A QUALITATIVE STUDY ON PILIPINO AMERICAN STUDENTS RELATIVE TO

THEIR HIGH SCHOOL SUCCESS AND CAREER CHOICES

by

Karen-Lyn Saysay

A Dissertation Presented to the

FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2011

Copyright 2011 Karen-Lyn Saysay

 Table of Contents

Abstract................................................................................................................. iv

Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................... 1

Background of the Problem ................................................................................ 1
Pilipinos in America ........................................................................................... 4
Pilipinos in Los Angeles ..................................................................................... 6
Pilipino Students in Los Angeles ........................................................................ 7
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................... 8
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 10
Significance of the Study .................................................................................. 11
Research Questions ........................................................................................... 13
Limitations ........................................................................................................ 13
Organization of the Dissertation ....................................................................... 14

Chapter 2: Review of Literature ...................................................................... 15

John Ogbu ......................................................................................................... 24
Stanton-Salazar ................................................................................................. 26
Stacey Lee and Grace Kao ................................................................................ 29
Diane Wolf ........................................................................................................ 34
Pilipino Family Characteristics ......................................................................... 34
Family Obligation ............................................................................................. 36
Family Value ..................................................................................................... 39
Gender Roles ..................................................................................................... 40
Colonial Mentality ............................................................................................ 43
Career Choices with Limited Social Capital ..................................................... 46

Chapter 3: Methodology ................................................................................... 51

Sampling ........................................................................................................... 53
Table 1: Operational Definitions of Research Sample ..................................... 54
Instrumentation and Data Collection ................................................................ 54
Student Profiles ................................................................................................. 56
Instrumentation ................................................................................................. 62
Data Collection ................................................................................................. 63
Data Analysis .................................................................................................... 63

Chapter 4: Findings ............................................................................................ 66

Research Question 1 ......................................................................................... 70
Research Question 2 ......................................................................................... 77
Research Question 3 ......................................................................................... 83
Research Question 4 ......................................................................................... 86

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 The Best Part of Being Pilipino ........................................................................ 88
Institutional Support.......................................................................................... 92

Chapter 5: Analysis ........................................................................................... 95

Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 96
Significance of the Study .................................................................................. 97
Summary of Findings ........................................................................................ 99
Research Question 1 ........................................................................................ 99
Research Question 2 ....................................................................................... 103
Research Question 3 ....................................................................................... 106
Policy Implication ........................................................................................... 110
Recommendations for Research ..................................................................... 115

Epilogue ............................................................................................................. 117

References .......................................................................................................... 120

iii
 Abstract

This research examines the pattern of career choices among first, 1.5, and second

generation Pilipino students of immigrant heritage at a high school about eight miles

from Downtown Los Angeles, California. This study reveals significant patterns that

reflect their parents’ immigrant heritage, Ogbu’s cultural model of success and other folk

theories of success that are shared between the same ethnic background and culture. The

influence of the cultural model of success combined with literary works about Asian

American students brings forth a better idea of how these immigrant-heritage Pilipino

students view and shape their post-secondary plans.

The purpose of the study was to examine the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students and demonstrate how that pattern reflects the following:

1) The cultural model of their immigrant parents about what success means will be

marked through their children’s mindset

2) How the school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic engagement

among and between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-immigrants

3) How family values impact their career decision-making.

I searched for markers of academic engagement as well as family dedication

among Pilipino High School students in Suburbia High School. I wanted to know their

motivation as well as their plan post-high school. The literature from five prominent

researchers gave me a solid theoretical foundation on how to understand family and

institutional support. The lack of research on Pilipino students presented a challenge. In

this research study, participants were asked using ethnographic interviews about their

iv
school engagement and familial expectations. The research was not intended to answer

all pending questions about Pilipino students. I did not want to generalize the issues;

instead, it is merely a study to provoke interest and maybe transferable to other

contextually similar experiences.

There was a recurring theme that examined the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students. First, the cultural model of their immigrant parents about

what success means will be marked through their children’s mindset. Second, how the

school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic engagement among and

between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-immigrants. Lastly, how family values

impact their career decision-making. Through this research study, I found that participant

rely heavily on their family’s decision. Students coped by following their parents’

advice. They also have to cope with an expectation of financially supporting the family

upon completing their education

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 Chapter 1: Introduction

Background of the Problem

Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States. Their high

school graduation rates are high, as are their transition rates to college, but beyond

college they appear to have limited occupational choices. Pilipinos hold higher

professional positions than other minority students. Chang (2006) reports that Whites and

Asians hold proportionately higher status jobs and college degrees than African

American and Hispanic adults do. However, it is still important to note the limited

occupational choices that Pilipinos pursue after degree completion.

The present study addresses the career decisions that first, a generation and a half,

and second generation Pilipino students face after high school. Specifically, the intent of

this study is to unravel the factors shaping their career choices while in high school. The

completion of high school for Pilipinos is not an educational problem. Rather, the

problem lays in the post high school career choices that Pilipino high school students

make.

This study will look at several factors that impact career choices, including the

immigrant status of Pilipino’s through several theoretical frameworks, specifically

familial influence as their major source of human capital. The family, as the focal point

of Pilipino values, critically shapes the future of their children’s educational goal. The

research literature suggests that Pilipino parents define “success” through their children’s

educational and career choices. However, there are gaps in this research and the

1
emergent picture of Pilipinos and their definition of success as immigrants to the US is

sketchy.

Two primary themes frame the research for this present study. First, I use Ogbu’s

“Cultural Model of Success” as the theoretical foundation for understanding how Pilipino

parents define success in the United States. This includes a brief review of the historical

relationship between the Philippines and the United States. Through acculturation and

family values, this research describes the adaptation patterns of Pilipino families and their

children to their educational goals. Second, this dissertation will reveal and show how

Pilipino minority students from a suburban high school make decisions about their

careers. For ethnic students, career development includes role models, family influence,

notions of cultural prestige, and the extent of acculturation.

Before and After Migration to America Pilipinos in the Philippines

Pilipinos have had a long-standing relationship with the United States, as far back

as the late 1800s, because of years spent under U.S. colonial rule. Anecdotally, some

even believe that Pilipinos may have been in the Southeastern United States as early as

the late 1700s but returned home. Salazar-Clemena (2002) has pointed out the cultural

temperament of the Philippines bears heavy traces of U.S. influence, such as Pilipino

concepts of education, capitalism, and a democratic government. Salazar-Clemena

(2002) continues,

The focus on occupational information at that time could be seen in the

context of the varied employment projects brought about by the economic
climate during the U.S. colonial period.

2
The United States’ economic depression in the 1930’s further bolstered the need to

disseminate the push and pull need of a capitalist country (United States) from a third-

world country (Philippines). This study will further explain the need of workers to the

United States and how this affects the mindset for the creation of jobs in the Philippines.

Universities in the Philippines began offering majors that caters to the need of capitalist

nations, specifically, United States. As Salazar-Clemena (2002) posits,

What college education can we afford that can make you finish quickly,
get a job, and start helping with family finances? In other words, their
concern is not finding guideposts in a career path, but peso signs that
would lead them out of poverty.

With the importation of such democratic ideals, one might be surprised to find the level

of economic polarization in the Philippines economy. In fact, with or without education,

Pilipinos are constantly struggling to survive and also struggling to find jobs in their

country. The economic trend of the country has resulted in a great disparity between the

poor and the rich. Therefore, like people of many third world countries, Pilipinos migrate

to the United States for better occupational and educational opportunities.

Given the Philippines cannot provide enough jobs to sustain an educated

workforce, there are several challenges for career counseling in the Philippines today.

First, the matter of choosing a career in the Philippines is a family affair. Pilipino

families firmly believe that an education is the “great equalizer.” There is also a

prevailing belief in Pilipino culture that regardless of one’s socio-economic background,

anyone can still “make it” in the United States. Approaching education as the “great

equalizer” presumes that the education system is based on a meritocracy in which ability,

hard work, and “rugged individualism” can lead to success (Wong, 1999). The United

3
States continues to symbolize freedom, democracy, and opportunity for Pilipinos. They

hold to the belief that it is only in the United States that one has an equal opportunity to

be whatever they want. However, as this study contends, when it comes to career

choices, Pilipinos tend to limit themselves. First-generation students in particular choose

a career that is stable and dependable rather than a career based on their passion or

intrinsic interest.

Pilipino parents pressure their children to succeed in school but also steer them

towards a career choice that is stable, dependable, and readily available. Wolf (1997)

attributes such pressure to the immigrant status of parents, their desire to succeed, and

their wish for their children to achieve at least the same status they have achieved. Back

home, it is not about education, it is about the immediate availability of stable jobs.

Wolf’s explanation of the impact of the immigrant status on Pilipinos is reiterated by the

challenge Pilipinos face in the Philippines because of the mismatch between training and

employment. Pilipino graduates choose a career that is immediately available rather than

deferring to a career interest that may not lead to immediate employment. Wolf (1997)

posits that most Pilipino undergraduates enroll in (college) majors that lead to a job their

parents have chosen. They do not find any value chasing a career that will not take their

family out of poverty. Thus Wolf suggests, Pilipinos bring this outlook with them as

immigrants to the United States and it continues to shape their children’s decision-

making with regards to their careers.

Pilipinos in America

There are three immigration waves in the history of Pilipino migration: before

World War II, after World War II, and after the Immigration Act of 1965. These are the

4
three periods when there was a huge influx of Pilipinos moving to the United States.

Before World War II, Pilipino men traveled to Hawaii, Alaska, and mainly in the West

Coast to work as farmers, fishermen, and cooks. After the war, many of the women

(mostly wives) and children followed the Pilipino men. The Immigration Act of 1965

was a turning point in the immigration history of Pilipinos to America. The Act removed

national origin quotas; instead, the Act focused on the educational backgrounds of the

immigrants. The important role of United States’ influence to Asian countries, including

Philippines, is significant in shaping the flow of immigrant professionals. Waldinger and

Bozorgmeher (1996) suggest that the economic involvement of the United States in Asian

Pacific countries has created opportunities for Asian professional migration to the United

States. In particular, Asian Indians (33.7%), Japanese (27.9%), Chinese (27.4%), and

Filipinos (27.5%) are overrepresented in the professions. From 1965 to 1975, over

230,000 Pilipinos immigrated to the United States in search of a better life (Posadas,

1999).

Education, health, and social services have been the primary professions of

Pilipinos living in the United States. The surplus of Pilipino nurses from the island

contributed to their concentration in the health professions in the United States. After

the passage of the 1965 Act, Pilipino immigration to the United States soared. After

1965, most Pilipino nurses came as “professional preference immigrants.” Others

migrated with a temporary visa but soon found a sponsor through whom they could

secure permanent resident status in United States. By 1970, 43% of all foreign nurses

came from the Philippines, followed by 24 percent from Canada, 15 percent from Europe,

and 4 percent from Korea.

5
 Pilipinos in Los Angeles

The Los Angeles region is the primary destination of post-1965 Asian

immigration. Usually, Pilipino immigrants already have family in Los Angele/s that can

help them find jobs and homes. Pilipinos showed an impressive growth in immigration

numbers of 563 percent from 1970 to 1990 (Waldinger & Bozorgmehr, 1996). As stated

earlier, the 1965 Immigration Act opened doors for educated Pilipinos to migrate to the

United States and the U.S. labor force had a high demand for nurses, lawyers, and

accountants. Pilipinos filled many of these jobs. The 1965 Immigration Act also changed

the pattern of “bachelor” immigration to one that aligned to family reunification as

women and children started to follow their husbands and fathers to the United States.

Waldinger and Bozorgmehr (1996) describe two patterns of adaptation among

Asian immigrant professionals. This pattern applies to Pilipinos since they are the second

largest Asian population next to Chinese in the Los Angeles area. First, most

immigrants, including Pilipinos, begin working in lower-level positions related to their

education in their native homeland. As they gradually move up, they slowly move up

into the profession for which they had originally trained. Second, they gradually move

out from their current professions. Most of the time, the education from their native land

is invalid in the United States education system. They require more didactic experience,

licensing and transferable units from accredited colleges in the United States. Therefore,

immigrant parents encourage their children into the same professions as themselves, for

which they do not always fully qualify in the United States, as a way to pursue their own

dreams. Thus, perhaps unconsciously, parents are already socializing their children into

6
their own professions. Thus, immigrant children choose careers that they are familiar

with and have been talked about within the family context.

Pilipino Students in Los Angeles

There has been a steady enrollment of Pilipinos in Los Angeles schools from

2000 to the present. Enrollment of Pilipinos ranges from 15,000 to 17,000 per school

year. Compared with Latinos and Blacks, Pilipinos have higher achievement levels on

almost all academic characteristics (Wong, 1990). Statistically, Pilipino students are

more highly enrolled in academic programs and take college preparatory courses such as

Advanced Placement Biology, Advanced Placement Calculus, and Honors English.

Wong (1990) unexpectedly found that Pilipino students receive more A’s and B’s in

English than white students. She accounts for this difference in grades by the large

number of hours Pilipino students devote to homework and the value for education that

parents have instilled in their children. Posadas (1999) further contends that because of

the bleak future that life in the Philippines offers, education has been the single most

compelling reason for Pilipinos migrating to the United States since the end of World

War II.

Pilipino students are more active than other ethnic groups in extracurricular

activities at school such as choir, honor clubs, and sports. This dictates an increased to

high cognitive flexibility. As Kim and Omizo (2006) further explain,

High levels of behavioral acculturation … would be related to increased

cognitive flexibility. Self-efficacy refers to individuals’ beliefs about the
competence they have to initiate and successfully execute courses of
action for specific goals.

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 Compared to other ethnic populations, Pilipinos make friends with other students

more easily, probably because of their familiarity with the English language. This also

shows that Pilipino students are self-efficacious enough to go further in their

matriculation. They believe they can be success in school and work. They have the

institution and familial support on their side. Popular culture in the Philippines is also

similar to U.S. pop culture. Through global channels such as MTV and VH1, Pilipino

youths can more easily understand youth subculture in an American education system.

The stereotype of the general Asian population as introverts is not applicable to all

Pilipinos. Zhou and Xiong (2005) have noted that differences in origins, histories and

timing of immigration, pre-migration socio-economic status, and settlement patterns

profoundly affect the formation of ethnic identities. Hence, each ethnic minority should

be treated uniquely. Diverse origins evoke drastic differences in languages and dialects,

religions, food preferences, and customs (Zhou and Xiong, 2005).

Statement of the problem

As pervasive in all cultures, Pilipino American youths confront issues stemming

from generational tension and expectations. Parents still cling to their Pilipino beliefs

and values; however, their children are exploring new ways in the United States. Cultural

conflict as they move through adolescence is another issue that they face as they go

through high school.) Career choices can be one of the conflicts that the parents and

children need to resolve. Salazar et. al (2000) asserts that maintaining family reputation

is an important concern of Pilipino adolescents. In part, education is a project for the

entire family and not a solitary individual effort. The adolescent stage is challenging,

which can be more complicated when two cultures clash. The coping styles of Pilipinos

8
have caused mental stress for both the parents and the children. Indigenous Pilipino

traits, including “hiya” (devastating shame), “amor propio” (sensitivity to criticism), and

“pakikisama” (conceding to the wishes of the collective) is fostered by the use of ridicule

and ostracism in child training. These traits often inhibit competitiveness, a trait valued

in Western society (Sanchez and Gaw, 2007).

Family ties and employability are the two challenges Pilipinos face in the

Philippines as they make career decisions as high school graduates. These challenges

continue to persist even when they migrate to the United States. Family ties and the

choice of a career become critical as first-generation Pilipino students graduate from an

American high school. It is important for school administrators to understand the

situation of the first generation students and other ethnic groups as being more complex

that just being able to pass their classes.

The problem that I have addressed in this study deals with the Pilipino high

school students and the careers they choose post-high school. The literature review will

clearly show the lack of research on understanding this specific ethnic group. In an

attempt to make the right decision in terms of a career, there is a dual strain for these

students. First, there is the relationship between the US and the Philippines. Second, is

the strain from parental expectation for bringing them to the United States. Salazar et al

(2000) have previously pointed out that because of earlier American colonial contacts

with the Philippines Pilipino immigrants are generally familiar with American culture

and the English language. However, despite such a historical relationship, and

familiarity with American culture, authoritarian parenting styles of Pilipino parents’

conflict with the more individualistic parenting practices in American culture.

9
 Pilipino high school students, even minority students at large, vary in their

personal choices, characteristics and motivational factors. In turn, it affects how they

learn, relate, and make decisions on what careers they ought to pursue after high school.

These differences are ignored when familial values and societal expectations are being

thrust on them. The pressure to get immediate employment stifles their intrinsic

motivation and curiosity. There is no room for their interest to grow. There is no room

for their personal curiosity to expand. Church and Katigbak (1992) deduce that since

higher education in the Philippines appears to be primarily oriented toward training

people for specific vocations, it reinforces the strong economic motives of Pilipino

students.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the study is to examine the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students and analyze how that pattern reflects the following:

1) The cultural model of their immigrant parents about what success

means will be marked through their children’s mindset

2) How the school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic

engagement among and between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-
immigrants

3) How family values impact their career decision-making.

With this study, I will attempt to uncover how Pilipino high school students can be given

more options in choosing other careers that will enhance their intrinsic interests and

passions. From my research, I hope to articulate ways to communicate with Pilipino

students other careers that they will truly enjoy after high school. This implies retention

in college and newfound knowledge for our college counselors on how they can make

10
Pilipino students aware of a wider range of career opportunity after high school. Of

course intrinsic interest and school engagement can be encouraged in high school. How

students perceive high schools as being subtractive or an additive experience to their

success is one that I am determined to reveal.

Significance of the Study

The Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States, next to

the Chinese. There is little research about the Pilipino high school students who are

about to finish high school. This study will contribute to this research gap. Although this

study focuses on Pilipino immigrant students, its implications can be applied to the ever-

increasing populations of students from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds.

Recruitment and retention of ethnic minority students in colleges and universities has

been a constant struggle for all stakeholders. Education is the key to the continued

success of this nation. The question remains: are Pilipino high school students choosing

the careers that they truly want or are they simply choosing careers they think their

parents and the society as a whole will accept?

The cultural model of success attributes the success or failure of minority

academic performance to cultural compatibility or lack thereof. Simply put, the culture

shapes what these students believe is the right career choice for them. Pilipino

immigrants came from a place where American influence has been predominant for more

than a hundred years. They came from a place where education was the only way out of

poverty, oppression, and dictatorship. Hence, careers that are highly in-demand, i.e.

nursing, accounting, engineering, are the only viable choices they make when they arrive

to the United States. This issue becomes a problem when high school counselors and

11
administrators do not understand the need of these students. Often these high school

students take on careers that are only familiar to their households.

When the cultural value matches the economic demand of the society, there is less

friction between the “want” and the “need.” Practically speaking, these students choose

careers that are readily available rather than careers that are highly of interest. The

cultural modes of success and the school environment put a lot of pressure on these

Pilipino students to succeed. High parental expectation is also a confining factor for

these students. Specifically, Church and others (1992) suggest that Pilipinos place less

emphasis on productivity, performance standards, and expression of ideas than American

students. Instead, they put greater emphasis on attaining social approval and enhanced

economic status. Pilipinos (Church et al, 1992) also see education as a means to

economic opportunity and status, rather than acquiring knowledge for its intrinsic value.

