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Against Parsimony: Three Easy Ways of Complicating Some Categories of

Economic Discourse 1IIiiiiil. .1IiiiII@

Albert O. Hirschman

The American Economic Review, Vol. 74, No.2, Papers and Proceedings of the
Ninety-Sixth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association (May, 1984),
89-96.

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Fri Feb 4 18:04:41 2005
Against Parsimony: Three Easy Ways of Complicating
Some Categories of Economic Discourse

By ALBERT O. HIRSCHMAN*

In his well-known article on "Rational tions, and preferences, to ask themselves


Fools," Amartya Sen asserted that "tradi- whether they really want these wants and
tional [economic] theory has too little struc- prefer these preferences, and consequently to
ture" (1977, p. 335). Like any virtue, so he form metapreferences that may differ from
seemed to say, parsimony in theory construc- their preferences. Unsurprisingly, it is a phi-
tion can be overdone and something is some- losopher, Harry Frankfurt (1971), who first
times to be gained by making things more put matters this way. He argued that this
complicated. l have increasingly come to feel ability to step back is unique in humans, but
this way. Some years ago, I suggested that is not present in all of them. Those who lack
criticism from customers or "voice" should this ability he called "wantons": they are
be recognized as a force keeping manage- entirely, unreflectively in the grip of their
ment of firms and organizations "on their whims and passions.
toes," alongside with competition or "exit," As I have pointed out before (1982, p. 71),
and it took a book (1970) to cope with the certainty about the existence of metaprefer-
resulting complications. Here I deal with ences can only be gained through changes
various other realms of economic inquiry in preferences, that is, through changes in
that stand similarly in need of being ren- actual choice behavior. If preferences and
dered more complex. In concluding I ex- metapreferences always coincide so that the
amine whether the various complications agent is permanently at peace with himself
have some element in common-that would no matter what choices he makes, then the
in turn simplify and unify matters. metapreferences hardly lead an independent
existence and are mere shadows of the pref-
I. Two Kinds of Preference Changes erences. If, on the other hand, the two kinds
of preferences are permanently at odds so
A fruitful distinction has been made, by that the agent always acts against" his better
Sen and others, between first- and second- judgment," then again the metapreference
order preferences, or between preferences and can not only be dismissed as wholly ineffec-
metapreferences, respectively. I shall use the tive, but doubts will arise whether it is really
latter terminology here. Economics has tradi- there at all.
tionally dealt only with (first-order) prefer- Changes in choice behavior are therefore
ences, that is, those that are revealed by essential for validating the concept of meta-
agents as they buy goods and services. But preferences; conversely, this concept is useful
the concept of metapreference must be of in illuminating the varied nature of prefer-
concern to the economist, to the extent that ence change, for it is now possible to dis-
he claims an interest in understanding tinguish between two kinds of preference
processes of economic change. Its starting changes. One is the reflective kind, preceded
point is a very general observation on human as it is by the formation of a metapreference
nature: men and women have the ability to that is at odds with the observed and hitherto
step back from their" revealed" wants, voli- practiced preference. But there are also pref-
erence changes that take place without any
elaborate antecedent development of meta-
*Professor of Social Science, The Institute for Ad-
vance Study, Princeton, NJ 08540. A more complete
preferences. Following Frankfurt's terminol-
version of this paper will appear in Bulletin of the ogy, the unreflective changes in preferences
American Academy of Arts and Sciences, forthcoming. might be called "wanton." These are the
89
90 AEA PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS MA Y 1984

