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modern. This much will be clear from the first chapter. But the idea of an
abstract category of ‘modernism’ understood as a definable literary style, or
as a grouping of texts that share central thematic and stylistic features, was
essentially a critical creation of the second half of the twentieth century.
There is no ‘modernism’ without institutionalized literary criticism and
without a pedagogy of English that constitutes and disseminates its canon.
In that sense the early twentieth-century writers discussed in this volume
could not possibly have thought of themselves as modernists.
The retrospective quality of ‘modernism’ does not of course disqualify it as
a critical term. Many connections, deep affiliations and historical trajectories
can only be grasped at some distance from the urgency and messiness of their
production. We may now indeed be able to see things about and in the early
twentieth century that could be only fleetingly grasped then, and this may be
what it is possible to invoke through the idea of ‘modernism’. Certainly, we
have the benefit as well as the handicap of knowing modernism’s future,
which means that we know both more and less about this period than those
who lived through it. More in the sense that we can see where it led, but less
in the sense that we cannot now recover the horizon of futurity within which
that cultural moment was actually lived. The crucial differences between an
early twentieth-century sense of the significant innovations of modern litera-
ture and the later development of the more abstract idea of ‘modernism’ as
a critical and to some extent a historical term, is very well captured in a
study by Tim Armstrong: Modernism: A Cultural History (2005). Armstrong
contrasts two distinct approaches to mapping the literature of the early
twentieth century, one from the 1930s and one from the 1970s. The first
approach he exemplifies through his discussion of a critical study of early
twentieth-century literature published in 1935, with the title The Georgian
Literary Scene: A Panorama. In this volume there is no sense of modern
writing as a project, or of a coherent body of writing that can be understood
as ‘modernism’. Rather, a wide range of very diverse literary writing is
evoked in terms of a literary panorama of what is new and striking in the
period, which includes Ford Madox Ford, Katherine Mansfield, Virginia
Woolf, Dorothy Richardson, Wyndham Lewis, and James Joyce (all of
whom will be discussed within this Companion) but also H. G. Wells,
Arnold Bennett, Somerset Maugham, Max Beerbohm and Compton
MacKenzie, who would not now be thought of as standard ‘modernist’
fare. Armstrong argues that by the 1970s, on the other hand, in a text such
as Hugh Kenner’s The Pound Era (1971), there is a much more emphatic
sense of a particular literary project of ‘modernism’. For Kenner, this is
revealed overwhelmingly in the work of Ezra Pound and in the stylistic
innovations associated with writers such as T. S. Eliot, Lewis and Joyce.
Modernism has here become part of ‘a heroic story in which Pound, armed
with a philosophically and historically informed vision of the reform of
language and technique . . . creates the London Vortex from which flows
the monumental works of ‘‘high modernism’’’.2 Kenner has thus given to
‘modernism’ a story, a cast of characters, and a definable project that will
result in the production of significant cultural monuments.
A complementary critical history of the naming and mapping of ‘modern-
ism’ as an abstract critical term and also as a literary movement is offered by
Lawrence Rainey in his very interesting introduction to Modernism: An
Anthology, which, like Armstrong’s study, was published in 2005. Rainey
produces a very persuasive narrative of the ways in which critical discussions
of the idea of modernism have developed since the 1960s, and also indicates
how this development itself intersects with broader cultural and social
changes. Thus he shows how a critical identification in the 1960s of modern-
ism with revolutions in literary technique and language and with the classicism
and intensity associated with Imagism, gives way to a critical interest in
modernism’s creation of coherent and integral forms and its deployment of
the legacy of European Symbolism. These critical approaches seem to look to
modernism first as a point of resistance to the instrumentality and alienation of
modern life and culture and then as a compensatory aesthetic, and even ethical,
alternative to modernity’s fragmentation and incoherence. They share a com-
mitment to modernism as in some kind of oppositional relation to the
dominant social and cultural forces within the modern world, but their
emphases on the legacies of Imagism and of Symbolism lead them to fore-
ground rather different texts and to theorize different forms of textual and
artistic resistance.
Rainey goes on to discuss critical engagements with the idea of modernism
which focus, for example, on the doctrines and philosophical systems that
underpin this literary movement, best expressed in its polemical ‘isms’,
including Vorticism, Surrealism, Imagism, Futurism, and Impressionism.
In such critical approaches to modernism as an articulated and polemical
project, there is a clear desire to connect the innovative energies and formal
challenges of literary texts to broader cultural trends and aspects of modern-
ization. More recent critical approaches to modernism also seek to reinte-
grate it within a historical narrative, either by stressing the ways in which
modernist literature gives expression to historical changes or historical
traumas (such as the First World War), or by looking at historical changes
within the production and dissemination of culture itself, including the
development of forms of literary mass production and distribution. This
latter critical tendency leads to an investigation of the literary marketplace,
and an analysis of the ways in which modernist literary fiction responds to
changes that modernism brought to the writing and the reading of literary
texts. Modernist texts demand a particular sort of reading that is intense and
analytic, and often also informed by a wide knowledge of the history of
European literature. Of the literary writer, understood overwhelmingly in
this context as a significant and influential creative artist, modernism also
made particular demands, charging him or her with the expectation of
innovation and experiment, and weighting them with requirements of cul-
tural renewal and a particular kind of psychological or historical insight.
Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane argued in their very influential
1976 collection, Modernism: A Guide to European Literature 1890–1930,
that European literary modernism had a cataclysmic effect on its writers and
readers. They talk of ‘those cataclysmic upheavals of culture, those funda-
mental convulsions of the creative human spirit that seem to topple even the
most solid and substantial of our beliefs and assumptions, leave great areas of
the past in ruins . . ., question an entire civilization or culture’, and argue that
this kind of convulsive, overwhelming change is part of the nature of mod-
ernism. They go on to say, ‘that the twentieth century brought us a new art is
undeniable . . . But we have also increasingly come to believe that this new art
comes from, or is, an upheaval of the third and cataclysmic order.’3
More recent critics are wary of such claims of epochal transformations
achieved through and in modernist literature. For example, Peter Nicholls’s
study, Modernisms: A Literary Guide (1995) stresses rather the multiplicity and
the complexity of the various cultural innovations that come to be understood
as different sorts of modernisms. He describes the beginnings of modernism in
terms that seem very modest when compared to Bradbury and McFarlane’s
cataclysmic upheavals: ‘The beginnings of modernism, like its endings, are
largely indeterminate, a matter of traces rather than of clearly defined historical
moments’.4 These traces need to be deciphered and their connections mapped
before a picture of the cultural impact of modernism can be discerned. On this
model the impact of modernism was not one of epochal upheaval, but rather of
gradually realized and complexly connected cultural transformations.
Nicholls suggests a historical moment at which these traces can first be
glimpsed:
novels. But other novelists writing after him pursued the logic of density,
repetition and excess and even made it the focus of their narrative fiction,
which is perhaps one way of understanding the most disturbing aspects of a
text such as Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1902). Conrad’s allusiveness,
his unease about narrative causation and his resistance to translatable sym-
bolic or metaphorical figures all, as Jeremy Hawthorn notes in his discussion
of Conrad in chapter ten, ‘make of that story something quite on another
plane than an anecdote of a man who went mad in the centre of Africa’ (152).
On this model, the novelistic writings of Hardy, of James, or of Oscar
Wilde in the 1890s are key to understanding the formal innovations of
modernist fiction in subsequent decades, posing as they do particular ques-
tions about the limits of realism, while exploring the complexities of narra-
tive voice and narrative point of view and raising questions about the
relations between the metaphorical power of novelistic imagery and the
analytic power of novelistic causality. Modernist fiction then becomes in
some sense a complex and inventive series of responses to the formal ques-
tions raised by and in novels of the 1890s.
Yet the formal and stylistic challenges of novelistic writing in the 1890s are
not just a matter of a literary style that had run its course. Fin-de-siècle
novelists created their fictional texts at a moment when key social institu-
tions were under particular pressure. They were writing at a moment of
significant historical transition. Technological innovations, rapid urbaniza-
tion, changing patterns of Empire, political realignments, and the destabili-
zation of a range of social institutions all generated particular pressures on
the literary imagination of the 1890s. The sense in reading novels of the
1890s of a literary form under pressure as it seeks both to register change and
to capture the nature of a fluidity and an opacity that are experienced in new
and pressing ways, makes this for me a persuasive historical moment from
which to start mapping the origins of the modernist novel in English. For
other writers, and for other historians, the key transition may come at a
rather different moment; Woolf, as Jeff Wallace discusses in chapter one,
argued for a slightly later date, insisting that it was ‘in or about December,
1910, [that] human character changed’ (20). Woolf’s exemplification of this
claim involves reference to significant modifications of class relations, to
changes in the field of culture and also to transformations within the struc-
ture of the family. There is of course no absolutely identifiable beginning to
such a complex set of changes, but there is nonetheless a broad recognition
that the turn of the century saw transformations that generated a signifi-
cantly, and often painfully, new social reality.
The choice of an ending for the story of modernism is also a matter of
critical controversy, though the Second World War is commonly identified as
the end of it as a coherent project. The deaths of both Joyce and Woolf during
the war have been seen as bringing to an abrupt end the most distinctive
phase of the modernist novel in English. But the choice of the Second World
War as the possible end of modernism is more significant than this biogra-
phical coincidence suggests. Modernism is characterized both by a recogni-
tion of fragmentation and by a desire to resolve or overcome this through the
integrity of aesthetic form. The urgency of achieving such integrity was
apparently intensified by the traumas of the First World War, a fact Woolf
registered so insistently in novels such as Jacob’s Room (1922) or Mrs Dalloway
(1925) and Lawrence figured rather differently in Lady Chatterley’s Lover
(1928). But the experience of the Second World War seems on the contrary to
have been too great a challenge to the possibility of aesthetic wholeness and its
promise, if not of redemption, then at least of a momentary insight and
coherence. Something of the sense of an achievable project, of a shared aesthetic
vision, was lost in those years of violent conflict and national and individual loss
and dislocation. Thereafter, we are, if not exactly postmodern, at least in a
period of late modernism whose dynamic remains to some extent still unre-
solved in the present. Modernism has not, as we shall see in Laura Marcus’s
chapter on its legacy, gone away, but it has certainly had to negotiate with new
literary forms and to accept a more modest sense of its cultural possibilities. It is
not, any more, our cultural dominant.