For Pilipinos, uncovering and understanding their Cultural Model of Success may

be a key in helping these high schools students make more varied career choices. The

lack of Pilipino immigrant students in the fields of music, arts, and theatre will have

important implications for many urban schools in Los Angeles. As Salazar-Clemena

(2002) clearly suggests,

Studies show common reasons for the curricular choices of college and
high school students: interest in the field, opportunity for employment,
personal or family welfare, financial returns, and influence of role models
(mostly family members). Other factors that emerged in more recent
studies include prestige, admiration, status, ability, influence of media,
security … and the opportunity to go abroad.

The overarching goal of this study is to further inform educators and administrators on

the complexity of being a Pilipino immigrant from a country that has been influenced by

12
Americans for more than a hundred of years. Familial and societal ideologies influence

these students to make the right decision. Inadvertently, this dissertation will to answer if

the right career is really for the parents, the students, or the rise for a specific need based

on the economic demand.

Research Questions

The following research questions guided this study:

1. Do Pilipino immigrant students believe that success in school equates to

fulfilling the American Dream, which includes being mobile in the American

Society (Cultural Model of Success)?

a. What is their greatest motivational factor in succeeding in school?

b. Which or who plays the biggest part? Parents, school, or individual?

2. Do Pilipino families influence the type of college majors and careers of their

children? If so, how do Pilipino families’ value and practice differ for the sons

and daughters (Family/Gender Values)?

3. Do average and high achieving Pilipino-heritage high school and non-

immigrant students experience schooling in U.S. schools as a productive (or

subtractive) process that values (or devalues) their social and cultural capital?

Limitations

Due to time constraint and availability of resources, this study will utilize the

responses from Pilipino high school students grades 9-12 at one school site resulting in

ten participants, 5 males and 5 females. Due to this small sample size, the information

13
and data provided is more than likely not representative of all Pilipino high school

students locally or nationally. However, a qualitative dissertation focuses on generating

new knowledge about a specific population rather than generalizing to the population

under study.

Organization of the Dissertation

This dissertation is presented in five chapters. Chapter one represents the

introduction to this study. Chapter two is an overview of the research pertinent to the

history and migration of the Pilipinos to the United States. The literature review looks at

five major authors who have contributed to the theoretical foundation of this study.

Methods and procedures are discussed in depth in chapter three, including a biographical

sketch of each student participant. Chapter four presents the details of the family

dynamics, school environment, participants, and the analysis of the results of the findings

of this study. Finally, chapter five will provide a discussion of the findings,

recommendations for practice, and implications for future study.

14
 Chapter 2: Review of Literature

This dissertation examines the pattern of career choice among Pilipino

Americans, specifically 1, 1.5, and 2nd generation secondary school students in a large

California suburban high school. The review of the literature shows how their career

decision making is a reflection of their immigrant parents’ cultural model that defines

success and how to achieve it. The review illustrates how this cultural model works

around the central family (which includes the parents and external family members) on

Pilipino American students relative to their high school success and career choice. This

review will briefly discuss the impact of handling parental pressure to succeed. Showing

respect for elders and Pilipino parents is one of the most valuable traits a child can offer

to their parents. Following their parents’ desire is part of respecting their wishes. Since

respecting their elders is a tradition common to many immigrant cultures, children from

these cultures often feel obligated to obey their parent’s desires for their life-choices.

I also searched for literature that examined the educational experiences of the

minority students, immigrants specifically, and how this affects their postsecondary

school plans. The research literature shows that educational experiences mediate their

responses and long-term opinion about school. In short, high school is a place where

Pilipino students must succeed. Furthermore, I included literature that identified

institutions that augmented or hindered the academic success or failure for post-

secondary education.

This dissertation will show that Pilipino American immigrants’ cultural model of

success matches those of the voluntary immigrant type as characterized by Ogbu.

Voluntary immigrants believe that a high level of education will result in a better career,

15
and hence, will enhance the fortunes of their families. The family’s concern of “making

it” is reflected in the Pilipino American high school student’s pattern of career choice,

with disproportionate concentrations in certain majors and careers. Tang et al (1999)

clearly explained the disproportioned majors among the Asian Americans:

Research on Asian American’s career development (indicates) that their

occupational interests and aspirations have been stereotyped and
segregated into those technical areas.

Asian Americans are seen by White American college students to be more

likely to succeed as engineers, computer scientists, or mathematicians and
to be less successful in sales … and less qualified in verbal, persuasive,
and social careers.

Pilipinos are always seen in the medical field as nurses and technicians. They are also

the accountants, but never the Chief Financial Officer.

The focus of this study will be on the confounding factors that influence the career

decision-making of Pilipino high school immigrants including first, 1.5 and second

generation. While this literature review has invoked the findings of several studies, five

authors are prominent in this review.

John Ogbu’s research on variability of minority/immigrant school performance,

Stacey Lee’s and Grace Kao’s discussions of model-minority stereotype and high-and

low-achieving Asian American students, Eun-Young Kim’s work on cultural models of

success, and Diane Wolf’s work on transnational struggles among children of Filipino

immigrants constitute the theoretical framing of this study. Part of John Ogbu’s work is

distinguishing the voluntary immigrants from involuntary immigrants. Pilipino students

are deemed to be voluntary immigrants. There main reason of migrating is to have a

better life mainly through a good education. Stacy Lee and Grace Kao’s work focuses

16
more on the Asian Students which is very useful in narrowing the participants’ reaction

and behavior. Pilipinos differ in cultures, but Lee’s and Kao’s literary work serve as a

good theoretical framework for this research. Serendipitously, Kim’s work combines

Ogbu’s Cultural Model Success for the Korean students. Lastly, Wolf points out the

conflict between the parent and the child. Living in two worlds is difficult and Wolf

pointed how these problems can be resolved. While this body of research is by no means

comprehensive, it provides us with a foundation that enriches our understanding of the

role of immigration, stereotyping, cultural success models, and family and their impact

on career decision making in high school.

Ogbu’s (1992) alternative framework among the voluntary and involuntary

minorities sheds light on how they incorporate their lives into American society, which

includes how to get ahead and the role of education in getting ahead. Voluntary

minorities, such as Pilipinos, have a different collective identity and cultural frame of

reference on how to succeed in a new land. The attitudes and behavior that voluntary

minority parents employ in preparing their children for school is a critical factor shaping

how their children eventually choose their careers.

These views are widely held and firmly believed in inside and outside the homes

of these voluntary minorities (immigrants). Involuntary minorities, like African

Americans and Mexican American, have come to believe that schooling does not pay off

in terms of occupational mobility. To rationalize this folk theory some come to associate

doing well in school as “acting white” and may be chastised by their peers for being

successful in school. Hence, even though they may agree that more schooling is better,

17
their corresponding belief that it does not pay off for them may lead them to sabotage

their academic efforts.

Pilipino immigrants, like other voluntary minorities such as Koreans and

Chinese, consider academic success to be the essence of their ethnic pride. Eun-Young

Kim, an anthropologist conducting research on adaptation patterns and educational

strategies, applied a cultural model of success to help explain the career choice patterns

of Korean Americans. Eun-Young Kim (1993) found that money and prestige are driving

forces among Korean American families. She also found that these criteria are the

foundation of their community’s cultural model of success. She explains,

The strategy of most immigrants is to earn money by running their own

businesses and achieve prestige by sending their children to the best
universities to become professionals. Because these views are widely held
and firmly believed in, when they manifest themselves with respect to the
children’s education they become a powerful force.

Such a framework can also be applied to the Pilipino immigrants. They look at America

as land of opportunity. As voluntary minorities, they view what can be accomplished in

the United States in comparison to what they could not accomplish in their homeland.

Pilipino parents believe that their children can be whatever they want to be in this

country. However, Pilipino parents also believe their children’s career choice should fall

within the context of employability, are in-demand, and culturally prestigious. Azores

(1987) found out that all her Pilipino participants had plans for some kind or another

regarding post-secondary education. She continues,

Seventy-six percent had college aspirations, while the rest wanted to

attend a two-year college or go to a vocational-technical school. As
expected, the strongest determinant of educational aspiration was
occupational expectation.

18
Occupational expectation is a belief that after matriculation, their degrees will bring forth

a reliable source of income. Tseng (2006) mentions that math and science fields are

typically attractive to immigrant students.

Immigrants are drawn to match and science fields because they are in high
demand in the economy and bear the promise of high status and well-
paying occupations. High social and economic aspirations are not
necessarily channeled only into math and science occupations, but for
children of immigrants, these fields might represent visible routes for
attaining their aspirations.

These prevailing Pilipino family beliefs may channel their children into narrowly defined

careers leaving no room for intrinsic interest, raw talent or passion. When their interest or

talent does not match society’s demands, the students end up suppressing their own

desires. In return, this means suppressing their aspiration to succeed. Pilipino students’

parental beliefs may actually limit their aspirations to readily available careers to

immediate contribute to the family. Hence, they then shy away from careers that prolong

immediate economic assistance to their families.

Azores (1987) argues that aspiration is an indicator of educational attainment later

in life for any Pilipino student. In short, factors that affect the level of educational

attainment are directly linked to one’s aspiration, the greater aspiration, the higher the

career goal. In this case, a Pilipino student’s destiny relies heavily on family support and

on reciprocating that support through the choice of a readily available career after high

school. Azores (1987) concluded that the strongest determinant of educational aspiration

was occupational expectation. This suggests that students who claim high academic

performance will also have high occupational expectations associated with completing a

four-year college education or more.

19
 Kim suggests that comparative research on other groups will further heighten our

understanding of minority education, for this review, Koreans and Pilipinos. Eun-Young

Kim points out the importance in understanding the cultural model of success because it

explains the career choice patterns of immigrant students, in her case, Korean Americans.

Such discovery can also be applied to the Pilipino students. It sheds light on the different

academic performances of voluntary immigrants. There is more to it than biological,

institutional or cultural approach. It is important to dig deep and understand what is

going on in the household and how heavy parental influence weighs.

My research will attempt to provide a deeper understanding as to what our minority

students really need in order to achieve their dreams. Ogbu’s “Cultural Model of

Success” is an important theoretical foundation that provides a more formal approach for

what has hitherto been an anecdotal explanation for dinner table conversations, church

prayers, and barbershop gossip about what it means for Pilipinos to be successful in

America, including their own Pilipino communities. It is where Folk Theories are

discussed. Who made it? Who didn’t make it in terms of succeeding in the United

States? Ogbu mentions the Folk Theory of Success amongst all cultures. Every culture

has it. This research attempts to solidify how anecdotally affect the students’ decision in

choosing a career post-high school.

Moreover, the quality of family relationships will be examined by an understanding

of family obligation, family values and gender roles. According to Wolf (1997) the

family offers an extremely magnetic and positive basis of Pilipino identity for the second-

generation of Pilipino children. It is also a deep source of conflict for both the parents

and the children. The parents are trying to impose the Pilipino culture at the same time

20
that the children are trying to adapt to a new social and cultural context. Part of this new

social context is education and career paths post-college.

Attachment to parents has been linked to the career development of students. The

long-standing relationship between the United States and the Philippines has convinced

Pilipino parents that there are specific careers that are in high-demand in American

society. When the United States opened its doors to educated laborers during the 1960s,

it attracted a lot of professionals from the Philippines in the fields of accounting, nursing,

and engineering. This mindset in terms of a career choice still prevails. As Salazar and

others (2000) have pointed out, the predictors of academic achievement are authoritative

academic parenting, parent involvement, and a sense of obligation to maintain family

honor. As such, children of immigrant parents have to fill huge expectations in terms of

excelling in school. Their success stories have achieved a certain iconic status in

American culture, and many of these ethnic groups are often referred to as the “Model

Minority.” The term was developed during the 1960s when there has been an increasing

speculation about the academic success o Asian American students. As Kao (1995)

continues,

The relatively high socio-economic standing of Asian-Americans

(compared with blacks and Hispanics), low rates of marital disruption, and
the relative success of Asian-American students suggest an almost
problem-free home environment.

Since Asian Americans are considered a minority, they are deemed to be the model for

the rest of the voluntary immigrants.

The achievements are likely a byproduct to the model minority folk theory of

success. It is possible that attention to Asian American students’ needs has been ignored

21
or has been diverted to the groups who need the resources more. Resources, such as

guidance counselors for immigrants, are not available to Asians who might need it

because of their general success.

The model minority stereotype impact Pilipino students. Lee (1994) insists that

scholars the popular press have contrasted the success of Asian American students to the

underachievement of other minority students. The question then remains: How well do

Pilipino American students fit the model minority image? Does this perpetuate a

channeled process for career decision making? For instance, Asians compared to other

youth groups differ in terms of their aspirations and grades. Kao (1995) explains how

Asian children outperform their white counterparts in terms of grades because Asians

believe that success in life depends on what they study in school. Asian American parents

push their children to get good grades and enter “safe” professions such as becoming

engineers, physicians, and accountants. These aspirations likely result from a worldview

that associated Asians with technical (as opposed to creative) careers. These aspirations

may also protect immigrant children from perceived discrimination in occupations that

are deemed unsafe, i.e. music, arts, theatre (Kao, 1995). Kao describes careers that are

not perceived high in demand as “unsafe.” Based on the current economic needs, it is

harder to find a job when one majors in music, arts, theatre. Therefore, he considers such

careers as “unsafe.”

Educators and administrators should take into account the model minority

stereotype and the strong family influences when presenting post-high school career

information to Pilipino students. Getting the proper education is the only way they know

how to succeed in America. They achieve prestige by sending their children to the best

22
universities in hopes of getting them the necessary preparation for a high-demand career.

During this research, I ventured hoping to understand more about the motivation of

the Pilipino students and their success stories post-high school. I wanted to understand

their career choices and the factors that determined their decisions post-high school. A

serendipitous, I may call it, turn of events is when I realized that a strong influence

behind these students are the parents. There is no doubt that the parents only want the

best for their children. But what I unexpectedly noticed is a contradicting message that

the parents are trying to convey to their children. In one perspective, the parents want

their children to secure a job post-high school. On the other hand, they also expect their

children to complete their matriculation from a four-year college. These contradicting

expectations might be hard for the children.

Poverty is the key force to find the need to be employed right after college.

Salazar-Clemena (2002) explains that the Philippines is constantly struggling to get out

poverty. There was always hope of economic progress through their children.

The problems of poverty, unemployment, underemployment, and rapid

population growth remain (in the Philippines). These conditions have led
to the rising number of Filipinos working overseas to seek the proverbial
greener pastures.

In attempt to get out of poverty, the need for all the family to work (in and outside

the Philippines) is dire. It also becomes a duty, as Fuligni, et. al (1999) indicate,

Asian and Latin American families in the United States often have been
characterized as placing greater importance upon familial duty and
obligation than their counterparts with European backgrounds.

Therefore, the parents expect their children to help out with the finances right

after high school. It is a call of duty, a sense of responsible; it is even expected. It

23
sounds clear, but there are also literatures that illustrate the parents’ desire to have their

children attend a four-year college.

Song and Glick (2004), on the other hand, discuss obtaining college education.

Albeit its limitations, it is still a college degree, nonetheless.

Asian Americans, both male and female, have a greater likelihood of

being in a relatively limited range of college majors such as engineering,
physical and biological sciences, computer science, and mathematics, and
have been underrepresented in fields such as education and the
humanities.

Such expectation is societal. It is also parental. The college majors above require

at least a 4-year degree. It is not easily available post-high school.

Hence, the confounding factors regarding variability of minority/immigrant

school performance are: The Cultural Model of Success, Institutional Support/Agencies

and Familial Influence. The literature review will be organized into three these three

main parts to guide and deepen the reader’s understanding of these theoretical

foundations. I begin this paper with Ogbu’s “Variability of Immigrant School

Performance” followed by a detailed description on Pilipino’s school experience

(institutional support and being the model minority) and end it on how the Pilipino family

plays a big role in the career decision-making of their children. Lastly, the review of the

literature will conclude with possible emerging arguments on how this is aligned towards

the post-secondary aspirations of Pilipino students.

John Ogbu’s Variability of Minority/Immigrant School Performance

Criteria for Success

Ogbu paid great attention to the distinction between voluntary and involuntary

minorities He defines involuntary minorities as people who became part of the United

24
States through slavery, colonization, or conquest, such as some African Americans and

Native Americans respectively. Voluntary minorities, on the other hand, had a choice of

coming to the United States. Ogbu (1998) claimed that voluntary minorities view

education as instrumental to their success in the United States. Voluntary minorities

believe that through education they will learn and develop skills that will help them

advance economically. On the other hand, involuntary minorities such as African

Americans view education as a threat to the groups’ cultural integrity. They do not trust

the school system. They view the school as a place where teachers discriminate against

them and unfavorably compare them to other minority groups. Except for refugees and

those granted political asylum, Ogbu considers Asian Americans to be voluntary

minorities. Like other immigrants who moved voluntarily to the United States, Pilipinos

believe this would result in more economic well-being, better opportunities and/or more

personal freedom. Even though Pilipinos experience subordination, the positive

expectations they bring with them influence their perceptions of U.S. society and its

schools. Voluntary minorities are generally more optimistic about the future than

involuntary minorities. They tend to believe that the hardships they encounter in the

United States are temporary problems and that they will be able to overcome these

problems through education and hard work without losing their minority-group identity.

Goyette and Xie (1999) share the same belief about family and high educational

expectations of Asian American parents. They claim that Asian American parents view

education as an effective channel of upward mobility for their children. Like Ogbu,

Goyette and Xie (1999) believe that Asian Americans are confident about the benefits

25
that education can bring to their children. Consequently, they value education more than

other material matters.

How parents perceive education as the ultimate measure of success characterizes

the cultural model of success among Pilipino immigrants. Most first generation parents

were educated in the Philippines. Hence, part of their “American Dream” is to have their

children go to a good school and choose careers that are prestigious and readily available.

Wolf (1997) discusses how the “family” is the magnet that holds everyone together. It is

the positive base of maintaining the Pilipino identity in a foreign land. Unfortunately, it

also leads to internal struggles among the immigrant children. In one of her interviews,

Wolf transcribed one of her participant’s answers:

It’s true that they say what do you want to be and if you come out with
you want to be a doctor they will be really happy or any of the other two
categories (lawyers or engineers) but if you were to come back after your
first year and say “I want to be a musician or an artist,” they would have a
cow. They say “we encourage you to do what you want,” but they don’t
want you to do anything that is risky. They want the steady, secure job.

Pilipino immigrants consider money and prestige as the criteria for success. Prestige,

however, is not about luxury cars, big houses in Beverly Hills or fame. Prestige is

synonymous with the academic achievement of their children. Through this outlook, one

can begin to grasp Pilipino students’ high academic achievement or immediate post-

secondary employment. As discussed earlier, parents have a contradictory expectation

towards their children.

Stanton-Salazar’s Institutional Agents

Several scholars and researchers have been focused on elaborating new conceptual

models for understanding the socialization, particularly matriculation, of minority

26
students. The focused has always been on African American and Latino youths. As per

Stanton-Salazar (1997), the existing classical models of early socialization are consistent

with dominant White cultural standards. The study of socialization among other cultures

needs to be addressed.

A few, if any, have been focused on Asian Americans, and for the sake of this

review, Pilipinos. Such models are important to understand the impeding problems of the

failure in education of these minorities. Once solidified, it will help school

administrators, parents and teachers on how to cultivate a more successful environment

conducive to success in education for all students (e.g. African Americans, Asian

Americans, and Latinos).

The study of how institutions (such as schools) affect students may not be

available, but the roles of institutional agents (teachers and administrators) are palpable.

Stanton-Salazar (1997) defines institutional agents as those individuals who have the

capacity and commitment to transmit directly, or negotiate the transmission of

opportunities. Specifically, minority students can include information about school

programs, academic tutoring and mentoring, as well as assistance with career decision-

making. Through relationships with institutional agents, a segment of society gains the

resources, privileges, and support necessary to advance their economic position in

society. Minority students, including Pilipinos, direly need such support to advance and

continue higher education post-high school.