preference changes economists have primar- termination to explain all behavior change
ily focused on: haphazard, publicity-induced, through price and income differences, they
and generally minor (apples vs. pears) change neglect one important source of such change:
in tastes. In contrast, the nonwanton change autonomous, reflective change in values. For
of preference is not really a change in tastes example, in their analysis of beneficial and
at all. A taste is almost defined as a prefer- harmful addiction they take the elasticity of
ence about which you do not argue-de the individual's demand curve for music or
gustibus non est disputandum. A taste about heroin as given and, it would seem, immu-
which you argue, with others or yourself, table. May I urge that changes in values do
ceases ipso facto being a taste-it turns into occur from time to time in the lives of indi-
a value. When a change in preferences has viduals, of generations, and from one genera-
been preceded by the formation of a meta- tion to another, and that those changes and
preference much argument has obviously their effects on behavior are worth exploring
gone on within the divided self; it typically -that, in brief, de valoribus est disputan-
represents a change in values rather than a dum?
change in tastes.
Given the economists' concentration on, II. Two Kinds of Activities
and consequent bias for, wanton preference
changes, changes of the reflective kind have From consumption I now turn to produc-
tended to be downgraded to the wanton kind tion and to human activities such as work
by assimilating them to changes in tastes: and effort involved in achieving production
thus patterns of discriminatory hiring have goals. Much of economic activity is directed
been ascribed to a "taste for discrimination" to the production of (private) goods and
(Gary Becker, 1957) and increases in protec- services that are then sold in the market.
tionism have similarly been analyzed as re- From the point of view of the firm, the
flecting an enhanced "taste for nationalism" activity carries with it a neat distinction be-
(Harry Johnson, 1965). Such interpretations tween process and outcome, inputs and out-
strike me as objectionable on two counts: puts, or costs and revenue. From the point of
first, they impede a serious intellectual effort view of the individual participant in the pro-
to understand what are strongly held values cess, a seemingly similar distinction can be
and difficult-to-achieve changes in values drawn between work and payor between
rather than tastes and changes in tastes; sec- effort and reward. Yet there is a well-known
ond, the illusion is fostered that "raising difference between the firm and the individ-
the cost" of discrimination (or nationalism) ual: for the firm any outlay is unambigu-
is the simple and sovereign policy instrument ously to be entered on the negative side of
for getting people to indulge less in those the accounts whereas work can be more or
odd "tastes." less irksome or pleasant-even the same work
In the light of the distinction between can be felt as more pleasant by the same
wanton and nonwanton preference changes, person from one day to the next. This prob-
or between changes in tastes and changes in lem, in particular its positive and normative
values, it also becomes possible to under- consequences for income differentials, has
stand-and to criticize-the recent attempt attracted the attention of a long line of
of Becker and George Stigler (1977) to do economists starting with Adam Smith. Most
without the notion of preference changes for recently Gordon Winston has distinguished
the purpose of explaining changes in behav- between "process utility" and "goal utility"
ior. Equating preference changes to changes (1982, pp. 193-97). While such a distinction
in what they themselves call "inscrutable, makes it clear that the means to the end of
often capricious tastes" (p. 76), they find, productive effort need not be entered on the
quite rightly, any changes in those kinds of negative side in a calculus on satisfaction, it
tastes (our wanton changes) of little analyti- keeps intact the basic instrumental concep-
cal interest. But in their subsequent de- tion of work, the means-end dichotomy on
VOL. 74 NO.2 PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS 91

which our understanding of the work and period during which work is carried on gets
production process has been essentially- longer. In this case, the uncertainty is of a
and, up to a point, so usefully- based. probabilistic nature and one can speak of a
But there is need to go further if the certainty equivalent with regard to the out-
complexity and full range of human activi- put of the activity in any given period so
ties, productive and otherwise, are to be ap- that, once again, the separation of the pro-
preciated. Once again, more structure would cess into means and ends is being experi-
be helpful. The possible existence of wholly enced and work of this sort largely retains its
noninstrumental activities is suggested by instrumental cast.
everyday language: it speaks of activities that I now come to a more puzzling kind of
are undertaken "for their own sake" and nonroutine activities. From their earliest
that "carry their own reward." These are origins, men and women appear to have
somewhat trite, unconvincing phrases: after allocated a considerable portion of their time
all, any sustained activity, with the possible to undertakings whose success is simply
exception of pure play, is undertaken with unpredictable. These are activities such as
some idea about an intended outcome. A the pursuit of truth, beauty, justice, liberty,
person who claims to be working exclusively community, friendship, love, salvation, and
for the sake of the rewards yielded by the so on. As a rule, these pursuits are of course
exertion itself is usually suspect of hypocrisy: carried on through a variety of exertions for
one feels he is "really" after the money, the apparently limited and specific objectives
advancement or-at least-the glory, and (writing a book, participating in a political
thus is an instrumentalist after all. campaign, etc.). Nevertheless, an important
Some progress can be made with the matter component of the activities thus undertaken
by looking at the varying predictability of is best described not as labor or work, but as
the intended outcome of different productive striving-a term that precisely intimates the
activities. Certain activities, typically of a lack of a reliable relation between effort and
routine character, have perfectly predictable result. A means-end or cost-benefit calculus
outcomes. With regard to such tasks, there is is impossible under the circumstances.
no doubt in the individual's mind that effort The question now arises why such activi-
will yield the anticipated outcome-an hour ties should be taken up at all, as long as their
of labor will yield the well-known, fully successful outcome is so wholly uncertain.
visualized result as well as entitle the worker, Moreover, they certainly are not always
if he has been contracted for the job, to a pleasant in themselves-in fact some of them
wage that can be used for the purchase of can be quite strenuous or highly dangerous.
desired (and usually also well-known) goods. Do we have here then another paradox or
Under these conditions, the separation of the puzzle, one that relates not just to voting
process into means and ends, or into costs (why do "rational" people bother to vote?),
and benefits, occurs almost spontaneously but to a much wider and most vital group of
and work assumes its normal instrumental human activities? I suppose we do-from
character. the point of view of instrumental reason,
But there are many kinds of activities, noninstrumental action is bound to be some-
from that of a research and development thing of a mystery. But I have proposed an
scientist to that of a composer or an advo- at least half-rational explanation: these non-
cate of some public policy, whose intended instrumental activities whose outcome is so
outcome cannot be relied upon to materialize uncertain are strangely characterized by a
with certainty. Among these activities there certain fusion of (and confusion between)
are some-applied laboratory research may striving and attaining (see my 1982 book, pp.
be an example-whose outcome cannot be 84-91). He who strives after truth (or beauty)
predicted for any single day or month; nev- frequently experiences the conviction, fleet-
ertheless, success in achieving the intended ing though it may be, that he has found (or
result steadily gains in likelihood as the achieved) it. He who participates in a move-
92 AEA PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS MA Y 1984

