Introduction

The term “racism” is often used in a loose and unreflective way to describe the hostile or

negative feelings of one ethnic group or “people” toward another and the actions resulting from

such attitudes. But sometimes the antipathy of one group toward another is expressed and acted

upon with a single-mindedness and brutality that go far beyond the group-centered prejudice and

snobbery that seem to constitute an almost universal human failing. Hitler invoked racist theories

to justify his genocidal treatment of European Jewry, as did white supremacists in the American

South to explain why Jim Crow laws were needed to keep whites and blacks separated and

unequal. The climax of the history of racism came in the twentieth century in the rise and fall of

what I will call “overtly racist regimes.” In the American South, the passage of segregation laws

and restrictions on blackvoting rights reduced African Americans to lower-caste status, despite

the constitutional amendments that had made them equal citizens. Extreme racist propaganda,

which represented black males as ravening beasts lusting after white women, served to

rationalize the practice of lynching. These extralegal executions were increasingly reserved for

blacks accused of offenses against the color line, and they became more brutal and sadistic as

time went on; by the early twentieth century victims were likely to be tortured to death rather

than simply killed. A key feature of the racist regime maintained by state law in the South was a

fear of sexual contamination through rape or intermarriage, which led to efforts to prevent the

conjugal union of whites with those with any known or discernible African ancestry. The effort

to guarantee “race purity” in the American South anticipated aspects of the official Nazi

persecution of Jews in the 1930s. The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 prohibited intermarriage or

sexual relations between Jews and gentiles, and the propaganda surrounding the legislation
emphasized the sexual threat that predatory Jewish males presented to German womanhood and

the purity of German blood. Racist ideology was of course eventually carried to a more extreme

point in Nazi Germany than in the American South of the Jim Crow era. Individual blacks had

been hanged or burned to death by the lynch mobs to serve as examples to ensure that the mass

of southern African Americans would scrupulously respect the color line. But it tookHitler and

the Nazis to attempt the extermination of an entire ethnic group on the basis of a racist ideology.

Hitler, it has been said, gave racism a bad name. The moral revulsion of people throughout the

world against what the Nazis did, reinforced by scientific studies undermining racist genetics (or

eugenics), served to discredit the scientific racism that had been respectable and influential in the

United States and Europe before the Second. The one racist regime that survived the Second

World War and the Cold War was the South African, which did not in fact come to fruition until

the advent of apartheid in 1948. The laws passed banning all marriage and sexual relations

between different “population groups” and requiring separate residential areas for people of

mixed race (“Coloreds”), as well as for Africans, signified the same obsession with “race purity”

that characterized the other racist regimes. However, the climate of world opinion in the wake of

the Holocaust induced some apologists for apartheid to avoid straightforward biological racism

and to rest their case for “separate development” mainly on cultural rather than physical

differences. The extent to which Afrikaner nationalism was inspired by nineteenth-century

European cultural nationalism also contributed to this avoidance of a pseudoscientific rationale.

No better example can be found of how a “cultural essentialism” based on nation

 ARELLANO UNIVERSITY

Juan Sumulong Campus

Senior High School Department

RACISM

In partial fulfilment of the requirements in the subject Understanding

Culture, Society and Politics

Dencel Mae R. Garganta

ABM-8
March 22,2019
ABSTRACT

This is a 15-pages paper written and complied by the researcher in partial fulfillment of

the requirements in the subject Understanding Culture, Society and Politics. The paper is said to

be a test on how well the researcher can apply the lessons in his daily life. The paper consists of

three parts, The introduction to give initial background about the teenage pregnancy, the Review

of related literature to Learn the social issue on the deeper context, and the Reflection to

summarize,compartmentalize and give conclusions or maybe suggestions on how to aid or to

address the teenage pregnancy, written in APA citation format. The information of the paper are

gathered through internet, books, and published journals. Finally, the purpose of this paper is to

address the teenage pregnancy issue so that the researcher wanted to give statement about the

teenage pregnancy for you to able what is happening in society.