In some instances, teachers, counselors, and administrators can also be

institutional agents. They are the first line of defense in helping these students achieve

their dreams post-high school. If done correctly, they can assemble their social capital to

27
empower low status students of color. They can also share their knowledge of how to

navigate new terrain leading to post-secondary career and educational opportunities.

They cannot just be role models and offer encouragement. They must alter the destinies

of low status students of color by sharing their social capital, i.e., their networks, with, in

this case, Pilipino immigrant, 1.5 generation, and 2nd generation too.

Portes and Rumbaut (2001) give adolescent years more importance than the early

childhood education. It is a time of profound transformations in the lives of children,

where identities and plans often change and experiences determine the course of future

lives. Outlooks on their social-environment also evolve markedly during this critical

time. With this said, it is important for such institutional agents to be more supportive

and aware of the students’ needs. Azores (1987) suggests that Filipinos are dropping out

of the educational system after high school. Furthermore, out of the five English-

speaking Asian American groups (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Pilipino and Vietnamese),

Pilipinos rank high in English and Reading, suggesting that the problems are non-

language related. One of the possibilities, as Staton-Salazar (1997) suggests that solid

relationships with institutional agents are necessary to advance and maintain position in

society.

School experiences are an important part of a child’s development in and outside

school. Although we need more on school experiences for both voluntary and

involuntary minorities, it is important to understand that peers play an important part of

facilitating a favorable experience during high-school. This includes supportive friends,

extra-curricular activities, sports, and affective memories that can hold a strong

foundation for a better future. Stanton-Salazar alludes to important social spheres for

28
youth, school, organizations, and peer groups. Children, more so human beings, are not

raised confined to their families. Social networks, as we understand, are imperative to

have a healthy experience as they complete high school. As we go deeply to institutional

agents, I focused my review on how teachers perpetuate the Model Minority Stereotype

and how it affects Pilipino students.

Lee’s and Kao’s Discussion of Model Minority Stereotype

Lee (1994) stated, “In the model minority stereotype, Asian Americans are

successful in school because they work hard and come from cultures that believe in the

value of education” (p.414). The relatively high socio-economic standing of Asian

Americans (as a whole, compared with Blacks and Latinos), low rates of marital

disruption, and the relative success of Asian American students suggest an almost

problem-free home environment (Kao, 1995). Kao (1995) suggests that an Asian

American home provides a stable and supportive haven for their children. Wang and Wu

(1996) observe the positive image of the Asian Americans is very convincing:

The image, which can be seen everywhere from magazine articles to

popular movies, Asian Americans are depicted as champion entrepreneurs
and college whiz kids, the immigrant parents working as urban
greengrocers as their American children win the annual Westinghouse
Science Talent Search. (p. 192)

The Asian American population and scholars have ever since defied the Model Minority

Thesis. They claim that it is only a myth and that only some Asian Americans have made

significant strides in their socio-economic status and education success. Many articles

and books have been published challenging the Model Minority assumptions. Forty

years later, the Asian American population insists it is still a myth. Cheryan and

Bodenhausen (2000) claimed that focusing the Asian American participants’ attention on

29
their ethnicity, rather than ability, did not improve their performance. Such pressures

created difficulties in concentration and that translated to a significantly low

performance. Even high school and college students complain that the pressures of being

“smart” in school puts a lot of pressure on them in always being able to get good grades.

What is interesting is that they get disproportionally high grades compared to other

minorities who are not pushed by the model minority folk theory of making it.

Asian Americans have been frequently described as the model minority because

they are believed to have succeeded in the United States, surpassing not only other racial

minority groups but even White Americans (Ying et al, 2001). The Model Minority

Myth has been the most prevalent stereotype among the Asian American population. It is

measured through the numbers of college applicants, standardized test scores, and income

per capita per household. The numbers are impressive, but what the numbers do not

show is the motivational factors behind the myth. The cultural model of success explains

how voluntary minorities uses education as a way to “make it” in the foreign land. Asian

Americans, in this case, Pilipinos, are more inclined to encourage their children to

succeed in school simply because this is the only way they can “make it.” “Making it” is

a part of Ogbu’s Folk Theory of Success. It is the ability to succeed in a foreign land

with the proper education, a stable job, a solid family, and a house. As Ogbu (1998)

explains, immigrants see school success as a major route to making it in the United

States.

Asian students do well in school because “their parents expect it, their teachers

expect it, and their peers expect it” (Yan and Lin, 2002). Expectation is the greatest

motivating factors for Asian American students. Their parents also see a strong utility

30
value in education. School teachers perceive Asian Americans as quiet and respectful.

Sue and Okazaki have added that their high achievement is a result of their culture. Sue

and Okazaki (1990) have identified the following values or practices in Asian families

that may promote educational achievements. These values are typical in an Asian family

household not only for education, but also as a collective behavior:

a. Demands and expectations for achievement and upward mobility

b. Induction of guilt about parental sacrifices and the need to fulfill obligations

c. Respect for education, social comparisons with other Asian American families in

terms of educational success

d. Obedience to elders such as teachers.

Again, we see expectation as part of the social milieu for the Pilipino students.

Kim’s Interpretation of Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success

Ogbu (1998) explains the cultural model of success or the folk theory of “Making

It.” It is a communal belief on how to achieve success. It is not something written

(hence, folk) or formally implemented. It is only spoken and passed on to the next

generation. The folk theory of success is the community’s discussion on how to achieve

success. Voluntary minorities believe that working hard and earning an education will

lead to a successful life in the United States (Ogbu, 1998). A quality education carries

much weight in the Philippines. Parents consider that a quality education is among the

greatest gifts they can bestow upon their children. Corrigan (2004) describes how

Pilipino immigrant parents work countless overtime hours so that their sons and

daughters may maximize their educational opportunities.

31
 While there have been no direct studies on Pilipino American students and the

folk theory of “Making It,” there has been studies of other Asian groups. Eun-Young

Kim studied how Korean Americans convey the same high expectations of the parents for

their children’s education. Pilipino parents convey high expectations for their children

regarding success in their educational and professional careers in direct and subtle ways.

From conversations at the dinner table to formal gatherings, the children’s career choices

often become a central topic of conversation. These stories provide evidence of the way

the cultural model of success translates into pressure on the children to choose certain

careers and professional paths. Kim’s (1993) research on Korean American students

similarly reflects on how the Pilipinos choose to a make a home in America. According

to Kim (1993), they are determined to “make it”, and their determination influences their

perceptions of social realities. Folk stories about a student who graduated from a

prestigious school become the talk of the town. Conversation in hair salons, picnic

gatherings, and Sunday mass has been about the child of Mr. and Mrs. Educated whose

child went to Harvard. Informal conversations become a way to convey the salient ideas

of the culture as a whole both to parents and their children. Similarly, the Pilipino

community as a whole passes on and reinforces prestigious career choices in medicine,

law, and engineering. The folk theory of success lives on through informal and formal

congregation within the community. Ogbu’s cultural model of success allows us to look

at the relationship of Pilipino Americans and U.S. society as a whole. Ogbu did not write

directly on Pilipinos but it is important to point out that these direct assertions comes

from my own observations of the culture as a Pilipino and the researcher of this study.

32
Ogbu differentiates between voluntary and involuntary immigrants and their cultural

model of success. Pilipinos, as voluntary immigrants, have their stories to share as well.

Ogbu’s cultural model for success did not specifically look at the relationship of the

Pilipino Americans and American society as a whole. Yet, Ogbu’s model can be applied

to set up the foundation of how Pilipinos define their success in the United States. Kim

(1993) describes a sense of hopefulness as part of the trust that voluntary immigrants give

to the dominant society – the United States. Instead of having an oppositional identity,

many voluntary immigrants develop a non-oppositional identity, which includes cultural

and language frames, to accommodate themselves to certain expectations of the

mainstream society. The Philippines and the United States have a long-standing

relationship that can be traced back to the 1800s. The United States took over the

Philippines in 1898 from Spain. Pilipinos look at the United States as the savior, the

provider, and the land of opportunities. Therefore, Pilipinos perceive their prospective

life in the United States with the confidence that they are in good hands.

Ogbu’s (1998) cultural model also explores the dominant group’s treatment of

minorities (voluntary and involuntary). The treatment of minorities in society is reflected

on the importance given to education. Teachers have different levels of expectations for

students of color. The student-teacher interaction pattern can differ from one student to

the other. The model minority myth, often applied to Asian Immigrants, can be

detrimental and beneficial at the same time for Pilipino students. Teachers tend to have

higher expectations for Asian students. Lee (1994) observed how teachers pointed to the

bulletin board which listed the names of the top students to show her that Asians did well

in school. The cultural ecology of success is essentially the study of minority perceptions

33
and their response to schooling. Immigrant students’ perceptions of their educational

experiences, even with discrimination and prejudice in the United States, can fashion a

positive view of life here. More specifically, the folk theory of “making it” can be

applied to any Pilipino student who believes that education is the key to success. Other

researchers have focused their studies on other ethnic groups and their definition of

“making it”. Interestingly, the motivating factor for succeeding in school is always

attributed to the core family. Suarez-Orozco (1987) believes first generation immigrant

students excel in school to repay parents and relatives, to make their struggles worthwhile

by becoming somebody. Although Suarez-Orozco’s study focuses on Hispanic

Americans, the pattern may still be applied to all first generation immigrants.

Pilipinos look at the United States in a positive light. First generation Pilipino

parents have not been in urban America long enough to experience direct discrimination.

Technology has also closely connected Philippines and the United States. The cultures of

the two worlds have been intertwined in the Philippines through television, movies, and

the internet. Technological advances simplify routine communication and interaction

with other Pilipinos. This familiarity with American culture has encouraged many

Pilipinos to migrate to the United States.

Wolf’s Work on Transnational Struggles

Among Children of Pilipino Immigrants

Pilipino Family Characteristics

First generation Pilipino immigrants often have limited resources. The lack of

social capital, networking, proper education for the parents, and cultural assimilation are

some of the limited resources of the Pilipino families. Some have dealt with the

34
Americans during their stay in the Philippines, but this is not enough when you are

permanently living on the American soil. The way of life is different. Expectations and

values are different. Pilipino parents want to keep their children close to home not just

because they are protecting their children from the new environment but because they are

afraid of losing their children – culturally. The cultural value that defines a Pilipino

family includes cooperation, mutual support, and a sense of belonging (Salazar et al,

2000). They place the highest value on interdependence which can be harmful for the

children in pursuing their aspirations. In a sense, parents expect their children to be

independent but at the same time, still be interdependent as a family. This split in attitude

is a contradictory practice that often contributes to the struggles that many Pilipino

immigrant children experience.

Wolf (1997) defines the conflict between the parents and the children as

“transnational struggles.” It is an underlying phenomena that includes the notion of

different culture, ideologies, and goals that permeate the lives of both the parents and the

children. Although parents are still directly linked to the Philippines, their children

maintain these ties at a different level. The children live in a different cultural code that

combines the old and the new culture. Wolf (1997) suggests that children experience

“emotional transnationalism” which falls in between the parents, the old/new ideologies,

and their own goals. It is a struggle due to its conflicting nature. In choosing a career,

these immigrant students are stuck between what is right and what feels right. As I often

argue, not all Pilipino students want to be in the medical or accounting field. Careers in

theatre and arts are often discouraged due to its wavering economic pull. Wolf (1997)

describes her observations by relaying a typical story after high school graduation:

35
 None of their Filipino students applied to out-of-state universities. The
teachers and counselors found this excessive pushing and then braking to
be puzzling and disconcerting. While the parents push their children to
excel in school, they are also pulling them back from moving too far
away.

The family has a strong influence on the selection of a career path after high school.

Here or in the Philippines, Pilipino students listen to their family as a sign of respect. Ma

and Yeh (2005) suggest that the family plays an integral role in Asian-American youths’

career development. Family involvement and feedback are very important to Asian

families, including Pilipinos, who have recently immigrated to the United States. For

most of them, their college-bound child symbolizes hope for a better future. Their child’s

education provides a chance for the whole family to be upwardly mobile.

Salazar and others (2000) have pointed out that among Filipino families education

is a family project, not just an individual effort. It is a collective effort between parents,

children, and extended family members. Hence, family needs have priority and

individual members often downplay their own needs and desires if they conflict with

those of larger family (Huang in Fuligni et al 1999). Thus, duty to family becomes a

large part of decision-making that Pilipino students experience.

Family Obligation

Fuligni and others (1999) have discussed how Asian-American (including

Pilipinos) families socialize their children into the traditions of having a close-knit family

by expecting them to support and respect family authority. For example, Asian-

American parents expect older children to care for younger siblings while they work two

jobs. Parents expect them to perform some of the major tasks at home such as buying

food, preparing meals, and working after school to help out with expenses.

36
 Such familial duties for the children extend throughout their lives into adulthood.

Parents expect their children to eventually care for them. Pilipino families condemn

convalescent homes and senior living. They think their children should be able to take

care of them at home and not in some old-age facility. Children feel obligated to support

their parents even if they have their own family. Three aspects of family obligations that

impact the career decisions of first generation Pilipino students include: 1) current family

support, 2) respect for the family, and 3) future support to the family as adults.

Current financial assistance to the family significantly influences students’ career

choices. This responsibility influences their choice of location of the college they are

likely to attend. Depending on the level of assistance to the family, the child will most

likely attend a college close to home. Family assistance can restrict children to choose

careers that are more practical over those that may be of greater interest to them. This

family obligation impacts the type of post-secondary education they will seek while

continuing to help their families. Assistance also includes taking care of brothers and

sisters, running family errands, and spending weekends with family (Fuligni et al, 1999).

Respect for family is one of the most influential factors impacting Pilipino

students’ career decision. Leon and others (2004) concur that “Out of respect and

loyalty, it may not be appropriate to express personal desires; rather, one may alter one’s

interests to maintain harmony.” As a sign of respect, Pilipino children want to do well

for the sake of the family, follow parents’ advice about choosing a job or major in college

and lastly, make sacrifices for the family. As previously mentioned, first generation

parents worry about being employable in a foreign land. They discourage majors in

music, drama, and art due to their unpredictability when it comes to finding a job after

37
college. It is important in the Pilipino culture for children to be obedient to their parents’

wishes. Parents usually encourage careers that will not cost much money, but at the same

time, are stable sources of income. Careers in nursing, accounting, and engineering are

highly popular for Pilipino families.

In general, Asian Americans are typically interested in an occupation that provides

stability and prestige. They discourage career choices in sports and arts because of their

unstable nature. Parents believe that the major reason they emigrated to the United States

is to have a better life; and a critical aspect of having a better life entails being able to

find a job that can support the whole family. Unlike American families, Asian families

do not find the need to encourage individualized and personal decisions; they approach it

as a more collective effort.

Employability, i.e., the realistic feasibility of being employed in a stable job, then

becomes an important factor in career decision-making. Coming from a collective

culture, immigrant parents and children seek careers that will support the whole family.

Leong and others (2004) found that Asian American men and women tend to be more

interested in technical fields, the physical sciences, and non-enterprising business

positions over artistic, social, or socially interactive business careers.

Within Pilipino culture, providing future support for the family is about children’s

obligations to support and be geographically close to their families. This includes

spending time with their parents even when they are no longer living with them or

attending a college near the parents. Fuligni and others (1999) interpret such obligations

as a means of giving back to the family.

38
 Choosing the right career is a collective behavior that stems from students, parents,

and extended family. Moy (1992) concurs,

Asian Americans are greatly influenced by their traditional cultures, which

are characterized by placing high values in collectivism, interdependence,
deference paid in authority and older people, family accord, and
conformity with social norms” (as part of Tang et al, 1999).

It brings hope as well as financial stability for the whole family in the future. Pilipino

students’ career decisions reflect these values. As a result, students feel the pressure of

abiding by their parents’ wishes. The social norm of the American culture is quite the

opposite. Tang and others (1999) make the following observation: “While U.S. culture

views career choice as a way of self-actualization and fundamentally as an individual

choice, Asian Americans view career choice as mutually beneficial for themselves and

their families.”

Family Value

Rebecca Gutelius (1981) revealed four major values shaping Filipino-American

students’ academic achievement. She grouped the values as follows: 1) family

closeness and solidarity, 2) authority, 3) economic and social mobility, and 4) patience

and endurance to bear pain. Pilipino families abide by these values as part of any

decision-making they engage in. These values are important to our understanding of the

decision-making process that students undergo after high school.

Family closeness and solidarity is not only important in education but also in

survival. As first generation immigrants in the United States, it is important to Pilipinos

to feel a sense of home in a foreign land. Parental self-sacrifice is the most sentimental

theme of family dynamics in Pilipino culture. The notion that they came to the United

39
State for the future of their children is praised; however, it also exacts a hefty debt of

gratitude from the children. All parents ask of their children is to graduate from college

and get a good paying job. Parents hope that the debt of gratitude will inspire their

children to do well in school and to bring honor to the family.

Pilipino families value authority which focuses more on respecting higher authority

in an educational setting. Gutelius (1981) makes the following observation: “This value

may readily account for the visible respect Filipino students have for school personnel

and their reluctance to publicly disobey or contradict their judgment even when they are

wrong.” Parents remind their children to always behave properly outside their homes.

The way children behave publicly is a reflection on how they are raised at home.

Children need to do well in school because they want others to see them as good children

and citizens.

Pilipino families value economic and social mobility. This value can be seen as a

desire to raise a family’s status in society. Economic stability provides a peace of mind

for the parent to know their children can support themselves and the family. Part of the

American dream is to have a stable job and be socially accepted in the United States.

Gutelius (1981) concluded that, “It is perceived as a means to dignity and social

acceptance.”

Gender Roles

Gender roles within Pilipino culture impact the career choices of immigrant

students. Typically, parents have a different set of expectations for daughters and the

sons. The eldest sons usually have the responsibility to care for the parents when they get

old. Hence, parents encourage their male children to pursue a career that will make more

40
money and bring further prestige for the family. The daughters, on the hand, have a

complicated role to fill. Since Pilipino highly regard education irrespective of gender,

parents still encourage their daughters to finish college. However, daughters need to fill

different roles for parents, the society as a whole, as a Pilipina, and as a future wife.

Pilipinas must take into account all of these expectations in choosing a career.

Belinda C. Badger (2002) believes that traditional Asian cultures have distinct

values in shaping a woman’s role. These include traditions, religious commitment, and

family piety. Espiritu (2001) calls this the push/pull factor from where parents encourage

their daughters to complete college, but simultaneously do not want their daughters to

move from home. On the other hand, parents are more lenient with their sons than their

daughters in regards to attending prestigious colleges away from home. Female peers

encourage other Pilipinas to attend local colleges so that they could live at or be close to

home. Espiritu (2001) conveys that Pilipino parents, particularly with daughters, pursue

contradictory tactics with their children. They push them to achieve academically while

in high school, but then “pulling the emergency brake” when they contemplate college.

Parents expect them to say home even if it means going to a less competitive college or

not going at all.

Hindin (2005) describes that boys are more likely than girls to see their mothers

as permissive, while girls are more likely than boys to see them as authoritative. Pilipino

parents are more protective of their daughters. Aside from being safe, the parents want to

defend their daughters’ reputations. They want to find a suitable husband for them.

However, with new opportunities and outlooks for women, such as new career choices

41
and management positions, girls are experiencing more gender norm changes. In the end,

their parents influence career choices and college locations.