ment for liberty or justice frequently has the in which economists have become interested
experience of already bringing these ideals as a natural extension of their work on pub-
within reach. In Pascal's formulation: "The lic goods. Here the neglect of the noninstru-
hope Christians have to possess an infinite mental mode of action was responsible for
good is mixed with actual enjoyment ... for the inability of the "economic approach" to
they are not like people who would hope for understand why people bother to vote and
a kingdom of which they, as subjects, have why they engage from time to time in collec-
nothing; rather, they hope for holiness, and tive action.
for freedom from injustice, and they partake Once the noninstrumental mode is being
of both" (Pensees, 540, Brunschvicg edition, paid some attention it becomes possible to
my translation). account for these otherwise puzzling phe-
This fusion of striving and attaining is a nomena. It is the fusion of striving and at-
fact of experience that goes far in accounting taining' characteristic of noninstrumental ac-
for the existence and importance of nonin- tion, that led me to a conclusion exactly
strumental activities. As though in com- opposi te to the "free ride" argument with
pensation for the uncertainty about the out- respect to collective action:
come, the striving effort is colored by the
goal and in this fashion makes for an experi- since the output and objective of col-
ence that is very different from merely lective action are ... a public good avail-
agreeable, pleasurable or even "stimulating": able to all, the only wayan individual
in spite of its frequently painful character it can raise the benefit accruing to him
has a well-known "intoxicating" quality. from the collective action is by step-
ping up his own input, his effort on
The foregoing interpretation of noninstru- behalf of the public policy he espouses.
mental action is complemented by an alter- Far from shirking and attempting to
native view which has been proposed by the get a free ride, a truly maximizing indi-
sociologist Alessandro Pizzorno (1983). For vidual will attempt to be as activist as
him, participation in politics is often engaged he can manage, ... . [1982, p. 86]
in because it enhances one's feeling of be-
longing to a group. I would add that nonin- The preceding argument does not imply,
strumental action in general makes you feel of course, that citizens will never adopt the
more like a "real person." Such action can instrumental mode of action with respect to
then be considered, in economic terms, as an action in the public interest. On the contrary,
investment in individual and group identity. quite a few of them may well move from one
The feeling of having achieved belongingness mode to the other, and such oscillations could
and personhood may of course be just as help explain the observed instability both of
evanescent as the fusion of striving and at- individual commitment and of many social
taining to which I referred earlier. The two movements in general.
views are related attempts at achieving an A better understanding of collective action
uncommonly difficult insight: to think in- is by no means the only benefit that stands
strumentally about the noninstrumental. to flow from a more open attitude toward the
But why should economics be concerned possibility of noninstrumental action. As has
with all this? Is it not enough for this disci- been argued earlier, a strong affinity exists
pline to attempt an adequate account of between instrumental and routine activities,
man's instrumental activities-a vast area on .the one hand, and between noninstru-
indeed-while leaving the other, somewhat mental and nonroutine activities, on the
murky regions alone? Up to a point such a other. But just as I noted the existence of
limitation made sense. But as economics has nonroutine activities that are predominantly
grown more ambitious, it becomes of increas- instrumental (in the case of an applied re-
ing importance to appreciate that the means- search laboratory), so can routine work have
end, cost-benefit model is far from covering more or less of a noninstrumental compo-
all aspects of human activity and experience. nent, as Veblen stressed in The Instinct of
Take the analysis of political action, an area Workmanship. Lately the conviction has
VOL. 74 NO.2 PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS 93