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

If the average person of color were asked to describe himself or herself based on five
physical characteristics, one could likely assume that the minority individual would list his other
race as one of the descriptors. Hence, it is no surprise that the ideas of race and recreations are
not newness in our society. In America, when people think of race or race relations, they
commonly think of these notions as a Black and White issue, where each “race” is generalized
and standardized into one grouping (Celious & Oyserman, 2001). Racism is often approached
from either the perspective of those who are dispossessed (nonwhites) or possessed (whites).
Yet, both addresses are essential to understanding the details of racial beliefs. Skin color
influences cognitive perceptions above and beyond race. Participants in the Implicit Association
Test, taken by over two million people, demonstrated both explicit and implicit preference for
light-skin compared to dark-skin and the tests showed that 68% of respondents were faster to
pair dark-skin with negative words and light skin with good words than the reverse (Nosek et al.
2007, p. 17). Smaller experimental studies have replicated this pattern of light-skin preference.
For instance, both black and white subjects were more likely to assign positive traits to blacks if
they had lighter skin they would describe them as motivated ,educated, and attractive. On the
other hand, were more likely to apply negative racial stereotypes to darker members of that race,
who were described as unattractive, criminal, unintelligent, and lazy (Maddox and Gray 2002).
In another experimental study, a black perpetrator and his victim in a crime news story were
more memorable and it produced the highest emotional concern among white subjects when the
offender was dark-skinned (Dixonand Maddox 2005).

The negative associations with darker skin are not just limited to cognitive perception
and stereotypical beliefs but have also been obvious in discriminatory behavior. For example,
judges sentenced blacks with more stereotypically black facial features to an average of eight
additional months of hard time compared to blacks with lighter skin and less Afrocentric
features, even after taking into account different criminal histories (Eberhardt et al. 2004; Blair et
al. 2004). In a survey experiment, subjects exposed to Hurricane Katrina victims were less
generous in their support for disaster relief assistance if the target they encountered was dark-
skinned (Iyengar and Hahn 2007). Darker-
skinned blacks, in short, were more ‘‘deathworthy’’
and less deserving of emergency assistance. Though arriving at more complex findings, audit
studies of housing and experimental studies of hiring have also documented differential
treatment by skin tone (Yinger 1995; Wade et al. 2004); in the latter study, participants preferred
light-skinned applicants to blacks with a darker appearance in an exercise in which they were
asked to hire for an engineering firm. And perceptions of blacks themselves seem to reflect
differential treatment by color, as darker-skinned blacks reported more discrimination than light-
skinned blacks (Klonoff and Landrine 2000). Evaluations of phenotype matter, over and above
reactions based on race alone, and can operate independently of racial categorization. Today, that
discriminatory and hierarchical system of skin color preferences is recognized as colorism.
While attitudes toward certain Afrocentric features have become more idealized like lip and
buttock enhancement procedures are being performed at unprecedented rates (Kim, 2014. Skin
color remains a controversial and highly assessed physical attribute, influencing social processes
such as economic attainment (Goldsmith, Hamilton, & Darity, 2006), mate selection (Hill, 2002),
litigation (Blair, Judd, & Chapleau, 2004), and body modification (Glenn, 2008). Across several
disciplines researchers
Although white Americans are significantly less inclined to hold racially prejudiced sentiments than they
were several decades ago, they continue to show a strong preference for the in-group (white) over the out-
group (non-white). In a recent comparison of implicit and explicit racial attitudes, for example, 82 percent
of the whites in a national sample showed an implicit preference for whites while between 60 and 65
percent expressed a similar explicit preference on standard survey indicators of overt and symbolic racism
(Iyengar et al., 2009). Given this considerable level of anti-black bias, it is not surprising that skin
complexion -- a visible indicator of ethnicity – is significantly correlated with a variety of social and
economic outcomes. In fact, members of nearly every non-white ethnic group with relatively dark
complexions fare less well in American society .In this paper, we extend research on the complexion
penalty to the political arena by examining whether exposure to photographs that either lighten or darken
the complexion of an African-American candidate can influence voter support. In the case of Barack
Obama, the target candidate in this study, our evidence shows that darker images weakened his support
during the early stages of the campaign, but variation in the candidate’s complexion had no influence
after Obama secured the nomination. Although the overall effect of the complexion manipulation
dissipated by the later stages of the campaign, voters with higher levels of implicit racial bias were less
likely to evaluate Obama favorably when exposed to a darker image. Taken together, the two studies
suggest that the impact of racial cues on electoral support depends upon voter familiarity with non-white
candidates.