Espiritu (2001) suggests that parenting is heavily gendered. Pilipino parents tend

to restrict their daughters’ autonomy, mobility, and personal decision making more than

that of their sons. Based on the historical context and religious implications, a Pilipina is

expected to be chaste, modest, nurturing, and family-oriented. Parents expect them to

hold and maintain the culture of the Philippines.

The strong gender influences suggest different sets of relationships for sons and

daughters. Cultural factors behind career decision making are important to consider when

examining career choices, especially if it at the expense of their children’s intrinsic

interest and mental health. Traditional beliefs dictated gender roles and these may be

beneficial for children. However, global and local trends are exposing working women

to many technical, managerial, and skill-based fields. While a positive parent-child

relationship is central to children’s success, it may be problematic for daughters when

choosing a career. According to Wolf’s (1999) interview with a student:

They put a lot of pressure on us girls growing up. The two boys got the
most freedom from all of us because it’s like they are invincible, nothing
can happen to them. But the girls are so fragile and something might
happen to them so they have to make sure that they can do something and
that they are protected all the time.

Wolf (1999) states that the gender issue is part of the family secrets that Pilipino families

carry. Although the attempt to keep children at home as long as possible can be applied

to most daughters (and some sons), it is clearly more readily true for daughters. This

creates a very different experience for girls based on parents’ gendered notion of

42
propriety. The parents expect all their children to succeed post-high school, but there are

still subtle barriers between the daughters and the sons.

Colonial Mentality

The colonial mentality, which David and Okazaki (2006) define as internalized

oppression, is embedded in Pilipino minds regarding their thoughts and actions around

Americans. It is a view of ethnic or cultural inferiority believed to be an outcome of

centuries of Spanish and U.S. colonization. Pilipinos are the non-dominant group

because of their economic status and internalized colonialism.

The colonial mentality of the Pilipinos also comes into play when choosing a

career. Colonial mentality is a psychological construct that plays a major role in the lives

of Pilipinos living in the United States and Philippines. Internalized oppression, a

condition in which oppressed individuals and groups come to believe that they are

inferior to those in power, is a salient outcome of systematic and sustained oppression

(David & Okazaki, 2006). As a result, Pilipinos who have lived through American

influence may believe that they will never be better than the Americans. David and

Okazaki (2006) argue that because many Filipinos were poor and economic mobility was

extremely limited at the time, the Americans’ information about the United States may

have distorted the Filipinos’ way of life in America. As a result, Pilipinos developed a

grandiose picture that they need to be “American” to be socially accepted. This includes

being educated, choosing the right career, and working towards the middle-class citizen..

As a result, they go for careers that are immediately in demand, especially when these

careers help the family now. They seek careers that are immediately available rather than

43
careers in music or arts that can delay bringing in prestige or financial assistance to the

family.

There are a huge number of Pilipino parents that arrive to the United with a

college education. Goyette and Xie (1999) show that 29.9% of Pilipino fathers are

college graduates while 28.7% of Pilipino mothers are college graduates. These

percentages are higher than Whites parents whose average is 28% for fathers and 22.3%

for mothers. They also proposed that much of the educational success of Asian American

children in the United States can be attributed to the family background. Japanese,

Chinese, Filipino, and Korean American adults surpass whites in average educational

attainment. Although they cannot transfer their diplomas and degrees to American

institutions, parents are well educated and highly motivated to send their children to

school. Posadas (1999) observes that, “Having arrived with diplomas in hand, [the]

Filipino newcomer simultaneously pursues two education-related goals in the United

States – securing their children’s education and utilizing their own” (pg. 102). Their

unrequited dream of becoming successful here is consequently transmitted to their

children. Parental involvement in career decision making for the children serves to help

parents realize their own dreams and ensure that their children’s careers are practical and

will lead to ready employment.

Family background and parental expectations are linked to social capital from

where first-generation children are only exposed to what their parents know. According

to Lin (2000) social capital is conceptualized as 1) quantity and/or quality of resources

that an actor (be it an individual or group or community) can access through 2) its

location in a social network. For the first-generation Pilipino students, the quantity

44
and/or quality of resources are very limited. As immigrants, their work and living

conditions are still unstable. The parents have not yet found a stable job to support their

children. They might not even have a place to call home. Most of the time, they stay

with relatives until they find a decent job. There is also a lack of social networking.

Zhou and Bankston III (1998) explain that family closeness can also be a problem:

… the social environments in which many immigrant or refugee families

live are socially isolated and lack meaningful connections to mainstream
institutions. Many immigrant or refugee parents lack adequate human
capital – education and skills – and economic resources. (pg. 93)

The kinds of resources that families provide their children may not be enough to get

ahead here, including going to school and choosing the right career path. There are a lot

of social resources available to these families. Stanton-Salazar (1997) lists them as,

… bureaucratic influence, career-related information, and opportunities

for specialized training or mentorship.

The processes of network construction, negotiation, and help-seeking are

known to be quite different across social classes and other status groups.

First-generation Pilipino students will have little access to social capital that will advance

their children academically. They do not have parents who are alumni of prestigious

colleges who can make phone calls. They do not have uncles who donated millions of

dollars to their universities. It is a different ballgame. Lin (2000) concurs, “Members of

a certain group, clustering around relatively inferior socioeconomic standings and

interacting with others in the similar social groupings, would be embedded in social

networks poorer in resources as well – poorer social capital” (pg. 787).

45
 Career Choices with Limited Social Capital

Being a first generation high school student is hard. However, it is much harder to

survive life after high school without any guiding foundation from family and the rest of

the Pilipino community. High school students who receive a lot of support from family

and others have more positive attitudes about the value of school and their place in it

(Kenny et al, 2003). To reform education, we must also reform how we guide students to

their educational dreams. Feller (2003) adds, “Standards-based school reform efforts

need to be joined by a growing emphasis on promoting social capital and creating

conditions to stimulate students to use their strengths in socially relevant ways.” Positive

influence from the society and the environment is an important factor in eliminating

perceived barriers. Positive influence includes peers that attend college or an older

sibling that is already in college. Unfortunately, our urban students are now more

exposed to pregnancy, drugs, and incarceration.

First generation students do not have the luxury of obtaining such resources such as

financial support, leisure travel to different parts of the world, theatre, and summer

camps. These kinds of resources are beneficial for their social awareness but also to

promote interesting college majors in addition to being an engineer, a lawyer, or a nurse.

As Stanton-Salazar added,

The structural features o middle-class networks are analogous to social

freeways that allow people to move about the complex mainstream
landscape quickly and efficiently. In many ways, they function as
pathways of privilege and power.

Social capital is power. Their only access to social capital is through their parents who

struggle to survive in a foreign land. First generation families are more likely to come

46
from lower-income homes. The issue of family income or socio-economic status is one

of the main factors related to social capital.

McCarron and Inkelas (2006) stress the importance of parental involvement. They

claim that social capital as it relates to education includes the knowledge of the college

campus, financial aid, familiarity with college applications, and awareness of higher

education customs. Such understanding, which is generally conveyed by parents, may be

lacking among first generation Pilipino students. Although first generation Pilipino

parents are educated, their knowledge about higher education customs in the United

States may be different.

Feller (2003) points out the importance of being “connected.” A connection to a

high-quality post-secondary learning and career opportunities through an expanding

network of adults is the key to a successful career. Since first generation students still

lack this connection, they are once again handicapped from choosing the career they

desire. As they go out in the real world, they are competing against new graduates that

may have connections to different fields through their parents, experience, and better

socio-economic status.

Social capital theory is relevant to this study because it describes the dynamics of

the social structures within first generation Pilipino students that foster the development

of career awareness, American identity, and a sense of belonging. The lack of experience

and awareness is a salient component when making the career decisions after high school.

It is an important study simply because (not quite sure what you are saying here:

Pilipinos, in general, are not models.) Their problems, like any other immigrants, are not

a myth either.

47
 In summation, this literature review has invoked the findings of several studies;

five authors, of which, became the theoretical foundation of my research questions. John

Ogbu’s research on variability of minority/immigrant school performance, Stacey Lee’s

and Grace Kao’s discussions of model-minority stereotype and high- and low-achieving

Asian American students, Eun-Young Kim’s work on cultural models of success, and

Diane Wolf’s work on transnational struggles among children of Filipino immigrants

constitute the theoretical framing of this study.

As aforementioned these literary works provide a strong foundation on what

influences a career post-high school. I begin with Ogbu’s voluntary and involuntary

immigrants. I then applied it to Asian American students. Kim’s work provided

guidance on how she applied to Korean American students. Lastly, Wolf discusses how

such conflict can cause transnational struggle between the old and the new world. These

five authors provide a foundation that will help answer the underlying factors of how

one’s career is shaped during high school. It is a combination of family, values, two

different worlds (the new and the old), and institutional support that stem from teachers

and administrators.

John Ogbu (1986) distinguished three district minority types. According to

Cazares’ dissertation (2009), Jews and Mormons are described as autonomous and very

successful. Then we have the immigrants and voluntary minorities who encounter some

problems in school and work but do not demonstrate major school failures. Lastly, we

have the involuntary minorities who seems to constantly suffer in school and post-

matriculation. The Pilipino Students are voluntary immigrants who face some struggle

due to the language barrier and cultural confusion. However, given appropriate guidance

48
and training, they seem to succeed in school and post- matriculation. Through this

literature review, we understand that involuntary minorities experience the most social

and academic adjustment.

Stacey Lee and Grace Kao’s definition of the Model Minority Stereotype shed light

on how teachers and administrators have high expectations to the Pilipino students.

Some researchers argue that such expectations are detrimental to their mental health.

There are some, however, believe that high expectations pushes the Pilipino students to

do better in school. They have a reputation to uphold – socially and mentally. As Lee

(1994) explains, being a high achiever is not only to succeed in school.

Although they did not believe that education would

guarantee them equal opportunity, the Asian Americans
believed that education would allow them to more
effectively fight racism and other social inequalities.

This study will look at how the Model Minority Stereotype will shape a Pilipino students’

education about his/her career-decision making post-high school.

Eun Young-Kim’s Cultural Model of Success serves as a very interesting twist of

using Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success. She applied the same theoretical foundation to

Korean American students and learned how family is a strong influence for the students.

Albeit its differences with the Pilipino students, the Korean children hold the same

respect and value in regards to their family. Young pointed out the importance of the

Folk Theory of Success. The way parents talk to their children during parties, dinner,

after church, during a social gathering are important pointers on how children mold their

decisions post-high school. Young-Kim briefly mentioned the importance of Social

Capital and it is important to note that having social capital is power. It is a power to

49
hold in order to gain access to inside information regarding job openings, college majors,

and personal relationships to people outside the family. Her research, with its richness,

will be used to answer the research questions for my own research.

With all these contrasts regarding family and children, there bound to be a struggle

between the old (parents) and the new (children). Wolf’s transnational struggles fit

perfectly on how the relationship of family can be explained. It is not easy. Each family

forms a different dynamics. The literature review depicts contradicting expectations from

their children. The parents want their children to be able to help financially after high-

school; and yet, they also want them to go to a prestigious college – close to home. There

is a push and pull phenomena for the children. This research will attempt to provide

answers from participants on how they will resolve some contradiction.

These are my theoretical foundation. In an attempt to provide answers, I have used

five great authors to look at different angles on how we can provide help and alleviate

any stressors that these students endure.

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 Chapter 3: Methods

This chapter entails an outline of the methods used to understand Pilipino-heritage

student at a large comprehensive high school in Suburbia, California. It was my intent to

further understand how the environment affects the education experience of the

participants and how it affects their decision post-high school.

This was a qualitative research study which served the following purpose:

1) Aligned Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success on how Pilipinos define success in a

foreign land

2) Ascertained how Pilipino-heritage students’ educational experience mediate their

response to their school during and post-high school

3) Gave attention to a population who seemed to be succeeding, only in specific

career enclaves

4) Devised implication for students, parents, school administrators, and the public as

a whole; addressed the lack of (social and human) capital strong enough to

provide options in careers, and in life as a whole.

The focus of this study was to identify viable factors that affect Pilipino high

school students in choosing their careers. My preliminary interest was on Pilipina nurses

in the United States. I wondered why an influx of nurses from the Philippines is booming

in the United States. I later found out that due to decades of relationship between the

United States and Philippines, there was an underlying economic factor: Supply and

Demand. The United States needed workers. The Philippines needed (and still need)

work. One hundred years later, how does this relationship guide or distract the Pilipino

students of today?

51
 I was very intrigued at how Pilipino parents define success through their

children’s education. Literature dictated that a students’ success in education heavily

relies on experience, family influence, and how success is being defined. I was interested

in examining the students’ life in and outside the school and how this affects his or her

decision-making post-high school. I had high hopes that these identifiers can still be

manipulated and/or altered.

Even though Pilipinos are the second largest Asian American population in the

United States, little is known about them and very little socio-cultural research exists on

this particular group. Since it is fair to say that as a group, Pilipinos value education; and

the career success that they believe is aligned with a good education, I chose to study the

career patterns of Pilipino immigrants, particularly Pilipino youth. It is my hope that an

empirical study on the career patterns of Pilipino youth should benefit high school

counselors and parents. High school counselors generally guide students in terms of

college preparation and possible career choices. The parents of the Pilipino students can

better understand that there are more options and career choices open to these young

people. There are more options than becoming a nurse or accountant.

It is important to understand how the students’ experiential responses to

schooling. A positive high school experience can motivate students to continue their

matriculation to higher education. They can even correlate such positive experience to

having positive relationships with their peers. A negative experience, on the other hand,

can be discouraging. They might find schools to be boring and a waste of time. By

measuring the level of acculturation of Pilipino youth (and also their parents) and

including social capital as contextual factors for this study, I examined the career

52
trajectories of this group in depth.

Sampling

The study was conducted in Suburbia Unified School District (SUSD). SUSD has

an enrollment over 27,000 students attending over 31 schools. Suburbia High School

(GHS) was the research target selected for three reasons: (1) it had a 51/49 ratio of

female and male students, (2) offered AP courses (open to any other student) as any other

high school with similar characteristics, (3) was (and still is) a diverse learning

environment, with an almost equal distribution of students with diverse background, and

(4) 10% of the population is Pilipino. Their real names were changed.

Suburbia High School has a total enrollment of 3,051 based on 2008-09

enrollment data. It has a Base API of 755 and Ranked Number 7 Statewide. Suburbia

High School is part of California schools that has been steadily increasing in enrollment

for more than 15 years. The percentage of Latino and Asian students continue to grow

while percentages of African American and White students have been declining. Based

on the 2008-09 enrollment data, Suburbia High School has the following enrollment: 1)

Whites are 55%, 2) Latinos are 30%, 3) Pilipinos are 10%, 4) Other Asians are 5%, and

5) No Response is 5%. There are only 574 English Learners out of 3,051 students and

1,636 students are on Free/Reduced Meal Plans.

In this research we mentioned institutional support through teachers and

administrators. The percentage of teachers who are Whites are 84%, Latinos are 8%,

Pilipinos are 1%, Other Asians are 5%, and Unknown are 2%. The teachers and

administrators serve as the role model for the students. Specifically for the Pilipino

53
participants, data shows that there is only 1% of Pilipino teachers in Suburbia High

School.

I developed a sampling design that allowed me to compare Pilipino-heritage

students who were immigrant (first and 1.5 generation) and who were American-born

(non-immigrant). I also looked at high-achieving students with GPA of 3.5 and higher

versus average-achieving students with GPA of 2.0 and higher. Although the focus of

this research does not include gender issues, I included it in my sample size. I liked to do

a post-doctorate research on gender gaps and how it translates to school success and/or

failure.

Table 1: Operational Definitions of Research Sample

Immigrant (1 and 1.5 Generation) American Born

High Achieving Students with 3.0 GPA or High Achieving Students with 3.0 GPA or
higher higher

Average Achieving Students with 2.0 GPA Average Achieving Students with 2.0 GPA
or higher or higher

Females/Males Students Females/Males Students

Instrumentation and Data Collection

As the principal investigator, I was solely responsible for conducting, collecting,

and transcribing data from the one-on-one student interviews and follow-up clarification

with each student. The transcription process, together with the research questions in-

front of me, assisted me to examine student responses (at times, their body language)

more closely and intimately. It served me to maintain my focus and goal for this

dissertation. At times, these students needed just a voice. The disadvantage of this

54
approach was that not all participants are comfortable to share their answers when they

are being recorded. There were students who prefer to be anonymous and have their

answers written on the paper. This took a little bit more time (15 minutes per interview)

due to all the handwriting and paper administration.

This case study of career choices of first generation Pilipino students at Suburbia

High School was focused on individual interviews. I secured consent from the site

administration and the college counselor at Suburbia High School that is contingent upon

the study’s approval by the university’s and the school district’s institutional review

boards. My data collection method consisted of individual interviews conducted several

times during the Fall 2009 semester. Additionally, my focus groups were divided

between male and female participants. I randomly selected 14 Pilipino students from

grades nine through twelve. Once participants were identified (state who these were),

and demographic data (see Appendix I) , which consisted of age, sex, place of birth,

generation status, parents’ occupations, plans after high school, and current career

choices.

I used a semi-structured interview protocol to gain an understanding of the career

choices that the participants plan to pursue after high school. I expected that the

individual interviews may bring out information not easily shared in the presence of peers

and parents. The data gathered from the participants provided a sense on how the

children agree or disagree with their parents’ cultural model of success. Their definition

of success may differ from what their peers and parents believe in.

It was my choice to use a small sample size so I could go much more in depth. The small

sample allowed me to go in depth to further understand the problem of having an inequity

55
of career choices for Pilipino students and the possibility of offering research-based

approaches to solving them. In addition, a smaller sample size allowed me to focus on

each participant and their current situation at school. Their educational experiences

varies, which can be a useful tool for the rest of Pilipino-heritage to follow.

Student Profiles

The fourteen students were recruited through the assistance of the high school

principal. All of them were involved in a student organization devoted to dance and this

may have placed some limitations; however, it is a sample of convenience and worked to

secure the students for this dissertation. A brief description is provided for each student.

1. Lali, 12th Grade (Group 1)

Lali arrived from the Philippines five years ago to Los Angeles, CA. She moved

to California with her mother, father, and younger sister. Both of her parents are born

and raised in the Philippines. Most of her family comes from the Philippines. Lali’s

father completed his education in the Philippines as a Civil Engineering. Currently, his

father is a bank clerk in Pasadena, California. Her mother, on the other hand, did not

complete her college education. She is working as a student store clerk in one of the

private schools in Los Angeles.

Lali is excelling in class. She is taking most honors and AP classes. Her GPA is

above 4.0 (weighted) and she plans to go straight to a 4-year college. Unfortunately, her

parents are encouraging her to go to a community college first to save some money. She

wants to pursue nursing or become a pharmacist once she completes her general

education.

56
 Lali enjoys theatres and reading on her spare time. She spends most of her time

with her family and still has strong ties to the Philippines. She watches the Filipino

Channel and is still much aware of the Filipino culture through the television. She speaks

fluent Tagalog and English.

2. Bryan, 12th Grade (Group 2)

Bryan is born in California. He lives with his mother, father, and grandmother.

Both of his parents finished high school in the Philippines. Bryan is not taking any honor

or AP classes in his last year of high school. He loves his dance class and this is his great

motivator to get to school on time, everyday. His GPA is between 2.6 to 2.9. He applied

to some California State Universities and if none of the schools accept him, he will attend

a community college. Even though he is still undecided about his career, he believes that

obtaining a higher education is the key to a successful life in the United States.

