Te invocamus
Costantini, Fabio 0 amantissime 16341
Costantini, Fabio Confitemini Domino[ii]...quis loquetur 16341
Costantini, Fabio Ave Maria cuius animam
CO
CO
Costantini, Fabio Dixit Dominus 16392
Nanino, Gio. Maria/Costantini Dixit Dominus 16392
Costantini, Fabio Confitebor 16392
CM
Costantini, Fabio Confitebor
T "
CO
CO
o>
Costantini, Fabio Beatus vir qui timet 16392
Costantini, Fabio Laudate pueri 16392
Costantini, Fabio Laetatus sum 16392
Costantini, Fabio Laetatus sum 16392
Costantini, Fabio Magnificat 16392
Costantini, Fabio Cantate Domino canticum novum 16392
Costantini, Fabio Tradent enim vos 16392
Crivelli, Arcangelo Laetentur caeli et exultet terra/ 16143
commoveatur
Crivelli, Arcangelo Crucifixus surrexit a mortuis 16143
Crivelli, Arcangelo Confitebor 16151
Crivelli, Arcangelo Quern vidistis pastores 16161
Crivelli, Arcangelo Beatus vir qui timet
CO
CM
o
De Grandis, Vincenzo Salve Regina 16151
De Grandis, Vincenzo Rorate caeli de super 16161
De Grandis, Vincenzo 0 quam pulchra es arnica mea 16161
De Grandis, Vincenzo Ego mater pulchra 16183
del P Gaudeamus omnes
CO
CO
’ST
d'lncerto Ave gratia plena. Dialogo 16183

d'lncerto Vaghe Ninfe e Pastori 162114
d'lncerto Giosce I'aria 162114
Frescobaldi, Girolamo Peccavi super numerum 16161
Frescobaldi, Girolamo Angelus ad Pastores ait 16183
Frescobaldi, Girolamo Alla gloria, alii honori 162114
Frescobaldi, Girolamo Era I'anima mia 162210
Gargarii, Teofilo Cantabo Domino 16161
Gargarii, Teofilo Si mi dolce il tormento 162114
Gargarii, Teofilo Cosi col mia ventura 162114
Gargarii, Teofilo Per pianto la mia carne 162210
APPENDIX E-2 718
Index of Composers
Composer__________________________ Piece_____________________________ Anthol
Gargarii, Teofilo Hor pensate al mio mal 162210
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Gaudeamus omnes in Domino diem 16143
festum
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Puer qui natus 16143
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Angelus ad Pastores ait 16143
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Regina caeli laetare 16151
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Voce mea 16161
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Columna es 16161
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Laetentur caeli et exultet terra/ 16183
commoveatur
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Cantemus Domino 16183
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Credidi 16201
Giovanelli, Ruggiero Deus noster refugium 16392
Grappuccio [Ferdinando Grappuccioli] Mentre sorge I'Aurora 162210
Heredia, Pietro Anima mea exultabit 16161
Jusquino [della Sala] Laudate Dominum in sanctis eius 1621
Landi, Stefano Sub tuum praesidium 16161
Locatello, Gio. Batt. Super flumina babylonius 16143
Marenzio, Luca Jubilate Deo omnis terra cantate et 16143
exultate
Martini, Francesco Laudate Dominum omnes gentes 16201
Massenzio, Domenico Vidi speciosam 16161
Massenzio, Domenico Laudent te Domine 16183
Massenzio, Domenico Regina caeli laetare
CO
CM
o
Mazzochi, Virgilio Magnificat 16392
Mutij, Pelegrino Mentre che Febo 162114
Mutii, Pelegrino La mia Clori vezzosa 162210
Nanino, Bernardino Beatus Laurentius 16143
Nanino, Bernardino Domine Dominus noster 16143
Nanino, Bernardino Beati omnes qui timet 16143
Nanino, Bernardino Fratres qui gloriatur 16161
Nanino, Bernardino Verba mea 16161
Nanino, Bernardino Audi filia 16183
Nanino, Bernardino/Costantini Ave Regina caelorum 16201
Nanino, Bernardino 0 cor sempre dolenti 162114
Nanino, Bernardino [G.M Nanino] Laetatus sum 16151
Nanino, Gio. Maria Cantate Domino canticum novum 16143
Nanino, Gio. Maria Domine quis habitabit 16143
Nanino, Gio. Maria Sancta et immaculata 16143
Nanino, Gio. Maria Beatus vir qui timet 16151
APPENDIX E-2 7 19
Index of Composers
Composer Piece Anthol.
Nanino, Gio. Maria Laudate pueri
O
CO CO
CM CO
Nanino, Gio. Maria Dominus Jesus
Pacelli, Asprilio Factum est silentium 16143
Palestrina, Giovanni Sub tuum praesidium 16143
Palestrina, Giovanni Fratres ego enim accepi 16143
Palestrina, Giovanni Caro mea vere est cibus/ Hie est panis 16143
Palestrina, Giovanni Letaniae della Beata Vergine 16201

Palestrina, Giovanni Victimae paschali laudes 1621
Palestrina, Giovanni Ave Maria 16392
Pasquini, Ercole Jesu decus Angelicum 16183
Pianti, Ascanio 0 quam pulchra es arnica mea 16183
Puliaschi, Gio. Domenico Deh mirate luce ingrate 162114
Quagliati, Paolo Amor Jesu dulcissime 16161
Quagliati, Paolo Cantabo Domino 16183
Quagliati, Paolo Perche non togli, 1Clori
CO
CM
Quagliati, Paolo Decantabat 16392
Roy, Bartolomeo Gloria tibi Trinitas 16143
Santini, Prospero Angelus Domini discendit 16143
Soriano, Francesco Ecce sacerdus magnus 16143
Soriano, Francesco Credidi 16151
Tarditi, Paolo Nisi Dominus 16151
Tarditi, Paolo Inclina Domine aurem tuam 16161
Tarditi, Paolo Panis Angelicus 16183
Tarditi, Paolo Beatus vir qui timet 1630
Tarditi, Paolo Ad te levavi 16392
Tasoni, Carlo Jubilate Deo omnis terra cantate 16183
Troiani, Giovan Erat vir domini N. 16161
Ugolini, Vincenzo Domine in multitudine 16183
Vailerij(Valeri), Roberto Tu es vas 16161
Victoria, Toma Ludovici de Vidi speciosam 1621
Zoilo, Annibale Beata Mater et intacta Virgo 16143
Zoilo, Annibale Letaniae della Beata Vergine 16201
Zoilo, Cesare Lauda Jerusalem 16151
Zoilo, Cesare Elevatus manibus 16161
Zoilo, Cesare Veni electa mea 16183
Zuchelli, Giovan Battista (II cieco) Dixit Dominus 16201
APPENDIX E-3
Table o f Pieces in Print Order
Anthol. Composer Dates Piece Voices Text Identification Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
16143 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 1525-1
594 S
ubtu
ump
raesid
ium a8 BV M ! Prim ar
yp rint: Casimiri-Bia
nch
i
Brev . 1568(6629), a n t. for | 16 143 3
4,p .1 1 5
-120
N un cd im itisa tC om p line Prim ar
ym s:R vat
Ag o stin o1 6 19su b stitu te XI
II2 4, f.2
5 ;X V62 ;
antip h on ;B lazey ,1 7-1 8, Bar b4184
Lita nya ntip h on ;R o ch e Seco nda rym s:Sist
19 88 , 284con n ectso n ly 479 ;R c2 8 52;R p;
wA /esp ersb utu sen o t M u s2966, 3694
preclu d edelsew h ere.
16143 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 1525-1594 Fratresegoen
im a8 CO R P U SC H R IST I Prim ar
yp r
int: Casimiri-Bianch
i
accep i Brev .15 68(3 1 1 9). C o rp u s 16 143 3
4,p .9 0 -97
Ch riste, C h a ptera fter Seco nda ryp rint:
psa lm sa tV esp ers; 16 171
Promptuarii 1 6 17 2 Prim arym s:R vat
XI
II2 4, ff. 18v -19;
Ba r
b .4184
Seco nda rym s:S ist
479;R c2 852;R p ;
M us296 6, 369 4;
Bc-E dgerto n
1
6143 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 1525-15
94 C a
rom eav ereest a8 CO R PU S Primar
yp r
int: C
asim iri-
cibus/Hieestpanis CH R IS T I/Eu ch a rist 16143 B
ian chi34 ,p
John6 :5 6-57 ;B rev .1568 Primar
ym s:B arb 1 34 -14 7
(3
1 4 6)., M atin s, T h ird 4184
Noctu rn ,L ectv ii-v iii-ix;C ifr
a Secondarym s:Sist
1638 :" InfestoC o rp oris 479;R c2852;M us
Christi"" A dE lev a tio nem " 2966,3694
APPENDIX E-3
Table of Pieces in Print Order
16143 N
anin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 1543/4
- CantateD
omin
o a
8 Ps. 1
49,v
.1-3 Prim aryp r
int: S chu ler, R Rin
1607 ca
nticumno
vum 161 43 R en,p .7 5[tra n s
Prim arym s: fro m FCp r int-
[possibly]R n40-46lefto ffB e]
(ano n)
16143 N
anin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 1543
/4- D ominequish ab
ita
bit a8 Ps. 1
4[n
odo
x] Prim aryp r
int: S chu ler, R Rin
16
07 intabern
acu lotu
o 161 43 R e n, p. 80,
Prim arym s:R n40- [tran s. from F C
46 p rin
tb u tlefto ff
| ! th eB ep art]
16143 N a
nin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 15 4
3/4
- Sanctaetim
macu
lata a
8 NA T IV ITY/B VM Prim aryp r
int:16143
1 6
07 v
irg
in ita
s An n u n cia
tionB rev.15 68 Prim arym s:R vat
(46 81 );O fcofB V M ,M a tins, CG XIII24, f.23v ;
R es.(6 646); XV 6 2
Na tivity ,R es.6(8 61); Seco nd a
rym s:R c
Cifr a1 638:" InN ativitate 229 5, 2852;R p;
Do m in i"" D eB eataV ir
g in e
" M us1 002,1 224;
Lbl34607
...
1
6143 A
nerio
,Felice C
156
0-1
614Veniteadm eo
m nes a8 E U C H AR IST /A L LS A IN T S Prim ar
yp r
int: Recordin
g:
q
u ilabo
ratis [G ra du a
l1 59 9(C ou chm an )] 161 43 A
r chi
v 1986
A llelu iafo rA llSa ints: Seco ndarym s:Rc
M a tth ew ,1 1:28;R em a in der 2852,2295; R p;
ta k enfr om Jo hn48- M us;
58 :[C o rpu sC hristia nd
E u ch a ristth em es? ].
C o u ch m an :M a
tt1 1 :28,J oh n
6:5 1,M att2 6 :26,L uke
22 :1 9,J o h n6.56.
16143 A
nerio
,Felice c1560-1614Pastoreslo
queb
an r a
tu 8 N A TIV ITY Primarypr
int:
L u k e2:15-20; B rev .15 68 16143
(8 7 0 )M atins-N ativityL ectio Secondarym s:R c
viii(th rou g hn obis) 2852, 2
295:R p;
721
Lbl34607
APPENDIX E-3
16143 S
oria
no,F
rancesco c154
8-1
621Eccesa
cerdus a8 C O M M O NO F Prim
a ryp r
in t:
magnus PO P E /C ON F E S SO R 16143
C a p itu lu m a tfirstvesp ers, Second aryp rint:
B rev .1 56 8(62 87 )a n d 1616(V enice)
A n tip ho na tV esp ersa nd Seco
n d arym s:R c
L a u d esfo rC o
m m o nofa 2
2 95, 2852
C on fessor/P op e
(6323),Antiphonae,
C o m m ono f
C on tessor/P op e,V esp ers1
& 2
1
6143 G
io
van
elli, R
ugiero 1560-1625 G
g a
u deam usom nesin a8 Intr o it,A llS a ints, M iss. 1570 P rim aryp rint:1593 M od. ed ,
D
om inodiem festum (3385)u sedasa ll-p urp ose S acra rum G iov an nelli,
pra ise" ...su bh o n o resan cte m od ulatio nu m .Jib. C o m p osizio ne
M a r iaV erg in e"(C ifra );also p rim usa 5-8 , sa cre, ed .
inR sm t612.10in (R o
m e, C o attino) P .T eo d oro
m a n u scrip t..{M iller1 9 98: (R /R om e:M uzio, (P alestrin a
57 7 ,A ppIJ A go stin o1 61 9 V en ice:V incen ti, 1 9 9 2), v.ii
sub stitu teM aria nV esp ers an dG ard a no1 59 8; [tra n sc. fro m
an tip h on F ran kfurt,1 6 08 1 6 1 4/3]
(to getherw /1 60 4);
S eco n daryp rint:
1 6 1
43v a rian to f
1 5 93
S eco n darym s:R c
2295, 2 8 52 ;R p
16143 G
io
van
elli, R
ugiero 1560-1625 P
g uerq u inatu
sest a8 J
O H NTHEB AP TIS
T: Primar
yp r
int:
n
ob isp lusq
u am SecondV espers, Mag
nificat 16143
p
ro pheta a
n tip
hon
.B rev1 568(494 2) Secondarym s: R
c
2295,2852;R p
ts J
APPENDIX E-3
16
143 G
io
van
elli, R
ugg
iero 1560 25 A
-16 ngelu
sadPastores a
8 NA TIVITY Primar
yp r
int:
a
it Brev.1 568(8 80), A
ntip
h ons 16143
3
-4a tL au
des. Secondarym s:R
p;
Cifr
a:" I
nN ativ
itateDom in
i" Pelp
lin
1
614
3 C
riv
elli,A
rca
ngelo 1
546
-16
17 Laeten turca eliet a
8 AD V E N T -N ATIVITY : Primar yp r
int:
ex
u ltetterra/ Ps. 9 5 :1 1-1 3;op enin g 16143
co
m m o veatur phra seu sedasM atin s Primar ym s:S ist
resp on seinA DV EN T ,B rev
. 29, 2
, ff.8
v-1 1;B e
] i 156 8(5 2 8 ), andM a tins V1 26
antip h ona tN ATIVIT Y ,
(863 )."lnD ominicap rim a
adv en tu s"
1
6143 C
riv
elli,A
rca
ngelo 1546-1
617 C
rucifixussu
rrex
ita a
8 EA S T E R T ID E Primar
yp r
int:
mo
rtu is La u d esa n tip
ono utsid e 16143
Ea stero ctave, B rev .1 568 Primar
ym s:B eV
(255 7 ) 126
Secondarym s:
Pelp
lin
16
143 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino c1560-1618B
eatu
sLa
uren
tiu
s a
8 SA NL O R ENZO ,A UG1 0, Primar
yp r
int:16143
Brev .156 8(537 4 ), S econd Secondarym s.
Vesp ers, M agn ifica t M us1224
a
n tiphon .
Cifra1 638" InfestoS .
La urentiusm arty riis"
723
APPENDIX E-3
16143 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino c1560-1618Dom in
eDo
m in
us a
8 Ps. 8
[nodox]A L L P rim aryp r
int:
n
oster PU RPO SE 16143
Psalm sp
ecifiedfo rAL L P rim arym s:R v at
SAIN TSatM atin
s;verses C G XIII2 5
, ff.4 3v-
usedforfeasta n
dv otiv
eof 45v(a non)
TRINITY,N AM EO F Seco nd arym s:R p;
J
E S US,CO M M ON o
f M u s3 5 88;L b l
CO N FESSO R . 3467(a llGM
N a n ino )[O'R eg an
accep tsB .N an ino
i
I i attr ib.]
16
143 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino C
156
0-1
618B
eatiomnesq
u et a
itim 8 Ps. 1
27 [n
odox]Psa lm P rim aryp r
int:
useda tCo
rpu
sC h
r isti 16143
S eco nd aryp rint:
16171
16143 A
nerio,G io
. C15
6 7- A
uro
ralu
cisr
utila
t a
8 EA S T ER T IDE P rim aryp r
int:
F
ran cesco June1630 Hy m na tL au des, Octa v
eo f 16 14s
Ea ster(D o minicainA lb
is),
Brev .156 8(2 5
3 4)
16
143 P
acelli, A
spr
ilio 1
57 623 F
0-1 actu
m estsilen m a
tiu 8 DE D IC A TIO NO FS T . Prim arypr
int:
MIC H AE L,A R C H A
N G EL 16143
Brev1 56 8(5 7
1 0)M atins Prim aryms:R n40-
Res.;Antiphonae, V esp ers 46
a
n tiph on ,D edicatio
nofS t. Seco ndarym s:Rp;
M ich ael. Lbl34607(b othF.
An erio
)
16143 C
ostantin
i, 158
1-1
657 Inc
lin
aD o
m in
eaurema
8 Ps. 8
5:1
-2 i Prim arypr
int:
A
lessa
n dro tu
am in
tendevoce 16143
i
724
APPENDIX E-3
■
...........i
16143 Co
stantin
i, 1581-1
657 D
exteratu aDo
m in
e a8 B
V M -R O SAR Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro ma
gn ifica
ta E
xod u s1 5;6 ,7,11[w ith 16143
modificatio
n s}R .5fo
rth e
B
VM F eastofth eM o stHoly
Ro
sa ry ,M arb ach20
16
143 S
antin
i, P
rosp
ero f;.1
591- Angelu
sD om in
i a
8 EA ST E R Prima
ryp
rin
t:
1 614 d
iscenditdecaelo R es. a
tM atin
so nE aster, 16143
Brev .1568(2 42 9);M att.
28:2-6
Cifra:"indieR esurrectio n
is,
ettem p oreP asch ali"
16
143 Z
oilo
,An
nib
ale ea
c1537-1592B taMateretin
tacta a
8 BV M Primaryp r
int: O
'Reg
anI
I,p
.95
V
irg
oglo
riosa M a g nifica
ta n t., S
atu rd ay 16143
ou tsid eA d v en t, Brev .15 6
8 Primarym s:R vat
(66 2 1); XI
II24 , 25(w /o
rg),
Ag o stin o1619su b stitu te XV 62;R n77 -88,
M a rianV esp ersa ntip h on 117-12 1.
Cifra1 638:" d eB ea ta Second a rym s:R c
Virg ine" 2295, 28 52;M us
Antiphonae, p .103 , [F east 3590
ofS .M onica , inP artI I
I,
m o n asticu sage]
725
APPENDIX E-3
Anthol. Composer Dates Piece 'Voices Text Identification Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
1
6143 M
aren
zio
,Lu
ca 1553
-15
99 J ubila
teD eoo m n
is a
8 P
s. 97
:4-9 ALL Primaryp r
int: 8 vm o tet
terraca n
ta teet P
U RPO SE:P
R A
ISE 16143 ed .M isch ia ti,
ex ulta
te C
ifr
a1 638
:"deTemp
ore" Second aryp rin
t. 1 98 1isn o tth e
16171, 16212 sam e.1 2-vo ice
[Leip
zig] m o tetin1604/2
isex pa n sio no f
1 6 1 4/3 . See
R o la nd
J ack so n , 2000,
tra n scrip tio n
!
i fro m 16 1 4/3 .
CO
R
oy,B
arto
lomeo c1530-1599G
lo
riatib
iTrin
ita
s a
8 TR IN ITY Pr im
aryp
rint:
CD
Brev .1 56
8 ,p.4 81(3 085) 16143
An tip hona tLa udes, Pr im
aryms:C G
Vesp ersando therh ourson XIII25
;Rn40-46
Trin itySund a
y ;A nt. 1at
Vesp ersonT rinity
;
Antiphonae p .1 00 ,1 1
2
1
6143 L
oca
tello
,Gio
.Ba
tt. fl.1
582- S
uperflumin
a a
8 Ps. 1 36:1-5 Primaryp r
int:
1 628 b
abylo
n iu
s 16143
Seconda rym s:R c
2852;D -Rp,M u
s:
12vv ersiona ttr
.to
M aren
zio;
1
6143 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- SanctiDeiomnes a
8 BV M Primaryp r
int:
ca.1644 fin
terced
ere Brev . 1568,1014(6623) 16143
Sa turd a
yV esp erswith
i
i antiph onfor
, com m emorationo fall
saints.
1
614
3 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- 0lum enE cclesie a8 STA U GUST INE[A u g28] Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 BeatePaterA u gustin
e DO C T OR-C O NFE S
S O R 16143
Antiphonae p .103,1 39 !
726
APPENDIX E-3
---
16151 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- D
ix
itD
omin
us a8 Ps. 1
09 Prim a r
yp rint:
ca.1644 16151
Seco n darym s:
M u s3588
16151 C
riv
elli,A
rca
ngelo 1
54 617 C
6-1 onfiteb
or a8 Ps. 1
10 Tone8 Pr ima r
yp rint:
16151
Seco n darym s:
M u s3588
16151 N
anin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 1
543/4
- Bea
tusv
irq
uitim
et a8 Ps. 1
11 Tone6[S
ist Prim a r
yp rin
t: Schuler, 2:5
39-
1
607 3
1] 16151 556
Prim a r
ym s:S ist.
31, ff.47v-56
Seco n darym s:
M u s3588
16
151 Co
stantin
i, 15
81-165
7 L
aud
atep
uer
i a8 P
s. 1
12 Prim a r
yp rint:
A
lessa
n dro 16 151
Seco n darym s:
M u s3588
16
151 S
oria
n o
,Fra
n cesco c15
48-1
62 red
1C idi a8 Ps. 1
15 Prim a r
yp rint:
16 151
Seco n darym s:
Sist. 354;M us.
3588
727
APPENDIX E-3
16151 Na n
ino,B ernardin
o c1560-1618L
aeta
tussu
m a
8 P
s. 1
21 Ton ist P
e6[S r im aryp rint: Schuler2
:653-
[G.M Na n
in ois 3
1] 16151 666
co
rrect] Pr im arym s:R vat
Sist3 1 , ff.39 v-46
[attrtoG M
Na nino];C G XIII
25, ff. 18 v-2 0 v
(an o n)
Seco nd a rym s:
M us3588[a ttrto
G BN an in ofr om
1615p rin t]
16
151 T
ard
iti, P
aolo b.1
6thcent, N
isi D
omin
us a
8 P
s. 1
26 Pr im aryp rint:
a
fter1649 16151
Pr im arym s: M us.
3588
16151 Z
oilo
,Cesa
re 1
584
-C1
622L
aud
aJeru
salem ta
8 P
s. 1
47 Pr im aryp rint:
16151
Pr im arym s: M us.
3588
16151 A
nerio,G io
. C15
6 7- M
ag
nifica
t a
8 V
ESPERSca
nticle Tone1 Pr im aryp rint: N o tth esam e
F
ran cesco June1630 16151 M a g
n if. 2tone
Seco nd a rym s: tra nscrib edin
M us3588 O 'Reg a nI I
,p.
1 7 9.N B :
op enin g
g estu re, 'anima
m ea...' sam e
sh ape.
16151 G
io
van
elli, R
ugg
iero 1560-1625 R
egin
aca
eli la
eta
re a8 B V
M Primar
yp r
int.
M a
r ia
na ntiph o
n 16151
I
(paschaltid e) Secondarym s:
7 28
M us3588
APPENDIX E-3
16151 D
eGra
ndis, V
in zo1577-1646 S
cen alv
eReg
ina a
8 B
V M Primar
yp r
int:
M a
riana ntip
hon(tim ea
fter 16151
pentecosttoA d
ven t) Secondarym s:
M us1224;3588
1
6151 A
nerio
,Felice C
1560-1614A
veR
egin
aca
elo
ruma
8 BV M Primar
yp r
int:
M arianantiph o n(L en
ten 16 1
51
season :Pu rificatio
ntoH o
ly Secondarym s:Rp
;
Thu rsday
)B rev1568(4 71) M us3588
16
161 G
io
van
elli, R
ugg
iero 1560-1625 Vocem
ea C
T P
s. 1
41 Prima
ryp
rin
t: Fontim u sicali,
16161 edP .T eo d o
ro
(Pa
lestrin a
1992), vii, 16 4
16161 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino ra
c1560-1618F tresq
uig
lor
iatu
r SS CO M M O N OFA VIRG IN
Cha pter, B
rev.1
568, 987
(6408)
1
6161 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino erb
c1560-1618V amea A
A Ps. 5
:1 -3
16161 G
ar
gar
ii, T
eofilo C
1570-1648C
anta
boD
omin
o C
B P s. 10 3:3 3,34 P rim ar yp rin t:
"D eT em pore" 1 61 61
1
6161 D
eGra
ndis, V
incen
zo1577-1646 R
ora
teca
elid
esu
per SS "InA d ven tuD om ini" C h eck16217inI -
A D V EN T bc :G a sp ari, 1 1:43
5
Isa iah4 5 :8;B rev .141(481
) d oesn o tsh o w
vers.-res.inA d ven tplus co n ten tsof...d e
res.7 , thirdS und a yof G ra n disd eM o n
te
A d ven t(6 53) B o d io ...Sa cra e
C ifra1 638 :"I
nA d ventu ca n tio n eb in is,
D o mini" tern is...(Ro m e:
S old i, 1 6 21 ), w /
................... A n selm oA n selm i
729
APPENDIX E-3
16
161 D
eGra
ndis, V
in zo 1577-1646 0q
cen uampulch
raes T
T "C om m u nesa nctoru m " [sa
m easabo
ve]
a
rnicameaformosa "V irginum "
M A R IA N ;SO NGO F
SO N G S -C om m une
Sa n ctoru m .
Cifra1 63 8:" C om m un e
san ctoru m "" Virginum "
16161 A
nerio
,Felice C
156
0-1
614H
isu
ntquosh
abu
imu
sBB CO M M O NO FA MA RT Y
R Prim ar yPrin
t: Ex. inO 'R
ega
n,
W isd om 5:4-3;E pistle, 16161 'P
acelli'
M a sso fon eM artyr Altem ps
(C ou ch m an ) m a nuscrip
t
collection
16161 C
ata
lan
o,O
tta
vio d
.after164A
4 u
diteca
eli S
T “ D eT em p o
re’ ’
Messina C ha rterisC1 45:n on -
litur gicaltex tsu itab lefo r
m ajo rfestiv a ls. T hro u gh
‘m ei’isD eu tero n om y3 :1.;
A llp urp osefu nction
in d icated ,C ifr a1 6
3 8 :" De
tem p ore" .
O ldT esta m en tC an ticle
[M o ysis;M a rb ach ]
16
161 T
ard
iti, P
aolo b.1
6thcent, In
clin
aD o
m in
eauremC
B P s. 85 :1, 2A \ 8 4 :8
a
fter1649 tu am in
tendevoce
1
6161 A
nto
nelli, A
bun
dio d.c1629 Adiu
rovos, filia
e S
B SO N GO FS O NG S5 :8-12 " D
ia
log
o" Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t:
J
erusalem R esp o nso ry3forM atinsof 1
61 61 ^
Pu rificatio n;Lectioiat
m atin s, fifthd
a yinoctaveo f
assu m ptio nBrev. 15
68
(54 75 )
730
APPENDIX E-3
16161 C
ostantin
i, 1
581
-16
57 N
arra
bo C
T Ps. 9 :2-3;L entenferia sa nd Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro post-P en tecostin t.a nd 16161
com m u nion s
16161 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- H
ocestp
raecep
tum B
B CO M M ONO FA P O S TL ES Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 andE V A N G EL IST S 16161
An t. 1a tvesp ersa nd
lau des, B rev .15 68 , 939
(60 72 )
16161 Z
oilo
,Cesa
re 1
584-c162
2Elev
atu
sma
nib
us A
T AS C E N SIO N Prima
ryp
rin
t:
An t.a tlau d esa ndh ours, 16161
Brev .1 568(2 84 5
)
16161 T
roia
ni, G
io
van fl. 15
71- E
ratv
ird
omin
iN. B
B Cifra1 638 :" deT em p ore" Prima
ryp
rin
t:
1 6 2
2 16161
1
6161 V
aile
rij(V
ale
ri), fl1 602- T
uesvas C
B S.P A U LO ,J UNE3 0 Prima
ryp
rin
t:
Roberto 1 6 25 R es.4 ,B rev .1
568, 803 16161
(504 4 ). Usedh erea ndth ere
ino fficefo rthed ay.
16161 G
io
van
elli, R
ugg
iero 1
560-1
625 C
olu
m n
aes A
AA S.L U C IA Si replica P r
im a
ryp
rin
t: Fontim usicali,
ant. B enedictusatla udes, a liatr
ip la
,si 1
61 61 edP .T eod o
ro
B re
v . 719(4 360) placet (Pa
lestrina
1992), 169
16161 A
nerio,G io
. C15
6 7- Pulch
raesarn
icam ea
,CC
B "D eB ea taV ergin e"
F
ran cesco June1630 etm acu
lan
onestinte M A R IA N ,So ngo fS on gs
4:7 -1 0
C ifra1 63 8:" DeB ea ta
V erg ine"
16161 Q
uag
lia
ti, P
aolo 1555-1628 A
morJesud
u e S
lcissim SB E U C H A R IST ;E lev ation ; Prima
ryp
rin
t: !
C o rp u sD om ini[" a ffective 16161 '
Jesu "tex tty
p e]
sty leo fth e11C .S .
B ern a rd oh y
m n
7 3 1
APPENDIX E-3
Anthol. Composer Dates Piece Voices !Text Identification Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
16161 B
rissio
,G io
. c1570-16
17Inm
edioecclesiae C
AT J
O H NA PO S TL EA N
D Prima
ryp
rin
t: Pro ske(1 973)
F
ra ncesco EV A NG ELIS T,D ec27;2 7 16161 2:488" Infesto
Dec., Ecclesiasticus1 5:5 ; doctoru m
Brev1 5
68(9 71):C apitoloa t ecclesiae"
hou rs(non es)
16161 H
ered
ia,P
ie
tro n
c1575-1648Aim
ameaex
ulta
bit C
CB All-purposep ra ise Prima
ryp
rin
t:
16161
16161 M
assen
zio
,Do
m en
icoC
1 id
586-1650Vispeciosam SSS AS SUM PTIO N , res. 1,Brev. Prima
ryp
rin
t: 1612,1614,1616
15 68(5417)C ifra1 6 38:"In 16161 ,161 8= 2-5 v
Assu mptio
n eB eatissimae m otetsa nd
Virgin
isM aria
e" sacraca ntiones:
mo rea fter1 630
16161 C
ostantin
i, 1
58 657 P
1-1 astoreslo
queb
antu
r T
TT N A TIV IT Y L uke2:15-20; Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro B rev .1 56 8(8 7 0)N ativ ity , 16161
lect. 8
16
161 F
resco
bald
i, G
iro
lamo1
583-1
643Pecca vi su
per S
ST R es. 1 ,W ed .a fterT rin ity; Prima
ryp
rin
t: S
tembrid
ge,
n
u m erum res. 7 ,th ir dS una fter 16161 p
.48
P en teco st;fr o m th e
A p ocry ph a :o ratio nofK ing
M an assa e
16161 L
and
i, S
tefa
n o 1
58 639 S
7-1 ubtuumpra
esid
iumSS
B B V M Prima
ryp
rin
t:
co
n fu
gimu
s B rev . 15 68(6 6 2 9), a n t. fo r 16161
N u ncd im itisa tC o m p lin e
A g ostin o1 61 9su b stitu te
an tip ho n;B lazey ,1 7 -1 8 ,
L itan ya n tip ho n;R o ch e
1 9 88 , 284con n ectso n ly
w /vesp ersalsou sed
_
elsew h ere.
732
APPENDIX E-3
1
6161 C
riv
elli,A
rca
ngelo 1546-1617Q u
ernv idistispasto C
resCAT "InN a tiv itateD om in i" P
rima
ryp
rin
t:
N A T IV IT Y res. 3, 1
6161
B rev . 1568(8 52 )[a lso
lau d esa n dh o
u rsfo r
N a tivity .
C ifr a1 6 3 8:" InN ativ itate
D o m in i"
16161 A
nerio
,Felice c1560-1614Sancti mei, quiin C
CABA L L S A IN T S;M A R T YR S Prima
ryP r
in t:
cam e R es. 6fo rA llSa in ts, 16161
B rev .1 568(5 82 6); R es.8for Prima
rym s
C o m m onofM arty rs(6 257) Altempscollectio
n
16161 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- H
od ieb
eatav
irg
o C
ATB "P urific ation e" Prima
ryp
rin
t: Prosk e(1 973)
ca.1644 Ma
ria PR E S E N T A TIO N/PURIFIC 16161 2
:2 96" Infesto
AT IO N : purificationis
M a gn ifica ta nt., B
rev.1568 B.V.M aria
e"
(4 562 );
C ifra1 63 8:
O
O
16
183 A
n erio,G io
. C15
67- A
vev
eru
m co
rpu
s E U CH A R IST /E LEV ATION/"e
cco
"
Fran cesco Ju
ne1630 B E N E D IC TIO N
T ex ta ttrib utedtoP ope
In n ocen tV I(d .1362);known
info u rv aria nts.
16
183 Q
uag
lia
ti, P
aolo 15
55-1
628C
anta
b oD
omin
o C
C Ps. 1
0 3
:33,3
4 "chitarre"
"
D eT empo
re"
733
APPENDIX E-3
16
183 G
io
van
elli, R
ugiero 1560-1625 L
g aeten turcaeliet C
C AD V E N T-NA TIV IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ex
u ltetterra/ B eg in sth esam easP s9 5 16183
co
m m o veatur verse, th enco ntin ues
differen tly;o pen in gp h rase
usedasM a tinsresp on sein
A D V E N T,B rev .1 5 68,
p.1 4 8 , (528 ), an dM atin s
an tiph ona tN AT IV ITY ,
B rev .1 5 68, p .185(863).A lso
O ffer tor ya tN ativ ity j
! (M arb ach ,1 9 7) !
1
6183 U
golin
i,V
incen
zo C.1580- D
omin
einm
ultitu
din
e cc
163 8 !
1
6183 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
alistu
sestv
ere C
C C
O M M O NO FA M ART YRN .;"Allelu
ia Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 ma
rtyr B
rev . 952(6 148), Res8a t sip la
ce t" 16183
Matinsfo rC omm onofa
Martyro utsidep aschaltim e.
B
rev :'H ieestverem artyr...1
1
618
3 G
io
van
elli, R
ugiero 1560-1625 C
g antem
usD
omin
o C
T ALL P UR PO S E - "
com " P
esta rima
ryp
rin
t: Fontim u sicali,
ca
n ticle[Festal-P salm m o
tet] 16183 edP .T eo d o
ro
Ca nticleofM o ses, [seea lso (P
alestrin a
Ma rb ach,55 3]B rev.1 568, 1992), v.ii, 17 2
99(27 7)(also1 5 96a nd
1655 ;alsoa ntiph on, fe
ria
l
quinta(T hu rsd ay)
1
6183 A
nerio
,Felice c1560-1614Sanctim
ei, q
uiin C
B A
L L SA INT
S ;M A R TYR S Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t:
cam e Res. 6forAllSain ts, 1
6 183
B
rev .1568(5 8
26 ); R es.8for
Com m onofM ar
ty rs(6 257)
734
APPENDIX E-3
------------------- ------------ --
1
618
3 F
resco
bald
i, G
iro
lamo1583-16
43 Angelusa
dPastores C
T "I
nN a tiv ita teD o m in u m " Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t: S
tem
brid
ge,p
.16
a
it NA T IV IT Y 16183
Bre v . 15 6 8,p .18 7(8 8 0),
An tip h o n s3& 4a t
La u d es.[F a ctaestcu m
ang elo ]
16
183 A
gostin
o,P
aolo C
158
3-1
629P
anisa
n g
elicus C
B CO R P U SC H RIST I;
EU C H A R IS T
Hym n ,B rev15 6 8, 485
(312 4 )
1
6183 d
'ln
certo A
veg
ratiap
len
a S
A AN N U N C IA T IO N "
dia
log
o" Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t:
Ann u n cia tio nD ialo g . 16183
Cen to n izedfr om gosp ela nd
hym n /a nt.:B rev . 1568(4687-
469 4 )25M ar. lau d esa n d
hou rs.
1
618
3 A
nerio
,Felice c1560-1614Isteestq
uia
n ted
eu A
mA CO M M O NO F Pr
im a
ryp r
int:
CO N F E S S O RN O T 1
6 183
PO N T IF F :M aleS a in t May b
einA ltemp
s
Res. 4 ., B rev . 1568(6 3 75 ) man u
scrip
ts
1
618
3~ C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Osiu
sti A
A CO M M O NO F
ca.1644 CO N F E S S O RN O T
PO N T IF F :M aleS a in t
Res. 3 ,B rev . 1568(6 373 ,
639 5 )
1
618
3 A
nto
nelli, A
bun
dio d.c1629 P
ulch
raesetd
eco
ra B
B M A R IA N
Brev1 5 6 8 ,p . 10 1 6 , (6 657 )
Antip h ona tL au d esfo r
| M ar ia nfeasts(p a sch altim e)
735
APPENDIX E-3
Table o f Pieces in Print Order
16
183 Z
oilo
,Cesa
re 1
584
-C1
622V
enielectam
ea B
B CO M MO NO fVIRG IN
R es. Brev1 56
8, 986(6427).
ant. fo
rL au d
esa ndH o
urs,
989(6 456)
16183 P
ia
nti, A
sca
nio 0q uampulch
raes T
T " Co m m uneS anctorum" Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t:
a
rnicameaformosa M A R IA N ;SO N G O F 16183
S O N G S -Com m une
S an ctoru m.
[Cifra1 638]
16
183 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
umiu
cun
dita
te T
T IM M A C ULA TE Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 C O N C E P T
IO N,DE C.8 16183
R es., w ithad justmentfr
om
N ativitytoC o n
ception,Brev
1 56 8,p .876(5 5 70
)
1
618
3 N
anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino u
c1560-1618Adifilia sss [po
ssib lyC O
M M
ONOF
VIRG IN ,M A
RTY
R;S
.
CECIL IA ]
1
618
3 M
assen
zio
,Do
m en
icoC
158
6-1
65 a
0Lud
entteD
omin
e T
TB "
con
certa
to"
16
183 T
ard
iti, P
aolo b.1
6thcent, P
anisA
ngelicu
s SSB CO R
P USC HRIS
T I;
a
fter1649 EUCHA RIST
Hymn,Brev1568, 485
(3
124)
16
183 A
lle
gri, G
reg
orio g
c1582-1652Ered
emin
i, etv
idete SST SONGO FS ON GS3 :1
1
!
i
16183 Ta
sso
n i, C
ar
lo J ubila
teD eoom n
is SSB P
s. 97
:4-9 ALL "
con
certa
to"
terraca n
tateet P
U RPO SE:P
R A
ISE
ex ulta
te C
ifr
a1 638
:"deTemp
ore"
736
APPENDIX E-3
16
183 D
eGra
ndis,V
incen
zo1577-1646 E
gom
aterp
ulch
ra C
ATB M A
R IA N ch eck1 621 7inI -
Ecclesiastes24:24-7 b c:G asp ari, ll:4
3 5
(Marba ch)[inVulgate, B
ook d oesn o tsh ow
ofSirach2 4:24
-7] con ten tsof
V in cen tiid e
G ra n d isd eM onte
B o d io ...S acra e
ca n tio n eb inis,
tern is...(R o m e:
S o ld i, 1 6 21 ). T h
is
isv o l.w /A nselm o
A n selm i
16
183 P
asq
uin
i, E
rco
le c.155
0- JesudecusA
ng mC
elicu A
TB "AdE leva tionem "
C 1
608-1
9 EL E VA T IO N(C ifr
a1 63 8)
Parto fth eh ym n" J esu,
Du lcism em oria ,"w ithits42-
53stan zas, a ttrib utedtoS .
Bern ard oin1 1 thC .U sed
fo
rH olyN am eofJesu s, Ja n
2o rS u nb etw een
Circu m cisiona n dE piph a
n y
1
618
3 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- 0a d
m irab
ile C
ATB CIR C U M CISIO N i Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t: P roske(1 9
73)
ca.1644 co
m mercium Fir sta ntip hona tV espers 1 16183 2:6 7("In
(10 7 5);B V M -Satu rd ay circu mcisione
O fficeofB V M :A n tiphona t D om in
i")n ob e
V esp ers, L au ds, a n dth e
ho u rs, B rev1 568 ,p .1019-
(67 0 5).[ch eckw h o lete
x t] i
i
BV M :V esp ersa n tip ho