gained ground that fluctuations in this com- as a shortcut for morality and civic spirit. In
ponent must be drawn upon to account for so arguing, he was of course at one with
variations in labor productivity and for shifts Adam Smith who celebrated society's ability
in industrial leadership. It does make a great to do without "benevolence" (of the butcher,
deal of difference, so it seems, whether peo- brewer, and baker) as long as individual
ple look at their work as "just a job" or also "interest" was given full scope. Robertson
as part of some collective celebration. does not invoke Smith, quoting instead a
telling phrase by Marshall: "Progress chiefly
III. "Love": Neither Scarce Resource depends on the extent to which the strongest
Nor Augmentable Skill md not merely the highest forces of human
nature can be utilized for the increase of
My next plea for complicating economic social good" (p. 148). This is yet another way
discourse also deals with the production side, of asserting that the social order is more
but more specifically with the role of one secure when it is built on interest rather than
important prerequisite or ingredient known on love or benevolence. But the sharpness of
variously as morality, civic spirit, trust, ob- Robertson's own formulation makes it possi-
servance of elementary ethical norms, and so ble to identify the flaw in this recurrent
on. The need of any functioning economic mode of reasoning.
system for this "input" is widely recognized. Once love and particularly public morality
But disagreement exists over what happens is equated to a scarce resource, the need to
to this input as it is being used. economize it seems self-eviden 1. Yet a mo-
There are essentially two opposite models ment's reflection is enough to realize that the
of factor use. The traditional one is con- analogy is not only questionable, but a bit
structed on the basis of given, depletable absurd-and therefore funny. Take, for ex-
resources that get incorporated into the ample, the well-known case of the person
product. The scarcer the resource the higher who drives in the morning rush hour and
its price and the less of it will be used by the quips, upon yielding to another motorist: "I
economizing firm in combination with other have done my good deed for the day; for the
inputs. A more recent model recognizes the remainder, I can now act like a bastard."
possibility of "learning by doing" (Kenneth What strikes one as funny and absurd here is
Arrow, 1962). Use of a resource such as a precisely the assumption, on the part of our
skill has the immediate effect of improving driver, that he comes equipped with a strictly
the skill, of enlarging (rather than depleting) limited supply of good deeds; that, in other
its availability. The recognition of this sort of words, love should be treated as a scarce
process was a considerable, strangely belated resource-just as Robertson claimed. We
insight. know instinctively that the supply of such
Because the "scarce resource" model has resources as love or public spirit is not fixed
long been dominant, it has been extended to or limited as may be the case for other
domains where its validity is highly dubious. factors of production. The analogy is faulty
Some thirty years ago, Dennis Robertson for two reasons: first of all, these are re-
wrote a characteristically witty paper entitled sources whose supply may well increase
"What Does the Economist Economize?" rather than decrease through use; second,
(1956). His often cited answer was: love, these resources do not remain intact if they
which he called "that scarce resource" (p. stay unused; like the ability to speak a for-
154). Robertson explained, through a num- eign language or to play the piano, these
ber of well-chosen illustrations from the con- moral resources are likely to become de-
temporary economic scene, that it was the pleted and to atrophy if not used.
economist's job to create an institutional en- In a first approximation, then, Robertson's
vironment and pattern of motivation where prescription appears to be founded on a
as small a burden as possible would be confusion between the use of a resource and
placed, for the purposes of society's func- the practice of an ability. While human abili-
tioning, on this thing" love," a term he used ties and skills are valuable economic re-
94 AEA PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS MA Y 1984