3. Nina, 10th Grade (Group 3)

Nina arrived in Suburbia, California three years ago. Both of her parents

completed a four-year degree from the Philippines. Even if she has only been here for

three years, she is aware of the careers that are direly needed in the medical field. Her

mother is very involved in her career decision-making. She tells Nina about other

daughters and what schools they attended. Her mother talks about career options in the

car, in the kitchen, anywhere she gets a chance.

She loves to sing and dance but she refers to these career paths as “risky.” Now,

she is looking for a career in the medical field. Nina is not taking any honors or AP

classes. She would like to go straight to a State University but her parents urge her to go

to a community college first. Her GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75.

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 4. Donna, 11th Grade (Group 3)

Donna arrived to the United States when she was 6 years old. Both of her parents

completed a four-year degree from the Philippines. She claims she lives in a “Full

House,” with her parents, sister, grandmother and “much more.” Donna has a lot of

families here in Suburbia and Eagle Rock, California. Donna is not taking AP or honor

classes. She and her parents would like her to attend a four-year college, and as much as

possible, avoid community college or trade school. She likes to major in astronomy or

nursing because that is what her mother would like her to be. Her father is more laid-

back regarding her career choices. Her father would like her to complete a college degree

but it can be in whatever she wants.

Donna’s family is also thinking about sending her back to the Philippines to

complete her nursing degree. It is transferrable, affordable, and she can easily come back

to the United States to work. Donna would like to stay in the United States for her

college degree.

5. Jeffrey, 10th Grade (Group 1)

Jeffrey arrived to the United States when he was only one year old. He came here

with both of his parents, a brother, and a sister. He lives in Pacoima which is about 25

miles from his high school. His parents believe that Suburbia High School is a good

public school and is willing to travel a total of 50 miles just to get to Suburbia High

School. Both of his parents obtained a college degree from the Philippines.

Jeffrey would like to be an architect or an engineer when he grows up. He also

would like to be a dancer on the side. He wants to go to a four-year college. He is not

taking any honors or AP classes and his GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75. His parents are

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involved in his career-decision making. He believes that “not getting good grades makes

him a failure.”

6. Niccole, 11th Grade (Group 3)

Niccole is born in Santa Ana, California. She has a huge family that includes

three of her grandparents, her mother, three uncles, two aunts, and three cousins. They

are very close to each other. Her mother is very much involved in her career-decision

making. Her mother discussed with her several options, not only in the medical field.

Her GPA is between 3.0 to 3.4. She is taking one honor class and one AP Class.

She plans to be a Doctor of Pediatrics or a nurse. Niccole’s plan after high school is to

get a job and attend a four-year college. Her mother, however, would like her to

concentrate on school alone.

7. Yvonne, 11th Grade (Group 1)

Yvonne is born in Saudi Arabia and migrated to the United States when she was

seven years old. Both of her parents are Pilipinos who worked in Saudi Arabia before

moving to Suburbia, California. She lives with her parents and one other sister. Her

parents completed high school in the Philippines.

Yvonne is currently taking one honor class and no AP classes. Her choices in

career are: Pharmacist, accountant, nurse, and flight attendant – all of which are

approved by both of her parents. Her biggest motivator is her family.

8. Josh, 11th Grade (Group 1)

Josh is the oldest of four children. He believes that he is the smartest out of all

the siblings. Josh was seven years old when they moved here from the Philippines. He

used to be insecure of his Tagalog accent but got over it as the years pass by. Both of

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Josh’s parents are nurses. Although it is a secured career, Josh believes that his parents

are not happy being a nurse. The parents don’t really encourage Josh to be a nurse.

Josh wants to be a chef or a dancer. He is not taking any honors or AP classes.

After high school, Josh wants to get a job and attend a UC University. His parents,

however, wants him to get a job after high school. His GPA is higher than 3.75.

9. Ariel, 10th Grade (Group 3)

Ariel was born in Culver City, California. She lives with her mother, two

brothers, grandmother, and an uncle. Her mother is her greatest motivator in life. She

helps Ariel with her career choices and Ariel listens to her mother a lot. As a single-

parent, Ariel wants to make her mom proud and “still want to try harder” even though she

is already getting good grades.

Ariel is taking one honor class and no AP class. Her GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75.

Her mother wants her to attend a State University but Ariel wants to try going to a

community college first. Her career choices are: Veterinarian, astronomer, and teacher.

10. Don, 11th Grade (Group 2)

Don was born in Los Angeles, California. He lives with both of his parents and a

brother. His parents completed high school in the Philippines. His parents want him to

be a doctor or a nurse. In fact, “they would be disappointed if I became something like a

painter.” His mother, in particular, is very involved in Don’s career decisions. Jokingly,

she also plans Don’s life e.g. career, wife, number of children, house, etc.

Don wants to be a computer engineer, but he is afraid that his parents would

rather want him to be a nurse. He is not sure yet what to do after high school. He is

willing to go to a trade school or a four-year university. His GPA is higher than 3.75.

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 11. Francis, 11th Grade (Group 2)

Francis was born in Long Beach, California. His parents are divorced and live

with his mother and step-father. His relationship with his step-dad and step-brother is

great. His parents are both educated from the Philippines. His parents are both

supportive in any career types he chooses to pursue.

Francis is taking mostly honors and AP classes. He is outgoing and has a girl

friend in high school. He is very open to any opportunities that may come. When asked

about his plans after high school, he is not sure yet. He can go to a trade school,

community college, State University, or the UC System. His parents, however, only

prefers that he goes to a four-year private college. Francis wants to be a pharmacist and

clothing designer part-time. His current GPA is between 3.0 to 3.4.

12. Kyle, 12th Grade (Group 2)

Kyle is the most outgoing student I interviewed. He views his life differently and

plans to go solo after high school. He is funny and very engaging. This is his last year in

high school. His responses to my questions were mostly unexpected. Kyle is born in

California. He lives with his mother and step-father together with a sister and a half-

brother. His father is also part of his life. Both is parents completed a 4-year college,

although it was never disclosed if it was in the United States or Philippines or somewhere

else.

Kyle is not taking any honors or AP classes. His GPA is between 2.0 to 2.25. He

did not apply to any universities because he is going straight to community college.

According to Kyle, his parents never talk about his career options because there is only

one thing to be: a Nurse. “My parents tell me that I should finish my high school and go

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to a community college to be a RN.” His dream is simple, to get a place “near the beach

with his lover.” For a person with grand views, why is his career choice so limited?

13. Julia, 12th Grade (Group 1)

Julia is born in the Philippines and migrated to Suburbia, California when she was

8 years old, third grade. She lives with both of her parents and a brother. She doesn’t

know the education level attained by both of her parents. Both of her parents are

involved in her career choices but she is not sure if they know what she really wants in

life. Her parents suggest careers that make “a lot of money but won’t be necessarily be

something (she) would like to spend her life doing.” Julia is taking most honors and AP

classes. She wants to be an engineer and attend a four-year college. Her GPA is between

3.5 to 3.75.

14. Bhoie, 11th Grade (Group 3)

Bhoie is born in the Philippines and moved to Suburbia, California two years ago.

He lives with his parents, two brothers, and a sister. Both of his parents completed their

college degree in the Philippines. He has an older brother who completed his college

degree here in California. Higher education is a must in the Bhoie household. “There are

no –I don’t want to go to college – mentions in my household.” Bhoie plans to go to a

community college after high school. His parents, on the other hand, want him to go to a

State University. He wants a career in Business/Management. According to Bhoie, “He

doesn’t want a typical, stereotype Filipino job.” His GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75.

Instrumentation

An in-depth interviewing technique was utilized because it allowed for personal

narratives, or casually called, story-telling. I prepared an interview guide in order to

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control the answers. Much revision was necessary because there was no similar guide to

follow. There was no research regarding the specific background and group to rely upon.

As it turns out, the interview guide was the best way to go. The sessions were less

structured and flexibility was advocated. The interview guide contained thirty questions

that included background, immigration patterns, and future plans.

Data Collection

Before collecting the data, I applied to the Institution Review Board (IRB) through

the University of Southern California. This mandatory process was to make sure that the

study is ethical and in no way harm the participants. Consent forms were both sent to the

parents and the students since most of the participants are under the age of eighteen. An

initial meeting was conducted with the principal of Suburbia High School for

introduction and explanation of my study.

The interview lasted for an hour for each participant. There were five interviews

per day. In total, the interviews lasted for three days. I spent the last two days observing

the students during nutrition and lunch to find out how they interact with their peers and

teachers. I also wanted to see how the teachers and administrators treat them. Overall,

the interviews and observations lasted for a whole week. Each interview was recorded in

order to transcribe the answers properly. I also used a note pad in order to highlight some

answers. It took two more days to transcribe all the answers. In order to properly

compare the answers, each of them was grouped into themes: Cultural Model of Success,

School Experience, and Family Values. The findings were based on these three themes.

Data Analysis

I digitally recorded each of the interviews with the permission from the students

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and teacher. Later that day, I transcribed each interview in order to preserve it in my

memory. Then, the transcriptions were transferred onto the computer so that the

information could easily be analyzed, viewed, and interpreted.

I followed Creswell’s Six Steps of analyzing qualitative interviews. Each transcript

was read and interpreted. I looked at the general tone of the participants and looked at

the bigger picture of their message. Overall, is it a positive experience? Is there a cry for

help? From these transcripts, I was able to pull out specific and relevant excerpts that I

can use to solidify my research questions. For further clarity, I then used simple codes in

or order to group the answers together. The codes are “F” for family, “S” for school, and

“O” for Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success. Once the themes were classified, I was able

to highlight the similarities and differences found within each thematic category. At this

point, it was easy to generate a description and set a specific tone for analysis. Lastly, I

then investigated the meaning of these similarities and differences, compared and

contrasted the results and presented policy implications for future readers. I interpreted

each question based on the five main authors’ work on cultural models, institution, and

family.

The questions from the structured student interviews were designed to tease out

whether one’s education level for the Pilipinos is an indicator of success. Through

Ogbus’s Cultural Model Success, these questions helped to understand the mindset of

Pilipino-heritage students. Secondly, the questions were also designed to find out more

about their experience in schools. It is important to understand how their social-cognition

may differ from other students and how it affects their future post-high school. Lastly,

the questions also included questions regarding parental relationship and how it can affect

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the students’ decision-making process

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 Chapter 4: Findings

Fourteen students formed part of the voluntary immigrant cohort. This included

sub-groups which consists of: five high-achieving students (four-year universities track),

four average-achieving students (high school completers), and five medium-to-high

achieving students (some-sort of college track). Their ages upon arrival to the United

States ranged from less than a year to seventeen years. All the participants are what

Ogbu calls voluntary minorities who have moved more or less voluntarily to the United

States. They believe that coming here would lead to greater economic well-being.

Besides, Ogbu believed that the main factors distinguishing higher achieving minorities

appear to be their voluntary incorporation to the United States and their responses to

subordination and exploitation.

Given that all participants are voluntary immigrants, I divided them into sub-

groups based on their level of school achievement. Again, the sub-groups are: 1) High-

achieving students, 2) average-achieving students, and 3) medium-to-high students.

Keep in mind that all of these students are performing well in high school. Their

interpretation of their high school experience makes them more or less accomplices to

their own school success or failure. Based on their responses to the research questions, it

is clear there are three sources contributing to their post-high school plans: society,

school, and community.

The first sub-group of high-achieving students is what Ogbu depicts as part of the

accommodation response. Because of the opportunity structure the United States

presents, they are more accommodating to the educational system. They do not question

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its value. Instead, immigrant parents are grateful for this opportunity. The immigrants are

comfortable with the American public school system.

The grades of the high-achieving students, 3.8 or higher, are testimony to their

positive relationship to school. They applied and got accepted to California State

University, Fullerton and Los Angeles. Four of the students will be attending a city

college and one received a full scholarship at Mt. Saint Mary’s College, Chalon. There is

one student who wants to go to the military and the rest of the students I interviewed have

not yet decided where they will be completing their college degrees. The students who

fall under this category are the immigrants who only have been in the United States for

less than five years. They attended schools in the Philippines and speak Tagalog fluently.

Two of the students have been in the United for less than five years. Ten of them were

born and raised in the United States, but their parents still communicate with them on

their native language. They still have strong ties in the Philippines. They still visit the

Philippines and are aware of the famous TV shows that are shown in cable in the United

States. Based on my observation (during lunch breaks), these students stay within their

groups and speak Tagalog among their peers. Their response towards post-high school is

very positive.

The second sub-group is the complete opposite of the first sub-group. Although

they perform well in high school, their post high school plans are vastly different that the

first sub-group. They value their high school education, but they do not find any utility

value after four years of matriculation. This group has a GPA between 2.5 to 3.0. They

seem to be part of the in-group in high school.

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 During my observation, they are not afraid to express their opinions. They are

friendly with all the teachers and seemed to have their “place” in the school squad. They

wear clothes that you will see in teen magazines. Two of my participants are dating. It

was known that they are dating. Most of them have invited me to be part of their

Facebook account, a social networking system on the Web. All of them understand

Tagalog but they mainly speak English among their peers. They are more outspoken and

can be considered as 1.5 generation and/or “Americanized” in the terms of well-

assimilated. They are well-liked by their peers and teachers. As part of the dance team,

they are required to raise money during the weekends by selling shave ice at the local

mall or sell chocolates. I have observed how well-rounded these students are. They are

not shy to talk to customers about their dance team. They encourage sales by telling the

customers that they need the funds for transportation and new uniforms.

This group shares some of the qualities as what Ogbu calls the involuntary

minorities. Although this reference is usually used to describe African Americans, Native

Americans and some Latin Americans, involuntarily minorities were taken to the United

States through slavery, conquest, or colonization. They had no choice but to move here.

Thus, their cultural frame of reference is different than the voluntary immigrants who had

a choice. As Ogbu inferred, involuntary minorities appear to develop a new sense of

social identity, which includes the importance of education (or lack thereof). They stress

other strategies besides schooling to “get ahead.” The second sub-group is performing

well in school. They do not skip class. They do not get in trouble. They have completed

all their A-G High School Graduation requirements, but they do not seem to find value in

four-year universities and colleges.

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 The last sub-group is the most interesting. They are mostly 1.5 to second

generation Pilipino immigrants. They perform well in high school, with the GPA of 3.0

to 4.0. They have completed all the high school requirements. They want to go to state

colleges close to home. None of these students applied to out-of-state colleges or Ivy

League schools. Their majors are mostly in the healthcare field or accounting. As a

researcher, I would ask “why?” Initially, I applied Ogbu’s explanation that if language

problems persist, older children tend to select courses requiring less use of language, and

they avoid fields of study that prepare them for jobs where there is a job ceiling or

discrimination against their group. But there is no language barrier.

The last sub-group values their education like the first generation Pilipino

immigrants. I would like to know where institutional supports, ie schools, come into

place and provide a break between these three groups. All of these students, as voluntary

minority, try to develop serious academic attitudes, make good grades, respect school

authority, follow school rules; and yet, at the end of their high school experience, they

respond to their experiences differently. They are still afraid to leave the nest and listens

very carefully as to what their parents want. They were apprehensive in answering

questions that will make their parents “look bad.” None of the participants want to fail.

Their parents are a major part of their decision-making. In the end, it is just a matter of

financial availability and lucrative career.

Analyses of the immigrant cohort findings were organized by research question in

this chapter. The findings of the differential accounts and experiences of these students

were presented separately for added clarity. Each student will be given a short

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description as mentioned in Chapter 3. In the end, each research question will be

provided a short summary of the findings.

Research Question 1

Do Pilipino immigrants embrace education success as the vehicle for mobility in the
American Society? (Cultural Model of Success)

Pilipino immigrants generally embrace education success as the vehicle for

mobility in the American society. As established by John Ogbu, Pilipinos being a

voluntary immigrant looks at education as an additive experience towards the American

Dream. Success in education means success later in life. I want to be able to gather

evidence if such theory is true for the Pilipinos. The aim of this question is to figure out

if the Pilipinos are indeed part of the voluntary immigrants in regards success in

education. Moreover, the aim is to understand the mindset of the high school students

and how it can be further enhanced by teachers and administrators.

Higher education, may it be through trade school or a four year college, is the key

to success in the American Society for these immigrants. Unlike the involuntary

immigrants who does not see education as the key to success for they might see it as

“acting white” or simply being institutionalized by the majority. The data should clearly

present how the Pilipino students define their success. Will education help their

situation? Or will they see it as a useless process? Nina arrived in Glendale, California

three years ago. Both of her parents completed a four-year degree from the Philippines.

Even if she has only been here for three years, she is aware of the careers that are direly

needed in the medical field. Her mother is very involved in her career decision-making.

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She tells Nina about other daughters and what schools they attended. Her mother talks

about career options in the car, in the kitchen, anywhere she gets a chance.

She loves to sing and dance but she refers to these career paths as “risky.” Now,

she is looking for a career in the medical field. Nina is not taking any honors or AP

classes. She would like to go straight to a State University but her parents urge her to go

to a community college first. Her GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75. She agrees,

Of course, having Pilipino parents, they tell me that higher education is a

must. Which leads to the assumption that I must get higher than a 4.0
GPA to get anywhere in life and that I have to go to a university in order
to get somewhere. Because my parents couldn’t go to a 4-year university
in America, they want me to go to a 4-year. Which makes me wonder, are
my parents making me pursue their old dreams? Or do they really want
the best for me?

Nina’s answers indicate that education is indeed important to achieve one’s dreams. She

also mentioned that her parents are involved in her decision-making post high school.

Parents are big influential factors for all of the children. Surprisingly, mothers put more

weight on the decision factor. Niccole is born in Santa Ana, California. She has a huge

family that includes three of her grandparents, her mother, three uncles, two aunts, and

three cousins. They are very close to each other. Her mother is very much involved in

her career-decision making. Her mother discussed with her several options, not only in

the medical field.

Her GPA is between 3.0 to 3.4. She is taking one honor class and one AP Class.

She plans to be a Doctor of Pediatrics or a nurse. Niccole’s plan after high school is to

get a job and attend a four-year college. Her mother, however, would like her to

concentrate on school alone. As Niccole indicated,

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 A higher education to my mom, who is a single mother, means everything,
since she struggled and wasn’t able to pursue a higher education this is
something she recommends highly for me. She believes that this is the
key path to success.

Julius, however, has a different perspective. Although he studies hard and never

skips class in high school, he does not believe that education is the only way to a

successful life. He argues that he can still be happy and successful without going to

college. While Julius’ parents’ cultural model of success includes higher education, it

may not be the case for Julius. Julius is a junior who sits at the back of the class. He

quietly listens to his peers. His physical built is smaller than the rest of the boys in the

class, and yet still well-respected. He answers,

Not really (believing that higher education can achieve all your desires),
education is not everything in this world. I mean, my parents think so but
there are a lot of people who did not achieve high education by they are
still happy.

Not clear on how you are presenting so you need to add more to the introduction

and should be clearer where each discussion begins and ends. The fathers are a little bit

more flexible as to what their children want post high school. Overall, the family

dynamics of the Pilipino immigrants can make or break the education success of the

children.

The parents believe that one of the main reasons they migrated to the United

States is to provide a better future for their children. Most of the Pilipino parents did not

escape any political oppression, communism, or hunger in the Philippines. Most of the

parents also succeeded in education in the Philippines. As Ogbu claims, Pilipino

immigrants are voluntary immigrants who were not forced or coerced to be in the United

States, e.g. slavery. Such background provides us the assumption that the reasons behind

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their migratory pattern is not because of mere survival. It is to have a better opportunity

in education and in their future careers. Twelve of the fourteen Pilipino children believe

that not getting good grades in high school is a sign of failure. For them, getting a “B” is

for average students only. Their goal is to get all A’s for all of the classes. Grade “A”

stands for excellence in status (high school).