na t
Pu rification ,B rev .1 568, i
p7 4 0(4 52 6);
737
APPENDIX E-3
Anthoi. Composer Dates Piece Voices Text Identification Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
16183 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1657 Egosum p
anisv
iv us S
A T
B "
InfestoC o rp orisC hristi" Pr
im a
ryp
rin
t: Pro sk e(1 973)
A
lessa
n dro CO R P USC H R IS TE 1
61 83 2:210(" In
Vers, atm atin sa n da nt. at Solem n itate
La udes. Brev . 1568(3 1 42, Co rp o ris
3
15 8) th rou g ha eternu m Ch risti")n ob e
o
n ly
, (alsoC ifra )
1
618
3 C
ata
lan
o,O
tta
vio d.after164
4Percu
ssitSa
u lmille SSATBSam u elI,18 :7 ;S on go f "
con
certa
to"
M essina Son gs2 :10, free.
1618
3 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1657 Oculi meisem p era d SSAT
BL EN T ;P s. 24:15-16 "a5co nd o
i P rim a r
yprint:
A
lessa
n dro D
o m inum In
tro it, Thir
dS undayofL
ent sopran i" 161 83
(Ma rb a ch);
16201 Z
uch elli, Giovan d.163 0 D
ixitD o
m inus a8 Ps. 1 0 9 To ne2 Prim a r
yprint:
Ba
ttista(I ICieco) 16201
16201 A
n erio,G io
. C1567- C
o nfitebor a8 Ps. 1 1 0 To ne2 Prim a r
yprint:
F
ra n cesco June1630 16201
16201 C
rivelli,A rcangelo 1546-1617 Beatu svirquitim et a
8 Ps. 1 1 1 To ne6 ; Prim a r
yprint:
"concerta to"; 16201
"chev ien e P rim a r
ym s:?S ist
del 31, ff.64v
-7 3, sexti
du odecim o1 ton i
16201 N
anin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 1543/4- L
a ud atep u
eri a
8 Ps. 1 1 2 "senza Prim a r
yprint:
1607 intonation e" 16201
16201 M artin
i, F rancesco c1560-1626L aud a
teDo minu
m a
8 Ps. 1
16 co n
certa to P rima
ryp
rin
t:
: om nesgentes 16201 i
16201 G io
v anelli, R
u ggiero 1560-1625 Cred
idi a8 Ps. 1
15 "senza Prima
ryp
rin
t:
inton
a tio
n e" 16201
tone6
16201 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- L
aeta
tussu
m a
8 Ps. 1
21 T one2 ; Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 "concerta to" 16201
738
APPENDIX E-3
16201 C
ostantin
i, 1
581
-16
57 L
aud
aJeru
salem a
8 P
s. 1
47 T
one8 Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro Co
rpusChr
isti, D edica
tio
n, 16201
B
VM
16201 A
nerio
,Felice C
156
0-1
614M
ag
nifica
t a
8 VESPERSca n ticle T
one5 Prim a r
yp rin t:
16201
Prim a r
ym s:S ist
31 , ff.114v -2 4
16201 M
assen
zio
,Do
m icoc1586-1650R
en egin
aca
eli la
eta
re a
8 BVM Prim a r
yp rin t:
Maria
na n tiph o
n 16201
(p
aschaltid e) Seco n daryp rint:
?ch eck
Psa lm odia ...cu m
R eg in aC a eli,
16 3 1,O p.9
16201 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- A
lmared
emp
toris a
8 BV M breve Prim a r
yp rin t:
ca.1644 ma
ter M arianantiph o n;(a dven
t 16201
throughp urification)
16201 N
anin
o, C
156
0-1
61 v
8AeR
egin
aca
elo
ruma
8 BV M "accom odataPrima
ryp
rin
t:
B
erna
rdin
o/C
osta
ntin
i M arianantiph o n(lenten a
liam o d
ern a16201
season :Pu rificatio
ntoH oly daF abio
Th ursday
)B rev1 568(471 ) Costa
ntini"
739
APPENDIX E-3
..
1
620
1 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 1525-1
594 L
eta
n ia
edellaBea
ta a
8 B
VM-a
bbr
.Lita
nyofL
oreto Pr im aryP rint: Beinp r
inta
V
ergine 16201 fo
ur thlow er
Pr im arym s:R vat th anth ev oice
XIII24 , f.30 -31 ; parts[alread y
R v atX V 62, p .18- tra n sp
osed ]
19 ;B arb4184
Seco nd arym s:Rp ;
M us1 5 25, 2966
[p ossib lytw o
differen ton esina ll
prev io
u ssou rces,
an don eofth em in
G iul.X III62as
well]
16
201 Z
oilo
,An
nib
ale c1537-1592L
eta
n ia
edellaB ta a
ea 8 B
VM-a
bbr
.Lita
nyo
fLo
reto Prima ryprint:
V
ergine 16201
Prim arym s:R vat
CG X III24, ff.3
1-
32v;R n40-46[see
O'R eg an1 99 5,69]
I
1
621 A
nerio
,Felice c1
560-16
14jD
ix
itD
omin
us SAT
T B1P
s. 1
09 T
one8 P
rim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
a
rBas
1
621 C
ostantin
i, 15
81-165
7Co
nfiteb
or a
6 P
s. 1
10 concertato P rim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
A
lessa
n dro T one1
1
621 C
ostantin
i, F
abio ca.1579- B ea
tusvirquitim
et S
SAT
TPs. 1
11 T one1 P
rim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
ca.1644 B concertato
1
621 ^
Cata
lan
o,O
tta
vio d.after164
4Lau
d a
tep u
eri S
SAT
TPs. 1
12 senza
M essina B into
n azione,
concertato
1
621 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1
657 M
ag
nifica
t S
SAT
TVE
SPERSca
n ticle C oncertata Prim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
740
A
lessa
n dro B T one5
APPENDIX E-3
Anthol. Composer Dates IPiece Voices Text Identification Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
1
621 V
icto
ria ,T
oma 1
548
-16
11V
id
ispeciosam a6 ASS U M P
T IO N Pr
im a r
yp r in
t: Operao m nia,
L
u dovicid
e "I
nA ssu mp tione Mo tecta4-6 An
g les, x xv
i, 98
;
Beatissim a eV irgin
is (Ven ice, 1 57 2); P
ed rell i,1
11
M ariae"B rev .1568,p.85
3 Mo tecta(1 5
8 3 );
(541 7)R esp o nso
rya t Pr
im a r
ym s:(? )
M atins. Rva tS ist. 29 . ff.
10
3 V -106
1
621 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
onfitemini S
SABP
T s.1
05:1
-4 "Co n certato P r
im a r
yp r int:1 621
ca.1644 D
om in o
[v]...co
nfitem
in
iB in2
chori...div
isi
com ep iu
I pia
ceraach i
!
concerta ta"
i
1
621 A
nerio
,Felice C
156
0-1
614AmorJesu S
SAT
TH Y M N P
rim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
a
m a
n tissim
e B E u ch arist-inth esty leo f1 1
C .h ym n, Jesud u lcis
m em o ria ,w ith42-53
i
stan zas, b yS .B ern a
rd o
1
621 C
ostantin
i, 1581-165
7D eusD eorum S
SATP
B s. 49:1,94:6-7,87:14 Co
n certato P
rim
ar
ypr
int:1
621
A
lessa
n dro D
o minu slo
cutu
sest T P sa lm cen to n izatio n[p raise
an dsu pp lica tio n]
1
621 A
nerio,G io
. C1567- Quaeestista,qua
e S SABA
T S S UM P T IO N ,R es. 3at co ncertato
F
ran cesco June1630 p rocessit M atin so nA ssu m p tion,
B rev .1 568(5 4 21):L ectiois
i fro m S on g of S on g s andth is
tex treflectsth ela n gu age, is
alsou sedo n2J u lyfo r
I V isitatio n(5 0 7 7); B VM
I
I feastsp era n n um ,R es. 5:
M a rba ch ,2 7 5 ;S .M aria
d elleN eve(5 2 5 1)
74 1
APPENDIX E-3
1
621 J
u sq
uin
o[d
ellaS
ala
] fl.1
57 5
, L a
ud ateDom in
umin S
SAT
BPs.150[n
odo
x] a5co n2 Primaryp r
int:1 6
21T h is
1 585-88 sanctiseius ca
nti Tenorp artinT 1 d issertation :
only ten o rp arto nly,
E x .x x
1
621 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 15
25-159
4V ictima ep
asch
ali a
8 S
eq uentiadiP
asqu a: con certa ta P rimaryP rin
t:1 621H aberlO p era
laud es Victimaep a
scha
li la
u des acco m o d ata Second arym s:RcO m n ia
,V II, p.
perca n tare 2 852;M us1 224, 1 9 4.
nellI'org an o 2947, 2966
daF ab io
! Co stantin i
i
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- T
uttelevisteh
oma
i C
/T Poesie del S.r Ottavio "ar
iaauna Primaryp rin
t:
ca.1644 Rinuccini, Floren ce, 16
22. vocaso
la" 162114
Seconda rym s:F n,
M ag
i. XIX.24[Hill];
4 F
16211 resco
bald
i, G
iro
lamo1
583
-16
43 A
llag
loria
,aliih
ono
ri C
/T Prima
rypr
int: Hill,
162114 "F resco b aldi's
Arie" 1 98 7;
Fresco b aldi,
G a llicoa nd
Pa tu zzi, ed.
19 9 8
4 C
16211 ostantin i, 15
81-1
657 D
ehsco
p riteco
lorite C
C Prima
rypr
int:
A
lessan dro 162114
4 A
16211 ntonelli,A b
und
io d.c1629 E
ccon
atao
rorlaro
saC
C Prima
rypr
int:
162114
4 M
16211 utij, P
eleg
rin
o M
en
trecheF
ebo C
C Prima
rypr
int:
162114
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- 0d ellavitamia C
B "
ariaad ue" Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 162114
4 A
16211 nerio,G io
. C1 567- N
ond orm on
o C
/T "
son etto
" Prima
rypr
int:
742
F
ran cesco Jun e1630 162114
APPENDIX E-3
4 C
16211 accini, F
rancesca 1
587
-16
41 Doveiocred ie C
ealem /T O ttavioR in
uccini,Arianna , " ar
ievoce P r im a ryp rin
t: facsim ile
(L
aC ecchina
) sp
eraranze Sc.v i(wh ichop en sw ith so
la" F ra n cescaC a i, T
ccin o m linso n
,
Lasciatemimorire), lin e863 II Primo libro Secu larS on g, v
.
isu sedasr e
frain, lines861- S eco n d aryp r int: 1 , f._
T o rchi, p
.
863isth irdstan za, slightly 16211 4;Affetti 212
altered. amorosi (1 61 8 )
T extfou ndinR em ig io [H ill]
R om a no S eco n darym s:F n,
C l,V II, 1 2
2 2
b is[H ill];
4 C
16211 ostantin
i, 1581-1
657 S
p lend
ord
igl'o
cch
i C
/T "
ariaau
na Primaryp rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro miei v
oce" Giardino musicale
(1
6 21)
4 C
16211 osta ntini, 1 581-1657 Au reva ghe, a
ure C
/T T
extfo
un dinR
emig
io
Alessan dro giocond e Ro
m ano,
4 P
16211 u liasch i, Gio
. f. ea
rly17thD ehm irateluce C
/T T
extfo
un dinR
emig
io ariacan to I:B
e,C
C ill] H
, 225[H ill, I
I,N o
.5 3
Do m en ico C . ingrate Ro
m ano solo, o
ver [C ostantini
tenore" editio ncon tains
ad ditionalv erse]
4 d
16211 'ln
certo V
agheN
in
feeP
asto
ri C
C P r im ar yp r
int:
16211 4
S eco n d arym s:
l:B c.C C .225[H ill],
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- D
olceA
ugellin C
B "
M a
drig
alea P r im ar yp r
int:
ca.1644 2
" 16211 4
S eco n d arym s:F n,
C l, VII, 1222
b is[H ill]:
743
APPENDIX E-3
4 d
16211 'ln
certo Gio
sceI'a
ria C
B "
son
etto
" Pr imar yp r
int:
16211 4
Seco n d arym s:F
n,
C l, V
II, 1222
bis[Hill];
4 G
16211 ar
garii, T
eofilo S
imid
olceilto
rm to C
en C Pr imar yp r
int:
16211 4
4 G
16211 ar
gar
ii, T
eofilo C
osico
lmiav
en ra T
tu T Pr imar yp r
int:
4 N
16211 anin
o,B
ern
ard
ino C
156
0-1
6180co
rsem
pred
o ti T
len T Prim ar yp rint:
16211 4
4 C
16211 ostantin
i, 1
581-1
657 Selad
ogliae'lm
ar eT
tir T Prim ar yp rint:
Alessa
n dro 16211 4
4 C
16211 o stantin
i, 1
581
-16
57 D
onn
amen
trev
im o T
ir T Prim ar yp rint:
A
lessan dro 16211 4
4 C
16211 ostantin
i, F
abio ca.1579- No np ortag iacco C
C Prim ar yp rint:
ca.1644 a
p rile 16211 4
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Ried elap rim avera C
C Prim ar yp rint:
ca.1644 16211 4
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Eccoch 'a
ll'a
pparird i C
CC "a3ca nti Prim ar yp rint:
ca.1644 coppiasileggladra concertato " 16211 4
4 Q
16211 uag
lia
ti, P
aolo 1555-1628 Perchen onto g
li, I C
CC "dialogo...a3Prim ar yp rint: HillV
ol. I
I,n
o.
Clo
ri canti 16211 4 1
3
concerta to” Prim ar ym ss: l:V
C,
To rrefran ca250
[Cen ci];l:B a f, M
S
14 24[C en ci]
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- S
'ard
oilm
ond
oco
m C
'ioCT "dialogo Prim ar yp rint:
ca.1644 concerta toa 16211 4
3"
4 C
16211 ostantin
i, 1581-1
657Giaceapensoso T
TB Prim ar yp rint:
744
A
lessa
n dro A
m inta 16211 4
APPENDIX E-3
4 C
16211 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- N
in
fe, n
infev
enite A
TB F
rancescoM
ar
iaT
orig
gio Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 162114
4 B
16211 enin
casa
, la
como C1 588- Ilie
tia
m a
nti C
CAB S
ann
azza
ro,A
rca
dia Prima
rypr
int:
162114
4 C
16211 o
stantin
i, 1
581
-16
57A
mortup
arti C
ATB G
uar
ini, Rime L XXX II- "a4 Prima
rypr
int:
A
lessa
n dro L
XXXIV Delle opere del concerta
to 162114
cavelier Battista Guarini
(Veron a
,1737)v .2
1 0 O O 10 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Ofeliceg
uerr
ier
i C Arm id
aisach a
ra cterinT. Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 Tasso'sG erusalem m e 162210
Liberata,a
lthoughth istex
t
doesn o
tseemtob efrom
Tasso'sw ork
.
0 C
16221 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Fiamm
egg
eia
n ted
el A
T+CC "
dia
log
o" Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 del A
Bar 162210
0 G
16221 ar
gar
ii, T
eofilo Perpia
ntolam
ia C
C J
a copoSa
n nazzaro, Prima
rypr
int:
carn
e Arcad
ia,Eclo
gu eII
,lin
esSI- 162210
8
5
Prima
rypr
int:
' cm
O
G
ar
garii, T
eofilo H
orpensatea
lmio T
T Jaco
p oSa
n nazzaro,
CD
CM
m
al Arca
dia,Eclo
gu eIIlin
es8
6- 162210
90
0 M
16221 utii, P
eleg
rin
o L
amiaC
lo
rivezzosa C
C tex
tfoundinR emigio Prima
rypr
int:
R o
m ano
, Seconda Raccolta 162210
(1618
)p.60
0 B
16221 osch
etti, B
osch
etto d
.16
22 R
icciu
tellap
arg
oletta C
C R
em ig
ioR oma
n o
,Prima ca ntoI:G - Primaryprin
t:Strati
[G
iovanni] R
accolta(1
618)p.1
1 4 clef;Ca nto d'Amore
II
:c-clef (V en
ice,1
6 1
8)
0 B
16221 osch
etti, Bo
sch
etto d
.16
22 L
asciv
etteP
asto
relle C
C Textfou n dinR emigio P r imar
yp rin
t:Strali
[G
iovanni] Rom ano , Prima d ’A more (Venice,
Raccolt( 1618 ), p.76
-7 7 1
618
)
745
APPENDIX E-3
0 A
16221 nerio,G io
. C15
67- P
asto
rellev a ghe, e C
C Prima
rypr
int:
F
ran cesco J
u n
e1630 b elle 162210
0 C
16221 ostantin
i, 1
581
-16
57Ca relagrim emie, T
T C
elia
n o Prima
rypr
int:
A
lessa
n dro m essido len
tid
im ie 162210
pen erie
0 G
16221 rappuccio M
en
tresorgeI'A
ur
oraC
C P
rim
aryp
rin
t: [fa
cs]
[Ferdin
a ndo Vezzosetti Fiori T o
m lin
son
,SS
I
Oicip
pUCCIOI
IJ
1
6 22
)
0 A
16221 nto
nelli,A
bun
dio d
.c1
629 A
ldolcem
orm
ora
r C
C Pr
imaryp
rin
t:
Giardino musicale
(R
ome, 1
621
)
0 C
16221 ostantin
i, 1
581
-16
57P
arg
olettoso
n 'io C
C D
ialog
o: Primary print: [fa
csim ile]
A
lessa
n dro C
lo
r ieFilli Vezzosetti fiori T o
m linso n,S
SI,
(Rome, 1
6 22), 1
5- v.3p .2
19
17
0 B
16221 osch
etti, B
osch
etto d
.16
22 Q uandoildel m
ife C
C Pr
imaryp r
int:
[G
iovanni] soggetto Giardino musicale
(Rome, 1
6 21)18
-
19
0 C
16221 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- 0b ellaClo
ri, C
lo
ri C
B Prima
ryp r
int:
ca.1644 vezzosa 162210
0 F
16221 resco
b a
ldi, G
iro
lamo15
83-1
643E
raI'a
nim
amia C
C G
uar
ini, G
B,M
ad
rig
alL
XV Prima
rypr
int: G
allico1
998
162210
0 C
16221 ostantin
i, 1
581
-16
57C
rud
aAm
ar
illi C
C G u
arin
i, Pastor fido I
,ii, 1
-8,' Prima
rypr
int:
A
lessa
n dro C
CB 9-20 162210
I
746
APPENDIX E-3
0 C
16221 o
stantin
i, 1581
-16
57 C
h'iot'a
m i C
C Guarini, Pastorfido lll.iii, Prima
rypr
int:
A
lessa
n dro 106-113 162210
0 C
16221 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
o'lfio
rde'fio
r C
C Cla
u dioA c
hillin
i(15 7 4
- Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 1
6 40)Rime e p ro se , 162210
Venice, 1
65 1,p .9
0
0 C
16221 osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Lamialeggia
d ra
,e C
CAT q
uattrov
oci Prima
rypr
int:
ca.1644 v
agaP asto
rella p
ari 162210
!
1
630 Costantini, 1581-1
657 D
ix
itD
omin
us a
8 P
s. 1
09 co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
Alessand ro
1
630 A
n erio,G io. C 1567- D
ix
itD o
m inu
s a
8 P
s. 1
09 co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
F
ra n cesco Ju ne1630
1
630 Costantini, Fa
bio ca.1579- Confitebor a
8 P
s. 1
10 co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
ca.1644
1
630 C
ifr
a,A
nto
nio -1629 C
onfitebor a
8 P
s. 1
10 co
n to P
certa rim aryp rin ts:
p ossib le
C o n fiteb o
rsin :
V esp eraeet
M o tectao cto n is
vo cib us, O p .9 ,
(R o m e:Z a n netti
16 10R ISM C2187
l-R sc, R sgf, R slf,
R v a t, D-M L Is, R p )
P sa lm isacriq u e
co n cen tuso cto
(A ssisi, 162 0 )a lso
16 2 9,V enice.
1
630 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Bea
tusv
irq
uitim
et a
8 P
s. 1
11 tu
ttoseguito P
rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
747
ca.1644 concerta
to
APPENDIX E-3
16
30 T
ard
iti, P
aolo b.1
6thcent, Bea
tusv
irq
uitim
et a
8 P
s. 1
11 co
n to B
certa ea tu sv irin1 62 0
a
fter1649 isd ifferen tp iece
(w ithin stru m ents
an dech op assage
a tG loria
p atri);T h erea re
tw oin1 620
alth o u ghth eo ther
isn o tm a rked
'co n certa to '
1
630 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1
657 L
aud
atep
uer
i a
8 P
s. 1
12 co
n certa
to P rim aryp rint:1 630
A
lessa
n dro on lyk n ow n
co n tem po ra ry
so u rce
1
630 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- L
aud
atep
uer
i a
8 P
s. 1
12 co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
ca.1644
1
630 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- B
eatiomnesq
u et a
itim 8 P
s. 1
27 con to P
certa r
ima
ryp
rin
t:1
630
ca.1644 tu
ttoseguito
1
630 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- D
epro
fun
dis a
8 P
s. 1
29 concerta
to P r
ima
ryp
rin
t:163
0
ca.1644
1
630 A
gazzari, 1578-1640 E
xultetcelu
m a8 APO ST LES concerta to ; P rim aryp rint:
A
gostin
o /Co
sta
ntin
i L
aud ibus Brev.1568,p.939(6 040
) "agg iun to vili Dialogici, (V enice
Hym na tVespersfo r 2.ultim iv ersi 1613 )(ded :
comm o
no fA postles. diFa b
io Ro bertoC en nini
RevisionsbyF C Costa ntin i" S alam an dri)
1
630 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1
657 Isteconfessor a8 C
O M M ONO F co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:1
630
A
lessa
n dro CO NF ESSORAND/NOT
P
O NT IFF:Ma
leSa
int
B
rev.1 5
68(62
94)Hym na
t
Vespers
748
APPENDIX E-3
1
630 A
nerio,G io
. C1567
- Deu
stu
oru
m m
ilitu
m a
8 H YMN -CO M M O NO F concertato
F
ran cesco J
u ne1
630 SINGL EM A R TY R outside
paschaltim e, Brev.15 6 8
(6112)
1
630 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- A
veM
ar
isS
tella a8 BVM -M aria
nH y m n concerta
to; Prim
aryp
rin
t:1
630
ca.1644 ind
icatio
no f
org
a nsolo
1
630 A
lle
gri, D
omen
ico c1585-1629M
ag
nifica
t a8 V ESPE RSca nticle concertato
1
630 1
C o
sta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- M
ag
nifica
t a8 V
ESPERSca
n ticle co
n to P
certa rim
ar
ypr
int:163
0
ca.1644
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Deu
sca
nticu
m n
ovu
mCp
rim
o" indieR esu rrectiones, et Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 tem p orep aschali";P s. 143: 16341
9;R es. post-Pasq uaB rev.
(272
6 );S ata tV espers
16341 C
ostantin
i, 1581 -16
5 7 D u lcisJesup ieD eus C sec. EU C H AR IS T ;L a tem ed ieval Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro hy m n 16341
16341 C
ostantin
i, F
abio ca.1579- F actaestcu m A n
gelo Cp rimoNA T IV ITY "e
cco " Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 Brev .1 568(8 81 )A nt.4a t 16341
lau d es
16341 C
ostantin
i, 1581 -16
5 7 Ind ieso lem nitatis Csec. E a ster/P a sch altim e. Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro E u ch arist. O fferto ryferia5 16341
inE a sterw eek
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- P ulch raesa rn icam ea,;A
T SO N GO FS O N G S6 :3 -4 Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 su a vis, etd eco ra O fficeo fth eV irg in;an t. 5a t 16341
lau d es[A rm stron g];
Brev .1 568(6 65 7)]
16341 C
ostantin
i, 1581 -1657 0b o neJesuq u id C
B A ffectiv eJesu . co m m on co
n certato P rima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro ifecisti incip it,th enfree 16341
16341 C
ostantin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Q u am d ilecta A
T P s. 8 3:2-5 "c
on certa "P
to rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 16341
749
APPENDIX E-3
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Can
ta te C
T Ps. 9 5:1-3. "con certa to"P rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 Dom ine...ca
n ta
te Brev .1568(3 0 1); 16341
d
om inoom nesterra Ag o stino1 6 19su b stitu
te
antip h on
C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Endilectusmeu s C
B SO N G O FS O NG S2 :10,5:6"Ind ialogo P rima
ryp
rin
t:
CO
CO
ca.1644 concerta to " 16341