In this investigation, a quantitative approach examined the problem of workplace

bullying from a theoretical viewpoint. This study reviewed the relationship between workplace
intimidation and employees’ work performance. The Negative Acts Questionnaire (NAQ)
consisted of 22-item of the harmful actions, with variances related to bullying and work-related
harassment. Data was accumulated from 217 employees from an ASEAN region. The employees
worked in a plastic manufacturing company. The reliability analysis for workplace bullying was
.923 and job performance was 0.836. The data analysis by SPSS 16.0 uncovered that there was a
significant positive relationship between workplace bullying and towards job performance. The
outcomes showed that the three predictor factors accounted 51% increase in work performance.
The research also uncovered that the person related bullying was prognosticated as an active
contributor toward job performance. A predictor model was assembled through an analysis of
multiple regression analysis. Numerous suggestions were presented to manufacturing, managers,
and leaders that some additional plans can be carried out to generate a safe environment for the
employees to produce an excellent work performance. The study contributed a new idea in the
research of management by opening up discussion on the importance of employee participation
in producing a perfect job performance. This fact that statistically there is correlations and
regression that workplace bullying has an impact on the dependent variables job performance.
This finding also suggested that management might be able to decrease the level of job stress by
increasing satisfaction with compensation, policies, work conditions and improving the
interactions with employees in a staff meeting. This research also sheds information on how
workplace bullying can be effected towards job performance. This study found that
organizational cultures make worse the problem when the leaders either do not understand
workplace bullying or dismiss it as solid management. The study concluded that a systems
approach to designing a training program that discusses the root causes, involves all individuals
from all levels, and yields skills for dealing with this phenomena can foster a congenial working
environment.
 The primary research questions of the study examined the disparities of stress by
gender; stress by race/ethnicity and stress by socioeconomic status as a result of recent life
events. Measures used to address physical health status included self-report information on the
latest illness, chronic diseases, and self-rated health. The population studied was 493 non-
Hispanic and 406 African Americans. The method used a cross-sectional design to assess
lifetime and recent incidents of drug abuse and addiction, alcohol misuse and dependence, and
psychiatric disorders. Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI) was used to
interview the participants. The subjects were randomly selected. The empirical basis for this
study describes an ongoing community study designed to more efficiently assess the hypothesis
that lifetime exposure to stress can represent a significant factor in the perceived race and SES
wellness disparities. Depressive symptoms decrease on status characteristics and five dimensions
of stress exposure for 406 African Americans as it related to different levels of socioeconomic
status. It is inferred that the viewpoints of the approach may advance the capacity of future
research to evaluate the mental health significance of the stress process. Furthermore, recent life
events can account for less than 6 percent of examined inequality in depressive traits with
demographic circumstances controlled compared to about 20 percent for all stress; African
American total stress exposure was .286, compared to whites (.920). Limitations were two-wave
panel study and elevated cost of field work. The design could have been achieved with
longitudinal data. Future research could advance mental well-being implication of the stress
progress.

The scope of the survey is to investigate the global account of light skin; empirical
evidence about light skin; and the bleaching syndrome. The participant in the study examines a
universal idealization of light skin by using two groups of women of color to explore their ideas
about beauty. The sample consisted of 117 participants. Respondents had a mean age of 20 years.
A self-report instrument was administered for assessing skin color called a Cutaneo-Chroma-
Correlate (CCC). A quantitative analysis of the idealization of light skin sample of college
students enrolled at a women’s institution of higher education. The majority of students
determined that beautiful skin is 76.1% lightest or light and the medium tone is 18.8%.Whereas,
respondents’ personal values about the skin color of beautiful women for light skin was 68.1 and
medium was 20.5%. The effect precipitated the bleaching syndrome as a common pathogen
amongst people of color. The study argued that train social workers globally will need to address
bleaching syndrome. Moreover, people of color and the Western social workers who work with
them will move the line of work to its next level through the use of assisted technology.