For Jeffrey, this is a fact. Jeffrey arrived to the United States when he was only

one year old. He came here with both of his parents, a brother, and a sister. He lives in

Pacoima which is about 25 miles from his high school. His parents believe that Glendale

High School is a good public school and is willing to travel a total of 50 miles just to get

to Glendale High School. Both of his parents obtained a college degree from the

Philippines.

Jeffrey would like to be an architect or an engineer when he grows up. He also

would like to be a dancer on the side. He wants to go to a four-year college. He is not

taking any honors or AP classes and his GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75. His parents are

involved in his career-decision making. He believes that “not getting good grades makes

him a failure.”

Yes, of course, I am motivated to do well in school. I want to do well so

that I can have a great future and be happy with my life. Not having good
grades makes me as a failure. I’ve learned that B is an average student
and that an A is an excellent student. I strive for the excellence.

The Pilipino immigrant students, mostly on the second subgroup, also associate

higher education with happiness on material matters. The interviews revealed that

educational success is a matter of higher education success. Success in higher education

is equated with material success which is in turn equated with happiness. These children

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are aware that money cannot buy happiness, but it sure is nice to be able to afford

anything that they wish. Mobility for these students does not necessarily mean leaving

their family. Most of them plan to stay within Glendale, California. The definition of

mobility is the freedom to buy any material objects, e.g. car, house, travel to the

Philippines, and supporting their parents.

I did notice, however, that the students defined success in broader terms. For the

students, it is not just about obtaining a good job. It is about happiness. It is about family

and being with the loved ones. Brian described his success as,

Having an education and graduating from college. Also, that you are
happy with your life, meaning you have a job that you love to do and like,
not what your parents want for you.

Bhoie is born in the Philippines and moved to Glendale, California two years ago.

He lives with his parents, two brothers, and a sister. Both of his parents completed their

college degree in the Philippines. He has an older brother who completed his college

degree here in California. Higher education is a must in the Bhoie household. “There are

no –I don’t want to go to college – mentions in my household.” Bhoie plans to go to a

community college after high school. His parents, on the other hand, want him to go to a

State University. He wants a career in Business/Management. According to Bhoie, “He

doesn’t want a typical, stereotype Filipino job.” His GPA is between 3.5 to 3.75.

Bhoie expressed success as,

(It) is not having a lot of money or a big house or having multiple cars. I
would define success as overall fulfillment not only with your life but with
yourself. The way you face problems and handle things is also a way I
would define success.

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 Yvonne is born in Saudi Arabia and migrated to the United States when she was

seven years old. Both of her parents are Pilipinos who worked in Saudi Arabia before

moving to Glendale, California. She lives with her parents and one other sister. Her

parents completed high school in the Philippines.

Yvonne is currently taking one honor class and no AP classes. Her choices in

career are: Pharmacist, accountant, nurse, and flight attendant – all of which are

approved by both of her parents. Her biggest motivator is her family. Yvonne, on the

other hand, believes that she can obtain success by being happy and educated.

I define success in life as having a family, being happy with my career. I

(would) rather be living in an apartment with my family than be in a
mansion all by myself. Personally, I don’t think life is all about the
money, but it’s about working hard for you, your family, and the people
you love. And that’s through education and being able to put a roof above
your own family’s heads.

Julia is born in the Philippines and migrated to Glendale, California when she was

8 years old, third grade. She lives with both of her parents and a brother. She doesn’t

know the education level attained by both of her parents. Both of her parents are

involved in her career choices but she is not sure if they know what she really wants in

life. Her parents suggest careers that make “a lot of money but won’t be necessarily be

something (she) would like to spend her life doing.” Julia is taking most honors and AP

classes. She wants to be an engineer and attend a four-year college. Her GPA is between

3.5 to 3.75. For Julia, it is about the pursuit of happiness.

Success to me is simply being happy. I think that if I am successful when

I am content with where I am, but also if I got there on my own terms. I
think that success is fulfilling your own goals, obtain what makes you
happy, without being obliged to please others’ definitions of success for
you.

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 There is a cognitive dissonance between what the parents want for them and what

they want for themselves. Like their parents, they want careers that will give them more

money. Hobbies are not careers. Hobbies are done during down-time after working a

full day. But as they define success, it means much more than just a 4-year college

education.

Don was born in Los Angeles, California. He lives with both of his parents and a

brother. His parents completed high school in the Philippines. His parents want him to

be a doctor or a nurse. In fact, “they would be disappointed if I became something like a

painter.” His mother, in particular, is very involved in Don’s career decisions. Jokingly,

she also plans Don’s life e.g. career, wife, number of children, house, etc.

Don wants to be a computer engineer, but he is afraid that his parents would

rather want him to be a nurse. He is not sure yet what to do after high school. He is

willing to go to a trade school or a four-year university. His GPA is higher than 3.75. As

Don concluded,

My parents tell me that higher education is needed to succeed in life.

Because of this, they always want me to be someone like a nurse who has
high pay. I know they just want me to have a bright future but it really
gets annoying after they tell me a thousand times.

And yet, Julius gave his defiant answer,

My dad wants me to go the military but when I told him I don’t want to –
he stopped. I am not sure what I want to be, all I know it will not be
dictated by anyone. My dad wants me to be in the military but I am not
going to the military.

Based on the students’ answers it is apparent that Pilipino immigrants embrace

education success as the vehicle for mobility in the American Society. It is also apparent

that the parents are very influential in the decision-making process. Based on the

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migration pattern, the parents are the first-generation citizen that moved from the

Philippines. Their goals are much stricter in defining success as the vehicle for mobility

in the American Society. The students, on the other hand, provided a much more holistic

approach of how one should define success.

It is understandable that the parents and children define success differently. For the

parents, this is the reason why they moved to the States – to provide a better for their

children. As for the students, they consider themselves Americans already – half, that is.

This is their home. And they are doing their best to succeed the best way they know. In

the end, yes, immigrants embrace education as the vehicle for mobility. Unlike the

parents, this is not; however, the end all be all for the students. The students provided

other options such as joining the military, finding a life-long partner, or doing something

that they will enjoy.

Research Question 2

Do Pilipino families influence the types of college majors and careers of their children?
If so, is there a difference on how value is practiced on sons and daughters? (Family
Value)

Pilipino families try to influence the types of college majors and careers of their

children. They talk about careers that will provide security and stable income for the

children. They hear it on parties, churches, and other social gatherings on how other

children fare well on specific careers. Immigrant parents believe that careers in nursing,

accounting, and engineering are the strong careers that should be pursued by their

children. Diane Wolf’s work on transnational struggle posits that children may reject any

ideas that might come from their parents. The children may defy everything that the

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parents want. In this case, this research question will take a look at whether or not the

children will follow or be defiant agains their parents’ wishes.

Yvonne is born in Saudi Arabia and migrated to the United States when she was

seven years old. Both of her parents are Pilipinos who worked in Saudi Arabia before

moving to Glendale, California. She lives with her parents and one other sister. Her

parents completed high school in the Philippines.

Yvonne is currently taking one honor class and no AP classes. Her choices in

career are: Pharmacist, accountant, nurse, and flight attendant – all of which are

approved by both of her parents. Her biggest motivator is her family. As Yvonne

proves,

My parents are definitely involved in my career-decision making. They

want me to be a nurse or be in the medical field because they say that
people will never stop needing nurses. They want my future to have a
successful career and they always try to talk me into doing something that
will get me a lot of money.

As Dereck adds,

Yes, my mom was the one that told me to get LVN at a technical school
first before I go to a 4-year college. I guess my mom is right. We don’t
have money to pay for a 4-year college, but I guess I need to save first.

Donna arrived to the United States when she was 6 years old. Both of her parents

completed a four-year degree from the Philippines. She claims she lives in a “Full

House,” with her parents, sister, grandmother and “much more.” Donna has a lot of

families here in Glendale and Eagle Rock, California. Donna is not taking AP or honor

classes. She and her parents would like her to attend a four-year college, and as much as

possible, avoid community college or trade school. She likes to major in astronomy or

nursing because that is what her mother would like her to be. Her father is more laid-

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back regarding her career choices. Her father would like her to complete a college degree

but it can be in whatever she wants.

Donna’s family is also thinking about sending her back to the Philippines to

complete her nursing degree. It is transferrable, affordable, and she can easily come back

to the United States to work. Donna would like to stay in the United States for her

college degree. And Donna follows,

I think since my mom had me at a really young age she wants me to do

really well and have a good job that earns lots of money. When my mom
talks about me going to nursing I always joke around how every Pilipino
wants to become a nurse but since she talks about it so much it actually
made me think of maybe doing that. I would want to become something
higher than a nurse. Even the best kind of nurse, like a doctor or surgeon,
but she still says being a nurse is the easiest way.

It is the same story with Misty,

I guess you could say that my parents are involved with making a career
choice for me. They want me to be a nurse or anything that includes
medicine. They say that it gives a better pay. They don’t really want me
to become a dancer or a singer because they don’t think that it’s possible.

Don claims that it would disappoint his parents if he becomes a painter (artist).

Yes, they are always in my business about my career. They always tell me
to be a nurse or a doctor, something with high pay. They would be
disappointed if I became a painter or something like that.

Karylle is also afraid to tell her parents about going to art school:

I want to be a model or a painter or a dancer. I like to draw and my

friends say I am tall and pretty and I like to shop so I think I can be a
model. I really want to go to art school by my parents might not help me
pay for it.

Historically, the Philippines have been a strong supplier of laborers for the United

States. English is taught in the Philippines and matriculation is based on American

books. America has been the savior of the Philippines ever since 1898. They look at

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education as the key to be able to leave the Philippines. The Immigration Act of 1965

equalized the immigration policies of the United States which resulted in an influx of

non-European immigrants, including Pilipino professionals. Nurses, accountants, and

engineers were encouraged to migrate to Hawaii for a better irrigation system, to

California and other mid-west states for nurses and accountants. It is important to

remember these historical events so that we may understand where the parents are

coming from. They were the children of this immigration pattern. They were the

laborers who supplied nurses, accountants, and engineers. From afar, they wanted to be

these professions so that they can have a better opportunity in America. Close to home,

they believe that these professions can provide the same stability and flexibility it

presented fifty years ago.

In return, most of these students are following their parents’ dreams. Some of

them question if they are following their own dreams or are they just listening to their

parents’ wishes. Some students feel that becoming a nurse, an accountant, or an engineer

is a way for them to pay back their debts to their parents. Derek shared a tragic event in

his family, “I love my family plus my dad got into an accident so I have more

responsibilities.”

Julia is born in the Philippines and migrated to Glendale, California when she was

8 years old, third grade. She lives with both of her parents and a brother. She doesn’t

know the education level attained by both of her parents. Both of her parents are

involved in her career choices but she is not sure if they know what she really wants in

life. Her parents suggest careers that make “a lot of money but won’t be necessarily be

something (she) would like to spend her life doing.” Julia is taking most honors and AP

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classes. She wants to be an engineer and attend a four-year college. Her GPA is between

3.5 to 3.75. Julia explains,

I am motivated to do well in school because it’s the one thing I owe my

parents. They work so that I can have a better life, and it’s my
responsibility to one day pay them back.

Nichole added,

Luckily I am motivated to do well in school because of the struggle my

family went through to get to where we are now. I want to be successful
and happy and this seems like the way to do it.

Amongst the eighteen participants, Karylle was the only who posits, “Yes,

education pays off. But how can it be fun when what I am studying is boring?” They feel

like they are indebted to their family for taking them here to America. They also feel like

that these careers will make everyone “happy.” Again, the definition of happy is vague.

Happiness is correlated with stability and security. Happiness is when the community

and the society as a whole, accepts the chosen career path.

There is no difference on how families impose values on sons and daughters.

Parents are more accepting of gender issues. Fifty years ago, only daughters decide to go

to nursing; while, sons, become engineers. Nowadays, parents just want their children to

complete their education. All of the students that were interviewed have no plans of

studying outside California. As Brian says,

My parents are like every single Pilipino parent out there when it comes to
my future, college, and majors. They want me to attend a college which is
near them and they want me to major in something medical because I will
make a lot of money.

This may be another implication that we need to re-visit on another time. One

serendipitous finding is the fact that the mothers are more proactive about the children’s

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careers. The mothers do most of the pushing and sampling. They talk more and they

expect more from the children in terms of choosing the “right” path.

Followed by Nichole,

My mom always encourages me to get a good education at a good college,

get a good paying job that I enjoy etc.

Nina’s mother is also involved,

Usually when my mom and I are alone in the car, we talk about college.
She tells me she signed me up for all these college summer programs and
all these brochures for Berkeley and John Hopkins. She also starts
blabbering on about her co-workers kids that went to Yale and USC blah
blah blah (sic). She also knows about the amount of pay certain majors
yield. Interesting, I must say. Overall, all the papers and information she
gives me does help, however, it does frustrate me too at times.

Donna gets conflicting suggestion from her parents,

Well I get different answers (regarding careers) between my mom and

dad. My mom really wants me to major in nursing like a lot (a lot) of my
family members. She thinks that’s a stable job and it will let me earn a lot
of money. However, my dad wants me to do whatever makes me happy.

Erielle’s mom is also involved,

My mom usually tries persuading me to take higher classes, but she still
says I’m allowed to choose what type I would like to take. Though she’s
pretty convincing, I’m sometimes iffy on her suggestions.

Pilipino families, including the Pilipino community, heavily influence the types of

college majors and careers of their children. The Folk Theory of Success is very

dominantly influential for these families. The students relayed their stories as if it is part

of their daily conversation in the car, at home, and even at parties. For the Pilipino

families, it is a group effort to decide the types of college majors that economically fits

the budget.

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 I see two problems with this situation. The parents, being first-generation

immigrants, have a limited social capital. Social capital is power. Knowledge is power.

The only college majors that they are aware of are the ones they have heard of in the

Philippines. Majors in theatres and the arts may not be something that they encourage

their children. Secondly, there is not a bigger push to become a doctor, lawyer, or

director (management)? This is self-imposed limit can be discouraging. It is a cycle that

needs to be broken. All of my participants have no plans of leaving their homes after

college. Practically, it will save a lot of money. But the effort is still lacking. The

definition of happiness is different to everyone but maybe we should add more to what it

can be.

Research Question 3

Do Pilipino immigrant students do well in school because teachers, administrators, and

parents expect them to do well? (Model Minority Stereotype)

Pilipino immigrant students do well in schools because of high expectations they

get from teachers, administrators, and parents. They take pride for being Pilipino and

being looked at as “good students.” At times, they use it to their advantage such as

extended lunch periods, closer parking, and freedom in the hallways. High school life is

hard, but to be able to have the teachers and administrators to be on their side is a huge

benefit. Most of these students look at such relationship as part of the status quo.

Teachers treat them more like friends than just students. Together with the high

expectation is the trust that they earn from getting good grades. It is about the

relationship that they develop because of their good grades and being Pilipino. But is it

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being Pilipino that gets them the special treatment or is it the good grades (and the

nationality is just coincidental)?

Research has shown that high expectations can lead to educational success. When

parents expect only the best for the children, they strive harder. The same theory can be

applied with teachers and students. It is, however, a complicated situation when getting

good grades has nothing to do with being Pilipino. The perpetrator, whether it be the

parents, teachers, or administrators, have the responsibility to treat all children the same.

In a separate study, it has been proven that the physical appearance of a student still plays

a part.

Research from Stacey Lee dictates two interesting points. First, the model

minority can put a lot of pressure for students of Asian descent to perform well. This can

lead to more stress and mental anguish. On the other hand, being the so-called-model

minority can also be a beneficial because of the high expectation that it brings. This

research looks at how teachers and administrators at Suburbia High School treat the

fourteen participants. Will such treatment contributes to a positive experience? Or will

the participants reject such treatment?

Albeit its “annoying” outcome, the students admit that high expectations from

their parents and teachers is a motivating factor. As Misty admits,

The only thing I find difficult about being a pinay (Pilipino woman) is the
high expectations that my family gives me. They expect so much from me
and give me all this pressure on achieving them.

It is the same situation with Donna.

Something that’s difficult about being Pilipino is the expectations. Even if

you’re the smartest and motivated person, family always expects you to do
the best. Which is good but sometimes it does get annoying.

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 Model Minority Stereotype has deemed to have a negative impact to Asian

American students, as a whole. The expectation that has been placed to the Asian

American community brought nothing but disappointment if such expectation has not

been met. I argue that there is still some positive aspect to such stereotype. The

participants I gathered from Glendale High School proved that having a good relationship

with teachers and administrators also have benefits. I also believe, with the risk of

bringing the “race card,” that being Asian, more specifically; Pilipino has some benefits

to it. The stereotypical good student (quiet, obedient, hard working) still lingers to the

eyes of the educators.

As such, the high expectation imposed by the administrators, pushes the students

to do well in class. The special relationship makes the students feel wanted. In return,

they are held accountable for their actions. They show up in class every day. They try

their best to do their homework. They participate in class, and best of all, they are

“present” in the classroom. They try their best not to fail because not only are they

disappointing their parents, they are also disappointing their teachers. Lee (1994) also

added that “Asian American students saw school success as a necessary part of resisting

racism.” The sense of belonging to a community, a family, or even an institution like a

school, is gratifying.

Admittedly, there are psychological implications for such high expectations, but I

truly believe that the Model Minority Stereotype has some valuable effect on the

students. I am not encouraging a pan-Asian approach of forgetting the needs of under-

performing Asian American students. What I believe is that we need to focus on positive

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effect it has on our students. High expectations are prominent in Glendale High School,

as it should be.

Research Question 4

Do Pilipino Immigrant students believe that success in school equates to fulfilling the
American Dream? (This question was later combined with Research Question 1)

Pilipino Immigrant students do believe that success in school equates to fulfilling

the American Dream. They define the American Dream as owning a house, having a car,

and being able to afford anything on their leisure. They look at success in school as the

only way to be able to afford a house in America. It is also a status symbol to be

educated. The relationship between the United States and the Philippines is an indication

on how the Pilipino immigrant parents define success. The education system in the

Philippines produces workers that can be useful for developed countries such as United

States and Canada. This is the reason why the parents still want their children to finish

school. Education opened doors for migration. For the parents, education can still open

doors.

Brian’s rationalization is that,

Having a higher education does allow me to achieve all of my desires. As

a result of a higher education I can get any job I want and I can be
successful and live a good and happy life. Also, the obvious desire for
people which are material things are easier to achieve with a good paying
job that a higher education gets you.

As Jeffrey indicated,

My parents tell me that having a higher education will get me through life.
That’s partially true, but sometimes I don’t get to live the way I want to
live.

Dereck is still not sure what he really wants to be, but for his family,

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 I really need something that will give me a stable job. I really want to go
to a 4-year college, but for now, I will go to one of those technical schools
and be a LVN (Licensed Vocational Nurse). Higher education can wait,
for now, my mom wants me to be a LVN so I can start earning good
money.

It is embarrassing or shameful to not be able to finish school because it signifies

mental disability or lack of parental support. Hence, it takes a Pilipino village to raise

one child. Success in school equates to a successful family.

Historically, this is what defines the American Dream. In addition to this

ownership, they would also like to take care of their parents when they get old. Their

parents are always part of the plan. During the interview, it is interesting to notice that

their American Dream encompasses the caring of their parents and/or guardian. There is

no doubt in their mind that such responsibility is acquired when the time comes. As

Brian indicates,

I am motivated to do well in school because I want to graduate high school

and go to college and get a degree. I want to have a good life and be
successful. I want to be able to easily provide for my family in every way.