16341 C
ostantini, 1581 -16
57 T
ransfig
ed u e C
lcissim C Affectiv eJesu .P ara p h
ra se "Trillo" "
A luP
lle rima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n d
ro ofth ep ra yerofS t. iasip lace t" 16341
Bo n a ven ture
16341 A
nerio
,Felice c1560-1614J
u stu
sgerm
in
abit C
C DO C TO R S ;C ON F E SSO RS Prima
ryp
rin
t:
R es. 2C om m ono fn on 16341
pon tiffM artyr,
Do cto r,C o
n fessor, B rev.
1568(6127, 6 370 )
delP Ga
u deam usom nesin A
A In tro it,A llS ain
ts, M iss. 15 70
CO
D
om inodiem festum (3 38 5)u sedasa ll-pu rpose
p ra ise" ...su bhon o resan cte
M ar iaV erg ine"(C ifra );sim .
tex tinA g o
stino1 619as
su b stitu tevesp ersa n t.
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Vo
samicim
ei A
A CO M M ON O FA P O STLES Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 AN DE V AN GE LIST S(Jo
hn 16341
15:1 4)
FirstV espers, Thir
d
a
n tipho n(607 4)[onlyfound
bym einsetfo rL audesand
__________________ H ours]
750
APPENDIX E-3
Anthol. Composer Dates Piece Voices Text Identification Rubrics jConcordances |Modern Edition
C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- B
eataesV
irg
oMa
ria C
C BV M Prima
ryp
rin
t:
CO
CD
ca.1644 B rev .1 5 68(5 428 ) 16341

R esp on so rya tM a tins,
L ectiov i,fo rA ssu m p tion ;
alsofo ro fficeo fB V M ;R es.
2a tO fficefo rB VM (6 649 );
O ffe r tor yfo rS aturd a ym ass
inh on o ro fB VM ,d u ring
pa sch a ltim e.
A g o stin o1 6 19su b stitu te
an tip h o n
C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Factaestcu m Anelo C
g C N A T IV IT Y
CD
CO
NT
ca.1644 B rev .1 5 6 8,p .1 87(8 8 1)

A n tip h o n4a tL aud es
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Tecum princip
ium cc N A T IV IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 A rm stro ng,A nerio:A nt1a t 16341
1stA N D 2n dV esp ers
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Redem ptio nem AA N A T IV IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 A n tip h o n2 ,S econ d 16341
V esp ers
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Exortu
m est TTT N A T IV IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 A n tip ho n3 ,S econ d 16341
V esp ers
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- ApudD o
m inum BB N A T IV IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 A n tip ho n4 ,S econ d 16341
V esp ers
16341 C
ostantin
i, 1581-1657 D
uoS erap him SS[+
A]TR IN IT Y Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro B rev .1 6 58 , 480(3 0 8 2) 16341
R es. a n dV ers. 8a tm atin s
onT r in ityS un day(a n d
ord ina ryS u nd aysr e
M a rb a
ch )
7 51
APPENDIX E-3
A
lle
gri, D
omen
ico C
1585-1629Jesud
ulcism
emria C
o CB N A M EO FJ ES U S "
con
certa
to"
CD
CO
Nf
(N A TIVITY )
12 thch ym na ttrtoS .
B ern ardo
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- T
ein
voca
m u
s A
TB TR INITY Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 Brev .156 8, 478(3 0 6
6 ) 16341
T h reea ntiph on sa tthe
secon dn o cturn e.
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- 0a
m a
n tissim
e C
CB A ffectiveJesutex t Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 16341
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- Confitem in i C
ATB Ps.1 35:1
-5,13.V
.1usedas "
con
certa
to"Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 Dom in o[ii]...q
u is a
n t. a
tV espersonT
h urs. 16341
lo
quetu r
16341 A
nto
nelli,A
bun
dio d.c1629 Dom in esituv is S
A A
T S TSP E TE R A NDP A U L " co n
certato"
(J
u n e2 9)a n dS T.PE T E R
INV IN C OL I(A ugust2 )
Brev .798(5 0 0 0)R es. 4a t
ma tin s.(M ar ba ch:Introit
PeterinV in co li)
16341 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- AveMariacu
ius S
SATBM A R IA N, [C IV IC "co ncerta
to"P rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 a
nimam CE R E M ON Y ] 16341
N
anin
o,G
io
.Ma
ria 154 3/4
- Domin
usJesus CCABC
A orp usC h risti-H o
lyT h urs "H om o
<
CO
^
o
r
160 7 insig
n ia"
(G M Na n
ino
)
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- D
ix
itD
omin
us a8 P
s. 1
09 non - P
rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 concertato 1 6392
To ne3
16392 N
anin
o,Gio
. ca.1579- D
ix
itD
omin
us a8 P
s. 1
09 C oncertatoaP rima
ryp
rin
t:
Ma
ria
/Co
sta
ntin
i ca.1644 versi 1
6392
spezzati
(Ton e2v ersi
a8d iG M
N anino)
APPENDIX E-3
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
onfiteb
or a
8 P
s. 1
10 no n- Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 co ncerta to 16392
T on e2
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C
onfiteb
or a
8 P
s. 1
10 co ncerta to P rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 16392
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- B
eatu
svirq
uitim
et a
8 P
s. 1
11 N o n- Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 co ncerta to 16392
T on e6
1
639
2 A
qostin
o,P
aolo c1583-1 ea
629B tu
svirq
uitim
et a
8 P
s. 1
11 T on e3 Prima
ryp
rin
t:
tuttoin 16392
pro portio ne
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- L
aud
atep
ueri a
8 P
s. 1
12 versi Prima
ryp
rin
t.
ca.1644 sp ezza ti 16392
co ncerta to
sen za
inton ation e
1
639
2 C
ostantin
i, 15
81-1
657L
aud
atep
ueri a
8 P
s. 1
12 tuttoseg uito Prima
ryp
rin
t:
A
lessa
n dro co ncerta to 16392
sen za
inton ation e
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- L
aeta
tussu
m a
8 P
s. 1
21 no n- Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 con certa to 16392
T on e4
1
6392 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- L
aeta
tussu
m a
8 P
s. 1
21 versi Prima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 sp ezza ti 16392
T on e2
1
639
2 C o
sta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- M
ag
nifica
t !a
8 V
ESPERSca
n ticle versi Prima
ryp
rin
t:
! ca.1644 j sp ezza ti 16392
T on e1
i .......
co ncerta ta
753
APPENDIX E-3
1
6392 M
azzo
chi,V
ir
gilio 646 M
1597-1 ag
nifica
t a
8 V
ESPERSca
n ticle T o
n e6 P rim aryP rint:
Tutta 16392
concertatae P rim arym s:
seguita L loren s, CG 39
(R va tIV ,1 02 , ff
51v -74 ,M ag n ificat
a8 ,a t'su scep it
Isra el'a2a lti:F C
versio nh asten o r
co ncerta toa tth at
sp ot.
1
639
2 A
gazza
ri, A
gostin
o 1578
-16
40 Jesud
ulcism
emria a
o 8 HY M N co
n certa
to P
rim
ar
ypr
int: Notranscrip
tio
n
Affectiv eJesu/Eu ch arist/ Sacrae Laudes a
vaila
b le.
Dev o tio n (Ro m e:A .Z annetti,
J
u b ilu sB ernh
ardi, strop hes 160 3); 1 60 7
1
,2 ,4 , 5inW ackern a
g el, I
: C antio n es,
117 m otecta e
(Fran kfu rta m
M ain);P elplin
Secon d a ryp rin
t:
16392
1
639
2 T
ard
iti, P
aolo b.1
6thcent, A
dtelev
avi a
8 P
s. 1
22[n
odo
x] co
n to P
certa rima ryp rint:
a
fter1649 16392
notinO 'R eg an;n o t
inT ard iti, Psa lmi,
1620
1
6392 A
lleg
ri, G
reg
orio ca.1582- O m nesgentes a
8 P
s. 4
6:(1
)2-8 non- Prim aryp rint:
165 2 plaud itema
n ibus co
n certa
to 16392
1
6392 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- C a
n ta teD
om in
o a
8 P
s. 1
49, v.1
-2A
DVE
NT non- Prim aryp rint:
ca.1644 canticu mnovu m co
n certa
to 16392
754
APPENDIX E-3
Anthol. Composer Dates Piece Voices Text Identification !Rubrics Concordances Modern Edition
1
639
2 C
osta
ntin
i, F
abio ca.1579- T
rad
enten
imvos a
8 C O M M O NO FA P O ST L ES n on- P
rima
ryp
rin
t:
ca.1644 B rev . 1568(6 0 41
), concertato
; 16392
M a gn ificatantiph
o nfo r incom m une
feastsofth eA po lso a
stles, [a postolo
ru m
M a tt. 1 0 :1
7-18]
1
639
2 C
o sta
ntin i, 1581-1
657 Laud ateD ominum a8 Singlepsa
lm-verselik
e; co
n certa
to Prima
ryprin
t:
A
lessan d ro p
salliten omin
i checkin
gco n
cord ance 16392
1
639
2 Giovanelli, R
uqq 625 D
iero 1560-1 eu sn osterre
fuq
iuma
8 Ps. 45[nodox] co
n certa
to Prima
ryprin
t:16 2O
39 'ReganI I
,190-
Seconda
rym s: Rp.1
9 9
, takenfro
m
Proskem s.
1
639
2 A
nerio
,Felice C
156
0-1
614D
ulcisa
m o
rJesu a
8 HYM N Prim ar yp rint:
Euch arist-latem ediev
al A nerio ,1 602S a cri
metrich ym n-Jesus hym n i...m otecta
d
ev otion al 5.6& 8 . lib er
secu n d u s. R o m e:
A.Z a n n etti
Seco n d a ryp rint:
16392
1
639
2 Q
uag
lia
ti, P
aolo 1555-162
8 D
eca
n ta
b a
t a
8 B iblical(Para
lipo
m en
onI, Prim ar yp rint:
15 :27-28M arb
ach,butn
o t 15922C o nforti
inV u lg
ate) Seco n d a ryp rint:
16392
1
639
2 P
alestrin
a,G
io
van
ni 1525-1594 A
veM
ar
ia a
8 M a
ria
n ;L uke1 :28p lu
s Prim ar yP rint: P
rosk
e2:2
5
Proske, M usicaD iv
ina 16392
(1
97 3
), assign stoA dven
t Prim ar ym s:R v at
(19
7 3)2 :2
5 XII
I2 4, f. 3 9;X V
62;B a rb4 18 4 ;
Seco n d a rym s: R c
285 2;R p;M u s
11 91,1 1 9 4, 2966
755
(var)
APPENDIX F
Orvieto Feastdays____________________________
Saint/ Feast Date __________ Details______________________ References
Corpus Domini Thursday after Trinity Procession; cera Statutorum civitatis, Lib I, Rub.
Sunday/Second Thursday see also Chiese e conventi for early LXII, p.79: order of procession of
after Pentecost reference to procession route-1337 the arti for both Corpus Christi
and Assumption [and any other
procession?]; Statuorum, Lib I,
Rub. LXXI discusses the ceri for
the two feasts.
Assumption August 15 Procession; cera; dedication feast. Statutorum civitatis, Lib I, Rub.
LXII, p.79: order of procession of
the arti for both Corpus Christi
and Assumption [and any other
--j
procession?]; Statuorum, Lib I,
cn Rub LXX(only Aug 15) and LXXI
C\
discuss the ceri. See ref in
Memoriali 35, 1635, (39) 28r.
St. Faustino August 27 I-Od Memoriali 34, (19) 24v, 27
agosto 1611; Statuti, p. 114, 14
lug. 1612, Paolo V gives plenary
indulgence for this feast.
St. Brizio November 13 (12)
Palombello/ Pentecost A tempio or vaso is constructed for the l-Od Memoriali 34, (73) 78v, 26
Columbella palombella, according to "Historia"; the maggio 1613
dove shoots down a string from the I-Od Memoriali 34, (364) 370v, 6
top of San Francesco and the little feb 1624
scene bursts into flames, but not too
intense, for the satisfaction of all.
Circumcision January 1 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)

Epiphany January 6 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
APPENDIX F
Orvieto Feastdays
Saint/ Feast Date Details References
S. Antonio January 17 Animals are blessed on this day-even Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
now
S. Costanzi January 29 Chapter church; Duomo built on its Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
site indulgence granted in later years
[check]
Purification of BVM February 2 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Matthew, Apostle February 24 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Gregory March 12 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Annunciation of BVM March 25 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Mark Evangelist April 25 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)

SS. Jacob & Philip May 1 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Holy Cross May 3 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Pancrazio May 12 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Barnebe Apostle June 11 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. John Baptist June 24 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
SS.Peter & Paul June 29 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Mary Magdalene June 22 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
SS. James & July 25 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Christopher
S. Faustino July 29 [note different date Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
in 1612, see above]
S. Mary of the Snow August 5 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Holy Name Aug 5 (same day) Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Lawrence, Martyr August 10 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Assumption BVM August 15 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Bartolomeo August 15 [?]. Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Augustin August 28 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Egidio September 1 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
757
Nativity BVM September 8 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
APPENDIX F
____________________________________Orvieto Feastdays____________________________
Saint/ Feast_____________ Date______________________Details______________________References
S. Mathew, Apostle September 21 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
[again?]
Sancti Angeli' September 24 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
[Michael]
All Saints October 1[November] list Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
goes from all those in Oct
to all in Dec.
Offitii mortuorum October 2' [November] Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
usque ad tertias [see above]
S. Leonardo Oct 6' [November] Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Catherine Oct 25' [November] Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Andrea Oct 31' (die ultimo) Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
[November]
S. Nicolas December 6 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Conception BVM December 8 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Lucia December 13 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Thomas December 21 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
Nativity December 25 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Stefano December 26 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. John Evengelist December 27 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
S. Silvestri December 31 Statuti, 1421 (Fumi)
[notable omission from 1421 is S.
Brizio: not an important feast nor
recognized as the date of dedication of
the Duomo: this must be a later
addition to local belief. The date
chosen for the translation in 1622 was
picked for other reasons.
758
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MDCVIII e del Pontificato di Paolo V. l'anno IIII." Ms. Vitt. Eman. 811.1-Rn,
[1657],
Testamento of Alessandro Costantini. "Jacobus Simoncellus 1653-1657," Testamenti and

Donationi, Notai dell'A.C. I-Ras. Buste No. 31: f. 596r-598v.
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Ackerman, Peter. "Strutture modali nelle composizioni sacre di R. Giovannelli." In
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Agazario, Armonico Intronato. Nunc primum in lucem editi. Opus
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760
Allegra, Antonio. "La cappella musicale di S. Spirito in Saxia di Roma." Note d'archivio
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Reproducedw
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VOLUME 4
DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC
BY
MARY PAQUETTE-ABT
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER 2003
MUSIC TRANSCRIPTIONS
1. Sancti Dei omnes Fabio Costantini................................................ 794

2. Beatus Laurentius Bernardino N anino............................................ 807
3. O lumen ecclesiae Fabio Costantini.................................................825
4. Dixit Dominus Fabio Costantini.................................................839
5. Laetatus sum Fabio Costantini................................................ 861
6. Ave Regina Bernardino N anino............................................ 878
7. Cantabo Domino Theofilo Gargari.................................................898
8. Adjurovos Abundio Antonelli............................................. 903
9. Hoc est praeceptum Fabio Costantini............................................. 908
10. Aveverum Giovanni FrancescoAnerio.............................. 911
11. Cantabo Domino Paolo Quagliati................................................. 917
12. Calistus est vere martyr Fabio Costantini............................................. 923
13. Ave gratia plena Anonymous....................................................... 927
14. Cum iucunditate Fabio Costantini.................................................932
15. Percussit Saul Ottavio Catalano............................................... 936
16. Tutte le viste homai Fabio Costantini............................................... 941
17. O della vita mia Fabio Costantini............................................... 946
18. Non dormo no Giovanni FrancescoAnerio................................ 949
19. Dov’iocredea Francesca Caccini...............................................952
20. Splendor degl’occhi miei Alessandro Costantini.......................................953
21. Per pianto la mia came Theofilo Gargari.................................................955
22. Hor pensate al mio mal Theofilo Gargari.................................................959
23. Se mi dolce il tormento Theofilo Gargari................................................. 962
24. Cosi vol mia ventura Theofilo Gargari.................................................966
25. O felice guerrieri Fabio Costantini.................................................969
ii
26. Col fior’di fior’in mano Fabio Costantini.................................................973
27. Exultet caelum laudibus Agostino Agazzari/Fabio Costantini................ 976
28. Ave mans Stella Fabio Costantini................................................992
29. Magnificat Fabio Costantini.............................................. 1000
30. Quam dilecta tabemacula Fabio Costantini.................................... 1025
31. En dilectus meus Fabio Costantini.............................................. 1029
32. Gaudeamus omnes “del P” ...............................................................1033
33. Apud Dominum Fabio Costantini.............................................. 1042
34. Confitemini Domino Fabio Costantini.............................................. 1044
35. Ave Maria Fabio Costantini.............................................. 1050
36. Dixit Dominus Fabio Costantini/Giovanni Maria Nanino.... 1058
Transcription 1 794
3
Sancti D ei omnes, Selectae Cantiones, 1614 Fabio Costantini
Canto I o o
Sane De (Sane
Alto I o o
Sane De (Sane
Tenore I o
Sane De (Sane
*>
Basso I
Sane De (Sane
<>
Canto II
Sane
Alto II
o
Sane
D
Tenore II
Sane
o
Basso II
Sane
o o
Basso continuo
795
3 Fabio Costantini
Sancti D ei omnes, Selectae Cantiones, 1614
D e - i) om
P £ -e-
nes
_5 U_
(om
w
« — 1> o -&— e-
o o
D e - i) om - nes (om nes (om
3 E
D e - i) om
w - m -
nes
Q O Q
O n
De - i om nes (om
om
o-
nes (om
m pp
nor
om
m
nes (om
ip
IMI
Om
W nes (om
f f ■■ i - -i - J
P
-W -
om nes (om
pp o
o o
o
PP I
it
cgt
796
o
nesjnter) ce -
r - pr-rr cr-r-P
dere di - gne pro
0— &
U0 0
nes)n-te ce - dere d i-g n e mi m pro'
-O- XT
(om - nes) in - ter - ce - dere dgne - mi pro
o 00
nes jnter- ce -
t'-W.r dere dgne
IE
¥ pro
-rrr'~pJ'r-rr-gÊ^
nes) interce - dere di - gne
o
nes) interce - de re di gne ti - mi
o
nes) in - ter - ce - de - re djgne - mini
*> <>
— © — ■jJr~'pr~P
nes) interce - dere d i-gn e
o o
o
=zz=
&
797
3 Fabio Costantini
Sancti D ei omnes , Selectae Cantiones, 1614
no stra om ni um que
n
no stra om um que
X X
X X e-
no stra om ni um que
n
no bis om um que
-o-
n I
T
pro no stra om um que
X T TT
pro no om um que
xx
pro no stra om um que
n xx
xx
pro no stra om ni um que
m n
n X X
xx
798
3 Fabio Costantini
sa te in-terce do-re di gne m ini
sa - lu te in-terce de-re di gne mi
o tv
sa - lu ■re digne m ini
o
o W
sa te in-terce de-re d i-g n e mi - ni
o
sa pro
rg.— o iptr X
T
sa - lu pro
tv t>
sa pro
o
X
V o
sa pro
o
«■
799
Q
pro no stra
TT
no stra inter mi
*»
no stra inter mi -
11
no stra in - te - ce de-re dgne - mi
-m-p'--------- 1*—
n
no stra interce - dere digne mi -
o ro
n n
800
3 Fabio Costantini
u XX
pro no stra om ni - um
XX XT
pro no stra om m - um
XX TT
XX
XX
ni. pro no stra om ni - um
xx XX
pro no stra om m - um
XX
xx
pro - no stra om ni - um
xx XX
XX
XX
801
3 Fabio Costantini
n
que sa in Do mi-nolae-
X
T X
T
que sa in Do mi-nolae-
X
T X
T
X
T
que sa in Do mi- nolae-
sa in Do mi-nolae-
sa mi-m
que sa - lu mi-m
X
T
que sa - lu mi-m
XT
-O-
que mi-m
802
3 Fabio Costantini
ta - mi-m ■
f
ta - mi-ni inDo -
w
mi noet exulta-teius
— Jid ' ~ F. £
ta - mi-ni (lae-ta - mini) inDo - mi no etex-ul-tatdus - ti.
ta - mi-ni (lae-ta
r mr p
- mini) inDo - mi no
- e —
etex-ul-tate ius - ti
_
Ip m
o
ta - mi-ni lae-ta - mi-ni inDo - m inoet exulta-teius
P
inDo
w (inDo -
p
mino) et
f
exul
4 ~ inDo mmo (inDo - mino) et exul
TT~
inDo - mino (inDo - mi - no) et exultate
inDo - mino (inDo - mino) etex- ul - tate