10
the novel must follow no received formula, but must rather capture the
‘strange irregular rhythm of life’ through a formal integrity that is both
capacious and coherent (16). Wallace then turns to a discussion of Woolf’s
very influential reflections on the particular demands of and on modern
fiction, which were developed in various essays written between 1919 and
1929. Woolf, like James, insists on the seriousness and the significance of the
novel as a literary form. She challenges the aesthetic of literary naturalism
associated with writers such as Bennett or John Galsworthy (who were
highly successful in the period) and argues instead for a novelistic art
that will capture the intangible, the transient and the allusive qualities and
experiences that are for her the very stuff of being. Wallace’s account of the
developing aesthetic of novelistic modernism then turns to D. H. Lawrence’s
polemical identification of the novel as ‘the highest complex of subtle inter-
relatedness that man has discovered’ (23) and to E. M Forster’s very different
sense that ‘human beings have their great chance in the novel’ (24). Woolf,
Lawrence and Forster were all writing their most distinctive essays on the art
of fiction at the same time, in the 1920s, and Wallace teases out both their
shared assumptions and their very different aesthetic and social projects with
great clarity. This chapter concludes with an analysis of two very challenging
writers of and about modernist fiction: Samuel Beckett and Gertrude Stein.
The key text here in relation to Beckett is his fascinating 1931 study of
Marcel Proust, which is both a critical tour de force and something close to
a personal manifesto, while the analysis of Stein focuses on her ‘seemingly
formless meditation’, How to Write, published in that same year. Wallace
keeps these diverse yet connected discussions of the art of modernist fiction
in conversation with each other, and offers a persuasive overall argument,
which might best be captured through Woolf’s version of ‘the modernist
proposition, not only that the fiction will suffice, but that artistic autonomy
is the very guarantee of its engagement with the real’ (30).
Peter Brooker’s discussion of ‘early modernism’ inevitably addresses the
issues of periodization outlined above. Brooker identifies modernism expli-
citly as a literary movement characterized by a significant degree of formal
experimentation, which can be understood, in however complexly mediated
a fashion, as a response to the conditions of modernity. For Brooker, this
definition assures that both Woolf and Joyce can be uncontroversially read as
modernists. But the prehistory of modernism is a significantly more vexed
issue. Brooker insists that ‘the list of earlier novelists with some claim to be
included under the heading of ‘‘modernism’’ is . . . a long one’ (32) and his
candidates include Hardy, George Gissing, Wells, Forster and Ford Madox
Ford. Brooker prefers the notion of ‘early modernism’ to any theory of a
moment of origin for the complex modernist project, since ‘it allows us to
11
12
13
within the chapters that follow, as can careful and thoughtful analyses of
their sometimes troubled relations to the critical understanding of ‘modern-
ism’. Thus, for example, Rebecca Beasley acknowledges that ‘the inclusion of
Wyndham Lewis in this Companion reflects a significant shift in our con-
ception of the modernist novel over the past fifteen years’ (126), while Hugh
Stevens talks of Lawrence as modernist but also talks of Lawrence’s ‘unrest-
rained contempt for the modernist novel’ (137). And Anna Snaith, in her
discussion of the modernist fiction of the ‘black Atlantic’, talks of the global
migrations and transatlantic crossings typical of the period and the contact
between people of different races they generate, while insisting that ‘atten-
tion to such contact puts pressure on many other frameworks within which
modernism has been defined and debated’ (207). The generation of such
conceptual and critical pressure is, in the end, fundamental to the design of
this Companion. Out of new juxtapositions and connections come new
insights into this rich literary domain. Each novelist discussed in this volume
in my view makes an important and distinctive contribution to modernist
fiction. To understand the common ground and also the important differ-
ences between these writers is to have the tools for a complex but coherent
mapping of the nature of modernist fiction in English.
Notes
1. Michael H. Levenson, A Genealogy of Modernism: A Study of English Literary
Doctrine 1908–1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. vii.
2. See Tim Armstrong, Modernism: A Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity Press,
2005), pp. 24–5.
3. Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane, ‘The Name and Nature of Modernism’,
in Bradbury and McFarlane (eds.), Modernism: A Guide to European Literature
1890–1930 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), pp. 19–55 (pp. 19–20).
4. Peter Nicholls, Modernisms: A Literary Guide (London: Palgrave Macmillan,
1995), p. 1. Further references cited parenthetically.
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