In essence, their so-called dream is an amalgamation of the Pilipino culture and

the American aspiration. The concept of being indebted to the parents is once again

prominent.

Undoubtedly, culture plays an important role in the drive of how Pilipino defines

success. Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success through his own writing and Kim’s work on

Korean students, attests on how such model is applicable to every culture. It would be

interesting to see how different ethnic background rejects such expectation.

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 The Best Part of Being Pilipino

How someone feels about their ethnic background can be correlated on how they

view the world as a whole. Five out of the fourteen participants were born in the

Philippines and the rest were born in the United States. These five participants are

motivated differently. They take pride of being a Pilipino who is getting an education in

America. The American-born participants, on the other hand, are dealing with two

cultures. They may have different backgrounds, but moving forward, they know they are

still Pilipinos.

To define oneself as a Pilipino, or any ethnic background for that matter, can be

helpful in determining how happy they are in school, at work, or just on their daily life.

Pilipino students have so much pride of being Pilipino. Not so long ago, there was a

huge push for becoming “American.” Having fair complexion, more English accent, and

being able to assimilate to the pop-culture of MTV were the goals of the youth. Now, the

times have changed. Immigrants embrace their culture more. Julia wants due respect:

Something difficult is that I don’t think we are given enough credit for our
contributions to the world throughout history. We have always been
hindered and never really get the credit we deserve.

They have pride of being “brown,” with brown eyes and black hair. Acting

“white” is the thing of the past for these Pilipino immigrants. Unlike other minority

students, the Pilipinos do not find the need to “act white.” They now appreciate their

own color. They appreciate their culture and how it is unique, like all cultures.

Nichole defends the accent, “One thing I don’t like is how some people
think we aren’t quite civilized possibly because of our accents.”

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 Josh did too, “I used to hate my accent, people used to make fun of me but
as the years went by, people got more matured and I learned not to care
about it.”

Kyle used the word beautiful, “I believe the best thing about being
Filipino is being beautiful. Cause to me, I am beautiful and so are all
Filipinos.”

The best part of being Pilipino is the sense of the camaraderie. Everywhere they

go, they immediately feel safe and at-home when they see fellow Pilipinos. May it be in

school or any social gatherings; they find Pilipinos as accommodating nurturing.

Graduation, birthdays, and weddings are deemed to be huge celebrations for the

Pilipinos.

Brian stated,

I love being Filipino because of how closely knit our families are.
Whenever there are families parties and all of our relatives come and you
see everyone your titas (aunts), titos (uncles), and little cousins, it’s just
such a good feeling. It makes you happy to have all of these people
around you.

On the same note, Yvonne is along the same line,

I love how our heritage gets alone with each other. You could get
really comfortable with anyone who is Filipino right away. I love
how everyone has a Tito (Uncle) Boy, Tita (Aunt) Baby, Tita
(Aunt) Girly. We can all relate to one another right off the bat.
The family gatherings of Filipinos are most enjoyable too because
everyone is just happy and we have a sense of humor.

To belong in a social group is also important to the Pilipino students. They feel a

sense of community when they are surrounded with other Pilipinos.

Jeffrey describes his close-knit family,

We never like being far away from each other which is why most of my
family lives in California or Nevada, but some of my relatives are still in

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 the Philippines. My dad’s side of the family hates my mom’s side of the
family. But we manage to keep it clean.

Julia describes family as having a special pull,

“I think that Filipinos are always automatically gravitated towards each

other because there is a familiar comfort.”

Even if they are not blood-related, just being able to share their success (or at

times, failures) to other Pilipinos means a lot to them.

This is one of the reasons why success in education is important for the Pilipino

students. Their success is everyone’s success. It is the success of their aunt, their uncle,

the Pilipino neighbor, even the cousin’s neighbor in the Philippines! With that said, it is

also hard to fail in front of everyone. It is hard to choose a career that is not approved by

the whole Pilipino community.

Yvonne expressed it as such, “There are some things that bug me about
Filipinos, and we always strive for the best.”

Bhoie agrees,

One thing that is difficult is that we usually have to reach people’s

expectations/standards because everyone mostly everyone thinks that
Filipinos are very intelligent. I’m not saying that we aren’t but sometimes
it gets to a certain extent where you have to say, “We’re not perfect.”

Being imperfect in front of the family brings forth some psychological

implications that will be further discussed in the next chapter. As stated by most

students, they love the sense of community but at the same time, the margin of error is

almost little to none.

They also like the food. Research shows that food is the strongest cultural aspect

of any ethnic background.

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 Nina, “Love, love, love Filipino food and how Filipinos are comfortable
around one another, even if they’ve known each other for five minutes.

Nichole, Frances, Donna, and Erielle expressed the same adoration for the
food, “I love Filipino food!”

The value, language, and religion might be lost in the process of assimilation, but

food remains the same. Children of immigrant parents may not remember the old

country, but they will always remember the food as a symbol of social gatherings.

Pilipinos are naturally the same. They love Pilipino food and they also love Pilipino

parties. They enjoy the chatting of the old people. They also enjoy the abundance of

food.

Lastly, Pilipino students take pride of the Pilipinos in pop-culture such as

American Idol, The Olympics, America Got Talent, and other television shows that

showcase raw talent. The students were very eager to share the famous Pilipinos on

television. Even if they are only part Pilipino, for them, it is such an honor to be as such.

Kyle said, “APL from Black Eyed Peas is Filipino even if he looks black
(everyone laughs).”

Followed by Brian who yelled, “I love the fact that when there’s anyone
Filipino like on shows like American Idol or things like that all of the
Filipinos are automatically supporting them voting and everything.”

Bhoie expressed an unanimous opinion, “Something I enjoy is probably

how talented and diverse we are.”

The rise of Manny Pacquiao, WBO World Welterweight Champion 2010, gave

the Pilipinos in America something to be proud of. It has become an un-official holiday

for the Pilipinos every time there is a boxing match with Pacquiao. Again, the sense of

camaraderie is apparent amongst the Pilipinos. Yes, they are proud of Pilipino

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performers, but for Pilipinos, there is a difference between education and their hobby.

Hobbies can be done outside school.

Institutional Support

Institutional support is very important in one’s career-decision making process. It

is access. It is power. It is knowledge. And once a student feels that their school has

provided all the options post high school, they are more confident in making the right

choice. Suburbia High School, with its numerous programs and rigorous instructional

schedule, still provides adequate information about life post-high school. The lasting

memories that a student experiences in high school can make or break his or her success

in higher education. A child who remembers that one great teacher who constantly

believed in his work can make a lasting impression. A counselor who discouraged a

student may became an affective memory that will forever stay in his mind. That is why

it is important to look at the institution to encourage progression, not regression.

According to Erielle’s friends,

They have claimed that if you ask some teachers or others, they
would give you good information, and sometimes even give a
letter of recommendation.

Nina explained how the school elaborates on the necessary units to graduate,

Our counselors plan out our college plans and usually aim at getting
students into four-year universities. They tell us how many credits we
need to graduate, the amount of extra-curricular activities we need and
other things that will help us get where we want to be after high school.

This high school allows military representatives to talk to the students. They let

technical schools such as ITT Tech talk to the students. They also have vocational

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schools such as FIDM experience the world of fashion. Lastly, they provide a lot of

brochures regarding state and private colleges.

Brian concurs,

Yes, my high school provides a good amount of information post

graduation. Announcements are made for applications to colleges (Cal
States and UC) like when they are due. Some colleges come to talk about
their college and give information on everything on a new freshmen needs
to know. The school has meetings on stuff like FAFSA and other college
information.

But it still needs a little push. According to most of the Pilipino participants, the

information is available at the college office, but there is no drive or aggressiveness. If

the students need information, there are college counselors to help and hand out

brochures. The students need to be more assertive in asking the right question regarding

post high school plans.

The participants feel that they need to be more proactive about careers post high

school; however, they feel intimidated to ask. They do not know what to ask the college

counselors.

Nichole shared her frustration, “At our school you have to ask for help, it is not provided.

It should be because I’m sort of intimidated to ask.”

Jeffrey wants more information, “It does have enough extra things to help us get through

high school into college, but it would be so much better if they had more.”

Julia summarized most of what the students are expressing,

My school probably does provide post-grad information, but I personally

would not know. I know they have pamphlets in our counselor’s offices,
but they are there to take on your own. No one really pushes you to think
about college unless you do first.

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 They also feel that college, especially out of state, is very expensive. Most of

them are not aware of grants and scholarships. They do not know that the loans are

deferred until the end of the four years (if they decide to go to a four-year college).

As Dereck explained,

My mom and I plan for my college life together. I am not going out of
state. I am going to Pasadena City College (or something).

Another policy implication that will be discussed in the next chapter is how the

Pilipino culture/behavior can be a hindrance in asking more questions regarding colleges

and careers.

“They supply you with a little information and it is up to you to find out
more information. My counselor is helpful but is scary to talk to because I
don’t really think she completely understands what I want,” followed up
by Yvonne.

Pilipinos are taught to be respectful to the authority. They are expected to answer

and not to question authority. At times, they do not know what to ask. At times, they do

not know what other careers are available other than being a nurse, an accountant, or an

engineer. Institutional support coincides with social capital. Without the right

connections, the Pilipino immigrant students only get their information from their

families and friends. Unfortunately, the immigrant parent themselves rely on different

cultural models of success to decide what’s best for their children.

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 Chapter 5: Analysis

Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States. From an

educational standpoint, their high school graduation rates are high, as is their transition

rates to college, but beyond college they appear to have limited occupational choices.

Pilipinos hold higher professional positions than other minority students. Chang (2006)

reports that Whites and Asians hold proportionately higher status jobs and college

degrees than African American and Hispanic adults do. However, it is still important to

note the limited occupational choices Pilipinos have available after degree completion.

The present study addressed the career decisions that first, a generation and a half,

and second generation Pilipino students face after high school. Specifically, the intent of

this study was to unravel the factors shaping their career choices while in high school.

As stated above, completion of high school for Pilipinos is not an educational problem.

Rather, the problem lays in the post high school career choices that Pilipino high school

students make.

This study looked at several factors that impact career choices, including the

immigrant status of Pilipino’s through the theoretical frameworks of acculturation and

specifically considering that familial influence is their major source of human capital.

The family, as the focal point of Pilipino values, critically shapes the future of their

children’s educational goal. The research literature suggested that Pilipino parents define

“success” through their children’s educational and career choices. However, there are

gaps in this research and the emergent picture in terms of Pilipinos and their definition of

success as immigrants to the US remains sketchy.

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 The research for this present study was framed by two primary goals. First, I used

Ogbu’s “Cultural Model of Success” as the theoretical foundation for understanding how

Pilipino parents define success in the United States. This included a brief review of the

historical relationship between the Philippines and the United States. Through

acculturation and family values, this research described the adaptation patterns of Pilipino

families and their children through their educational goals. Second, this dissertation

attempted to shed light on how minority students from a suburban high school make their

decision about their careers. For ethnic students, career development includes crucial

factors such as role models, family influence, notions of cultural prestige, and the process

of acculturation.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the study was to examine the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students. I also wanted to analyze how that pattern reflects the

following theoretical foundations:

1) The cultural model of their immigrant parents about what success means

will be marked through their children’s mindset

2) How the school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic

engagement among and between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-

immigrants

3) How family values impact their career decision-making

With this study, I attempted to uncover how Pilipino high school students can be given

more options in choosing other careers that will enhance their intrinsic interests and

passions. From my research, I hoped to articulate ways to communicate with Pilipino

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students other careers that they will truly enjoy after high school. This implied retention

in college and newfound knowledge for our college counselors on how they can make

Pilipino students aware of a wider range of career opportunity after high school. Of

course intrinsic interest and school engagement can be encouraged in high school. How

students perceive high schools as being subtractive or an additive experience to their

success is one that I am determined to reveal.

Significance of the Study

The Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States, next to

the Chinese. There is little research about the Pilipino high school students who are

about to finish high school. I hope that this study will contribute to this research gap in

the future. Although this study focuses on Pilipino immigrant students, its implications

can be applied to the ever-increasing populations of students from diverse ethnic and

racial backgrounds. Recruitment and retention of ethnic minority students in colleges

and universities has been a constant struggle for all stakeholders. Education is the key to

the continued success of this nation. The question remains: are Pilipino high school

students choosing the careers that they truly want or are they simply choosing careers

they think their parents and the society as a whole will accept?

The Cultural Model of Success attributes the success or failure of minority

academic performance to cultural compatibility or lack thereof. Simply put, the culture

shapes what these students believe is the right career choice for them. Pilipino

immigrants came from a place where American influence has been predominant for more

than a hundred years. They came from a place where education was the only way out of

poverty, oppression, and dictatorship. Hence, careers that are highly in-demand, i.e.

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nursing, accounting, engineering, are the only viable choices they make when they arrive

to the United States. This issue becomes a problem when high school counselors and

administrators do not understand the need of these students. Often these high school

students take on careers that are only familiar to their households.

When the cultural value matches the economic demand of the society, there is less

friction between the “want” and the “need.” Practically speaking, these students choose

careers that are readily available rather than careers that are highly of interest. The

Cultural Success Model and the school environment put a lot of pressure on these

Pilipino students to succeed. High parental expectation is also a confining factor for

these students. Specifically, Church and others (1992) suggest that Pilipinos place less

emphasis on productivity, performance standards, and expression of ideas than American

students. Instead, they put greater emphasis on attaining social approval and enhanced

economic status. Pilipinos (Church et al, 1992) also see education as a means to

economic opportunity and status, rather than acquiring knowledge for its intrinsic value.

For Pilipinos, uncovering and understanding their Cultural Model of Success may

be a key in helping these high schools students make more varied career choices. The

lack of Pilipino immigrant students in the fields of music, arts, and theatre will have

important implications for many urban schools in Los Angeles. As Salazar-Clemena

(2002) clearly suggests,

Studies show common reasons for the curricular choices of college and
high school students: interest in the field, opportunity for employment,
personal or family welfare, financial returns, and influence of role models
(mostly family members). Other factors that emerged in more recent
studies include prestige, admiration, status, ability, influence of media,
security … and the opportunity to go abroad.

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The overarching goal of this study was to further inform educators and administrators on

the complexity of being a Pilipino immigrant from a country that has been influenced by

Americans for more than a hundred of years. Familial and societal ideologies influence

these students to make the right decision. Inadvertently, this dissertation hoped to find an

answer whether or not the right career is really for the parents, the students, or the rise for

a specific need based on the economic demand.

Summary of Findings

The findings for this research are similar as to what Ogbu, Lee, Kao, Kim, and

Wolf has indicated. Although their participants differ in ethnicity, the behavior at large is

expected. Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success and the variability of educational

experience is prevalent in the Pilipinos’ daily lives. Lee’s and Kao’s definition of the

Model Minority Stereotype is evident on how the administrators interact with the Pilipino

students. The students enjoyed the extra privilege. They appreciate the fact that their

teachers trust them to do the right thing in and out of class.

Based on the literature, there were three factors that can influence the career-

decision making of these Pilipinos post-high school. First, I need to look at how

Pilipinos define success, as part of Ogbu’s Cultural Model of Success. Secondly, their

high school experience can also be a positive (or negative) motivator in pursuing a higher

education. Lastly, familial influence weighs heavily on how these children decide what

to do post-high school.

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 Research Question One

Research question one asked: Do Pilipino immigrants embrace education success

as the vehicle for mobility in the American Society? As stated in the introduction and

review of the literature on Ogbu’s Variability of Minority/Immigrant School

Performance, voluntary (immigrant) and involuntary (non-immigrant) minorities may

differ in their mode of assimilation which includes the importance of education success

as the vehicle for mobility in the American Society. Eun-Young Kim studied how

Korean Americans convey the same high expectations of the parents for their children’s

education.

The two findings of this research question convey high expectation for their

children regarding success in their educational and professional careers in direct and

subtle ways. Both parents and students believe that education will be the key to a

successful life in the United States. There are two students who do not believe that

education is the answer for everything. But interestingly, they are still taking AP and

Honor classes in high school. They still attend school every day and interact positively

towards their peers and teachers. Secondly, they enjoy the positive reinforcements the

teachers bestow upon them. They have the freedom to leave the campus during lunch

knowing they will come back on time for the next class. They can open classrooms and

assist the teacher in facilitating the class with an assumption that they can keep up with

the lessons. At times, the teacher-student relationship has become less formal. For this

research question, the findings are: 1) Pilipino immigrants do embrace education as the

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vehicle for mobility in the American society, 2) the teachers’ and administrators’ high

expectations are positively reinforces a relationship with their Pilipino students. This

motivates them to do well in school but not missing classes, participating with activities,

and doing their homework.

As stated in the literature, folk stories provide evidence of the way cultural model

of success translates into dictating the children to choose certain careers and professional

paths. A total of fourteen students were interviewed in this study, each were asked

identical questions regarding the education success. All of these students have parents

that grew up in the Philippines. All of the parents completed their matriculation in the

Philippines. The students, however, formed a different value attending high school in the

United States.

The students have three different answers about success. Most of the students

agree that having a college education is an important factor to being successful in life.

The second group had a more holistic approach in defining success. They included

internal satisfaction, family, and love; all of which are not included in this study.

Defining the indicators for internal satisfaction can be challenging. The last group,

consisting of two male students is defiant about the whole education “issue.” They do

not associate success with education. They both used the words “annoying” when they

describe how their parents are getting involved about their careers post-high school.

Out of curiosity, I asked these students what they really want to be when they

grow up. Only two of the eighteen students matched their careers of their dreams! One

really wants to be a nurse and the other, an obstetrics doctor. The rest of the students are

following what they think will make the most money, according to their parents.

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According to Kim who studied Korean American students, this trait follows the pattern of

having a non-oppositional identity. Instead of having an oppositional identity, many

voluntary immigrants develop a non-oppositional identity, which includes cultural and

language frames, to accommodate themselves to certain expectations of the mainstream

society. As part of the American culture, these students are choosing careers that are

mainly acceptable for the capitalist America, which includes nursing and engineering. To

be accepted is to be wanted. To be wanted is to be able to have a stable job.

Most of these students are motivated to find a stable job in order to give back to

their family. Due to limited social capital, their only knowledge of the “real life” is what

they hear from their folks, hence the term, folk success stories. It is passed on from

generations to generations on how other daughters and sons made it in the real world.

Most of these stories are success stories of being a nurse. It is a stable job and it pays

well. All is well.

One of the main goals of this study is to be able to understand the underlying

factors behind choosing the careers post-high school. There is more than life itself than

being a nurse or engineer. I understand being non-oppositional, but it does not equate to

limited choices post-high school. Combining intrinsic interest with an educational

success is possible. The model minority stereotype will remain as such: a stereotype. It

produces problems to the Pan-Asian community from expectations, hatred, and unfair

legislations. However, for this research, we cannot deny the fact that it gives the Pilipino

students some pride of being in that group. At the end of this chapter, there will be

suggestions on how counselors and high school administrators can promote other careers

in a more accessible way.

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 Compare to the literature. Integrate into the discussion. Be specific in how it

compares and tell us what the author says specifically that is the same. Don’t have to

quote by do make clear the point of emphasis.

Research Question Two

Research question two asked: Do Pilipino families influence the types of college

majors and careers of their children? If so, is there a difference on how value is practiced

on sons and daughters? I find that Pilipino families, especially mothers, influence the

types of college majors and careers of their children. They discuss careers that provide

security and stable income for the child, as well as for the family as whole. Their

intentions meant well, however, it causes dissonance towards the children. Wolf’s work

on transnational struggles points out the apparent problems that the parents and children

have against each other. There is the generation gap, age gap, and migration gap. As she

puts it,

Accepting parental decisions about education, what to major in, and a

career path is double-edged. On one hand, accepting parental choices
provides a clear sense of direction and security about the future, avoiding
the uncertainty and insecurity many student confront; however, on the
other side, parents may be choosing safety, economic returns, and a known
entity rather than an area well suited to their child’s interests and talents.