, 33
r r rr m
803
g lo r i- a - mini (e glori-a -
P
mi ni)
if
glo-ri- a -
~ r a
m ini
0 00
(e glori-a - mi ni) om
glo-ri- a - mini (e glori-a - mi ni) om
-T lf
e
mm
glo-ri-a - mini
P tf#
(e glori-a - m i-n i)
i
om
P
ta-te iusti e glo-ri
P^P
a - mini (eglori-a - mini)
ta -
o
te e glo-ri - a - m ini
m (eglori-a -
*
mini)
ius -
o
ti
m mm e glo-ri - a m ini (eglori- a - mini)
TE
O I
0H& iJJJr i s
ti e-glo-ri - a - m ini (eglori- a - mini)
3 7
O
IT
r ~ riJ r irr J - -thfl e
804
£ ■Q— &- J , r J,
*% p
nesrecticor- de glo-ri-a m i-ni (eglori-a - mi
+"-6— &-
n erecticor- de glo-ri- a mi-m (eglori-a - mi-
nes*ecti coide glo-ri- a

i
mini
m 0-0
(e glori- a
1'
mi*
3
neaccticor - de e glo-ri- a (eglori-a - mi-
- nereo-ti coide e glo-ri - a - mini
5
m• o o
- neaeo-ti cor - de e glo-ri - a - m ini
— i
om - nes’eo ti cor - de
m e glo-ri a -
i
m ini
tJ J i»r J
4 * - -
om - nes'ec-ti cor - de
m
e glo-ri - a -
5
m ini
41
m r r»Jr
g>
805
3 Fabio Costantini
om nesrec-ti cor - de om nes
o
om nesrec-ti cor - de om - nes
« — 1>
om nesrec-ti cor-de om - nes
om nesrec-ti cor - de om - nes
(e glo-ri - a mi-ni) om nes r e c-ti cor - de om - nes rec -
<>
(e glo-ri - a m i-ni) om nes r e c-ti cor - de (om - nes
o t>
(e glo-ri- m i-ni) om nes r ec-ti cor de (om - nes
--------- |-J-------
(e glo-ri- a mi-ni) om nes r e c -ti cor - de (o m -n e s
806
3 Fabio Costantini
n xx
rec cor de.
xx
1W
om nes rec cor de.
cor
rec cor de.
cor de.
rec cor de.
rec cor de.
XX
rec cor
Transcription 2 807
■y
Beautus Laurentius, Selectae cantiones 1614 Bernardino Nanino
Canto I o
W
Be tus
Alto I
■w o
Be tus
Tenore I (* Holl o
Be tus
Basso I o o
Heff
Be tus
Canto II n
Alto II
o o
Tenore II
Be
Basso II
Be
O o
IMt XT o
Bassus ad Org.
808
1
o e
Be tus Lau ren us
o
Be tus L au ren us
II O
Be tus Lau ren us
W (i
o o
Be a tus Lau ren ti us dum in era
<> ti
tus B e - a - tus Lau- ren us
tus Be a - tus Lau ren us
o
o:
tus Be tus Lau ren us
tus Be tus Lau ren
ti
o
809
cu su pra po
dum in era cu p ra - po
cu pra po
cu su pra - po
dum in cra-ti cu
n
dum in era- ti cu
xf: u
dum in- era- ti cu su -
n
XT XT
dum in cra-ti cu su -
ace XT
XT
810
-1
xx
tus su pra re re tur
tu s su p ra tus re re tur
XX XX
tus su pra tus re re tur
xx XX XX
tus su pra si tus u re re tur
su - pra tus re re -
xx
su - pra tus re -
pra po tus re re -
pra - po tus re -
811
-1
adim-pi-is si-mumty - rannum ch-xit
§ ad lm -p i-is s i-m u m ty - ran-num d i-x it
I
ad im»pi-is si-mumty rarmum di-xit
tur ad lm-pi-is is-mumty - rannum dt-xit
tur u- re - re ad in>pi
tur u - re - re adim-pi
tur u- re - re adim-pi
tur u ad im-pi
812
■y
rr
adim-pi-is
p rr
si-m
um
p
ty ran-num di-xit as - sa-tumest:
d -im -p i- is
m * »
si- m um ty ran - n um
o o a o
d i- x it as - s a - turn est:
adim-pi-is si-mumty ran-num di-xit as sa-tumest:
£ £ -o-
adim-pi-is si-mumty - ran-num di-xit as - sa-tumest:
IS si-mumty- rannum di - xit
* — &
~TT
1S si - mumty-rannum dixit as-
i
r p-Jr is-mumty-rannum di - xit
3
si-mumty- rannum di - xit
813
■y
25,
o
as sa - turn est iam ver sa man
-© -
as sa turn est iam ver sa et m an - du
as sa - turn - est iam ver sa et man- du
as sa - turn est iam ver man
sa - turn est
X
T
sa - turn est
sa - turn est
sa - turn est
X
T
X
T
814
29/
o
-0 — m -
£m OTffTHT
du namfacul ta - tes Ec - cle si-aenam facul
nam fa-cul tes Ec cle si - ae nam facul-
W T 5 Z
-e- i
nairfacul ta - tes Ec cle si-aenam facul
33
du ca narrfacul- ta - tes Ec - cle si-aenam facul
¥
£ 0 0-0 o
nanfa-cul-ta - tenant faculta - tes E c- cle - si ae nam fa-cul-ta
0 0 0 0---- 0 Î |J
*•. *I)o 0 0 0'
narrfa-cul-ta - tes Eocle - si-ae nam fa-cul-ta - tes
ipppi pppl
nanfa-cul-ta - tes Eccle ae nam fa-cul-ta
nanfarcul-ta - tes Eccle si - ae nam fa-cul-ta - tes
k-|S^
o Q
l
3 E O o
815
1
tes cle
mm si-ae quasre-qui-
tes Ec cle si-ae quas re -q u i-
TT
tes Ec cle si-ae quas re-
n
tes Ec - cle quas re
in
tes Ec - cle ae quas re qui ris
XT
m
Ec cle ae quas re qui ris
tes Ec cle ae quas re-qui ris

_W
Ec - cle ae quas re-qui ris
jQ l
xx
XX
816
3 7 ,
ris in cae-les
ns in c a e - les
ns in cae-les
n
qui in cae-les
Ec cle - si ae quas re-qui ns.
I
E
I
E I
E XT
cle si- ae quas re qui ns.
I
X
Ec cle - si ae quas re qui ris
-o-
cle - si ae quas re qui ns
I
X
817
-1
m n
tes the-sau ros in cae- les tes the- sau
o <>
o
te s th e -s u a ros in c ae - les tes the - sau
xy n
o
tes the-sau ros in caeles tes the sua ros
n n
te the-sau ros ca e-lex tes the- sau
-e -
in cae-les tes the sau ros ma nus
in cae-les tes the sau
in cae-les tes the sau ros ma
in cae les tes the - sau ros ma -
XT n
818
45,
ros ma nus pau pe - rum de -
ro s ma nus pau rum
X
E
X
I
ma nus ma - nus pau pe - rum de- por-
X
I
ros ma nus pau pe - rum de -
ma nus pau - pe - rum
X
T X
T
ros pau pe - rum
X
T
nus ma nus ma nus pau - pe - rim
X
I X
I X
I
cae nus pau pe - rum
X
I X
I X
I
XI
819
o
o
por ta -v e runt de - por ta-ve-
o t>
d e - p o r - t a - ve runt d e - por ta -
o o
ve runt de - por ta-
D
O
por ta - ve runt de - por ta-
o
de-por ta -v e runt
de-por ta -v e runt
o
o
de-por ta- ve runt
ta- ve runt
o n
820
-1
S3,
O'
runt m cae - les- tes the - sau ros
ru n t c a e - les tes th e -
TSZ V -q a r^ o
P
runt cae-les tes the sua
O O m 3E
o
runt in cae-les tes the - sau
o -HeH-
in cae- les tes the- sua in ca e-les
■9—&-- &■ m O M-
-G &-- &■
in cae- les tes the- sau ros in c a e -le s -
o o W g> u a a
in cae- les tes the-sau ros in cae- les -
M = m
in cae- les - tes the- sau in c a e -le s -
o o M = o
821
1
571
ma nus ma nus
XE -O- n
ma nus ma nus pau
ie I
E IE
ma nus ma
ma nus ma
n I
E
tes the- sau ros ma nus ma -
I
E I
E
tes the- sau ros ma nus ma -
I
E
tes the-sau ros ma nus ma -
I
E I
E
tes the-sau ros ma nus ma -
I
E I
E
I
E I
E
822
1
ma nus pau rim
-o-
p e - rum m a - n u s pau rum
W H U
nus pau rum
pau rum
nus pau rum de - por ta- ve -
n
X
T X
X X
T
nus pau pe-rum de - por ta -
nus pau pe - rum ma - nus pau pe- rum de - por ta -
X
T xx
nus pau rum de - por ta -
X
T X
T
X
X
823
o o o
de-por ta- ve runt de- por
6 o o o ~a—o
de- por ve runt d e - por
de-por ta - ve runt de- por
o
o
de-por ta - ve runt de-por
»
runt por ta - ve runt
o
o o o
ve runt por ta- ve runt
ve runt de - por ve runt
o
o
ve runt de - por ta - ve runt
o
*> <> o
o
824
■J
o o
ve runt.
ti
ve runt.
ta - ve runt.
ta ve runt
por - ta ve runt.
por ve runt
- t iD t r
de- por ve runt.
i>
por - ta ve runt.
Transcription 3 825
O lumen ecclesiae, Selectae Cantiones, 16143 Fabio Costantini
Canto I
Lu men Ec cle Be a te-Pa - ter-Au-
Alto I
O lu-men Ec- cle Be- a te Pa - ter Au-
o
Tenore I
O lu-men Ec cle Be- a te Pa - ter Au-
Basso I
O lu-men Ec cle si - ae Be- a te Pa - ter Au-
Canto II
Alto II
Tenore II
Basso II
Basso ad org.
826
O lumen ecclesiae , Selectae Cantiones, 16143 Fabio Costantini
o o
gus - ti ne 0 lu - men e c - cle si - ae
o o
gus - ti ne O lu - men Ec
gus - ti ne 0 lu - men Ec cle
o
o
gus - ti ne O lu - men cle
lu - men Ec cle Be- a
o
lu-men Ec cle B e -a
lu - men Ec cle si - ae B e -a te Pa-ter Au-
m
lu - men Ec cle te Pa-ter A u
er
827
C lF T P - = P tr
no - bi lisprosa pi - ae doctor le - gisdi
Mr P o
bi lisprosa pi - ae doctor le - gisdi -
• *
-
£
bi lisprosa
Ppi - ae doctor le - gisdi -
P
no - b i- lisprosa pi - ae doctor le - gisdi -
m A u j. jy m
gusti no - bi-liqprosa - pi-ae doctor le - gisdi -
gusti
u
ne no -
u m
bi-li$)rosa pi-ae
mm a
doctor legis
i di-
Q C
E £
gus - ti - ne no - bi-lisprcsa - pi-ae doctor le - gisdi-
w
gusti
- e -
ne
r P r p
No - bi-li^Drasa - pi-ae doctor le - gisdi -
r3 |
P mP -o o
P
828
O lumen ecclesiae, Selectae Cantiones, 1614^ Fabio Costantini
12/
o
« Cl
J
E-re-mi-ta - rum Pa - ter e fun-da
£ tor pro
VI nae
m m
E-re-mi-ta - rum Pa -
m
ter e fun-da - tor pro
o ~g~
o ro
nae
•~w T 4 4 u
E-re-mi-ta - rum
f-
m
P a ter e fun-da - tor pro
o
o
nae
* r- f r r ^ r
E-re-m i-ta - rum Pa - ter e - fun-da -
xs=
tor pro -
12 a
O Q•
VI nae pro no
12 a
- e -
i r y r
VI pro no
3 E
nae.
m m pro no
o
JE
VI nae pro-no
—i2
m mj-., iJ r J
£>
~o~
829
© o o
no bis pud De um ca tus
<> o
no bis a pud De um ca tus
o
o
no bis pud De um ca tus
t> n
o
no bis pud De tus
D O
bis pud De um
o o
o
bis um.
o:
bis pud De um
o
bis pud De um.
n o
o o o
830
pro no bis pud De
pro no bis a - pud De
pro no bis pud De
pro - no bis pud De
ca tus pro - no bis pud De
o
ca tus pro no bis a pud De
o o
es- to pius ad - vo - ca tus pro - no bis pud De
ii
tus pro no bis pud De
n
o
831
us ad tus
o o
C
T
us ad voca tus
o
<>
us ad tus
o
o
tus
um us ad vo ca
o
um es us
um es us ad
um es
-2 4
o n
o
«.>
832
XT XT n
es us vo - ca
X T
es us vo - ca
X T
X T
es VO - ca
es us vo - ca
X T X T
tus es pi - us vo - ca
tus (es - to pi us - us vo - ca
tus es vo - ca
X T
tus es us ad vo - ca
833
O lumen ecclesiae, Selectae Cantiones, 1614-3 Fabio Costantini
o Q
HoD- o n
tus. la
o « a o
tus.
o o
m-
tus.
o n o
Q
tus.
tus.
tus.
tus.
tus.
834
o n
o o o o
X
T
«
.»
1> o O o
o *> o
o
_37
c
> o
t>
o
835
42,
XX
XX
XX
XX
XX
836
45/
o tv 5
f f F - P f P P
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -gu s ne pre- ees no - stras su
f • — 0— &■
Sanc-tae Pa -
i
ter A u -gu s
ii -o-
ne pre- ces no - stras su
■0 0
Sanc-tae Pa -
0 0-
ter A u -gu s -
o
ne
p^p
pre- ces no - stras su SCI -
%-J -J J. J J J o £m
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -gu s - ti ne pre- ce no - stras su SCI •
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -gu s sti

p
45/
i
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -g u s - ti ne
• 0 tv
p Q
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -gu s ne
P - 1 '4 , D
TV
Sanc-tae Pa - ter A u -gu s - ti ne
o
o
837
JO O
O
pe S an c-tae Pa ter Au-gus-ti ne pre-cesnos stras su
o «»
o -------------- '
pe Sane- tae Pa terA ugus- ti ne pre-cesnos tras su
o o u
pe Sane- tae Pa ter Au-gus- ti ne stras su
o
z z :IT——
: = z z ztz r ~ ---
cy
o —----------1
pe San c-tae Pa - ter Au-gus-ti ne pre-ces no stras su
TT o
Sane - te Pa ter Au-gus-ti ne pre-ces no ■ bis su scipe
(Sane- te Pa ter Au-gus- ti ne pre-ces no stras su scipe)
o
o
(S a n c-te Pa ter Au-gus-ti ne pre - ces no - stras su SCI
o o
(S a n c-ta Pa - ter Au-gus-ti ne pre-ces no tras su
o o o
tietf <> o
838
-o
~ O' -HeK-
(pre- ces nos tras pe.)
* m -o~
(pre- ces nos tras su
D
set -
-HoH-
pe)
-
o—
o -HoH-
(pre- ces nos tras SU SCI - pe)
Q -tier
m
(pre - ces nos tras sci - pe)
► (pre - ces no bis

o•
sci -
-DoH-
pe.)
J | f
o -w
(pre - ces no - stras su sci pe.)
o H ie iF
pre - ces no - stras pe.
O'
pre - ces no - stras

£
sci -
H ie F
pe
-5 2
o' -m -
-HeD-
Transcription 4 839
Dixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 16151 Fabio Costantini
Canto I n e
Se - de dex tris me
Alto I 7T o
Se - de dex tris me
T
T
Tenore I
Se - de dex - tris me
Basso I n
Se - de dex tris me
Canto II
Alto II
Tenore II
Basso II
o
Basso per l'organo n
840
D ixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 16151 Fabio Costantini
o o
D o - nec po - nam os sea - bel - lum
o a
D o - nec po - nam m m i - cos bel lum pe dum
O 7T~
D o - nec po - nam os sea - bel - lum

o o
o
D o - n ec po - nam m m i - cus os sea - bel - lum
o o
841
v ir - gam vir
o
vir gam vir
vir vir
o
vir gam vir
« n
dum tu rum
n
o
rum.
dum rum
o o
dum to - or rum
o
«
842
o o
ae e - m ittet D o - m i - n u s ex Si on d o - m i - n a - re
n e
ae e - m ittet D o - m i - nus ex on d o - m i - n a - re
o _______ o ___
o
ae e - m ittet D o - m i - nus ex on d o - m i - na re

t>
o
ae e m - it - tet D o -m i-n u s on d o - m i - n a - re
d o - m i - na - re (do mi na
do - mi - na - re (d o - mi - na -
Q
do - mi - na - re d o - m i- na -
do - mi - na - re (d o -m i - na -
o o
o
843
D ixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
16/
l9 (9 -
70' 0
tecum prin ci pi um in
tecum prin ci - p i- um in
19 P -
tecum prin

P
ci - pi - um in
42. Q.
P—
—
(9—(2
te -c u m prin - c i - p i - u m in
o o
re) in m e- di - o in - i - m i - co - rum tu - o rum
P •' m m 0 jy I _o
re) in m e- di - o in - i - mi c o - rum tu - o rum
-o-
re) in m e- di - o
F P P 3!
in - i - m i - c o - rum tu - o
ttr p tt
rum
49— 0
o
^rr-rnrrrr
re) in d e - di - 0
P
in - i - m i - co - rum tu - 0
-o-
rum
rggpp
rJ6 « o
O
P
>0
- e -
844
D ixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
di - e virtu- tis tu ae in splen - do - ri - bus S an e-to - rum ex u
n
di - e v ir - tu -t is tu ae in splen - do ri - bus S an e-to - rum ex u
o o
® di - e virtu- tis tu ae in splen - do - ri - bus S an e-to - rum ex u
»rrrff o o
di - e virtu- tis tu ae in splen - do - ri - bus S a n e-to - rum ex u
o o
3£
845
Dixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
n
te - ro an
te - ro an
te - ro an
Iu - ra- vit
Iu - ra- v it D o -
Iu - ra- vit
Iu - ra- vit
76
846
28 ,
sa
o n <>
es sa
es sa
o
o
es sa
Do mi nus et non p e - n i- ri - bit e um
CE
m i - nus et non pe - ni - ri - bit e um

e
Do mi nus et non pe - ni - ri - bit e um
Do mi nus et non p e - ni - ri - bit e um
o o o
847
D ixit dominus, Raccolta de1salmi 16151 Fabio Costantini
o n o o
cer dos es sa cer dos) in ae
n
o
o o o o o o

o o
<> o
n o o
cer dos es sa cer dos in ae
n n o o o
Tu es sa cer dos in ae ter num
o o o o
o W
o o o o n o
n
Tu es sa cer dos in ae num

o e
o o
o
W o
n o
848
Dixit dominus, Raccolta de' salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
ter num
n
ter num
o
ter num
o
ter num
o o o o
se cun dum or nem M el chi se
XX o o T> o n o
o o CT XT O O
cun dum or nem M el - chi se

o o <>
€T o o
o o
o ci
O XT
849
4
0,
D XJ O n 11 o o IE
se cun dum or ne M el - chi se dech
11 Q (> O
se cun dum or di - nem M el - chi se dech
o o o o n
n
se cun dum or di - nem M el - chi - se dech.

c> o
I
E
O O IE
O
se cun dum or di - nem M el - chi - se dech
dech mi
dech Do mi-
dech Do mi-
dech Do mi
o ned o o
I
E o n
850
4
4,
o
o
is con
o
con fre
is con
o
o
is con fre
o
o o
851
4
8,
di- ca bit-in na- ri - o - ni - bs, im-ple-bit ru- i
di- ca busim-ple-bit ru- i

n O
di- ca in na- ti - o - ni - bus im-ple-bit ru - i
r r ^
di- ca bit in na-ti- o - ni - bus im-ple-bit ru- i
su - ae re ges
o
su - ae re ges im-ple-bit ru- i
su- ae re ges im-ple-bit ru- i
o
su - ae re ges im-ple-bit ru- i
o
o n
852
52,
o
rr Hr rr r r ^r r i- rp p p
nas(imple-bit ru- i nas)conquassa- bit (corquassa-bit, conquassa-bit) ca- pi - ta in
p - d
nas(imple-bit ru- i
d o
PP P 0 0 ZM
nas)conquassa- bit (coiquassa-bit, conquassa-bit)

P
ca- pi - ta in
p p
nas(implbit ru- i
prr f rf l f
nas)conquassa- bit (coiquassa- bit, conquassa- bit) ca- pi - ta in
o
= £ P 1
nas(imple-bit ru- i
P
nas)conquassa-bit (cOiquassa-bit, conquassa-bit) ca- pi - ta in
P-
_______________
o _
nas(imple-bit ru - i nas) -
[Vf~7TT*f
conquas - sa-bi(coiquas - sa-bitponquas-sa-bit)ca- pi - ta in-
p
p—&
nas(imple-bit ru- i nas) - conquas - sa- bit (coapuassa- bitponquas -sa-bit)ca- pi - ta in
0 0
p —&
nas(imple-bit ru- i nas) conquas sa-bii(coiquas - sa-bitponquas-sa-bit)ca-pi - ta in
pp
r r-rf-
P
r
0— 0
p
PP
nas(imple-bit ru- i nas) - conquassa- bitponquas - sa-bitponquas-sa-bit)ca-pi - ta in
_52 *
o TT
<>
P r 1 r r 'r' r
1 1
853
rum to r - ren in VI
o
ter - ra mul rum tor - ren ta VI
I
T O
ter-ra mul rum tor - ren m VI

U o
o
ter - ra mul rum de tor - ren in VI
o o o
rum
rum
il
n it
854
p r o p te- re - a e x -a l - ta-vit ca - put propte - re - a
ft
propte - re - a e x -a l - ta-vit ca - put propte - re - a
0 0 0 mO
propte - re - a e x -a l - ta-vit ca - put propte - re - a
f ^ O '
m
bit propte - re - a ex -a l - ta-vit ca - put propte - re - a
o 11
propte - re - a (projbe- re - ex- al -
propte - re - a (prope- re - ex- al -
0 0 . 0 flo o
propte - re - a (prope- re - e x -a l-
e n
propte - re - a e x -a l-
o
o
855
64/
3E
et fi - li - o
et
O
-& -1------- • — o
G lo - ri - a pa - tri
4 ta - v it ca
3E
put.
4 ta - v it c put
ax
ta - v it - ca put
TV
ta v it ca - put
54 43
o P
3E
nn
856
o n o
cut rat
T
T
O
cut rat
n
n
cut rat
o o
cut rat
n n
cut rat
o
cut
II
cut rat in
o o
cut rat
il
o
o o
857
n
o o
in pnn et nunc et
n
o
m prin et-nunc,et sem -
o o
o
in pnn et nunc et
o
o
o
in pnn et nunc et
m pnn
o
rat pnn
o
prin
n n n
in pnn
o
D ci n
858
Dixit dominus , Raccolta de? salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
sem per se cu rum a
per se cu rum
n n
sem per se cu lo - rum

o xx
sem per se cu
n
in se cu
in se cu
in sae - cu
859
D ixit dominus, Raccolta de1salmi 1615* Fabio Costantini
n n
n
men in se cu
n
men in se cu
se - cu
rum m en in se - cu
in cu rum
in se - cu cu lo - rum a -
o
in se - cu cu rum
o
in se - cu cu rum
_30
o
i) o
860
m en.
m en.
n X
T O ~nnir
m en men.
X
T
m en men.
/O
men. men
o
n
m en men.
m-
n
Transcription 5 861
Laetatus sum, Scelta de salmi 1620* Fabio Costantini
Canto I o
stan tes rant p e - des nos
A lto I
TV
O•
Stan tes rant pe - des nos
Tenore I
Stan tes rant pe - des nos

o o
B asso I
Stan tes rant - des no
A lto II
Tenore II
B asso II
o o a
o o
B asso stesso
S ta n te s
862
Laetatus sum, Scelta de salmi 1620 1 Fabio Costantini
o o
is H ie- ru sa lem H ie - ru sa -
Al o
is H ie- ru sa H ie - ru sa -
is H ie- ru sa lem H ie - ru sa -
o I .
is H ie -r u sa lem H ie - ru - sa
CII
H ie ru sa lem
A ll o
H ie ru sa lem
T il
Hie ru sa lem
o o
BII
Hie ru - sa lem
o
Be o
2. P
863
lem quae ae-d i-fi - ca-tur ut ci - v i ■ tas,
Al
lem/quae e- di- fi - ca-tur ut ci - vi • tas,
lem quae e - di- fi - tas,
BI o
lem quae a e -d i-fi- ca-tur, ut ci - v i - tas,
CII
quae a e-d i-fi - tas, cu-ius parti- ci - ti - o e- ius
A ll
quae a e - d i- f i- ca-tur, ut ci - v i - tas, c u -iu sp a r -ti-c i - ti - o e - ius
T il
quae ae-d i-fi - cartur, ut ci - v i ■ tas, cu-ius p a r -t i-c i- pa
BII
quae e - d i - f i - cartur, ut ci - v i - tas, c u -iu sp a r -ti-c i - pa ti - o cu-ius
Be <>
m- o
tutt. 2.
864
o
solo
Il-lu c e-n im , il - luc e - nim ascende - runtjxibus,
Al
n
Il-luc e-n im , il - luc e - nim
o
Il-lu c e - ni, II - luc e - nim
BI
Il-lu c e-n im , il - luc e - nim.
CII o
>0l0
sum, I l-lu c e -n im , ascende - runtfribus,
A ll
XT XT
o
in sum,
TII XT O XT
sum II - luc e - nim,
BII o
o
sum, II - luc e - nim,
Be o
o
P- 2. C an ti
865
16 ,
CI
JM
r p r r r r T t r T T Pr*rir r r j n r p si
trib u sP o - m ini,tes-tim o - ni-um Is - ra-el ad con fi-tendumno - m i iD o - m i
cn
trib u sP o - m ini,tes-tim o - ni-um Is - ra-el ad confi-tencum no - m in D o -m i
Be
o
m £ $
20 ,
CI
CII o «
m qui se-des in iu -
A ll o
qui de-runt, se-d es in ju - ci - o se
« o
T il
qui derunt, se-des in iu -