sources, most of them respond positively to ping motorist, to go back to him, has not
practice, in a learning-by-doing manner, and exhausted his daily supply of benevolence by
negatively to nonpractice. It was on the basis yielding once, but there surely will be some
of this atrophy dynamic that the U.S. system limit to his benevolent driving behavior, in
for obtaining an adequate supply of human deference to his own vital-perhaps ethically
blood for medical purposes, with its only compelling-displacement needs.
partial reliance on voluntary giving, has been Robertson had a point, therefore, when he
criticized by Richard Titmuss, the British maintained that there could be institutional
sociologist. And a British political economist, arrangements which make excessive demands
Fred Hirsch (1976), has generalized the point: on civic behavior just as Titmuss and Hirsch
once a social system, such as capitalism, were right in pointing to the opposite danger:
convinces everyone that it can dispense with the possibility, that is, that society makes
morality and public spirit, the universal insufficient demands on civic spirit. In both
pursuit of self-interest being all that is needed cases, there is a shortfall in public spirit, but
for satisfactory performance, the system will in the cases pointed to by Robertson, the
undermine its own viability which is in fact remedy consists in institutional arrangements
premised on civic behavior and on the re- placing less reliance on civic spirit and more
spect of certain moral norms to a far greater on self-interest whereas in the situations that
exten t than capi talism' s official ideology have caught the attention of Titmuss and
avows. Hirsch there is need for increased emphasis
How is it possible to reconcile the con- on, and practice of, community values and
cerns of Titmuss-Hirsch with those seem- benevolence. These two parties argue along
ingly opposite, yet surely not without some exactly opposite lines, but both have a point.
foundation, of Robertson, Adam Smith, and Love, benevolence, and civic spirit are neither
Alfred Marshall? The truth is that, in his scarce factors in fixed supply, nor do they act
fondness for paradox, Robertson did his like skills and abilities that improve and
position a disservice: he opened his flank to expand more or less indefinitely with prac-
easy attack when he equated love to some tice. Rather, they exhibit a complex, com-
factor of production in strictly limited supply posite behavior: they atrophy when not ade-
that needs to be economized. But what about quately practiced and appealed to by the
the alternative analogy that equates love, be- ruling socioeconomic regime, yet will once
nevolence, and public spirit to a skill that is again make themselves scarce when preached
improved through practice and atrophies and relied on to excess.
without it? This one, too, has its weak points. To make matters worse, the precise lo-
Whereas public spirit will atrophy if too few cation of these two danger zones-which,
demands are made upon it, it is not at all incidentally, correspond roughly to the com-
certain that the practice of benevolence will plementary ills of today's capitalist and cen-
indefinitely have a positive feedback effect trally planned societies-is by no means
on the supply of this "skill." The practice of known, nor are these zones ever stable. An
benevolence yields satisfaction (makes you ideological-institutional regime that in war-
feel good), to be sure, and therefore feeds time or during some other time of stress and
upon itself up to a point, but this process is public fervor is ideally suited to call forth the
very different from practicing a manual (or energies and efforts of the citizenry is well
intellectual) skill: here the practice leads to advised to give way to another that appeals
greater dexterity which is usually a net addi- more to private interest and less to civic
tion to one's abilities, that is, it is not acquired spirit in a subsequent, less exalted period.
at the expense of some other skill or ability. Inversely, a regime of the latter sort may,
In the case of benevolence, on the other because of the ensuing "atrophy of public
hand, the point is soon reached where meanings" (Charles Taylor, 1970, p. 123),
increased practice does conflict with self- give rise to anomie and unwillingness ever to
interest and even self-preservation: our quip- sacrifice private or group interest to the pub-
VOL. 74 NO.2 PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS 95

lie weal so that a move back to a more centrated wholly on the instrumental mode. I
community-oriented regime would be called plead here for a concern with the opposite
for. mode, on the grounds 1) that it is not wholly
impervious to economic reasoning; and 2)
IV. Conclusion that it helps us understand matters that have
been found puzzling, such as collective ac-
I promised, earlier on, to inquire whether tion and shifts in labor productivity.
the various complications of traditional con- Finally I have turned to another basic
cepts that have been proposed have any tension man must live with, this one result-
common structure. The answer should be ing from the fact that he lives in society. It is
obvious: all these complications flow from a the tension between self and others, between
single source-the incredible complexity of self-interest, on the one hand, and public
human nature which was disregarded by morality, service to community, or even self-
traditional theory for very good reasons, but sacrifice, on the other, or between "interest"
which must be spoon-fed back into the tradi- and "benevolence" as Adam Smith put it.
tional findings for the sake of greater re- Here again economics has concentrated over-
alism. whelmingly on one term of the dichotomy,
A plea to recognize this complexity was while putting forward simplistic and con-
implicit in my earlier insistence that "voice" tradictory propositions on how to deal with
be granted a role in certain economic the other. The contradiction can be resolved
processes alongside "exit," or competition. by closer attention to the special nature of
The efficient economic agent of traditional public morality as an "input."
theory is essentially a silent scanner and In sum, I have complicated economic dis-
"superior statistician" (Arrow, 1978) whereas course by attempting to incorporate into it
I argued that she also has considerable gifts two basic human endowments and two basic
of verbal and nonverbal communication and tensions that are part of the human condi-
persuasion that will enable her to affect eco- tion. To my mind, this is just a beginning.
nomic processes.
Another fundamental characteristic of hu- REFERENCES
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