Although they want to please their parents, they want to be able to explore their intrinsic

interests such as modeling, drawing, dancing, and singing. It is bothersome to realize that

passion no longer dictates the way of life. The definition of success should really be re-

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defined. Donna, one of the students, explained all of the students’ sentiments by stating

the following:

I think my mom had me at a really young age and she wants me to do

really well and have a good job that earns a lot of money. When my mom
talks about me going to nursing I always joke around how every Pilipino
wants to become a nurse but since she talks about it so much it actually
made me think of maybe doing that. I would want to become something
higher than a nurse. Even the best kind of nurse, like a doctor or surgeon,
but she still says being a nurse is the easiest way.

There are two policy implications that I would like to bring up about Donna’s

sentiments. First of all, she is right that a career in the medical field is a more stable job

than being a lone artist in Hollywood. I do believe that it is not a black or white choice.

Secondly, Donna is right: reach for the stars! Being a nurse is not an end all be all

careers of all careers. There are other careers that can take the place of a nurse. It

becomes a self-imposed goal to be a nurse in the Pilipino culture. Due to the Philippines’

long standing relationship with the United States, it has been instilled to the minds of the

Pilipinos that is an honor to be able to provide labor to the Americans.

The Pilipinos also have a positive perception of the American Society. Even

though some of the students shared some moments of discrimination, their overall

experience in America is a positive one. They believe that the discrimination and

stereotypes from other background will become less as long as the children obtain the

proper education. Success in education will not only provide better jobs, it will also

protect them from the judging American society. The Land of Opportunity will never fail

them. An education will provide an endless opportunity. Eun-Young Kim’s work on

Korean Americans has a similar explanation.

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 Their (Koreans) general cultural model of social reality incorporates an
additive identity derived from a historically positive image of and trust in
America as a powerful, rich, and friendly country where cultural values
that the Korean immigrants brought from their country, such as hard work,
education, and future orientation, are justly rewarded.

Like the Koreans, the Pilipinos’ frame of reference is the experience they had in the

Philippines. The Brain Drain of accountants and nurses in the Philippines marked

powerful impact until today. Hence, the family tends to lean on careers that are

employable and stable.

But why is there not a bigger push to become a doctor, lawyer, or director

(management)? This is limit can be discouraging. It is a cycle that needs to be broken. I

also noticed that all of my participants have no plans of leaving their homes after college.

Practically, times are hard. A lot of money can be saved. But the effort to find other

means for scholarship or grants are lacking. The access to information to the parents is

lacking. Instead, they depend on their neighbors, and other family members on

information about other schools or careers. Fear gets the best out of everyone. Fear not

being able to afford college. Fear of failure. Fear of not getting a stable job. But what

about fear of unhappiness, how does it contribute to one’s well-being? The definition of

happiness is different to everyone but maybe we should add more to what it can be.

As Brian concludes,

My parents are like every single Pilipino parent out there when it comes to
my future, college, and majors. They want me to attend a college which is
near them and they want me to major in something medical because I will
make a lot of money.

The second finding is that there is no difference between the male and female

students in regards on how parents treat their children. The fourteen participants were

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treated equally. This may be due to the small sample size or the fact that the difference

are too small to notice. In any case, the difference (if any) between a son and a daughter

were not prevalent in this study. This is not the case on Wolf’s review.

Although the attempt to keep children at home as long as possible operates

for many daughters and some sons, it is clearly stronger in relation to
daughters creating a very different experience for girls based on parents’
gendered notions of propriety.

My findings indicated that there are no difference between sons and daughters.

The times have changed in terms of how parents treat their sons and daughters.

There used to be more freedom on how parents allow boys to spend more time outside

the home. Sons have more flexibility in terms of taking care of house chores, driving,

etc. Daughters were expected to take care of the house and the siblings. It is no longer

the case. Sons and daughters now have an equal treatment. Unfortunately, the parents

are still stuck with their children as mere laborers who will choose “safe” professions.

Research Question Three

Research question three asked: Do average and high achieving Pilipino-heritage

high school and non-immigrant students experience schooling in U.S. schools as a

productive (or subtractive) process that values (or devalues) their social and cultural

capital?

I wanted to look at the high school experience of the Pilipino immigrants to

understand their initial motivation of performing well in a high school setting. According

to Stanton-Salazar,

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 While the nuclear family carries the responsibility for initially
engendering the appropriate motivational dispositions, school agents are
viewed as either enhancing these traits…

Suburbia High School does provide an additive experience to the Pilipino immigrant

students that encourage them to pursue and/or continue their matriculation. Careers in

the technical field, military, or attending college are the popular options.

The second finding is the social relationship that the students develop with their

teachers and administrators. There is an underlying power behind knowing the right

people upon venturing the right careers. Given the right opportunity, role models open

doors to endless possibilities of what one can be. Role models, in this case, are the

teachers and administrators. The significance of social networks is astounding. During

the interviews, the only networks the students are aware of are their parents or extended

families. In turn, the careers that they are exposed of are the careers of their families.

Not having the right social networks can be seen as “structural barriers” to endless

opportunities post-high school. Teachers and administrators must realize that their

responsibilities to these students go beyond their daily lesson plans. They need to be able

to present endless possibilities and numerous options in terms of careers later in life.

They need to have an idea of the students’ strengths and talents and hone them for better

performance.

When done correctly, teachers and administrators can be considered as institutional

support for the children. Stanton-Salazar explains that such support enables young

people to become successful within the mainstream and to manage effectively the stresses

of the daily life, which includes success in school. Suburbia High School provided

support for their students. According to the participants, college counselors are helpful in

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terms of providing information regarding state universities within California.

Unfortunately, they do not have a lot of informational materials on schools outside

California.

There was a recurring theme that examined the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students. First, the cultural model of their immigrant parents about

what success means will be marked through their children’s mindset. Second, how the

school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic engagement among and

between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-immigrants. Lastly, how family values

impact their career decision-making.

Here are the three confounding factors that influence the career decision-making

of the Pilipino Immigrants. For future research, we can perform a gap analysis to figure

out the causes for each factor:

a) The Cultural Model of Immigrant Parents and How it is Marked Through the

Children’s Mindset

a. Uncovering and understanding the Pilipinos’ Cultural Model of Success

may be a key in helping these high schools students make more varied

career choices.

b. Familial and societal ideologies are influencing these students to make the

right decision.

c. Different cultures/ethnic backgrounds have a different definition of the

Cultural Model of Success.

d. The parents, who are first-generation immigrants, transfer their knowledge

regarding plausible careers in the United States to their children.

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 e. The parents are a huge part of the children’s social capital/social network.

b) School being an Identifier of Academic Engagement

a. The students look up to the administrators as role models.

b. Besides their parents, the students use their schools as their main point of

contact to the “real world” or the world outside their family.

c. The school is their first line of social capital.

d. The school needs to be able to provide more resources about careers post-

high school.

e. The parents also depend on the school to provide more information about

options post-high school.

c) Family Values and its Impact on Career Decision-Making

a. Career decision-making is a family decision, not just by an individual.

b. Value includes Folk Theory of Success, culture (from the Philippines), and

historical relationship of the new and old country.

c. Employability and prestige are two strong factors that influence careers

post-high school.

d. Due to high respect for their parents, the students follow their parents’

advice in regards to post-high school careers.

e. There is a sense of financial responsibility that the students carry that

pushes them to find a job/career that will help the families’ financial

needs.

The Cultural Model of Success, Family Influence, and School (institution) are

what shapes the career decision-making of the students. It is important that we hone our

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awareness about these three factors so our children can be directed to the right decision.

We need to be able to provide enough information and be able to let these students make

the proper decision for themselves and not for anyone else.

Policy Implication

There are several policy implications that we should note on this matter. First of

all, the importance of the institution (school) can make or break the achievement of such

Dream. The school, which includes the administrators, teachers, and counselors, provide

the initial access to information about majors in colleges. If these students want to pursue

nursing, offer other alternatives such as physical therapy, athletic training, surgeon,

physician assistant, and thousands of other careers in the medical field. Second of all, the

institution has to be aware of the differences in culture. To be able to understand the

students, we need to understand their culture. It is not their weakness if they do not want

to leave their family. It is not their fault if they decide to listen to their parents’ wishes.

As the institution of education, we are simply there to provide more options, more

solutions. And lastly, Wolf (1997) suggests that the children experience “emotional

transnationalism” which falls between the parents, the old/new ideologies, and their own

goals. There are not a lot of studies regarding transnationalism but maybe this is a good

head start. United States will always welcome first, second, third, and so forth

generations and it is important to analyze their own needs, their own affects.

As stated earlier, Pilipino American youths confront issues stemming from

generational tension and expectations. Parents still cling to their Pilipino beliefs and

values; however, their children are exploring new ways in the United States. Cultural

conflict as they move through adolescence is another issue that they face as they go

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through high school.) Career choices can be one of the conflicts that the parents and

children need to resolve. In part, education is an end goal for the whole family and not a

solitary effort. The adolescent stage is challenging, which can be more complicated

when two cultures clash.

Family ties and employability are the two challenges Pilipinos face in the

Philippines as they make career decisions as high school graduates. These challenges

continue to persist even when they migrate to the United States. Family ties, as well as

the choice of a career become critical as first-generation Pilipino students graduate from

an American high school. It is important for school administrators to understand that the

situation of the first generation students and other ethnic groups is more complex that just

being able to complete high school requirements to graduate.

The problem that I have addressed in this study dealt with the Pilipino high school

students and the careers they choose post-high school. The literature review clearly

indicated the lack of research on understanding this group. My interview with the

participants posits further study in this field. There is a cry for more research on how to

deal with immigrants trying to succeed in the United States. School Administrators need

to be educated or exposed to different cultures that cannot be attained by simply lumping

Asians into one group. Historically, the Pilipinos have always been connected to the

United States. Their reasoning for being a nurse or an accountant stems back from the

beginning of the century. This is an important factor to consider when career counselors

start to suggest other options in healthcare or business enterprise.

Pilipino high school students, even minority students at large, vary in their

personal choices, characteristics and motivational factors. In turn, it affects how they

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learn, relate, and make decisions on what careers they ought to pursue after high school.

These differences are ignored when familial values and societal expectations are being

thrust on them. The pressure to get immediate employment stifles their intrinsic

motivation and curiosity. There is no room for their interest to grow. There is no room

for their personal curiosity to expand. Church and Katigbak (1992) deduce that since

higher education in the Philippines appears to be primarily oriented toward training

people for specific vocations, it reinforces the strong economic motives of Pilipino

students. To be more specific, Philippines universities are more focused on the technical

aspects of the work; as opposed to the studies of humanities such as sociology,

anthropology, and English, to name a few.

All the students in the sample had plans of some kind regarding post-secondary

education. One is going to the military. Kyle, my favorite, plans to buy his beach house

by becoming a nurse from a community college. The rest of my participants are

attending a four-year college in California or technical schools to be an animator or

graphic designer. As expected, the strongest determinant of educational aspiration was

occupational expectation. These students understand that in order to survive or get ahead

in the United States, they need to be educated. They understand the importance of

education. Better yet, they value education as part of their self-image, at times, family-

image. Education is still considered as “the great equalizer,” meaning those who were

economically or socially disadvantaged could increase their life chances and improve

their situation for their own sake and their family too.

The Cultural Model of Success attributes the success or failure of minorities’

academic performance to cultural compatibility or lack thereof. Simply put, the culture

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shaped what these students believe is the right career choice for them. Pilipino

immigrants came from a place where American influence has been predominant for more

than a hundred years. They came from a place where education was the only way out of

poverty, oppression, and dictatorship. Hence, careers that are highly in-demand, i.e.

nursing, accounting, engineering, are the only viable choices they make when they arrive

to the United States. This issue becomes a problem when high school counselors and

administrators do not understand the need of these students. On the same token, these

high school students, with limited options, are forced to take on careers that are only

familiar in the household, which leads to dropping out in college due to lack of interest.

When the cultural value matches the economic demand of the society, there is less

friction between the “want” and the “need.” Practically speaking, these students choose

careers that are highly in demand exactly—the rest of the statement assumes you know

better, and that is where the problem lies: rather than careers that are highly of interest.

Perhaps if you explained these two models more fully, the context of your arguments

would be more fully understood: The Cultural Success Model together with the

environment, i.e., school, put a lot of pressure for these students to succeed. High

parental expectation is also a confining factor for these students.

All of my participants mentioned their parents as part a major part of their

decision-making post high school. They have similar stories on how their parents instill

the importance of education focusing on jobs that are immediately employable. One of

the participants aspires to be a fashion designer and a model, all of which she can attain

by going to school. This dream has been squashed in her family discussion. Her answer,

“There is no money in fashion design, unless I became famous.” They all want to

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support their family after graduation. But what’s important is that these students have a

dream.

In summation, here is my short recommendation for the three stakeholders of this

study:

a) Pilipino students – need to be able to explore careers outside their Folk Theories.

Attend career events provided by the school or the community. Be involved with

other activities that can help them be aware of other careers that might catch their

interest. Times are currently tough economically, but a good place to start is to be

able to quench their curiosity. Watch the news, read articles on the Internet and

best of all, be involved.

b) Pilipino families – it is never too late to be educated through the community or

outside sources. Be open to change and believe that your children have the

capability to make the right decisions. Most of the time, there is a conflict of

what you want for your children. On one hand, you want them find employment

to be able to help the family, on the other hand, you also want them to attend a

four-year college (close to home). Let the message out. Understand that your

children are trying their best to survive in combining two different cultures.

c) School Administrators – there is a need to be able to understand the historical

relationship of the United States and the Philippines. Pilipinos tend to lean on

careers that deemed employable for the students. There is nothing wrong with

such behavior; in fact, it is commendable to realize what they want to do at an

early age. As school administrators, there is a certain responsibility to provide

more information about any careers. The students in Suburbia High School

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 indicated that there is a lack of information regarding options, unless they ask. It

is time to provide the social network that these students need. May it be a four-

year college, technical school, or the military, the students need to be able to have

enough information about these options when they graduate in June.

Moving forward, uncovering and understanding their Cultural Model of Success

may be a key in helping these high schools students to make more varied career choices.

The lack of Pilipino immigrant students in the fields of music, arts, and theatre will have

important implications for many urban schools in Los Angeles. The overarching goal of

this study is to further inform educators and administrators on the complexity of being an

immigrant from a country that has been influenced by Americans for more than a

hundred of years. Familial and societal ideologies are influencing these students to make

the right decision. Inadvertently, this dissertation hoped to answer if the right decision is

really for the parents, the students, or the rise for an economic demand. The three

policies I would like to focus on are: 1) The responsibility of the school (institution) in

preparing students post-high school, 2) The historical relationship of the United States

and the Philippines and how it affects the career-decision making of Pilipinos in and

outside United States, and lastly 3) To be able to break familial and societal ideologies of

what it means to be successful.

Recommendations for Research

I only found a couple of peer-reviewed articles regarding Pilipino students in

higher education. Most of the literary works are focused on Chinese, Japanese, and

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Koreans. This dissertation is only to satisfy a curious mind. To further enhance this

work, I would recommend a continuation on how these students are performing post-high

school. A longitudinal study for the next four years would be a valuable work for the

Pilipino community.

I would also recommend studying the social capital for each student. Some might

have more access than the others. This affects on how the students fare post-high school.

Much of what I wish to discuss here has to do with addressing the relationship of the

student towards their family and school. Is it possible that the constraints and the support

for these students stem from the family and institution? It is my intention that such

curiosity may spark a little call for help in the near future. That is, how Pilipino

immigrants overcome barriers in order to succeed and follow their Cultural Model of

Success – whatever it is.

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 Epilogue

The Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States, next to

the Chinese. There is little research about the Pilipino high school students who are on

about to finish high school. I am hoping that this study will contribute to this gap in

literature. Although this study is only focused on Pilipino immigrant students, its

implications can be applied to the ever-increasing populations of students from diverse

ethnic and racial backgrounds. Recruitment and retention of ethnic minority students to

colleges and universities has been a constant struggle for all stakeholders. Education is

the key to the continued success of this nation. It does, however, lack the sensitivity to

understand the numerous cultures behind each student.

This dissertation yielded from my own interest. As a first-generation Pilipino

immigrant of United States, I wanted to understand the reasoning behind the limited

career choices that my fellow Pilipino colleagues are choosing. My mother wanted me to

be an accountant. I wanted to be sociologist. I became an Education Psychologist. I win.

This dissertation became more than just a paper but more like a journey. My only hope is

that it becomes a triggering point for any striving education psychologists out there to

look into cultural motivation of other ethnic backgrounds. It is with pride that I present

to you eighteen talented students of Suburbia High School. They are dancers. They are

dreamers and best of all, they became my friends.

Three of my participants invited me to attend their high school graduation this

past June. Lali, a female senior, graduated as the Salutatorian and will be attending Mt.

Saint Mary’s College in the fall under a full scholarship. I even helped her write her

speech. Another participant interviewed me for her oral history report. Another three

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have asked me to help them write their personal essays. Albeit its time consumption, I

was glad to help. It was then that I just realized that all they wanted to have is a role

model with their same ethnic background. My interview questions only consisted of

about fifty questions. On the other hand, their questions were endless! They asked me

about my college experience, my graduate studies, my love life, my dog, and my career.

They were thirsty for a comparison. Whether or not they need a friend, a role model, or a

therapist, I did my best to support them.

I wish I had more time to develop this study. But life happens, and we all have to

move on. In the future, I plan to continue my research branching out on the following

topics:

A. Internal satisfaction/intrinsic interest of the students

Understanding the need to find an employable career is important. From

someone who barely makes end meet, I get it. And yet, I still worry about their

internal satisfaction on their chosen career. I truly believe that it is not called work if

you enjoy what you do. I still have this idealistic belief that within this lifetime, we

need to be able to find that one thing that makes us get up in the morning. If it’s not

our dog, then it better not be our partner. I want to look into internal satisfaction for

the Pilipinos who has been working as a nurse or as an accountant.

B. Marginalized Pilipinos – where are they?

I am proud of my participants for having that fire in their hearts. But at the

back of my mind, I still worry about those Pilipinos who did not make it. Those who

inadvertently joined the gangs or fell in the traps of a different institution –

incarceration are my next participants to further this study. Admittedly, they exist,

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but most likely, forgotten. I would like to know more what happened and to be able

to understand the difference between the successes and well, the not so-successes.

C. Educating the parents

Since familial influence is a great factor in choosing their careers post-high

school, we (as the education institution) need to inform the parents of other options

other than being a nurse or accountant. More social capital is needed outside the

walls of Pilipino parties and dinner tables. Colleges and universities must find a

better way to reach out to the marginalized population, to the misinformed, to the

apprehensive ones.

On a personal note, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Rey Baca who never

gave up on me. Our relationship was more than the four corners of this dissertation.

Life, as we call it, is CELEXICA! See you in Spain.

To my husband who became my biggest supporter; and to my brand new

daughter who will someday write better dissertations than mommy … Both of you are

my reason for living. To my mom and my sister, thank you for believing in me; there

were a lot of times when I stopped having faith. To all my friends who patiently

waited for me to stop talking about my dissertation, I thank you. To the rest of my

family, we defined our own Cultural Model of Success, without you, such model will

not exist. Don’t Stop Believing (Journey).

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