Q :zn
BII
qui il - luc se - deru n t, s e d e s in iu - di
O O CT
Be o
2.
866
Laetatus sum, Scelta de salmi 16201 Fabio Costantini
Ro - g a -te , (Ro-
Al
Ro -
R o-
R o - ga- te, ro-
CII
ci - o, se- des su per do m um Da vid, R o-ga-te
A ll
o o
des su-per mum Da vid Ro-ga-te
o
TII
ci - o, se- des su per d om u m D a vid R o-ga-te

o o
BII o
des su per do mum Da vid Ro-ga-te,
Q e
Be o
P 2.
867
CI n o 0 o
ga-te)q u aead pacem sunt H ie ru sa lem et a-bun
Al
J J- °
g a -te ) quaead p a-cem su n tH ie ru sa lem
TI o
ga- te) quaead p a-cem su n tH ie ru sa lem

o
BI I
T
-te q u a e a d pacem sunt H ie ru sa lem
CII 0 0
et a-bundan - ti-a
A ll
et arbun- dan - ti-a
TII
dan - ti-a
BII
--------------- IT
et a-bun-dan - ti-a
<T IT
Be IT n
TT
P 2.
868
dan - ti-a (et a - bun - dan li- gen ti - bus
Al o
dan li - gen ti - bus
o
Solo
dan - t i - a , (et a - b u n - dan li - gen ti - bus
n
dan - t i - a , (et a - b u n - d a n
o
CII
et a- bun - dan -g e n ti - bus
A ll
(et a - bun - dan li - gen ti - bus
T il
o
Solo
(et a - bun - dan li - ten ti - bus
BII
o
(et a - bun - dan
Be o o
XT XT
tut.
869
36,
et a-bundan ti- a (et a-buiian - ti-a)in
Al ••
nm m
et a-bundan ti- a (et a-burian - ti-a)in
pax in v ir-tu te tu et a-bundan ti- a (et a-buiian - ti-a)in

~ I I P' • *0
et a-bundan ti- a (et a-burian - ti-a)in
CII
a-bundan - ti- a in
A ll
a-bun dan ti-a in
T il o
pax in v ir-tu te tu a-bun dan - ti- a
BII
a-bun-dan - ti-a in
Be o
o o
2.
Ten. sol.
870
tur ti-b u s tu
Al
o
tur ri-bus tu lo -
tur ri-bus tu
o o
o
. s o lo _
tur ri-bus tu is,prop - terfratres m e os, etpro xi-m us m e-os
CII n D
tur ri-bus tu
A ll
o
tur ri-bus tu
TII n o
tur ri-bus tu
BII o
n
tur ri-bus tu
Be o
o
tu tti. B as. sol.
2. A lt. sol.
871
44t
CI
---- 9 9 — 9
prop - terdonum do - mi - n iD e -
Al
a a
solo
qu<barpa
9>+
O■
cem - cem de
Wm
teprop - terdonum do mi niDe
TI
9 — 9
9 •
prop - terdonum do mi - niDe
BI * J- «3^ m • — - — sr
prop- terdonum do m i - niDe
A ll
o
liifhama
qudbarpa 9 - _ cem de te
Be ?— e - o
o
5oE s
872
nos Glo
Al o
o e
nos Glo
nos G lo
O
nos Glo
CII o
quae- si vi bo - n Glo
A ll
♦ XT O
quae- si vi na ti G lo
T il
quae si vi bo - na Glo
BII
o o
quae si vi bo - na G lo
Be
c> o
2.
873
o o
o
Al o «>
o o
o
o
BI Q
CII o o
A ll o
Pa - tri,
TII n
BII o
o o
tris
Be O
o
tutti. 2.
874
S i- c u t e -r a t in prin - ci
Al
o
S i- c u t e -r a t pnn - ci - pi
Si - cut e - rat in pnn - ci - pi
prin - ci - pi
CII <>
tu - i sane e tn u n c e t sem -
AII
X T X T
n o
TII
tu - i sane et nunc et sem -

o
BII o
o o
Be
P- 2.
875
et nunc et sem per sae cu-lo-rum
Al
o
o
et nunc et sem - per sae cu-lo-rum
CII o o
o o
per in sae cu -
A ll
o o o
per in sae cu
TII o Q
per in sae cu
BII o o
per in sae cu - la
Be
P-
876
m en sae cu
Al
XT XT
n
men sae cu
o o
n
men sae cu
o
o
men sae cu
CII XT
O
sae m en. sae cu
A ll
XI
sae m en sae cu
XT
T il XI
sae m en sae cu
BII
Q
sae m en sae cu
Be
877
o o
rum men.
Al
n
rum men.
rum men.
t> o
rum men.
CII n ii
rum men.
A ll
notr
rum men.
T il
(T
rum men.
BII o
rum men.
Be o
tutti.
Transcription 6 878
Ave Regina caelorum, Scelta di salmi 16201 Bernardino Nanino

"Accomodata alia modema
da Fabio Costantini"
Canto I B ! o XT
Re - gi na cae
A lto I
I I Z Z £
m
B asso per l'organo
Re - gi
o
na cae
CI $P IE
lo rum
AI
i |U-^|
tWr
lo rum
CII o xc
o:
Re gi na cae lo
A ll
ES i
_Re : gL na cae
o
Borg. ‘7 =1, |* J r [ f o
XT
879
Cl
Re
P
gi na ca
i 0
lo
AI
Re - gi
-e- i
na cae - lo
m ~
n ~
CII -H
eH- -o-
p
ram R e-
A ll
o
rum Re
Borg.
T
V
o o
Cl I
T
rum cae rum,
AI
rum, cae - lo rum.

CII o
o
na cae rum
A ll
o O
o ■®L O-
cae - lo
Borg.
W
II
880
ve Do mi
AI
n IT
na An -
mi
BI
ve Do mi na An
CII
ve Do mi na
A ll
o
Do m i - na
T il
ve Do mi na
BII
W
ve Do mi na
Borg.
m-
jjetf
881
n o o
o
na An rum
AI o
o
rum Sal - v e ra -
o o
na An rum Sal -
BI
rum
CII o
An rum
A ll
n
An rum
TII
<> -tied
An rum
BII
rum
Borg.
882
o o
o
Sal - ve ra dix, Sal-ve Por
AI
o y u --------
Por- ta,
o
ve ra dix, Sal-ve Por
o
a o
Sal ve ra dix, Sal - ve Por- ta,
CII n
Sal ve ra
A ll
o o
Sal - ve ra Sal -
TII o
dix,
o
BII n
23 Sal
Borg. Q
O
883
Ave Regina caelorum, Scelta di salmi 1620* Bernardino Nanino
27.
exquam un do lux est
AI
exquamun. do lux est
exquam un do lux est
exquam un
CII o
dix, Sal v eP o r
A ll o o
ve Por
T il
G O
Sal v e Por
o
BII o
27 ve ra. dix,Sal - v e Por

o o o
Borg.
884
o o
or
AI
o
or
o
or
CII
ex qua mun do lux est or
A ll
o
ex qua mun lux est or
T il
n
ex qua mun lux est or
BII
ex qua mun
Borg. n
885
35.
-&■ o
H
O
Gau - de Vir sa
AI
o o XT XT
Gau - de Vir sa
o x>
O XT
Gau - de Vir sa
_____ o -HBH- XT
XT XT
Gau - de Vir sa
o
CII XT
Gau - de Vir
A ll
XT XT XT
Gau - de Vir
XT XT
TII XT
Gau - de Vir
_____ o -m XT
XT
BII
notr
3
5 Gau - de Vir
XT XT
XT
Borg.
o
XT
886
x> o
n n
Gau - de Vir sa
AI
o n
o o
Gau - de Vir sa
x
> XT T
T
O
Gau - de Vir sa
BI o o
o ------- XT XT
Gau - de Vir sa
CII
n O XI
o
sa Su - per om nes
A ll
XI m- X
T
XT XT
sa Su - per om nes
T il x
> XI
XT XT
sa Su - per om nes
XT XT
BII o XT xt
sa Su - per om nes
Borg. XT XT
XT XT
887
o o
Su - per om nes spe sa
AI
o o
o o a
o
o e
BI o
XT o
CII o
o
spe sa Su - per om nes
A ll
o n
o
TII n o TT n
m-
ra t o
BII n
o o
43 spe sa Su - per om nes
o o o
Borg.
o
47.
V a -le, o val de d e-co -ra ,
AI
Va- li val - de de- cq- ra
Va- le, o val - de de- co - ra

o
Va- le, o val - de de- c o - ra
CII G G
spe sa Va- le, o val -
A ll
o o o o
spe - ci sa v a l-
G O‘ o
TII
spe - ci sa, V a-le, o v a l-
BII
m-
[coloation]
47 spe sa, Va- le, o val -
Borg. o o TT
889
Va - le, o val - de de - co ra
AI
o
le, o val - i de de - co ra
x>
Va - v a l-d e de - co ra
BI o
v a - le, o val - de d e - co ra
CII x>
n
de d e - c o - r a pro no bis
A ll
o o
pro no
o o
T il XT
de d e - co - ra pro no bis Chri -
BII o
------------- o o
de d e - c o - r a pro no bis
o
Borg.
o
890
5
5.
va
va
va
CII o o o
Chri stum,Chri stum ex - o ra
A ll
o o o
_ Chri stum,Chri
2--------------
stum ex - o ra
o
TII
stum Chri stum ex ra

o o
BII n
Chri stum,Chri stum e x - or ra

o o
Borg. n
891
<> o
ra va le o v a l- de d e- co - ra
AI
o
ra va - ra
o
XT
ra va - le, o va l- de d e- co - ra
o
ra va - le, o va l- de d e- co - ra
CII o
v a - le, o val - de de - c o - ra v a - le o v a l-d e d e - c o -
A ll
o
de - c o - ra va - <-v a l-d e d e - c o -
TII n
v a - le, o - val - de de - c o - ra va - le, o v a l-d e d e - c o -
BII Q
va - le, o - val- de de- co -

XT
Borg. XT
892
a:
pro no bisChrikirrChris-tum e x - o
AI
« o
pro no bis turn e x - o ra
n o n o
pro - no bis Chri sturrChri stum ex- o ra
o
o n 11
o
Chri - stunChri stum e x - o ra
CII
XI
ra
A ll
o
ra
TII
n
ra
BII
XT
ra
Borg. o xv o
XT o
893
n
o
pro no bis Chri
AI
pro no b is Chri stum

o o
o
pro no bis Chri

o m
pro no bis Chri
CII o
pro no - bis Chri stum,
A ll
o o
pro no bis Chri stum
TII mst
pro no bis Chri stum

o
BII o
68 pro no bis Chri

o
Borg. o
o
894
CI o o o
W
XT
stum Chri stum ex ra.
AI
Chri stum ex ra
TI x>
stum Chri stum ex ra
BI
stum Chri sutm ex ra
CII
Chri stum ex ra
A ll
XT O
Chri stum ex ra
TII o o
Chri stum ex ra
BII o o
Chri stum ex ra
Borg. «
o
895
n o
D i - gna - re me lau d a -re te lau da-re
n o
o
me lau lau
CII XX o
D i - gan - re me lau d a -re te, lau da-re
A ll
o o
2Ddt<gn< me lau - da
o
Borg. o o XX
O ----
A 4. D ig n a re .
t»
Vir sa - era ta.
AI
o
era sa - era ta.
CII XI XT
X
T
Vir g o sa - era Vir g° sa - era ta.
A ll
x> IX
o
Vir - g o sa-cra Vir sa - era
Borg. IX XT II XX
XX
896
o Q n
Da mi vir tern con
AI
Q O n
Da mi vir tern con
Da mi vir tern con

o
o
XT
Da mi vir tern con
CII o
Da mi vir tern
A ll
H o
Da mi vir tern
TII o o
Da mi vir tern
o o o
BII n
86 Da mi vir tern
Borg.
— non— O
A8' D a m in i
897
o o
tra hos tes tu os.
o o o o
tra hos tes os.
o o o
tra hos tes os.
BI o
o o
tra hos tes os.
CII
con tra hos - tes tu os.
A ll
o o
T il

o o
BII o
con os.
Borg. n n o
o o
Transcription 7 898
T e o filo G argari
Cantabo Domino, Selectae cantiones, 16161
Soprano o
Can - ta - bo D o - m i - no in v i- t a m e
B asso o
Can - ta D o -m i-n o in
D
B asso continuo o o O
o
O
o zr & — & i
(Can ta - bo D o - mi - no in vi - ta me
o « © ------- -o---------
B
v i - ta me
-|S>------ 0- _o_ o o
Be
# r Jr r 9— g
t ° ------------ _ y
rr o
o
9---------------------------------------
a
— o ---------------------------
rr1
in
— IP — 9 ------
*
vi - ta
—-
me
a
1
e .
-
|
•
a
]
J
ill
•
(Can - ta - bo D o - m i - no in v i - ta m e
V-r^r~r
r i * rr lf—.
9
o
—° ------------------- —O-1 — :p 9----
S
c .. -a 1 c • p- ■*
899
Cantabo Domino, Selectae cantiones, 16161 Teofilo Gargari
'm o o
£ $ |» |» J i
13 in vi - ta me a) p sallam D e- o m e quamdi- u sum
r *
B
£ r r *r rr
p sallam D e-o me - o quam di-u
13
43
o I _________ £LJL
ri'r r r r-r
Be
M i
17. (I>)
17 p sa lla m D e -o m e -o quamdi-u sum

£
(psallam D e o m e -o quam -
B
* #
i m Wz
m
sum psallam D e-o m e o quamdi- u sum (psalam D e- o me- o cjuam
17
.^ Ql„ 65 5
zzz:
Be
£ * 6 - -*
o n
21 diu sum
o
o
B
di - u sum go ve re
21
4 a_____________
o o -&±
g p
Be
900
Cantabo Domino, Selectae cantiones, 1616* Teofilo Gargari
1 i
v _ J
.V/tv 7 C C €3 ^ m
V M^ w
25 8° ve - ro e go ve rc de - lec -
L!•
^ n .
/ j u P r r"""h^
7 \
e - go ve ro (e g
< ) ve
25
' 5 fi
L. o
ll
IIr
MÎ
l c a r. O
=------^ --------------------------------
[Change to alto clef]
S o
mi-n
o
de-lec-
Bc
[Return to bass clef]
..... - ......
32
n
w P m *P m •
H L a - - - - -
ta-bo rin D o mi-
32
-9 -m -----? --------------a ---------- m7fJ '
— f — f — ----------^ ---------------
N
901
Cantabo Domino, Selectae cantiones, 1616* Teofilo Gargari
7 —» F 9------ F ^
h r = H = I h = 4 = y
35 denlec- ta-bor n Do
q
s > o ----------- ■f H T fT T '
no de-lec - ta-b or in D o
35
q
° 9 * ------------ B— -------19------------- -- -------------
V
9 — e ----------
mi no d e - lect - a - bor
mi - no de - lec - ta bor de - lec -

o o
Be
o
o
de - lec - t a bor
bor in D o
n
o
Be
902
Cantabo Domino, Selectae cantiones, 16161 Teofilo Gargari
4
4
m Do mi - no in
XT
m i - no in
Be a o
— J—^ J J
- n. n u i
pr E
)o
« -H
en
mi - no.
----------
4
7
*): r r r rUJj
-UJ rrr r p *i» A j r i r r Jr p
iP i
?
—
E
)o
tfei L
-H
eH
----------
mi - no.
4
7
-9*-9—-9-----------------------6>---------
------------
*
M ftrrt
----,---- •— > f
----- » • » \ O--------
U ----------
leH
Transcription 8 903
Adiuro vos,filiae Hierusalem, Selectae cantiones 16161 Abbundio Antonelli
------------------: ©-----©----- ---fo ©------O --------------

Soprano ffh ^ g— ----------!s o =—^ = = =
q
-------- 1
-------------------------
A - diu - ro VOS [a - ciu ro vos)
t ) ; n -------------------_ ---------------- m
Basso J A 3 -------------------------------------
° 6
1
o-------------- 9■" 43
o --------------- «i---------------
Basso continuo Vi *----------f--- Y--- --------------- e-----------
u 1—
-------------------------—
xc o - P
I li- aeH iefu P ,P r
alem si s en-e
mven-e - ri-tisdi-
ri-tis lec-tumme - urn ut
_______ L <9- __L 43 O o
Be o o
m j i j -Q t 0—&
j----- 0 — 0- $ ~TT~
nun - ti - e - tis e - l qui a - mo - re lan gue - o
A I 6 *3
7 6 |
Be
P o o
o
o
12
- J f — —— ° ------------- ^ —
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® qui - [ u io - re lan - gue ■ 0.
12 B asso solo
4)1----------------- _ -------------- # ----- n --------
y -----------------------------------
Qua - is est
12
* J « 6
Be / r o ----------------------------- 0----- n --------
\ r r y =
-I--------------- 1 I I----------------------
904
Adiuro vos, filia e Hierusalem, Selectae cantiones 16161 A bbundio A ntonelli
16
• — • — &
(qua-lis- est) di-lec - tus

7.T~!7
tu-us
£(di-lec tus tu - us) ex
£
di - lec - tus
16
J _3______
Be Si
20, C anto solo
i PP
Di-lec - tus me -
20
o pufcher - ri-mamu-li -
p
er-um pulcher - r i-m a m u -li -
s n
e-rum.
20 43
Be
Z2=
i P o o r
o
Si
24,
24
-e-
us can
„
-
p fr + r - p
di-dus, et ru bi-cun-dus can
43
didus,et ru - bi-cun- dus e- lec -
Be
:z £ f— - = n r r ^ o
£ o
bus.
Ca put e - ius
o n
Be o o
905
Adiuro vos,filiae Hierusalem, Selectae cantiones 16161 A bbundio A ntonelli
[fi
r^
o ~ ....^ 1.. - —
r i t i °=j * 0 • »
mum si - cute- te pamatum
B o:»L-V
32
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co - maee - ius ni
Be *
>: 1 --S
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r- r 6
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H i - j Li 0 0 f* o
v qua-si-corv us ■ qua-si cor vus) — y cut columbae
35
^ 1 f _
f- d --------- - f -
grae
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jw 0-* ©—
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i r r p h —^
v 0 - |» * I P
: t
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-----------“ 'J
si
43
35 It
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40
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^
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■*>: •
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f r—
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---------- ----------------/ —
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4
0 R e cut col-um -bae
5---/fr T7!3
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su-per ri - vu- los super ri
5 6
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r1 --rf—
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r~'---F~-t9
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906
Adiuro vo s.filia e Hierusalem, Selectae cantiones 16161 A bbundio A ntonelli
o
tae si - dent
quae la ctesuntlo tae
Be
*>
/v o n IIMI O O 0 |M! O
wK
vAJ ° o
^ iux - ta flu - en - ta iux - ta flu en - ta
47
» ■ n 0 • 9 ()
/ 0 ° <> n
IMI
V
et re - si - dent iux - ta flu - en - ta
47
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frV IMI *>
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0 0n 0 O IK>11 •»
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pie - nis si - ma et
51 0
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pie - nis - si - ma et re - si - dent iux - ta flu -
51 ^ 60
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4Ml----------------------------
907
Adiuro vos, filia e Hierusalem, Selectae cantiones 1616 ’ A bbundio A ntonelli
55
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\J o ^ ^
S A ^ o n IM
II w
rm ° o
re - si - dent iux - ta flu - en - ta pie - nis si -

55
IMI ° o • 9
B S IMil *-> n ii o
V
en - ta iux - ta flu - en - ta pie - nis - si -
55 * 3
' 65 .. .. 6 .. ..
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11 *> II*>11
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59
1J
S IMI
V
^ ma pie nis - si ma.
59
t v*• IMI «»
B S IMI
■\ IMI
ma, pie nis - si ma.
59 4 3
tlnfl-------------------------o -----------
s (K^tl
mm
Transcription 9 908
Hoc est praeceptum meum, Seiectae cantiones 16161 Fabio Costantini
o p
Bassus primus
o
Hoc est prae - sep - turn me - um,
O Q zz:
Bassus secundus
Hoc est prae - cep - turn me -
Bassus ad Organum T! 3E
B1 3E
ut di - li - ga tis in - vi - cem
B2 £
um (Hoc est prae - cep - turn
• n— e-
Org o
B1 _o
-----<
-® s
>- -e s- -e -
Hoc est prae - cep - turn me um. (hoc est prae -
B2
me um) ut di - li - ga tis
Org *
> D
m
909
H oc estpraeceptum meum, Selectae cantiones 16161 Fabio Costantini
13
r' Q__
__Q- 2 O 3E
B1
cep - turn me um) ut di - li ga - tis m - vi

13
B2 £
vi - cem ut di - li - ga tis in
13 e 7(
3X 1
Org o 3 E
P ^ P il
22=
B1
cem si - cut di - le
P XI VOS
17
B2 gE
cem sicut di - le

§
17 43 e 43
Org
p p p p
20
B1
si-cut di- le sicut di ■

20
B2
irrrcx x J ^ r
sicut di- le xi vos sicut di -
20 43 6 43
cr
Org
rrr r M i rp £ p
910
H oc estpraeceptum meum, Selectae cantiones 16161 Fabio Costantini
23
B1
- ? 'L L U - j
: & & o
le xi vos
23
B2 rm j-m JE
le XI VOS
£
23
4 3
Org -o-
P o
I
T
B1 O
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»
la
o
B2 n o o
Org O o C
T o
o
31
B1 s Pi
ia) Al le lu - m
.
31
B2
31
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ia) Al
PP le - lu
-HeH-
ia.
34 3
M:
Org s i
r rir
Transcription 10 911
Ave verum corpus meum Scelta di motetti 1618^ G. F. Anerio
Canto primo n
rum cor - pus na
Canto secondo
Basso continuo u
nqr^----------- O T
)
Ave verum corpus
de Ma-
C
II
turn
o o
E cho
j r-rn
o
J JJ
J
P r n r r H r r
ri a Vir g i- n e _ Ve- re
? ■
i
T I t = £ .....
7 Vir g i- ne
— |- H — n 1 1 = q
..
..tj rJ
J
>— i J » -
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m 0
4 J 3Echo
912
Pas-sum im m o- la turn in cru
C
II
im mo - la - turn
13.
C
I
r J ' r r
13. ce pro ho
CII
n y jtto
in Cru ce
£
13
Jr r- r
A
l L I - - =i
H » -* 9 • • • m G »
? r - r " r r
■J6 mi - ne c u - ius la - tus pre -
J K .... j - j . . ■
r i p | J r J r 1
16 pro- ho mi - ne
° ........"T ...... . - © --------------------------------------------

r y
/ ------------------ 6»— O ---------- *»
j [ = o
913
C
l ,> J . * p it* p------ i J T
------- * 0T 4I P = i
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-
a J C J r
so - ra turn un da
CII — - 44 - d -m-* ..--------------- = ---------
0
h
C J r t r * ' L c jH
19 preso - ra turn un
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<>>: ® p — - p - ■ = p = "” J------------- o m p-----
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r ' r r - |J H H A
22.
C
l
flu
£ xit san-gui- ne es-to
CII
i
22
p t
da flu
? xit san-gui-ne
m
C
l m i 4-m ----0 a
25 no-bis pre gu-sta turn
CII i
25 pre
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914
28.
C
I - i
m or- tis ex - a - mi -
28^ i i i i i__________
CII ^ J J J J Jpy ^
28 gu - sta- turn in mor - tis ex - a - mi -
‘1
I F * i 7--- --------- f>- f , J h
- 6 Y ° — 11— o —
-------- y -------------
in m or - tis ex - a - mi - nc O le - su
>1 * — Ist"------ f , J— -H---------------------------
6 r r L f ^ 1 « ----- -------------
31 ne in mor - tis ex - a - mi ne
<*> 1 J J , = [ a ° <> °
S
J ^ f -
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34 pi - e
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B 11^*11------ -------------------------
s
34 0 le - su pi - e
---- 1-________________________ ---------- o ---------------- l i ----------------
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915
Ave verum corpus meum Scelta di m otetti 1618^ G. F. Anerio
37 „
C
l un
llo
ll o
37. 0 le su pi - e
CII Q «
37 0 le SU
m o
non— o -
o
40
y
-> ■ n o
11 ° «> °n ...... °
4° O Ie - su fi - li Ma
y
■ ■ ....
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v #3
40 pi - e
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43
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43 ri - ae
v n
wn
j ■ l) O vO O
n
°
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43 O Ie - su fi - li Ma
H^-ni n ^ n (>
j °
916
Ave verum corpus meum Scelta di motetti 1618^ G. F. A nerio
i ■ j - 4 - j K J~T ^— -
As S ' S # • |* * * .* • G .. .
re=
mi - se - re - re no bis .
j flMI—° — 17 ■ Jd - Sh' SJ JS |* ..m : . . . ? . . S 9 ^
46 ri - ae mi - se - re - re no
-----(ted-------- n
7 rt \ 1 A
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1
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49 m i-se-re-re no bis A
i u j - - = H
i r e = * r p r r u x N
49 bis m i-se-re-re-no bis
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52
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52 A men
f f y t - 4 ° - ------ - h # ---------------------
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c
C
l
men.
CII
men
Cantabo Domino, Scelta di motetti 1618 Paolo Quagliati
-o- -e- o CL
Canto 1
fi Can - ta - bo
e-
Do -
T)
mi - no in vi - ta me
it
Canto 2
Organo. con doi Soprani
Cantabo Domino
Basso continuo
T-nnr -m - o
o o - o -
Chitarra:
[barring o f print is retained; dotted barlines are editorial; one ms figure,m 33]]
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Cl tt1*
------------- M
5 a,
C2 ■ ■ t» u p—
o
t b ----------------------------------------------------
Can - ta - bo Do - rni - no
0 ------ ----- D _
V ■------------------------------------------------- ----- :----------------- 0 ----
.............................................................. o — " ------------r - 0 ^----------
Be Cantabo Domino in vita mea.