The study examines racial prejudice in the workplace and labor penalties as a result of
economic crisis. Several hypotheses were asked concerning if economic downturns encourage
racist attitudes and if racial attitudes lead to worse labor market outcome for minorities? The
researchers employed British attitude and workforce data. The opinion data show that racial
prejudice is countercyclical, with the effect driven by substantial increases for high-skilled
middle-aged workers in which implies there is a 1% point increase in unemployment is estimated
and an increase self-reported racial discrimination by 4% points. Correspondingly, the labor
force data reveal that racial hiring and wage gaps are weakening, with the greatest effects
observed for high-skilled men, notably in the manufacturing and construction industries. A 1%
point increase in unemployment is estimated to increase the wage gap by 3%. These results were
consistent with the theoretical literature, which proposes that racial prejudice and discrimination
are the results of labor market competition among individuals with similar traits and that the
effects of this competition are intensified during periods of economic downturn. Limitations of
the survey revealed that the participants self-identified racist attitudes which influence labor
market outcomes for minorities.

In this paper, a mixed-methods approach was employed to examine the contextual

variabilities and nuances of racial discourse in a southwestern baked-goods workplace. Data was
collected from interviews and participates (38 respondents) observations. The participants were
Asians, Latinos and multiracial. Previous conclusions were questioned on how stereotypes and
slurs are racially unequal in a workplace setting and to investigate what is uniquely racist about
the deployment of stereotypes and stigmas and how prejudice shapes gendered and classed
dimensions of these terms. Further, the researcher demonstrated how gender and class could be
constructed along the lines of racial ideology at micro-levels of interaction. The outcome argued
that race talk not operates independently or in isolation from other discourses like gender talk
and class talk. Instead, racist remarks are often exposed adjacent to classist and sexist remarks by
people, who concurrently engage multiple racial, class, and gender locations. Data were obtained
for this case study from in-depth interviews and participant observations. Future research in
gendered and classed could focus on white race talk or nonwhite race talk in a workplace setting.

According to the United Nations, racism is defined as “any distinction, exclusion,

restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the
purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal
footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or
any other field of public life.”11 Racism can be more succinctly defined as the beliefs, attitudes,
and actions resulting from categorizing individuals and groups based on phenotype, heritage, or
culture. Racism is based on racial classification, but most scientists have abandoned the concept
of race as a purely biological variable. As Jones notes, “race is a social construct, a social
classification based on phenotype that governs the distribution of risks and opportunities in our
race-conscious society.”12 Racial discrimination is a mechanism through which unequal
distribution of risks and opportunities are created.13,14

There are models that help to explain how racism may affect health. According to Williams et
al,15 racism creates discrepancies in socioeconomic status which can then (1) result in differential
health outcomes, (2) influence the quality and quantity of medical care, and (3) adversely effect
psychological and physiological functioning. Adverse health effects may be due to differential
access to material needs, such as adequate nutrition, housing, environmental toxins, and hazards,
as well as to discrepancies in health care.

Clark et al16 identify reasons why racism impacts health: (1) as a stressor, racism may have
negative biopsychosocial sequelae that may contribute to health disparities, (2) different
exposure to racism may contribute to variability in health outcomes within minority groups, and
(3) if exposure to racism is a factor related to negative health outcomes, interventions, and
preventive strategies could be developed to lessen its effects. These authors and others
conceptualize racism as a stressor that has the potential to affect psychological or physiological
functioning.17–19

Racism has been studied in adults as a contributor to racial/ethnic disparities, and has shown to
have effects on a number of physical, mental, and behavioral health conditions.20–22 Little is
known about the role of racism in child health and health care. The relationship between racism
and child health is complex since one needs to take into account developmental effects that are
unique to children, for example, differences in cognitive and socioemotional development, the
effects of other family member's experiences of racism, as well as parental attitudes about raising
children of color in a racially sensitive society.23