5
---------------- --— <> H ied ------------ — -----
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IL g
> H
Cl
'm Can - ta - bo Do
C2
$ IE
in vi -
-C»
ta
IE
a
XT
(Can - ta - bo
-e- 330
Do
P CL
Be
O
rr r- (Cantabo Domino)
IE
CL c> o o
WC
918
1
13.
Cl
¥ o
o
o $
13. in vi ta me
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13 in
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vi - ta me
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13
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in vita me
T T
IMt o
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Cl
me psal - lamDe-o
C2 *
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me psal - lamDe-o
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in vita me.
Be
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21 me - o quam di - u sum,
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21 me o quam di - u sum, psal - lam D S- 0
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919
Paolo Quagliati
Cantabo Domino, Scelta di motetti 1618
psal - lamDe me
C2 o
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me psal - lamDe o me
o
o
ZZZ
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Be
29.
n -H nr
Cl
29.
eH-
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quam di -
£
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M = M2 H O £ £ le
Be
29
M = -fle p -
o -e-
Cl
sum iucuidus fite i e-lo - quium
C2 n
33 quamdi - u sum
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Transcription 11
il
17. me um cgwc - rode - leto - bor ir Do
C2 Si
*P
1
ego ve - rode - ledpor in Do - nrio, dteta-boin
Si
Be
o
A a P ^P i. > - >
Pr - ror * * dtec- tHa-bomDo - mi- )
f ftmi-no,ne- gove 1
41
$ P' fmm- m\ U j , r]l.. ---—-U n° ^ -9
iif r rrr -- **• f r)•

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41 Do-mho,e- gove- ro dtec- tarbohDo - mi-nodelecteborinDo - mi
H n r T ... t--.-•— ■ ^.
j f* •.i , i ]JcL----- n f ] p- J
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i
O...... o- - - - - - - o
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45
(dtec - ta - bor iCo - mio) ddecta bor ddecta- boin Do mi -no
C2 o
45 no, (dtec - ta - bqr iDo - nrio, dtec-ta- bodnDo - mho, ddecta- boin Dani
Be
o
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921

49.
Cl
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49.
ill
o
Can - ta -
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bo
to
Do mi - no in vi -
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C2
I o cr o O' o o zo CjJ ^ -U
49. Can - ta - bo Do mi - no in vi - ta me
Be
1 o
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Cl <>
mi - no me
Q tv <
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C2 o
Do mi - no in vi me
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922

61.
Cl o
51 vhtame ta - me
C2 3ES m P ’ f Pf rv
5
31 me a in vi ta me
p s Q
£ O
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31
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35. a.
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ed
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Calistus (N.) est vere martyr, Scelta di motetti 16183 Fabio Costantini
Canto 1 n
est ve - re Mar
Canto 2 o
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Basso per l'Organo o
Cl o ~tr
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C2
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31
Be SE
924
Calistus (N.) estve re martyr, Scelta di motetti 16183 Fabio Costantini
Cl
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Calistus (N.) estve re martyr, Scelta di motetti 16183 Fabio Costantini
Cl
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Calistus (N.j est vere martyr, Scelta di motetti 16183 Fabio Costantini
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30/
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Ave gratia plena, Scelta di motetti 1618 d'Incerto

"Dialogo"
Canto
A lto B E
nor O ■
i ~jp~
ve gra t i - a pie na,
__________ 3 43
0 0 O
B asso Continuo o -e-
-e -
A lla 4 [tran sc rib e d a t w ritte n p itc h .]
ta s a - lu
Be I
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928

"Dialogo"
12 4l
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a a
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929

"Dialogo"
quo - m o- do
o o
f i - e t is-tu d q u o - m-am v i -
m
ru m n on co-
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Be
m #£§ O O '
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r ] | j r r r r r r ir r J i
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TT
Ec Do mi m
,
n o o o
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930

"Dialogo"
i Ec -
o
ce
o (9
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P
bum tu -
Be
3
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£
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Be o
m p p
f ‘ r h 51 f r r *r ° I* ^
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931

"Dialogo"
P
et re-g m e - ius non e - rit fi - nis, (non e - rit
ppp
et re - gni e - ius (et regni e - ius) non e - rit fi - nis
Be
O
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£
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A z r .--------- :
nis,
t... r r
(non e - rit nis.)
ms non e - rit nis.)

4 3
Be -& &-
Cum iucunditate, Scelta di motetti 1618 Fabio Costantini
Tenor 1 o
Cum iu - c u n d i-ta Chri-sto c a -
Tenor 2 o e
Cum iu cundi
B asso per l'organo n

o
4 na - m us g lo
HE
am
mm
in hac sa-craConcep-ti
D
o -
O
ne
* JJJrrr 1 o m m
tr
Christo ca-nam usglo r i-a m in hac sa-craCon-ce- ti - o - ne

56
o
Bo Q
O TT
zr~m 19----0 ----0 -----0
B prae-cel-se g e - n e - tri-cis D e - i M a-ri - ae, in hac sa era C on- cep - ti - o
- e -
in hac sa - era c o n - cep - ti - o
Bo St
r | J- r ' r r -HoH-
933
12.
31
P r
i
£
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12
Bo
o
o o
TT
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sa pro no ter-- ce
n
sa sa pro no bis in ter - ce
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m i- num Je- sum
3
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20
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Bo 07
934
24,
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P
Je - sumChri
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24
____________________ fi_
Bo o -o-
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28,
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in - terce
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ip sa pro no
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in -te r -c e dat
28 5 6 £____
Bo o ■» -cr o
o <>
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Do minumJe - sum Chri stum
o o
ad D o - m inum Je- sum Chri - stum. ad D o mmum sum Chri-stum,
Bo o il
ti
o n
935
37,
37 ad Do m i - num Je sum Chri stum.
ad
£
Do m i - num J
e sum
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Chri - stum.
37 7 6
Bo o
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P ercussit Saul, Scelta di motetti (1618) Ottavio Catalano
Canto 1 *r r p m ♦)
Per - cus - sit Sa ul mil
Canto 2
4 c r r p. . . y i i r
Per - cus - sit Sa ul mil 4,
3L
Basso per l'organo
Percussit Saul 2. Sop.
Cl
• »
rrr rrr rp rr m m m m- m m m 0—
0 —0
£ 0 0
le et D a-vid de-cem m i l - l i - a, (et Da-vid de-cem m il- li- a , et Da - vid de - cem
C2
<§rrr rr r fp*rr 0 0
r r r r r r r rp
le et D a-vid de-cem m il-li - a, et Da-vid d & c e m m il-li-a , (et Da - vid de - cem
i 1j k
Et D a-vid de-cem m il-li - a, et Da-vid de-cem m il-li-a , (et Da-vid de-cem
0 0 0 0 0 0-0 0 ... ....
Et D a-vid de-cem m il-li - a, et Da-vid de-cem m il-li-a , (et Da-vid de-cem
B rr rr r 0— 0"
• * 0 —0
0 0 -0
Et D a-vid de-cem m il-li - a, et Da-vid de-cem m il-li - a, (et Da vid de - cem
e
Bo
tutti
r r if
937
Percussit Saul, Scelta di motetti (1618) Ottavio Catalano
Cl
mil P er-cus- sit
C
2
mil Per-cus - sit
TT
mil a) P e r - c u s - s it Sa mil
mil Per- cus - sit ul mil
mil Per- cus
IE
Bo o
2. Tenore. B asso, e Sop.
Cl
Sa - ul mil le, et Da-vid de-cem m iH i- a, et Daviddecemmil-li-a, (et

o
C
2
mil le et Da-vid de-cem miHi - a, et Daviddecemmil-li- a (et
et-Da-vid de-cem m iH i- a, (et Daviddecem

• ■ mo
et Da-vid de-cem miHi - a, (et Daviddecem
sit per- cus-sit Sa - ul mil le, et Da-vid de-cem m iH i-a , (et Daviddecemmil-li-a, et
o
Bo
tutti
938
P ercussit Saul, S celta d i m otetti (1618) Ottavio Catalano
Cl £ £
Da vid de - cem mil a) A1 - le - iu - ia
C2
r p r r
Da vid de - cem mil li - a) A1 - le - lu - ia
-en
tail - li - a, et Da - vid de - cem mil li - a) A1 - le - lu
zm
— *
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p b jO
:
P
mil - li - a, et Da - vid de - cem mil a) A1 - le - lu
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P
Da vid de - cem mil li - a) A1 - le - lu -
11 6 3 43
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4
Bo
Cl
£ o
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Cl J-—J: J
al - le - lu - ia (al le lu - ia.
A
I I ia, al - le - lu - ia,
£
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ia.
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ia (al - le lu - ia, al le lu - ia.)
I o
B
ia,
£al le lu - ia, (al le lu ' “$olo
13 4 3
■O---
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£
939
Percussit Saul, S celta di m otetti (1618) Ottavio Catalano
Tem- pus redem p- ti - o nis ad - ve - nit A l- le- lu- ia
<
>
Bo
B asso solo. Tem po
Cl
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3
mur, ex - ul -
Bo
18 e
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940
Percussit Saul, Scelta di motetti (1618) Ottavio Catalano

2
Cl
te -m u s et la e -te mur. A l-le-lu-ia,

znz
C2
LLi/ r r rrr-
te - mus et lae - te mur, A l- le - lu ia, (al-le-lu-ia)
n
il
et lae - te mur, A l-le-lu-ia, al - le-lu -
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» 0 W-*-
B ic e : — £
tem us et lae - te mur, A l- le - lu - ia, al - le-lu-

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5
lu - ia, al le lu - ia.
B *
ia, (al le - lu - ia, al le lu - ia.

24 i 3 34 3
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Bo
0
14 Fabio Costantini
Tutte le viste homai, Ghirlandetta amorosa 1621
Aria a una voce sola.
Canto or Tenor
Tut - te le vist' ho - ma - i son fa t-te a c - c o r - t e , ch'in
Basso continuo
Tutte le viste homai.
C/T o
c ia -s c u n r i - v o l - to, cia-scu n r i-v o l-to _ a l-le m ie -e
o
Be n o
o
C/T
r
guan- cie
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smor
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•
te
m
di - ce
r f r “
ch'io ne mo - ro sol' io con - ten - to
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B-e-
J r r rr Q JrrJ
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* p g J i* J~J~ ■
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niio tor-m en-to sot-to pal - li - do as- pet - to,
’t ~ * ~ 0 = - 0 -
al - le-g ro sto, alle -

0.M . ■
gro
[— M ---- J - r H
^ = 4 = ■r. . . F
* — 0 ---------------------- ------------
id n 0 -p -------------73--------
/ p y d
— * ..........
942
14 Fabio Costantini
Tutte le viste homai, G h irla n d etta am orosa 1621
12 » S e co n d a stanza.
C/T
sto, al - le gro sto. Tut - to pian - to,e sos - pir
o '' " V IE
Be o
Tutto pianto, e sospir
m 0
C/T
il-< - r L f r r r i ■
“ m
sem - bro di suo re, ma den - tro ll cor lie - to, e
o IT
Be
..._1 ■ m
r
?'
m
fj — » — f —
r r= iU X T
9 Pm P
1* J Tm- J'
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J
F T
J * *
Tb
t T
pro - to la fac - cia spar sa di pal - lo - re, ma chi
. f — — f ----------- J r LJ
Hojl _
21A
P
W
, ----- m ~ W ~9- f - t -
P [ X li J J
r r n J rT T V r, iii — m ----- e —
puol dir per che per che
k
4>:------------------------
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LJ— ' r fJ ......... .......... o
943
14 Fabio Costantini
24
C/T
<|*r r r r r r i r J
n is-su n si v a n -ti di miei s e m - b ia n - t i,
^^ iL llt j r r JJ
ve - der mi il co - re- re ch'in-
•------1
------------------H--------------1
----------------------------
Be
o
27
C/T
ne rass'
Be «
>
Terza stanza.
C/T
Hor d'u - na man di ne - ve, nor d'un crin bion - do hor d'un crin bion
Hor duna man.
C/T
co - si tra fin - to A
944
14 Fabio Costantini
36
C/T
I J p>
r r r¥Irsr r --J rr r rr r.
mor ce - lo e as - con - do lo - stral che mi fe - n, dir - ra la
Be
C /T
fa - ma ques - to ar - de e a - ma men - ti - ra poi se, se chie - de - ra per
Be
f if r-- - v —f.
42 Quarta stanza.
•—m— &-
C/T
-HoH-
chi. Qual Don - na vo pre - gan - do, co - l sos - pi - n
6 6 5
O o i9 Gh
Be
-m -
Qual Donna.
C/T
co - lei ch'a - do - ro il sa, o - ve ten - da lo stral, de mi - ei de - si
Be
945
Tutte le viste homai, G h irla n d etta am orosa 1 6 2 1 14 Fabio Costantini
■
r i ----------------------------- = t = i ---- 4 ---- m—^5■M - 0 -------- P ---- P --------------
= & S = P -« — « — * - - F - ... • — •
------------------------------- — I— t s s j ----------------
ri, null' al - tro ms i il sa - pra A - mor e i o fa il pen - sier niio
L 1 |
-------------------------------- V - 4 ---------- -------------------------------- — —I-------------------------- -------------
/ J
+ - d ---------- ------------------------ d -------------
O I L— ------------------------------ ^
C/T
* • - 9 ----------- o
e chi dentr' al mio codr Re - gi - na sta, e chi
Be
D D I
C/T
m— * — # 0 m— 0 - J
dentr' al mio cor R e - g i- n a sta Re - gi na sta.
Be
-H o d -
T ran scription 17 [first strophe] 946
14 Fabio Costantini
O della vita mia, Ghirlandetta amorosa 1621
Canto
O del - la vi - ta,e sos -
Bass
O del - la vi vi - ta,e sos -
Basso continuo
O del - la vi ta mi vi - ta e sos -
te - gno, Se da 1'anno,e dal mar m'hai

o
70
te - gno, Se da l'anno,e dal mar il no m'hai
«_
___
___Q -
711
te - gno. Se da l'an - n'e dal mar il no me hai
o
-e e-
P
tol to pren - di sem - pio an - cor, mo - stra -
o
o
tol to, pren - di l'e - sem pio an - cor mo - stra - ne
T T
o o
tol to, pren - di l'e - sem pio an - cor mo - stra - ne
947
14 Fabio Costantini
’t e IE
ne se gno. non sem-pre_il mar ha mi - nac

o'
-e—7
2=
se gno. non sem- p r e n mar ha mi - nac
se
X I
O'
gno.
mm
non se m -p r e il mar
~
ha
P -g -
mi - nac -
CIO s o il vol to. Ne mai
za
c «
- e -
so il vol
p |» p
CIO so il vol to,

[Repeat shown in soprano
part only; barline in Be]
3E
o
sem - pre di giac - cio_ha l'an - n'il
Ne mai
mm
sem - pre
zni
di
o
giac - cio_ha l'an no il se
o P— o ° n
J* P
r' r
------------- :------- -------
Ne mai sem - pre di giac - cio ha l'an no il se
948
14 Fabio Costantini
3
0
i s — €h
o o
no. che lo seal - da, e l'ac - cen - de pril se- re -
o o—e~
-e e- o
no. che lo seal - da, e l'ac - cen - de A - pril se - re
O o -e— &-
G h- o
cy- O - e -
no. Che lo seal - da, e l'ac - cen - de, A - pril se - re
o j)
no, Che lo seal - da, e l’ac - cen de A
j D
no, che lo seal - da, e l'ac - cen de
Q cy
Q
no, Che lo seal - da e l'ac - cen de
pril se - re
r=r Hr r J pril se - re - no.

Tutte le altre tre stanze,
vanno sopra l'istesso Bass.
T ran scrip tion 18 949
Non dormo no, S celta d i m otetti 1618' Giovanni Francesco Anerio
Canto £ J 1° o- l£f. 0 —m-

t e
N on dor - m o n o , non so - gnio an - zi chedes-toper
---------e-----
Basso continuo -e------------- ------4 O
H--------1------------- o
IZZ
| rrj: j-| J j |» |» |. J .□ 1J J J J J
» «
>
tropp'-a-mor' io s e n -to e veg - gio, e s e n - t o s c o r - rer-mi per le ve-ne_iltuo tor men
o
Jr r r r j j -p
to, al
J
- la
w
s a - lu -t e miatrop - po m o-les - to, trop -
m 4W:
p o m o - le s - t o .
m o i ic r
12 t ^
* r J * r J r i r~ -p r-r -°ir-
Ohi-me quel viso _ A n - ge - li - c o m o - d e s - t o ,
ej j-
ch'a-pir tua al mio cor gio-ia,econ
m o m -o-
15 .
ten
m $
to. nell' al - trui brac-cia'all al trui voglie in -
-o-
950
Non dormo no, S celta d i m otetti 1618 Giovanni Francesco Anerio

18.
J f t? -J r IJ J J7T3 ^ - - gQ
ten to tos - to sar-ra ,to s - to sar - ra per me
------------P
i
spir to fu -n e sto. Dehpria que-st'o-chi miei tri - st'e do
o
1W
o
I o
25,
3E
O■
len - ti, che gia - mai ri-mi-rar - si du-ra for - te, sien dell'a-m a-ta vi-
0
0—
1
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J-
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29,
M o
sta, sien dell'a-mar ta vi - staintut to spen - te.
O O'
wm m 3E
nor
33,
Poi -
rzz
ch'io pers' il mio ben poi - ch'io pers' il

£ J—J azlJ P'
mio ben la mia con for
9 - i o
o
m
951
Non dormo no, S celta d i m otetti 1618 Giovanni Francesco Anerio

37.
iS>— & -------- & o
te, al suon dell'

p
an - go - scio - si miei la - men
m O
3E
P
70 O
iS> &■
7 O
che fai che tar - di che

P
fai che tar - d'ho - mai
p
vien -
...
-e -
p m p
44.
ten' o mor - te
rrr7
vien ten' o mor te.
m O
nor
T ran scription 19 952
14 Francesca Caccini
D ov’io credea le mie speranze, Ghirlandetta amorosa 1621
(La Cecchina)
Canto s i
D ove
II
P io
cor
ere
sin
dea
ce
PP
le
ro, che
m ie spe
con
IIm io _ a - m or a m ia fe de,e
L as - so, ch'io pur m 'ac - cor go,et
Basso continuo i
ran - ze ve re 10
PP
VI tro - va - i sm ar ri - ta
fe - de a ma va, sen - za spe - me - tra - di - to al
l'al - ttui i n - gan no, l'u - no in fi - ni - to duol mi ha
ar - d'il veg - gio, che fe - de non puo dar chi
i piu
fin
la
si
fe
ve
o
de,
de,
w
Co
Co
-
-
si
si
va,
va
chi trop - po_a
-
5
m a,e
0 -----0
trop - po
fat - to _ e - re de, Co - si va.

non ha fe de, Co - si va.
p rr^ r-r-i r p
ere - de, C o - si va, c o - si va, chi trop - p o_a-m a,e trop - po ere - de
T ranscrip tion 20 953
14 Alessandro Costantini
Splendor degl'occhi miei, G h irla n d etta am orosa 1621
Canto
$ Splen - dor
r p
de - gl'oc
r chi mie -
Si pla ci - do sem - bian -
11 pos se - du to be -
Le piu ra - re bel - lez -
Ri - man te,in pa - ce,o bel -
Basso continuo
I i
3
zp=
PPi
gia s'av - vi - ci - na il goir- no for - za,e
P
- i
pur
■
di par -
$ ti - re chi non sen ■
te, che noi se lie - te l'o - re for - za,e pur ch 'io _ a -b a n - do - ni chi non sen-
ne, il som - mo mio con - ten - to for - za,e ch'io per - da,o cie - lo chi non pro ■
ze, ch'ilmon- do_ha mai pro - dut - to for - za,e ch'io las - si,hai las - so, chi e ri -
la, Ar - dor di ques - to pet - to, for - za,e ch'io va - da a Di - o, chi ve -
- ^ — 9- £ ~bjr~
m
| bt r ^ r r j j j r r i J-_ J
te il mar - ti - re, ch'or mi tor - men - t'il co - re,non ha p r o - v a - t o ,e
te li spro - ni, ch'or stann' in tor - n'al co - re, " "
va q(uei) gie - lo, ch'orm'em- p ie j l sen d'or - ro - re, " "
dot - t'a tal pas - so,e non si strugge,e mor - re, " "
de_il lan - guir mi - o non sen - te do - lo - re " "
9^ :7|?------' f= 4
= — d—
— * -------------- • ----------------a ------ • i—
v 6 --------------------- <9 0
[check text underlay verse 5]
954
S plendor degl'occh i miei, Ghirlandetta am orosa 162114 Alessandro Costantini
r r r r r p
non co - no - sce a - mor - e, non ha pro - va - to,e non co -
4- ■ -------J
....... - — - —
--------------------------- m---------- <9 IKH!
see a - mor
a-
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
>— --
---
---
---
---
-e C
I
M I
T ran scription 21 955
10 Theofilo Gargari
P er pianto la mia cam e, L 'A u rata C in tia 1622
[Sannazzaro]
-V- — ----------e ----------------- 73---------

Canto 1 ? C O o ---------------------------------- 1-----------
- 5T
Per pian to la mia
-----------1
o---------
Canto 2 Jm-* l ; —1*----------------- 6
tJ °
Per pain - tc la
c \. o
B asso continuo - A - — (! n ---------------------------------------- —e -----------------------------------------
o
m >----0 --------------------------- J ----------- J ----------- i t . . . n

-------- “----- m -----
\
Y - ----------- 1----------------------
car - ne Si di - stil
S h — 1---------- --------------------------------
..........e -------------- ~ ---y--------------
------------------------ --- UC-------------^--------------------------------
---------- j Li*-----------------6
mia car ne, Si di - stil
F ~ c "-----------------■ ------- e ------------------------

— P------------- u ------------------------------ s
po
C
l -m •
la si co - me al sol la
C2
w *
la si co - me al sol la ne
Be o
956
P er pianto la mia cam e, L 'A u rata C intia 1 6 2 2 10 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
pr * J r r rf j\ f h
r - 0 -------------------------------- n--------------------------------- —*------------- i --------• ------- ------ ------f -------
......
ne - ve, si co - me_al so la ne -
, m .... lrm m J m ,
rt r -r
ve,
j
si
J J
co - me al
~ ° -------------------------------- n -----------------------
sol - la
s
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ne - ve. O come a
l ven
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/ p0 0
1 1 r i J 1
Cl
bia, o com' al ven
C
2
si d is -fa la neb
Be
957
P er pianto la mia carne, L 'A u rata C in tia 162210 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
neb - bia, N e so che far mi deb - bia ne so che far me deb
C2
si disfa la neb-bia, Ne so che far mi deb - bia, ne so che far mi deb-
B
e
r x i r i --------------------------------------:—
-— J — -------------------1— --------- J --------- -----------------------a
—^ --------------------------- ------------------------------------------------- ” --------m
bia Hor pen - sa - te al mi o mal
-0 -n
- flr s - »— o -----------------~ ----------------- h r ------------------------- * ----------------------------------------- i — i- H
bia, Hor pen - sa - te al mio
j - m ----------------------------------- --------------------------------------------e ------------------------------------------------

— e ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1
958
Per pianto la mia came, L'Aurata Cintia 1622 10 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
1
9.
19-=-
Cl m $
hor pen - sa te al mio mal qual' es
2ZZZ-
C
2
hor pen - sa te al
C—T
mio
r
mal
~T
qual
Be
m o
o
21
Cl -H
eH-
de
C
2 -H
eH-
de
Tl D Z
Be
-Den-
T ranscrip tion 22 959
10 Theofilo Gargari
Hor pensate al mio mal, L' Aurata Cintia 1622
[Sannazzaro]
Tenor 1 3E S:
H or
ppen sat' al m io m al qual
P
,1 J PIp.
e s-se r de
p
Tenor 2
H or pen - sat'
m
al m io mal qual'es ser
o
de
B asso continuo
*k o o o
TI 3E
ve Che c o - m e cera al fo
T2
o
ve, Che
Be 7 ° — m ___ r —
1^ --------- ------------------------------- o 1
” ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------------- ^
TI
co-me foco inao-quami dis - fac CIO, o
T2
co, O co-m e fo-co in ao -q u am i dis-fac-cio, o
Be o
960
10 Theofilo Gargari
Hor pensate al mio mal, L' Aurata Cintia 1622
[Sannazzaro]
9
Tl
* i£ " f r y
co -m e fo-co_in a c -q u a m i d is-fac CIO, ne cer-co us-
T2 9 -0 -
a — &
c o -m e fo-co_in a c -q u a m i d is-fac cio, N e cer-co_us-cir dal
r \. n - ^
_ © ------------------
Be v ?------------------------------------------------------------------- 'r — — A
Ls ------------------------ G 11 O --------------- 1
12
Tl
mm •» W
£
cir dal lac CIO ne cerco us-
T2 3L
i r .^ d i d A d -. W
lac CIO ne cerco us cir dal
Be cr
15
Tl
cir dal lac

0 0 M0
mmr r cio
, si m e d o l - c ’il to r-
T2
j jj- j J 3 r - J m g o
lac CIO, Si m e dol-ce il to r-
tnr
Be
:^ r 7
~o~
961
Hor pensate al mio mal, L' A u ra ta C intia 1622 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
18
o
Tl
m en - t o e 'l pian ger co
T2 «
m en - to e'l pian - ger gio co,
B
e o
o
o
21
o II
m ent' e'l pian ger gio
T2 i»
m 'e dol - ce'l tor - m en- t'e'l pianger gio
B
e <i
IE
14 Theofilo Gargari
Si m'e dolce il tormento, Ghirlandetta amoroso 1621
[Sannazzaro]
o &■ 222= =a=

Canto 1
Si m 'e dole' il tor - m ent' el pian - ger
^ 1 . C l|o
Canto 2
Si m 'e dole' il tor - m ent' el

2E
pian - ger
£
gio -
* 1
B asso continuo
P— ~ --------------— —
O------o----------
s , G a
Cl -O-
gio co, C h’io can

W to so - no, e
IQI
bal lo
C2
m i£
co, Ch'io - can
0— O
Be fc) : i ,1 o—
-^ — 9 ------------------ --- ---------------- -ft
C
l
ch'io can
P to so - no
P [jp"------
C2
f to
£so - no,e bal - lo,
&
ch'io can to so - no,e
o■
Be o
963
Si m'e dolce il tormento, G h irla n d etta am oroso 1 6 2 1 14 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
9---- • ---- « ---------- S’------- p -------

C
l
r J f N + f - H M = l r r - -
bal lo E can - tan - do,e bal -
j •— * — 5 — j ----------- J — . j-
C2 r j o —
— F— F— — *
bal lo,
2------- f ------- ......... .......... o -

" 7 0 ............ . ° —
Be 7 9---- 6)----------:----------------------------- - o -------
T —
Cl
tan - do.e bal
C2
tan - do.e bal
Be
Cl
Ian - do,e can - lan
C2
lan
o
Be
964
Si m'e dolce il tormento, G hirlandetta amoroso 162114 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
Cl
do al suon lan
C2
do al son lan - gui sco, al son lan
suon lan - gui
C2 o
gui co E s e -g u 'u n b a - s i -
B
e TT
O
28.
C
l
*r l l l t y r
e se-gu'un b a -s i - li - sco
0 r — » -
e se-gu'un ba- si- li- sco, e se-bu'un ba- si -
C2 y f ±2-
li - sco, e se-gu'un ba- si - li - sco, e se-gu'un ba- si -
B
e
965
Si m'e dolce il tormento, G hirlandetta am oroso 162114 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
Cl
vol m ai ven - tu
C2
vol m ia ven - tu
Be
C
l
4 = rwm r i
;-------------- ----------- -— 7j~~~---------- "'m P ? m - e -------------------------- n —
ra,
-
o - ver mio fal
= lo,
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CO - si
^ — F—
vol
C2 H h
L J ...... 4- 1 I rj • La c 1 J »
7 m
M P f « * ----
p * = !
ra, o - ver mio fal lo, CO - si vol
Be - 9S* -
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c»
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11 I p- - - -J 7 T ]
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m ia ven - tu r - ra o - v er mio fal lo.
— j—
j j d j
i i
j ..j ..j
i
i(j -HoH-----------
m ia ven - tu - ra, o - v er m io fal lo.
TIP' I n n
^ f- f r ........ * J L -o ------------------------------------------------- HieH-------------LI
T ran scription 2 4 966
Cosi vol mia ventura, Ghirlandetta amoroso 162114 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
Tenor 1
Co vol m ia ven ra ov - ver
Tenor 2
Co vol m ia ven ov
o
Basso continuo o
o
Tl
m io fal lo, Ch'io vo sem -pre co - glien-do D ip ia g 'in p ia g ' i fior' efresch'er-
o
T2
ver m io fal lo, Ch'io vo sem -pre co - gliendo, Di - piag1in piag' i

o o
Be o
Spelling differences in print
-y-. ----- 0--»

\f.fl r ----- [ 10pw wJ
-----
. f> r ? ?' - " - p m- r r P = \ -
' M ag'inpiag'ifior-i,efreschfierbet - te, trec-cian-doghir-lan- f
-- *.0.P--- j*--
,Z i m ....V J »
J-- -j—p
<— «- rrn
— *—
j— »j. j—?*—j —
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fior,efresch'er-bet- e, di paig'inpi<ig’i fi3r'effesch'er-bet-te tree-
-9*1 j g---------«
l ? 1 -- -■—.... a-- ----- —t
b o
967
Cosi vol mia ventura, G h irla n d etta am oroso 162114 Theofilo Gargari
[Sannazzaro]
w \/ w * w _
&----------------- D -----------------------— 9 -----------
j ..
det - te, treccian-doghirlan-c et te, — e cerco_unTi-gre
*«• r r r
1
7
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j ^j
"1 1
j.
cian-doghirlan-det -
r — j —
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•
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te,
■
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f?
p « -----------------------o -----------------
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11
Tl
hu - m i - liar pian - gen - do,
T2 O
c e r - c o un Ti - gre h u - m i-lia r
P
p ia n - g e n -
Be
m o o
tL
14 .
VP o
Tl
cer- co_un Ti - gre_hu m i - li - ar pian - gen - do,
T2
TT F E? = EEP
do e c er- co un Ti g re h u -
o ^ ~ o
Be
m «v id ID
968
Cosi vol mia ventura, Ghirlandetta amoroso 1621 14 Theofilo Gargari