If the theoretical models that propose racism as a stressor are correct, then its effects on children
need to be studied in the same way as other stressors that have been shown to have negative
effects on health and development (for example, poverty, violence, neglect, abuse, and social
upheaval). To assess the state of research into the effects of racism on child health and health
care, a review of the literature was undertaken

Speaking’ racism is the explicit use of the terms racism and anti-racism, rather than more
palatable or ‘positive’ alternatives. To address racism, using the language of racism and anti-
racism is critical, as it acknowledges the presence of racism and, in doing so, overcomes denial.
Dispositions to speaking racism and anti-racism are positioned within the historical context of
racism and the discourse of tolerance in Australia. Interviews with individuals working in local
anti-racism in two sites were the primary data source for exploring dispositions to the language
of racism and anti-racism. Reticence to speak racism was prevalent, largely driven by fear of
inducing defensiveness and sensitivity to the highly emotive nature of racism. A similar
ambivalence around the term anti-racism was found, in line with the ‘positive turn’ in anti-
racism policy. Alongside this discomfort, some local anti-racism actors recognized the role that
speaking racism could play in challenging denial

Most scholars want to define nativism and racism as two distinct phenomena. On one
hand, nativism is an ideological belief based on nationalist sentiment and separates “natives”
from “foreigners” (Galindo and Vigil 2006). Higham (1955:4) defines nativism as an: “intense
opposition to an internal minority on the ground of its foreign (i.e., ‘un-American’)
connections…a zeal to destroy the enemies of a distinctively American way of life.” Also,
Higham (1999:384) states that “nativism always divided insiders, who belonged to the nation,
from outsiders, who were in it but not of it.” Nativism frequently becomes imbedded in social
structures, shaping the treatment of foreigners within institutions, deciding “who counts as an
American” (Galindo and Vigil 2006:422; Higham 1955; Knobel 1996). Nativism rises up during
times of national crisis through anti-immigrant sentiment that emphasizes fears that foreigners
are either threatening or taking over culturally, politically, or economically. These national
calamities usually include economic downturns, wars (or terrorist attacks), or sudden increases in
visibility due to the size or concentration of immigrant populations (Galindo and Vigil 2006;
Higham 1955; Perea 1997; Portes and Rumbaut 2006; Sánchez 1997). Systematic actions
influenced by nativism have included restrictive immigration policies and laws, increases in riots
and hate crimes, and the rise of nativist organizations. Racism, on the other hand, relies on
socially constructed racial categories to distribute privileges and resources within a given
society. As Higham (1955, 1999:384) contends, instead of focusing on nativity, culture, or
“American-ness” to divide groups, racism relies on “indelible differences of status” based on
pseudo-scientific assignments of a group’s biological or genetic characteristics (i.e., skin color)
to a society’s favored social behaviors. They differ also because nativism ebbs and flows with
national prosperity or despair, while white racism is the older of the two, constant, and
unforgiving (Higham 1955, 1999). Scholars studying American racism since the 1960s have
made an effort to define racism as a persistent and entrenched American ideology that denies
“non-whites” resources that “whites” receive (see Bonilla-Silva 2001, 2006; Feagin 2001; Feagin
and Vera 1995; Omi and Winant 1997). More specifically, as suggested by Omi and Winant’s
(1997:162) racial formation theory, American racism is a socio-historical and structuralized
ideology that encourages social actions that “create or reproduce structures of domination based
on essentialist categories of race.” Thus, racism is about perpetuating “white” superiority by
using and infusing racial categories into American social institutions and policies to promote,
sustain, and protect White dominance.