[Sannazzaro]
17
Tl :o
- a
3Z
cer - co un Ti gre hu -
T2
P
mi - li - ar pian - gen -
-e -
do
P
cer - co un Ti
Be o
<> -G- TT
20.
Tl n
- 0— 0-
mi - li - ar pian - gen do
T2
gre hu - mi - li - ar pian - gen do

g
hu -
Be o
P Cl
2
3.
Tl
19----- (9-
P m JO
hu - mi - li ar pian - gen do.
T2
mi - li - ar
g pian - gen
# o -neo-
do.
o
Be
^ r:j r ir» -OeO-
Ofelici guerrieri, L'Aurati Cintia 16221® Fabio Costantini
PH PH
Canto f e > C { J « p . —• fj f
O f e - l i - c i guer-rie-ri,
j
i* L f r
che ri - cet - to _ h a - vre
- —a
-
o
te
Prima stanza. '-------------------------------------
#—m—e -
Basso continuo
Canto Solo. Basso steso per il Cimbalo.
fra gl'al - tri

~0 • 1
col - lo - ca - ti, ch'Ar - mi - da con sue
r r r r-f
gio - ie da di - let - to,
^ —9—m ^ fc|*— ^ -o -
r c_r p *— -J &—O----L-# & *

o -v e p o -t r e -te _ a pien djr - vi be - a - t i , Vi con -d u r-re-m o al suo re-al' as-
zoi
&
9 ----- d m m f f P f J J -------— ----------------, « a ------ J —
------- s P J ------------------------- 1 L |— [
- ^ ¥ P
pe t- to, Che vi_ac- cor- ra' fra suoi piu ca-r^ e a - ma - ti, ma pri - a la p o- lu'in quest'
— o------------------------------------ ----------------- ^ ^ -----------h

o------------------------------------------------------
H
o
*— r .
m n , , j
ac - que de - por - re vi pia - cia'l ci - bo, a quel - la men - sa tor - re,
P
6_________________
o £ p
970
T=? L'Aurati Cintia 1622 10
m t~Tn^
O jelici guerrieri, Fabio Costantini
j c r
a quel - la men - sa tor Deh fer- m a - te qui il pas - so
J I J ),J HOT m
• ---- a — e -
18.
•—#
ne - ve ca- g li_ o l-tre piu gi - re,o for- tu - na - ta for - te, non di Mar - te d'a -
J' |* J | J J o o
mor ca - ra bat - ta - glia, a voi so f - ffe di vi - ta,e non di mor - te,
o
p a
24.
HE rn ^ jj j j.j)
Pria che ne m on -ti del ciel piu in al - to fa -glia la lam -pa_u-ni-ver - s a l- le Reg-^gig por-
r PT r
t r • • * ] i» J*1 .. J iJ
te, V'ad - di - te - re - mo on - de di - re - te al - l'hor - a, Ve - dend' A r- mi - da,
£_____________
o
o
r° ir r r
971
O je lic i guerrieri, L'Aurati Cintia 1622 10 Fabio Costantini
*— J— & O J IM
Ec - co del sol l'au - ro - ra, ec - co del sol l'au - ro - ra.
nor
2 2 Terza parte
m » a m m— *
S en -ti-te co m ea lsu o n del-le bell' on-de, quel leg-gia-dro u -si-g n o l sn o -d a gl'ac-cen
P J, J i , J J
Sentite come al suon.
36.
0---- 0
^ ip-J’r r r M r i l p
ti, E m e n -tr e _ E -c h o so - n o -r a gli r is -p o n -d e , r i-d 'il ciel, t a - c e il mar, che
» O
p i* i
39.
*—0 - ■&— o
tan - si_i ven - ti, A si dol ce A r-m o-n ia ap-po le spon-de, Cor- ran- no_i pe-sci_ad
6
42.
^ Pas - col - ta - $ e jn - ten - ti,

o
Cor - ran le
0 ---- 0
bel - ve scher - zo - set - ti e

roz
ga - i
T P o o
P
972
O£elici guerrieri, L'Aurati Cintia 1622 10 Fabio Costantini
p m m ~a
del sol fug - g en - do, gli in - f o - ca - ti ra - i, gli in - fo - ca - ti ra
48.
=mt
ior
Col fio r d e'fio ri L'Aurat Cintia 1622 10 Fabio Costantini

Text: Claudio Achillini
Canto 1
I " >r r - t f rr pr rr
C oR or de fieri irma no l'l - do - lo m io ri - mi
Canto 2
C oRor de fieri iim a- no l'l - do - lo m io ri - mi

x s z TT
B asso continuo
o m
r r r
ro, al fior res - pi - ro, A l'l - do-lo sos Pi ro.
o O Q
ro, Al fior re - sp i-ro , Al' I do - lo so s - pi ro.
o
P o
L'un spi-ra_ar-dor da gl'oh'al' m ie v o - g lie l'al-tr'o-dor
-Sh - T
I
L'un spir' ar - dor da gl'oc chi_a
* *
PPPp
le m ie v o - g lie, L'altro o -
--------------------- • — i —
r r r J- ,h
974
Colfior de'fiori L'Aurat Cintia 1622 10 Fabio Costantini
m 3 E
dal - le fo - glie, l'un' a - d o -r a n - do o - d o
$ dor dal - le fo -
• «
g lie, L'al
O
(r
10,
ill m
ft re> et o - d o - ran - do et o
tr o _ a - d o - r a n - d o _ a -d o -r o , et a - do-rand' io s e n - to ,
n I____
rrr
£
12*
0 ran - do et o -d o -r a n -
£
do io s e n - todall' o-dor,
et a - do - rand' io sen to, dall' ar -
m §_
975
Colfior de'fiori L'Aurat Cintia 1622 10 Fabio Costantini
1
4
dall' o-dor,
* r gioi -
p J
a,e tor men
J J :- i
dor, dall' ar - dor gioi a,e tor men
-------------------------------------- >------- m---------

= J £ = --------------------------- ^---------------------
.......... ... ........ f ' ■■■ - A- -4 1 =
^ :— o ---------- ft*—
to, dall' o - dor, gioi -
- V ----- --------------------------- a --------------------------- -fr-------------------- tt®------ P------ ^— • ---------
%
------- !?------------- = ------------------ j t d
* ,-E-----
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to, dall' ar - dor, dall' ar - dor gioi - si,e tor -
---------- P----------- 1----------------- ' B ~ -----------------------------
f J. -f - =
k O--------------- ------------------------- L-© ------ 1--------------------------------------
1
8
\
P§S ^ f rr-- fP -ff-- 1 -mH
9 ---------- ' > ...... — t • 0— —
!MI
-
a,e to r - m e n - to e to rm e n to .
^-Jr iil f.s r r

-f w --------
pr i
--------------- « — • — ^
f
. --------
^ ... |;1 -Hed--------------------------------
mjpn - to , g io i - e,e to r - m en to.
[fa; ^ - .-j r ^ ='

1
HloH-------------------------------
Exultet caelum laudibus Salmi, Himni et Magnificat 1630 Agostino Agazzari/ Fabio Costantini
CantoI
Ex- ul - tet cae-lumlau di- bus
CantoII
Ex-ul-tet
Bassocontinuo
A. 8 2 Canti.
Exultet caelum
ri - . -s—r—“— ^ ------------p-i*-f Wm 0 ' 1 ~ 9 — 4-Ui —m-

'f
e - xul - tet cae - lum lau di-
i
§
«
» «•—-
»• f -#p-
1CJLLrJ
9« ** m 1
* * •
= m __ J
9 S 9 ~ o..
— #-*=1
caelum E x-ul-tetcae - lumlau d

i-
5 1 * » li
/ O
-------------------e ----------
rr^------r °—r
p ^
-of------------r—¥t = r = \
1
977
CI o
bus
Al
o
Solo
Resultetter ra Gau di-is
TI
Solo
R e-sul-tet ter - ra resultet ter - ra Gau di-is Resul tet
CII
bus
o
Be o <»
■&1-----*— o
a 2. Alto e Tenore
Resultet
Al
r
Ri-sul-tet ter ra Gau
IV
TI
ter ra Gau
o
Be
o
978
o o o
A - pos - to - lo - rum ri - a(sic) era ca nunt
AI o o
A - pos - to - lo - rum am era Ca nunt
o
o
A - pos - to - lo - rum am era Ca nunt
Q
O
A - pos - tu - lo - rum Glo r i- a(sic) era ca nunt
I)
CII
A - pos - to - lo - rum Glo am
A ll o
TII o
A - pos - to - lo rum Glo ri - a(sic)
BII o
Q n
Be
a 8. Apostolorum Sacra canunt
979
Ci
so lem m
AI
so lem
TT
TI
so lem m
BI
o
so lem m
CII
era Ca nunt lem m
A ll
era Ca nunt so lem

20 ,
TII
era ca nunt so lem
e
BII
era ca nunt lem
Be o
Q O
[coloration] [coloration]
980
o
Cl
era ca nunt so lem
AI o
o
era ca nunt so lem
TI
Sa - era ca nunt so lem
2 4
BI o o
car ca nunt so lem m
C1I D
Sa - era Ca nunt so lem
A ll
o
TII
BII U
Sa - era Ca nunt So - lem m

2 4
Be o n o
981
28/
mf mf
TI (L. (* o
rrir i r
Vos sae - cli ius - ti Iu - di - ces et ve ra mundi lu - mi - na
28
Be o
o o' g : o o
Vos saecli justi.
Tenor solo primo choro.
32/
TI 1^ |»
vo - tis prae - car-mur Cor di - um au - di te (au - di - te) prae -

#
o
Be 3or
TI
3
6/
& - m-
ces sup pli- cum au - di - re (au - di - re)

3 6
-e-
Be
O
3 E
P ■m-
mm
4 0
P O
BI
Solo
-e-
P n
Qui caelum ver - bo Clau - di - tis se- ras que e ius sol - v i - te -
4 0
Be o -HeH-
- e — o
Basso solo.
P
a 8. Qui caelum
982
4 5 1
Cl Q
N os a pec - ca om ni-bus ui-te ms-suquae su-
4 5 ,
AI
n
N os a pec - ca om ni-bus ius-su quae su-

45,
TI n
ca om ni-bus sol iu - suquae su
BI
nos a pec ca ni-bus ui-te ius-suquae su-
CII
N os a pec - ca om ni-bus
A ll
o
ca om ni-bus
4 5 ,
TII
ca om ni-bus
BII
ni-bus
45
Be
o
a 8.
983
Cl
mus N os a pec ca om - nibus
AI
o
mus N os a pec ca om nibus
TI :o
o
mus N os a pec ca om - nibus
4 9
BI o
o
mus nos a pec ca tis om - nibus
4 9 ,
CII Q TT
n o s-a pec ca om - nibus sol vi-te ius-suquae su-
4 9 ,
A ll
xx
nos a pec ca om m sol vi-te ius- suquae su-
TII
o a
nos a pec ca om - nibussol VI lussu que su

4 9
BII o
n o s-a pec ca tis om - nibus so lui-te Iu- su que su-
Be
a 8.
Cl XT
sol- vi - te iussu quae sumus sol - v i-te ius- suquae- su ■ mus.
AI
0 "m o iwr
sol vi te lus-suquaesumus sol-vi- te iu - su quae- su mus.
TI o
so l-v i - te iu su quae sumus sol-vi-te iu- suquae-su mus
54
BI
Q
sol- vi - te iussu quae sumus sol - v i-te iussu quae- su mus.
o
CII
mus sol-vi- te ius suquae - su - mus.
A ll
mus sol-vi- te iu su quae - su mus.

54,
<>
TII jjejf
mus sol vi-te ius sus quae- su mus.
BII
mus so-lui - te iu- su quae - su mus

54
Be o
o
985
5
8*
A ll
58^ Solo
TII o -er-
Quo rum prae - cen - to sub - di - tur sa - lus

5
8 I
TT o
Be o
Quorum precepto.
611
TII
m
OV
— &
*r r»r
et lan-guorom -ni - um Sa n a -te e - gros mo - - ri-bus sa-n a-te e-gros
61
CL
Be jQ O - e - o
i
TII
mo - n - bus nos re-dentesvir-tu-ti- busnos re-den-tes v ir-tu -ti- bus.
Be
986
Cl <> o
De pa-tri sit glo e-ius que
AI
o
De Pa-tri sit glo
TI o o
De Pa-tri sit glo e-ius que
BI o
De pa-tri sit glo e- ius que
o o o
CII
De
A ll
XT
De Pa-tri sit glo
n
TII o
De Pa-tri -sit glo
n
BII XT
O
De
W o
Be o o
o
a 8. Deo Patri sit glorica
987
o
Cl
so - li IUS que so - li li- o
AI
D
que sO - li -
TI
so - li ius que so - li- o
o
BI
so - li ius que so - li li- o
CII o
ius que so - li ius que so - li
A ll
ius que so - li so - li
TII
ius que so - li ius que -so - li F i- li
BII
Q
ius que so - li
Be n o o o
o n
988
77*
CI
4 ~ r r j' r r
Cum Spi- ri - tu Pa ra - cli- to etnuncet in per-pe - tu-
77 *
AI ■e — • i -t>
¥ *» 0 0 0
Cum Spr-ri- tu Pa ra- cli - to etnuncet in per-pe
77*
0 - o O 0 0
TI
Cum Spi- ri - tu Pa ra cli- to etnuncet in per-pe - tu-
7
7
BI
P o r
Cum Spi- ri - tu Pa - ra - cli- to etnuncet in per-pe - tu-
77i
r i r r-r *r-
g —
CII
cum S pi-ri-tu pa-ra - cli to

77*
A ll
0 0 0-
cum S p i-ri-tu pa-ra - cli ■ to
77*
TII
P
cum Spi- ri - tu pa-ra - cli to
BII
cum Spi- ti - tu pa-ra cli - to
Be
989
Cl o
um (et nunc et in per-pe tu - um)
AI o
um et nunc et in per-pe tu - um
TI
n
um et nunc et in per-pe tu - um
BI
n
um (et-nunc et in per- pe tu - um
CII
et nunc et in per - tu-um (et nunc et in per-
A ll
o
et nunc et in per - (et nunc et in per-
TII o
et nunc et in per (et nunc et in per-
BII
et nunc et in per - pe tu-um (et nunc et in per-
Be t»
o ti t>
990
*»
Cl
(etnuncet in per-pe tu-um etnuncet
AI
(etnuncet in per-pe tu-um) etnuncet
TI
m per-pe um etnuncet
BI o
et-nuncet in per-pe tu-um etnuncet in per
CII
tu-um etnuncet in per

8 5 ,
A ll
o
tu-um etnuncet tu -
TII mo
pe - tu-um etnuncet per - pe
BII o
tu-um etnuncet in per

8 5
Be o
o
o
ci o
um) men.
AI O
tu - um. men.
TI
um men.
88
BI
um. men.
CII o n w
um) men.
A ll
D
um men men.
TII
um. men.
BII
um) men.
88
Be *»
Ave M aris Stella, Salmi, Himni 1630 Fabio Costantini
Canto I ---------- 1 1 — i-5 — o — J -» j- _ r t \

----------1-------------------- —
«j °
^ A v e. , M a - ris
/ Canto solo primo choro
B asso del'Org. ‘> ( ! ° l J f> ' ----------- n -------------- p -------■ o — —
Ave Maris Stella
Cl nn n TT O
o
Stel la De Ma ter
tv „— ep-
—n ---------*
-------------------- 1
Be ---------------1
------------------- o --------------° _ . .i
/
IO ' ~o m --------n-
Dei Mater
~~r ~r
CI
m A1
-i-
O
ma
O
at que sem per
o
Vir
MO o
i o ' tr
'o o
Be
£ o o
Cl o
o ro
o
go Fe lix Cae Por
Be W o o TT
' tr
o
993
Ave M aris Stella , Salmi, Himni 1630 Fabio Costantini
20/ Organo Solo
Cl
nor
ta.
AI
TT
o 1WT
Sol ve vin cla
o
TI a
Sol ve vincla re
BI
JiO [Qrgano Solo] a3 nel Primo Choro

o 1 ZSJZ
Be Hetf-
[Sumeas illud autem] Solve vincla reis
AI
o o <» o
TT
re Pro ser lu
o
TI
Pro ser lu men

TT
BI ©
O O
Be «
994
AI o
o n o
^ °
m en Cae CIS M a - la no stra
o
TI TT TT
XT TT
cae CIS ma nos tra

TT
XT TT
BI
m a - la nos tra pel
Be XT TT
XT
AI
XT XT
T> XT
XT
na cunc
XT
TI
XT XT XT
na cunc ta po
XT
BI XT
O XT XT
na cunc ta po
m O
Be XT
XT XT XT
995
AI
TI
see.
BI -W-
sce.
Solo
TII
TJ
Vir - g o
-I-O-
sin -
-o -
gu
tv
la
¥
IQrgano Solo] Tenore secondo solo
Be -m - TT
n r
o
Virgo singularis
O
TII n n
o
ns in ter om nes
Be o D
n
TII o
XT »
mi ns nos cul pis so
XT
Be o o o
XI
996
Ave M aris Stella , Salmi, Himni 1630 Fabio Costantini
o o o e HE
tos tes fac et cas

T
3E o o o 1-0
or
O
997
Sit Laus D e su mo
AI
Sit laus D e su mo
Sit laus D e su mo
o
Sit laus D e mo
XT
Sit laus D e su mo
A ll
zzz XT
Sit laus D e su mo
TII
e
Sit laus D e su mo
BII
n
Sit laus D e su mo
fOrgano Solol
Be T»
XI
Sit Laus Deo Patri
998
Ave Maris Stella, Salm i, H im n i 1630 Fabio Costantini
641
Cl
m p
o
C h ris -to de - cus S p i-ri-tu - i S ane to
AI
D
C h ris -to de - cus S p i-ri-tu - i S ane to

o
TI
m
C h ris -to de -
o
cus S p i-ri-tu - i S ane to

o
BI
P 3E
C h ri-sto de - cu s S p i-ri-tu - i S ane to
Cl
o
C h ris-to de - cus T ri-n u sh o - nor u-
A ll
o
i
C h ris-to de - cus T ri-n u sh o - nor u-
T II u
C h ris-to de - cus T ri-n u sh o - nor u -
B II i?J i o P
C h ris-to de - cus T rin u s ho - nor u-
999
Ave M aris Stella, S alm i, H im n i 1630 Fabio Costantini
68/
Cl o 33C
T ri - nus ho - nor u nus.
AI
ci o i m r
Tri - nus ho - nor u nus.
TI
P
Tri - nus ho - nor
o
nus.
BI -H e r
T ri - nus Ho - nor u
Cl o m r
nus T ri nus h o -n o r u n us.
A ll
o & J ,J i - fm r
nus T ri - nus ho - nor nus.
T II t"
nus
I
-
ttf
T ri -
P
nus ho - nor u nus.
B II -Her
TT
n u s - T ri - nus ho - nor u nus.
Be o -H e r
o
Magnificat, Salm i, H im ni 1630 Fabio Costantini
-—n -------------------------------------------------------------- e ---------- e ---------- e ----------

Canto I -W V > i* o ----------------------------o ------------------------------------------------------------------ 4
. Ma . - , gni - fi - cat
/ Intonatione C anto prim o solo
Basso del'O rgano --- M— H—li------------------------ l/E JH ---------------------------------------------------- *r

^ ---------------------------------------------------------------Hen------------------------------------
M agnificat
Cl o o
m ma me a Do mi num
AI
n n o
ma me a Do mi num
TI o
ma me Do m i - num
o
BI
CII
m - ma
A ll
ni - m a
TII
m - ma
BII
o
Bo o o
1. A n im a m ea D om inum
1001
Cl
et e x -u l-ta ri- tus
AI
TI

, _ o
BI
et e x -u l-ta ri- tue
CII o e
me a Do mi num e x -u l ■
A ll
o o o
me Do m i - nui ex ulta - vit
o o
t> o
TII
me Do mi- num e x -u l -
o o
BII
c
>
o o
Bo <» i>
«>
[2. E t exultavit]
1002
i» « a
Cl
me us
AI
o
m us
TI o 4 .Y o
me us
o
BI <>
me
o «
CII
ri- tus me us in De
A ll
o o :o
ri- tus me us De
TII « n <> »
ri- tus me us in De
o
BII « i>
«
Bo <» o o
1003
Magnificat, Salmi, Himni 1630 Fabio Costantini
Cl «
m e- o
AI
o
m
TI *> C
i
m e- o
Q
BI
m e- o
CII :o
lu - ta - ri me - o
A ll
o
lu - ta - ri m
TII :o
lu - ta - ri me - o
BII
Bo
1004
n me
AI
u
me
n me
n me
CII
lu - ta - ri m e
A ll
lu - ta - ri me
TII n
o W
lu - ta - ri me
BII
Falso B ordone C anto solo
Bo
3. Q uia respexit.
01
*— ------------------------------ Hod----------------------- - m ----------------------- O ----------- « -----------
1005
AI
n cv z :— ct
o
mi hi mag
TI <>
o
Qui mi hi ma
A ll
n o
Qui
TII
n
a. 4. 2. Tenori, 2 A lti
*> O
Bo
4. Q uia fecit
AI O
O o Q
na qui tus est

o o
gna qui pe tens est
A ll
XT
m i - hi - m a gna qui tens est et
TII o
o
Bo o o
1006
AI
o o
Sane-turn no- m en e 1US.
TI o s
Sane-turn n o -m en e 1US.
A ll
1US San- ctum n o- m en e ius.
TII
o
TT
Bo <»
1007
Cl
mi se - n cor 1US pro -
AI
X
I X
I
mi se - ri cor 1US pro -

XT
TI
BI
CII
pro - ge
A ll
X
X
pro - ge
TII
pro - ge
BII
Bo 2
X1
5. E t m iserid o rcia eius.
1008
XX
Cl
ni - e in pro ni es
AI
n xx
pro es
o
TI
ni - e in pro es
XX
BI
m- e in pro ni es
CII o XX
XX
ni pro es
A ll
XX XX
in pro - -ill es
TII XX
ni pro - ge ni es
BII
xx
XX
Bo
XX
1009
o
Cl x> o XT
m en ti - bus um men ti - bus
AI
XI
O O B
men ti - bus um men

n x> o
TI mat o
m en ti - bus llm men ti - bus

ti 9 - o
t>
BI x>
<->
m en ti - bus um m en ti - bus
CII O XI
XT Q
m en ti - bus
A ll
I)
XT XT XT
men ti - bus
TII o Ol
men ti - bus
BII X
T
XT
Bo
XT
1010
Cl n
o •
um.
AI
in=*tr
bus um.
TI
um.
BI
um.
CII
um.
A ll
—nor W
[added]
um.
i>
TII
um m en - ti bus um.
BII
Falso B ordone basso solo, ut supra

n lloil__________
Bo o
6. Fecit potentiam
9*1 in o
-
I
MII I
MII O °
1011
Ml
Cl 1 o' 3
o
De - po su - it po -
i5^--------# — &-
BI
De po - su - it
p
po
CII
BII
a4. 2 C anti, 2 bassi

-57
t> •
Bo
-HeH- XE
7. D eposuit potentes
61/
70
Cl
ten -
P
tes de se de et
BI
m JCC
ten - tes - de se de
CII
n
P $P o
De po it po - ten
BII TXT
De po - su - it po - ten
Bo
m 170
o o
in :
1012
65 i
Cl
rrrJrr
e x - a l- ta - vit h u - m i - les et e x - a l - t a - v i t hu mi- les et
o J2_
BI
et e x - a l - t a - v i t h u -m i - les et
m O
P
H
CII
£
tes de se de ex - al - ta - vit hu - m i- les
O
BII o
tes de se de et ex - al - ta - v it hu - r$i- les

\>
Bo - O -
m ex - al - ta - vit hu - mi les hu
re -1
mi -
-non-
ies.
nor
BI Jj J J HE
ex - ul - ta - vit hu mi - les.
0 —0 - e - ~ o ~
CII - J-
et e x - al ta vit hu mi - les.
BII
m $ O H $ le r
et - ex - al - ta vit hu les.
\>____ _ 0 i_
Bo n on
-H er
1013
F also B ordone A lto solo, ut supra
T*f ---------«----------
9---------------------------- -H
eH-------------------- -H
eH--------------------
8. E surientes
TI
BI
m
Su
TII o
x>
Su - see - pit Is - ra - el
BII
a 4. 2 Tenori, 2 Bassi
m - e -
-H
oH-
O
9. S uscepit Israel
3E
1014
TI -e-
Su see - pit Is
BI
see - pit Is
m r a - el
TII
S u- see- pit
W i
Is
-e-
ra - el pu - e r - um
-e -
BII
Su- see- pit Is - ra - el

a__
Bo
m
e-ru m su um re co r- da
o
BI o
e - rum su um re cor - da tus
TII
su um Re cor - d a - tus
n
BII
Pu e-rum su um re cor
XX zx
x X
X
Bo o o
1015
TI n
tus mi se - ri cor - di - ae su
BI
mi se - n cor - d i - ae su
TII e H
mi se - n cor - d i - ae su
n
BII
turn mi se - ri co ae su
Bo
1016
Cl o o
est P a - tres
AI
o o
est I p 'i
f177 bn
TI o
est
o
BI <»
ae.
CII <>
est
A ll
o
est
TII
ae. est
BII zzz
ae.
Bo po
o
10. Sicut locutus est
1017
Cl o o
nos stros b ra - ham
AI o
n o n
tres nos tros b ra - ham
TT «
TI
tres nos tros b ra - ham

o n o
BI
tres nos tros bra ham
CII «
o
P a - tres nos tros bra - ham
A ll
o <»
Pa tres nos tros b ra - ham
TII n o xx
P a - tres nos tros b ra - ham
BII xx
P a - tres nos tros b ra - ham

*> XX
Bo O Q
1018
Cl
se m i- m e- iu s in sae cu
se m i- m e - iu s in sa
TI
se m i- m e - ius in sae cu
n
BI
se m i- m e - iu s m sae cu
CII
se m i-m e - iu s in sae cu
A ll
XT XT
se m i-m e -iu s in sa CU
TII
X I
se m i-m e - iu s in sae-cu
BII
se m i-m e -iu s in sae cu
Bo
« -
1019
AI
TI
Glo
r
Pa
cjrr
BI
a 4 nel Prim o C hore
o «
Bo
11. G lo ria Patri
Cl
AI
o
TI
Q
BI
Sane -
D
n
1020
Cl o o
ru San - cto.
AI
o o o C
T
San cto.
TI o
i - San cto.
BI <>
San cto.
Bo <> o o
1021
Cl e
cut prin
AI x> t»
XT x> it
cut rat in
«
TI
cut rat in prin

13 O
BI X
3
cut rat in prin - ci
CII 13 13
n
cut rat in prin
A ll *3
ra in prin
TII o X
T
cut rat prin - ci
BII T3 O X
T X3
O
cut rat in prin - ci
13
Bo 13
12. S ic u te ra t
1022
12l
CI
#• *
o et nunc et sem • per et in s a e - c u - la et in sa e -c u -la -
AI
zru ~xr~
o et nunc et sem ■ per sae- cu - la et in sa e -c u -la -
TI
p iH
o et nunc et sem - per et in s a e - c u - la et in sa e -c u -la
n_
___
___
BI
> j i
o et nunc et sem - ;er et in s a e - c u - la et insaeO -cu-la
CII
o 0 0
et nunc et sem per et m sae-cu-la et in
A ll m— m £
o o 0--0
o et nunc et sem - per et in sae-cu-la et in
TII
n
et nunc et sem - per
o
et m
rPr ~ rr
sae-cu-la et in
— &
0- 0
BII
m P # #
et nunc et sem - per et in sae-cu-la et in
is ----------(9-
-o -
1023
o «
CI Q
sae cu-lo-rum a-m en
AI
XT
O
sae cu-lo-rum a-men. sae cu
TI
sae cu-lo-rum a-men. sae

o o
BI o
sae cu-lo-rum am en . sae cu - lo rum

o
CII
sae cu- la sae cu-lo-rum a-m en
A ll
XT
sae cu- la sae cu-lo-rum L-men sae cu
TII
sae cu- la sae cu-lo-rum A-m en sae cu -

n
BII
sae cu- la sae cu-lo-rum A-m en sae cu
Bo o
-t*
1024
o
CI
men.
AI
o notr
rum men.
TI
rum men.
BI
«>
men.
CII
m
men.
A ll
o
rum men.
TII o
rum men.
BII o
rum men.
Bo
Q uam d ilecta tabernacula, M otetti 16341

Fabio Costanitini
T enor $
S olo
Q u a m d i- le c - ta ta - b e r - n a - c u - la t u - a D o -m i-n e v ir -tu -
B asso co ntinuo *>
T e n o r solo.
J ■ iJ J p r r lt ir~rr
turn co n cu - pi - scit et de - f i - cit a - ni - m a m e - a - in a - tri - a
6 6
Be n=
~pr
C or m e - um et ca ro me - a
XT
D o - m i - ni
Be o
o
A lto S olo
ne ru n t in D e um vi - vum E - te n - nim pas - ser in
m m p m
:e- m m p a s- ser in
7 6
Be 2L «-
o
a 2.
1026
Quam dilecta tabernacula, M otetti 1634 Fabio Costanitini
13 i
Q Q m m
o
v e - n i t s i - b i D o -m u m e t tu r - tu r n i-d u m t i - b i u - b i p o -n at pul - los su -
r r r r=z ir r r >r r l t r m
v e - n i t s i - b i d o -m u m - et tu r - tu r n i-d u m s i - b i u - b i p o -n a t p u l- lo s su
Be ~9 o
o
os
A 2.*
os. turn R ex me -
Be
T
o o
us me us
Be o
Alto Solo
1027
Quam dilecta tabernacula, M otetti 1634 Fabio Costanitini
22* ^
«>
P □
turn R ex me us et De us me - us
7 6
Be HE HE
HE
25 * S olo*
B e - a - ti qui h a - b i - t a n t in d o - m o t u - a D o - mi - ne
• -w
a 2.
Be- a - ti- q u i
r'f r J ^r--r
h a - b i - t a n t in d o - m o t u - a
rprrrcjrr
D o-m i-ne In s a e - c u - l a sae-cu-
6
HE HE
Be
O
a2.
28/
in se -c u -la
p
se-cu- lo-rum lau-da-buntte
__________1______ (f)
T
p JE r err
lo-rum lauda- b u n t te in sae-cu- la sae-cu- lo-rumlau-da-bunt
Be
P P
1028
Quam dilecta tabemacula, M otetti 16341 Fabio Costanitini
- i
u' r p
in sae - cu - la sae - cu lo - rum lau - da - bunt te
p 0
|» J ] J. J |» p i»
te in sae - cu - la sae - cu - lo - rum lau - da - bunt te lau - da - bunt
6
Be
£
33 i
0 0
i
lau-da-buntte (Lau-da-bunt te) in sae-cu-la sae-cu- lo-rum
P
sae-cu- lo-rum
f
te
■ * r r f
lau-da-buntte (lauda- bunt-te)
^rrcrrrr
in sae-cu-la sae-cu-lo-rum
Be o
p
36,
-HoH-
sae - cu - lo rum lau da bunt te.
t t r »r r 1
sae - cu - lor - rum lau - da bunt
-HeH-
te.
Be -HeH-
P o
En dilectu s meus, M otetti 1634
1 Fabio Costantini
Canto
En di-lec-tus me-us lo-qui-tur mi - hi lo-qui-tur mi

m 1
Basso 1
Basso continuo 9 :c -M-

Canto solo
Sur - ge pro pe - ra mi - - ca me a
y.'A IM
I |o ; O ’ Q~ Q~ ~o~
Basso solo
1 1 :— —
— —............................ = \
^ ---------------------------------------------------
-------------------n
—^ --- -----------------------------
Q------------- £1------------£----------------
For - mo - sa me a Co - lum - - ?a me a -
r 9t> :------------------ n ----------- lu e ------------- - e ------------- iyt-------- 7.--------- _Hoh----- © -------------------

/ O ------------- --------------tf----------------
k
- X — M----------------------------- =-----
/ f tV — ........................... -
^ ----------------------------------------
/ - o ----------------------------------- o- ? -------- ---------

r =
---------- 1-------------
[coloration]
et ve ni et ve
r* 3 __________ ______ ti *
4>S
/
■ -----------------------------------
o ----------------------------------- -fled------------------------
o ----------- & ------------n ----------------
o p r = ^
— ------------- 1—
[coloration]
1030
En dilectus mens, M otetti 1634

1 Fabio Costantini
m ma me que fac
B - v ; - llo tl
Canto solo
c
est ut di lec tus lo cu tus est ut di lec cu tus est ut di lec tus lo cu - tus
Canto solo
25,
c
est.
E - gre - di mu in a
~pr mn
- m -
a. 2 Egrediamur
---------------------- —© ---------- n ----------------------

I f o ....* = — - e ----------e ----------n --------- f: p
¥ -- ---------------- 1— ---------------------
E - gre - di a - mur in a
29
grum
29
mill--------------------- © ---------
— HefF------------------ ■-t-------------------------- e --------- --------------------------- ©-------
q° » ---------------------
1031
En dilectus meus, Motetti 1634* Fabio Costantini
33,
grum
gre - di a - mur in
33
o _ o~
37,
° tf*
Com - mo re - mur in vil lis com - mo
grum Com - mo - re - mur in vil lis com - mo

I
- © -
comoremur in villis vide
41
o•
re - mur in
r LrrrcJLcj
lis vide - a
T k i r m
re - mur in vil lis vi - de -
ghfME -H
eU- $
r r
f JJr L / r
mus si flo-ru- it vine-
gL---- ----
a
> M
si
B r ' f
j —
P in —
fit>-ru- it vi- n e
—
- a
_ « -------- #73----
vi -
r
ne
-j
- a et si flo
45
y ... . \>p- • M O' 0
= y = ^ .........
mus si fl o-ru- it vi - n e - a s si - flo-ru-it vi - ne - a
4 3
r* 5 I ------------------- ©-------------r fP ' • m O-------
-© ----------
/ f l— r.
-------------------
Ik----------------&------------------- r 1
L ----------------- -
- o --------- ---------------------- r —
— 1----------------------------F —
1032
En dilectus mens, M otetti 1634* Fabio Costantini
res fruc - tus par- tu - ri-unt
res fruc - tus par-tu- ri-unt
c
res fruc tus par-tu - ri-unt
res fruc - tus par-tu- ri- unt et si

53
57,
-HeH-
flo - res stuc - tus par tu unt.

57
flo - res furc - tus par -

r>
Jr r
tu ri -
-HOH-
unt.
-57
m -m-
vil
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5 . 16341 "del P"
y - a — iioii -f9-----n ---- (9-----------n ---- 1---------------------„ -------------

°
Alto I (fo T = = = P = = ^ = ^ = : ?
= 4 ? " ------ o —Deli----------
- 1— 1— — !------------- 1_ 1------
b G au - de - a mus
J? 3 ■-------------- llotl..
Alto II
44- =
Gau - de -
Basso continuo
tv
/
a
Y|M------
|—
rr
.H
ull .................v -------------- 71--- -O ---- —
Hull-------
Gau - de
n
mus
o o . imn o o
mus
1034
"del P"
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5.1634
13/ JQ L JotL
o
$
Gau - de a mus om
13/ JQU- m
mm -
£ $
mus Gau de - a mus om
:W t
o
WC
o
rv -o - o o o- e
nes om - nes in fes turn
nes om ngs in
o o
1035
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5 .16341 "del P"
tes om nes
o
tes om - nes in fes turn
fes turn ce bran tes

o
ce bran tes
sub no
1036
"del P"
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5 .16341
3 7
o n
re
sub no
Sane tae Ma ae Vir ms Sane
re Sane
taae Ma ae Vir
tae Ma ae Vir ms Ma - ri ae
1037
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5.1634 "del P"
o
- flp — '
m
—
gi ms de Cu 1US
O
\§ r ( gi ms de
o: cv
Cu 1US so lem
CU 1US
o n o
57
D D
so lem
e o
so lem m
o n o
o
1038
"del P"
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5.1634*
<> o e
o o o
so lem so lem
o <> a e
<> n
so lem m so lem m
Q o n
o O 13
n <» o
o
so lem - ni te gau dent
13 o xr o
<>
so - lem - ni
_55
o 13
» tx
O O
An
gau dent
n o
13 IT
1039
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5 .16341 "del P"
gau dent
An Gau
o e
o
77
n
An
O
cent An
o o
dent An
gau dent
<»
o
1040
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5. 1634* "del P"
o e
©
gau dent An
n o n
o
o
o o II o o
H O IE HeH
la
o o o <> <>
n o o *» o
o o n He|f
ia
XT o i> o
O
1041
Gaudeamus omnes, Motetti a 1.2.3.4.e 5. 1634* "del P"
Q o n
n
o o o
la
DE n o
ii a
ia.
n o
ia.
o o
A pud Dominum Motetti 1634* Fabio Costantini
Basso primo
_0 _
o
£ a a
cr
A - pud Do num mi - s e - r i-c o r - di
d :: o
Basso secondo
a a
A - pud Do
7 6
Basso continuo &tC o 70

XE 70
T C TT ii
o
/ r r <1
1 1
a A - pud I)o mi - num rni -
5 I i
6V ■
r
/b a o i)
4
num mi - se - ri - cor - d - a a - pud

5 i i 7 76
t v
... ----- * n
/ a o "o
. ----------- e ------------------ d
se - ri - cor - di a mi - se - n - cor - di - a et CO-pi- o
w
J E
Do mi - num m i - s e - r i- c o - di - a et-
mJ. rr
)
jo~ o
~o~
13
g i
et co pi-o sa
13 ,
pr—I
m
CO p i - o saetco - pi - o sa a-pude-umre-demp
r ;3 1 1 —1------------- s4 l— |!
- f - 5 " |9 41
-J i~------- ^ - o -------- L r.
r r r •
1043
F abio C ostantini
17
#■ o
-9 *-- f - m~ •f-m r -Ti c•« >m \ . . f f
fp
y y U-< r ~ .....
a- pud e- um re-dem ti 0 et co-pi-o
17
p|a
+):
— n
' mr
— i—~r'lQp r r m
0 et co-pi-o sa
■m - o
r% • —j - *1 " -=Tn — I-l - H T p J = PT m *" A"f=H
r, • J — u
4 = ^ y y l-J-1 M = + = +
21
*rrr-r if i»>r:lr r
f h- 1-c>
s
sa et co - pi - o - sa a-pud e
P 4 i •
umred em
y-k-0
r j . f -
rjt£Lru'if f-- -
Pti
21
S '-t -*■f A j r f f ‘- ' 4 - f - ■ rrfr. r TrH

1'TftEm
r2* et co-pi-o sa
^JM
a-pud e-um redemp -
s
Jr H — r)— t t ~ 9-------- * - f -----------H
°
z) ---------------- ■=4=—
. P .
- n
tV p ' K
-J -J - - 4
CJ CJ
K -------------------------------- - N H
f J J -HeH----------------
ti 0.
.
*i * n DO T” ...............
V X ,f n
d m h} =° =
------- P---------------------------------------------- --------------'--------------F— T
ti - o a - pud e -u m r e demp - ti - o.
r 25
- * F l5 ---------------------------- ' s -----1------ 1-------------------------
--------------J ------------ 9 --------------- f ' - 0 J - L-HeH--------------- LI
Confitemini Domino, Motetti 1634 i Fabio Costantini

Solo
Canto
e — &— b-
IE & O-
Con - fi - te - mi - ni Do mi - no Quo -
6 4 3
Basso continuo
m —n —~p
Canto solo
' ~ p o —7T~
ni - am bo
J r~p r r r y r r
nus quo - ni - am in e ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a
i • —m—0-
Qup - ni - am in e - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a
Quo - ni - am in
r rrrrp
e - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di -
Quo - ni - am in ae - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a

7I I
J HE
Be
A
#*• m£ ------- V--- ~D ZT 9 ----- 77 TT
ius con - fl - te - mi - ni De - o De - O
m -e-
IUS
It
ran
Be
m
Alto solo
1045
Confitemini Domino, Motetti 1634 Fabio Costantini
c ,fc 0-0 0 J T 3 Z
quo- m - am m e - ter- num mtse - ri - cor - di - a e

13*
o • •• * * 0-0—v~ o o
rum quo- ni - am in e - ter-num mi-se - ri - cor - di - a e
13*
■a—a—&—a
quo- m - am m e - ter-num mtse - n

r p r »r p »r
cor - di - a e ius Con- fite ■
13
qu o-n i- am
m
in e - ter-num mi- se - ri - cor- di - a
o
e
o
# t
» » 9 -9--------5----------------- »
Be , , . . p i
-d—0 _
i l p >— r - r p H H — •
tuttl Tenor solo
17*
c -for*
quo- ni - am in e - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a e

17*
0 0
£
quo- ni - am in e - ter - num m i-s e - ri - cor - di - a
17*
0 - 0 —&——r CT
P m rp
mini Do- mi - ni D o- mi - no - rum quo- ni - am in e - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a
17
s
quo- ni - am in e - ter - num mi - se - ri - cor - di - a
Be
y. *> ^ p io
j r iJ r p *
tutti
1046
Confitemini Domino, Motetti 1634* Fabio Costantini
1US
IUS
1US
B
TT
Be
H
Basso solo
C
25/
i J- «b J J J J m O
Solo
u
quo - ni - am in e - ter - num mi- se- ri- cor-di - a e Qui fecit
25/
A
~T~' W "0“ o
quo - ni - am in e - ter num mi- se - ri- cor- di - a e ius.
25*
T
^ r r r rr»r
quo - m - am in e - ter - num mi- se - ri- cor- di - a
25
B
^ j rprrr
lus quo - n i- am in e - ter - num mi- se - ri- cor- di - a e
- e -
Be
ir o-
tutti Canto solo
1047
o a
C t>„y_ ^
ce - lum in - tel - lec tu quo - ni - am in e - ter -
29 a
quo - ni - am in e - ter
29 a
T * J. Jl J J i 4
quo - ni - am in e - ter -
29
B
— 9-
* r p r J-H-
quo - ni - am in e - ter -
# 4 3
p _ cr
Oi)
Be
m or
tu tti
c o
num mi - se cor IUS qui vi
A
TT
num mi cor ius qui vi
T n
num mi cor ius qui vi

33
B
num mi cor ius qui di - ver
Be
1048
C onfltem ini D om ino, Motetti 1634* F abio C ostantini

37 /
C fa r
r r J r r p
sit m a-re ru-brum ma - re rubrum mare rub in di - vi - si - o -
37 a
A
HI
sit mare ru brum ma - re ru brum
37 a
T O' Tf
t>
sit m a -re ru-brum ma - re rub-rum ru in di - vi - si - io -
37
- e -
B
m
sit ma - re ru-brum m a -r e ru brum
&---- P ---- o —
4V » 0----- ■----- 0---- *----- • — F — e --------------------------- - © -------------1~4~n(9---- 1[V
Be - 9 - ' 7----------
l = § = = = = = d
11
C n
nes nes] Quo - ni am in ter - num
A
XJ
nes quo - m - am in ter - num
nes nes quo - m - am in ter - num
B XE
nes quo - ni - am in ter - num
XX XE
Be
4 5 *
C
p—e- p—p
m
mi- se - ri- cor- di - a e ius m i-se ri- cor- di - a
45 *
A -e-
mi ri- cor- di - a mi - se cor- di - a
4 5 *
-O- -o -
T
mi - se cor- di - a
rr rr'pr
m i-se - ri - cor- di - a
4 5
B
* -o~
mi ri- cor- di - a ri - cor- di - a e
p.*6 «
~llor
Be
4 9 *
4 9 *
A
-Hoe-
4 9 *
T
-m -
IUS.
49
B
m -HeH-
Be
m -HeH-
Ave Maria, Motetti 1634 1 F abio C ostantini

Solo
Canto 1 b (* » • IT
ve Ma - ri cu-ius a
Basso continuo
Ave Maria
o
I
Solo Canto Primo.
Cl
pa- ra- di - us fac tus est pa- ra - di- sus fac tus est.
Be
n o o n
Cl
Gau om nes (gau
C2 o
Gau om nes (gau
o n cr n
Gau om nes (gau
n n o He|f o o
Gau om nes (gau

o n <>
B1 o
Gau om nes
o o
o
Be
a 5 Gaudete omnes
1051
Ave Maria, Motetti 1634 F abio C ostantini

10 L
O a -e - O ' P
Cl
f om nes) Can ta te An ge - li.
C2 ft irnn O O J o
om nes) Can ta te An ge -
I : t t
om
o
nes)
Z5SZ
om nes)
B1
m
10
-H
eH- o o o
Be
2. Canti
O IT
Cl
o o
Gau om nes Can
C2 o o n o o
Gau om nes Can
o
o ra o n n o
(Gau om nes) Can
o o «
o o n
(Gau om nes) Can

o o o
B1
o o
o
(Gau om nes) Can
o o o o
Be
o
o
Tutti A.b
1052
Ave Maria, Motetti 1634 1 Fabio C ostantini

16.
P3
Cl
»v. ~ rr cs n 9- 0-0
An - ge- li. Iu-bi-la-te Cives (Iubi-la-te Ci - ves)de-li-ti-o-se
C2 T T o
An - ge- li.
»• o n
An - ge- li.
— ~~Q €T e-rr-rrr-J &
An - ge- li. Iu-bi-la-teCives(Iubi-la-te Ci ves) de - li-ti-o-seC i - vi
B1
S-i » '----- (9—O ra ~i
An - ge- li.
16
o—o
Be
Tenore
e canto
Si
19L
Cl zaoEC
cr
civita - tis Iubilateci-ues de - li-ti-o se c i-v i-ta - tis ci -
C2 £
Iubilateci - ves iubilate ci-vedelicioseC i - vi
09~m m
~o o ~a *
IubilateCi ves (Idbi latgCi ves) de - li-ti-oseCi- vi
XI
£ 0—0 mp O
ta tis Iubilate Ci - ves de- li-ti-oseCi- vi - ta - tis de-
B1
m f-ff-C C D
0 0
IubilateCi - ves de-li-ti-ose C i- v i - t a - tis de-li-ti-ose

19
Be
m XJ
[A .b-either here or earlier] Cant. Tenr.
1053
Cl
VI tis.
C2 Q
tis.
li- ti- o- se Ci ve Ma- ri -
B1 o
VI
22 Alto eTenore
O
Be n
Ave Maria
25.
a cuius:orc&-le - stacon vi
~zr
vi - um
T rm
Deum
w
0 'j m *-
vitat adcele - stes
e-
2 5 acuiuseoicelle - j 4 $ts;onui - uium
Be £ IE
o
alto
1054

28,
• o
pulas veMari -
f
a cu-iuscorce-le - stescon
j J l e—
veMa-ri - a cu-ius corce-le - steconvi vium cu-iuscorce-le
Be
o
£ ¥
i —c r
$
vi vi - um Deumin - vi
-A - (k)
31
feT~C5BT ~'prr ~ £ f
n 4 gsteconvi - vium Deum in - vitat adcele- stes e - pulas Daim
Be
TT 9:1--..jP.. .J.J.lJ
34
^— — —IMJ------------------
—Ik^l-----------------
- 3- — j.— d --------« 0
tat ad ce- le St ;s (a d ce- le stes) e - pu - las.

------ 1-------------- k— — r® i— -------------- 1----------k-
.
>— d~.-------------^
. . ” m
------------------ - — J -J - -f r
L l- F- - -
- 1
m i . . :-------- — —
- ,9
34 in - vitat ad ce - 1 3 stes ad-ce le-stes e - pu - las.
------ ----- H=j1 ...... 1
Be
^ ------- 1------ ------ 1--- i • ------- i*-------
.. r"
C “
MT..................-
1055
Ave Maria, Motetti 1634 1 F abio C ostantini

371
Cl
Gaudeamus omnes
vt supra a 5
wve Ma - ri -
C2
Gaudeamus omnes
vt supra a 5 v e M a i- ri - a
----------bp o
B1
Gaudeamus omnes A - v e M a - ri
37 vt supra a 5 A 3. 2. Canti e Basso
Be
Gaudeamus omnes Ave Maria

vt supra a 5
4(7
Cl
w
ut la n -
C2
ut lan -
B1 m i ¥
de c u - ius san gui - n e D e - u s Ho - m o fac - tus est
40
4ZZ2I
Be
£
1056
Ave M aria , Motetti 1634 1 F abio C ostantini

43.
XI
guo res ho - mi num face-ret in gau a tran- si - re Be- a- to
C2
Q
guo num face-ret in gau a tran- si - re Be a-to-
B1
43
XI
Be
46.
w
XT -I9-2--- #- u
Cl
rum ut lan- guo-res ho num
C2 cr
m
rum ut lan- g u o res ho - mi- num
B1 n r
XT
ut lan-guo - res ho minum face-ret in gau - di- a tran si - re

46
Be zxn
o
1057
Ave Maria, Motetti 1634 Fabio C ostantini
Cl
fa-ce-ret in gau di-atranfi-re Be
C2
fa-ce-ret ingau a tran si-te Be L-tO

*-+-
B1 o
fa-ce-ret in gau d i-a tran si-re Be-a

o
Be o
-----O -------------------------------- IH>11----------------------------------

Cl 9--------------------------------------- —
ru m . Gaudete omnes. ut supra

/-S .
— HnH----------------------------------------------
UMj----------------------------------
e ---------------
C2 -4 m - *— ±
—
= t
- Gaudete omnes. ut supra
-iV - o
B1 9--------------------------------------- _m.ni .....................................................
to 4 o ru m . Gaudete omnes. ut supra

52 3
-* r -
Be 9---------------------------------------- -IM I
Gaudete omnes. ut supra
D ixit Dominus, Salmi, Magnificat, e Motetti 16392 Fabio Costantini/ Gio. Maria Nanino
Canto I 1 i * )
- ^J r
« — a — *— p—
r 1
* --------* ---------------- ■ ------- = R -
L J
D - x it D o - m i - nus IDo - mi - no me
B asso continuo . 9. J
A 2. C a n ti
C
I m £
se - de a d e x -t r is m e - is, se - de a d e x -tr is
Cl
r~LTr £ p— p
Se - de a d ex - tris m e - is se - de a dex - tris m e - is

\> \>
Be
£ o
C
I
pngli se - de a dex tris me -
-HeH-
is.
C
I
se de a dex
t^ ^
tris n-je -
■m-
is.
Be V t:~ £ J- o
£ ■ fleH -
1059
Dixit Dominus, Salmi, Magnificat, e Motetti 1639 Fabio Costantini/ Gio. Maria Nanino
C
I o
Do nec po-nam ni- mi- cos os
AI
Do nec po-nam m- mi- cos os

e n
TI
Do nec po-nam m- mi- cos os
BI
Do nec ponam 1 n i-m i-c o s tu os
C
I
m -m i-cos
A ll
ni - mi-cos
T II
m- mi-cos
BII
m- mi-cos
o
Be
A. 8 D onee ponam .
1060
C
I
sea- bel- lum pe - dum tu - o rum
A
I
o XT
sea- bel - lum pe - dum rum
T
I XI XT
sea- bel- lum pe - dum rum
BI O XT
sea- bel- lum pe - dum rum
C
I o
os sca-
A
II
n
os sca-
T
II x
>
os sca-
XT X
T
BII o
OS sca-
TT
Be XT
1061
J5.
C
I
sea - bel - lum
AI
sea - bel - lum
TI n
se a - bel - lum dum tu
n
BI «
s e a - b e l-lu m pe dum
C
I o
bel - lum pe - dum rum sea - bel - lum
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

A PROFESSIONAL MUSICIAN IN EARLY MODERN ROME:

THE LIFE AND PRINT PROGRAM OF FABIO COSTANTINI, C.1579-C.1644

THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

Chapter 2 Orvieto, Administration of the Duomo, and the Cappella musica 46

Chapter 3 Fabio Costantini, Romano, Maestro, and Cittadino di Orvieto.......89

Chapter 4 The Anthologies: Project and Program...........................................149

Chapter 5 Double-Choir Collections per tutti..................................................232

Chapter 6 Few-Voice Sacred Motet Repertory................................................318

Chapter 7 Secular Anthologies and Roman Monody in Orvieto................... 404

Chapter 8 Anthologies of the 1630s..................................................................487

C. Selected Texts in the Anthologies................................................... 614

D. Dedication Translations................................................................... 697

E. 1. Index of Pieces........................................................................... 708

F. Orvieto Feastdays............................................................................. 756

Music Transcriptions ..................................................................................................ii

1. Sancti Dei omnes Fabio Costantini................................................ 794

16. Tutte le viste homai Fabio Costantini................................................ 941

Table 2.1. 1611 Inventory of Music at Orvieto Cathedral, With Comparisons to

Example 5.1a. Fratres ego (1614), Palestrina........................................................... 284

Orvieto Libraries and Archives:

I-Od Orvieto, Archivio dell’Opera del Duomo

Other Libraries and Archives

CG Cappella Giulia, musical chapel of the Basilica of S. Pietro

Cassieri Record of accounts of the Orvieto Opera del Duomo (I-Od)

The main body o f the archival entry is encased in quotions;

NGII New Grove Dictionary, Second Edition, London 2001; Biographical

Pitch ranges are based on middle c=c'

Shorthand identification of anthologies rely on the numbering system found in

interests and research goals converged as well.

research, encouraged me at the start. Subsequently, Robert Kendrick’s guidance

interest and support.

A Martha Friedberg Fellowship and Division of the Humanities Travel Grant

Libraries and archives which have provided personal access to or microfilms of

Staatsbibliothek in Munich, the Biblioteque du Conservatoire in Paris, the Biblioteque

at Wayne State University over the last few years.

Claudio Annibaldi, Lesley Brill, Peter Burkholder, Marietta Cambareri, Raffaele

DeBenedictis, Mary Frandsen, Norma Goldman, John Hill, Leofranc Holford-Strevens,

Tufano, and Nicholas Young.

throughout a very long haul. I dedicate my efforts to them.

A Professional Musician in Early Modern Rome: The Life and Print

This dissertation examines normative musical practice as part of the multi-faceted

well-populated musical world, the life of Costantini— singer, maestro di cappella,

with an intriguing difference. His unique historical contribution is the anthologies he

Through Costantini’s compilations, a number of Roman composers, along with their

institutions influencing the music performed, published, and heard by a cross-section of

have fashioned a publication of personal works. In doing so he not only provides a

glimpse of popular musical tastes, but a contemporary musician’s perception of the

music profession itself.

Costantini’s life and works particularly illuminate the cultural connections

published musical contributions justifies viewing musical culture in Orvieto as an

printer to Orvieto several years later.

Loreto and the cathedral in Ferrara, maestro di cappella at a confraternity in Ancona,

Rome. In 1636 he returned to Orvieto as maestro di cappella, although in circumstances

remuneration for increased responsibilities. His changed position in Orvieto reflected on

repertory, from Venetian presses in the intervening years.

Thus Costantini’s life was shaped by a mixture of available opportunities and

interaction between ecclesiastical and civic domains affected musical practice.

The repertory of Costantini’s anthologies includes the musical genres performed

comprise a representative Roman repertory in this period of stylistic experimentation and

representing the range of styles heard in contemporary performance. Both polychoral