Racism can be broadly defined as a phenomenon that maintains or exacerbates avoidable

and unfair inequalities in power, resources, or opportunities across racial, ethnic, cultural, or
religious groups in society. Racism can be expressed through beliefs (e.g., negative and
inaccurate stereotypes), emotions (e.g., fear or hatred), or behaviors/practices (e.g., unfair
treatment) (Berman & Paradies,2010). Bystander anti-racism is a unique form of action that
primarily addresses behaviors or practices. Racism continues to be an enduring worldwide social
problem (Dunn,Forrest, Pe-Pua, Hynes, & Maeder-Han, 2009; European Commission,
2008;Karlsen, 2007; Simon, 2004; Statistics Canada, 2003; The Ombudsman Against Ethnic
Discrimination, 2007), which may even be worsening (United Nations,2009). Essed (1991)
coined the term “everyday racism” to describe how racism is recurrent and normalized, “infused
into familiar practices” such as jokes, everyday exclusions, and racist talk (p. 3). In spite of the
everyday nature of much racism, only a handful of the 219 clauses in the 2009 Durban
Declaration and Programme of Action (DDPA) speak to the actions of ordinary people
(including those who witness racism). In particular, only one clause (United Nations, 2009, p. 31,
clause58) implies a role for bystander anti-racism, where nation-states are asked to develop
“measures and policies ... which encourage all citizens and institutions to take a stand against
racism.

A primary finding from this review is the strong and largely untapped potential of
bystander anti-racism as part of a holistic approach to anti-racism. There view outlines a case for
the wider social benefits of hearing anti-racist talk and witnessing bystander anti-racism.
Bystander action can be seen as a “troubling” mechanism in that it unsettles otherwise
normalized situations, displacing dominant and taken-for-granted acts and utterances of everyday
racism. We con-tend that bystander anti-racism is a neglected, yet potentially powerful form of
anti-racism for which a much stronger empirical understanding of the frequency ,potential,
benefits, and constraints of bystander anti-racism is required. The targets of racism currently
carry most of the burden of anti-racism. Bystander anti-racismis politically significant in
developing effective approaches that shift the burden of anti-racism away from targets.
Bystander anti-racism should be considered an essential element of anti-racist social policy. In
the field of psychology, the term “bystander” refers to an individual who ispresent or witnesses a
situation of interest. Typically, this has been assumed to bean emergency of some kind in which
the person experiencing this emergency is a stranger (for two classic social psychological studies
see Darley & Latan´e, 1968;Rosenthal, 1964). Thus, the term bystander traditionally offers no
indication of thee xtent to which an individual is active or willing to intervene. In some literature,
in fact, the term bystander has an implication of passivity (Darley & Latan´e, 1968,e.g., refer to
the unresponsive bystander).Recent studies of bystander helping (see,e.g., Garcia, Weaver,
Darley, & Spence, 2009; Levine & Cassidy, 2010; Levine& Crowther, 2008) and prosocial
bystander behavior (see, e.g., Banyard, 2008
BIBLIOGRAPHY

 Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. 2003. Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the
Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States. Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield.
 Embrick, D.G., & Henricks, K. (2015). Two-faced -isms: racism at work and how race
discourse shapes class talk and gender talk. Language Sciences, 1: 1-12.
 Fine, M. (2012). “Notes on Whiteness and Health,” Racism Review, December 15.
Available online at: http://www.racismreview.com/blog/2012/12/15/whiteness-and-
health/
 Hall, R. (2013). The idealization of light skin as vehicle of social pathogen vis-à-vis
bleaching syndrome: Implications of globalization for human behavior. Journal of
Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 23:4, 552-56.
 Johnston, D.W., & Lordan, G., (2016). Racial prejudice and labor market penalties
during economic downturns. European Economic Review, 84: 57-75
 Racism and Rationality in Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit.D. Moellendorf -
1992 - History of Political Thought 13 (2):243.
 Turner, R. J (2013). Understanding health disparities: The relevance of the stress process
model. Society and Mental Health, 3(3):170-186.
 Yahaya, A., Ing, T. C., Lee, G. M., Yahaya, N., Boon, Y., Hashim, S., & Taat, S. (2012).
The impact of workplace bullying on work. Archives Des Sciences, 65(4), 18-28
 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2794434/


OPINION

Racism is where someone thinks you’re inferior because of your colour, ethnicity,
nationality or race. This can result in them treating you differently or unfairly, this is called
racial discrimination. Racism can affect anyone. It can make you feel like you’re not important
or don’t fit in. You might feel upset, depressed or angry. You can be affected by it even when it’s
not aimed at you, like if you hear someone discriminating against someone’s culture.