Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Michael J. Reiss
To cite this article: Michael J. Reiss (1997) Teaching about Homosexuality and Heterosexuality,
Journal of Moral Education, 26:3, 343-352, DOI: 10.1080/0305724970260308
ABSTRACT Should schools teach about homosexuality and heterosexuality, and if so how? This
paper outlines arguments both in favour of, and against, such teaching and concludes that, on
balance, schools of 11-16/18-years-olds should teach about sexual orientation provided certain
specified conditions are met. The author then defends the notion that to teach about sexual
orientation is to teach about a controversial issue, but notes that few, if any, of the published
approaches to teaching in this area treat it as such. He goes on to examine both the specific aims
and possible approaches to teaching about homosexuality and heterosexuality. Good teaching in
this area should enable 14-16-year-old students to become better informed about people's sexual
orientations; it should help them better to understand each other's positions; and it should allow
them to clarify their own values and attitudes.
Introduction
There are few, if any, areas more problematic to deal with in a teaching environment
in the school curriculum than that of sexual orientation. This is presumably the
reason why many, almost certainly most, schools in most countries avoid teaching
about the subject. Here I begin by examining whether or not schools should teach
about homosexuality and heterosexuality and conclude that secondary schools
(those that teach 11-16/18-year-olds) should, provided that certain specified condi-
tions are met. I then go on to examine how teachers might teach in this area.
First, however, it is necessary to acknowledge that the very language of the
preceding paragraph is already problematic, for at least two reasons. For a start, it
apparently makes the implicit assumption that there exist two main states of sexual
being—namely, homosexuals and heterosexuals. This would be tantamount to the
adoption of an essentialist paradigm: that is, to the acceptance of the notion that
one's sexual orientation is given, rather than chosen or constructed. This point will
be returned to more fully later. However, to avoid the use of the words
"homosexuals" and "heterosexuals" results in language that is, at best, long-winded
and, more seriously, may obfuscate. A second, and less significant, objection to the
use of the terms "homosexual" and "heterosexual" is that such terms come laden
with an historical inheritance and so, unavoidably, resonate prejudice and inequali-
ties of power. Whatever the truth in this assertion, I neither believe that it is solved
by the exclusive use of alternative terms (e.g. "gays and lesbians", which I here use
interchangeably for "homosexuals", or "queers", "dykes", "sissies" and "faggots",
which I eschew) nor that the aims of justice and well-being in this case are especially
well served by too exacting an insistence on the use or avoidance of particular words,
a practice whose main result may be to alienate or cause resentment among those
not already sensitised to such linguistic niceties.
often tell of the pain that they felt by their apparent non-existence at school; in the
structured silence that surrounds their sexual identity. Often, even explicit teacher-
controlled discussions on sexuality omit any reference to gay and lesbian orientation
and behaviour (e.g. Trenchard & Warren, 1984; Khayatt, 1994). There is also
evidence that lesbian and gay teenagers are several times more likely both to attempt
and to commit suicide than their heterosexual counterparts (Trenchard & Warren,
1984; US Department of Health and Human Services, 1986; Ruse, 1988), even
though lesbian and gay adults probably score at least as well as their heterosexual
counterparts on psychological measures of self-esteem (Ruse, 1988). It has been
suggested that sex education that explicitly addressed issues of sexual orientation
might help to reduce the incidence of teenage suicide (Reiss, 1995; Unks, 1995). It
is difficult to be certain, but a conservative estimate would suggest that around 4%
of adult males and 2% of adult females are exclusively or predominantly homosexual
(Johnson et ah, 1994; Laumann et al., 1994). In other words, while homosexuals are
undeniably a minority, they are a sizeable one—comparable, in the United King-
dom, to the number of Muslims or Roman Catholics. As such they deserve the
attention and curriculum space when teaching sex education that should be ac-
corded to religious minorities when teaching religious education.
A second argument in favour of teaching about homosexuality is that even if the
percentage of people who are exclusively or predominantly homosexual is not large,
several times this number have at least some homosexual tendencies and this may be
especially true of teenagers.
A third argument is that all of us, whether or not we are homosexual, need to
know about homosexuality in order, as citizens, to understand and be able to make
an informed contribution to such issues as "should homosexuals be permitted in the
Armed Forces?", "should the age of consent be the same for homosexuals and
heterosexuals?" and "should marriage be an option for homosexuals?".
A fourth argument is that such teaching may help to prevent homophobia and
reduce the incidence of physical violence experienced by gays and lesbians (Stafford,
1988). A 1994 survey of over 4200 lesbians, bisexuals and gay men from all over the
United Kingdom found that 34% of men and 24% of women who took part had
experienced violence in the last 5 years on account of their sexuality (Mason &
Palmer, 1996). Teenagers were especially at risk. Of the respondents under the age
Teaching about Homosexuality and Heterosexuality 345
of 18, 48% had experienced violence, 61% had been harassed and 90% called names
because of their sexuality. While one cannot extrapolate quantitatively from the
results of such a survey (over 50,000 copies of the survey were distributed via Gay
Times and other lesbian and gay publications and databases with only 8% being
returned), the detailed personal accounts make harrowing reading (see also Epstein,
1994; Heron, 1994; Rivers, 1995).
On the other hand, there are arguments against teaching about homosexuality.
One is the belief that such teaching cannot be balanced. Just as Peace Studies and
Environmental Education promote peace and the responsible use of the environ-
ment so, it is believed, teaching about homosexuality is likely to lead to its advocacy.
A related fear is that teaching about homosexuality, unless simply to condemn
it, results in its implicit legitimisation. We do not teach at school in an even-handed
way about slavery, murder or child abuse. Indeed, to teach about such issues in a
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"balanced" way is wrong, precisely because we hold such behaviours to lie outside
the moral pale. Similarly, it can be argued, we should not even help students to
consider the arguments in favour of homosexuality.
Further objections are that a significant number of parents do not want their
children to be taught about homosexuality, even though other aspects of sex
education are widely supported (Allen, 1987; Reiss, 1993) and that many teachers
feel uncomfortable teaching about homosexuality. A different objection is that
teaching in this area might even increase homophobia and prejudice. Halstead
(1992) argues that three types of controversial issue can be distinguished: (a)
situations where there is agreement over the existence of a particular moral impera-
tive, but disagreement over how to interpret it; (b) situations where there are
conflicting moral imperatives and uncertainty over which should take priority; (c)
situations where disagreement arises because groups do not share the same funda-
mental moral principles. It is not always easy to place any particular instance of
controversy into one of these three categories, but it seems likely that the issue of
homosexuality may, at least for some people, fall into type (c). The significance of
this is that discussion about type (c) controversies are especially likely to inflame the
situation rather than inform the participants. Such discussions may be counterpro-
ductive.
While these objections to teaching about homosexuality should not be dis-
missed I doubt that they are sufficient, always, to outweigh the arguments in favour
of teaching about homosexuality. However, to be acceptable, teaching about homo-
sexuality should (i) be balanced (what this means in practice is discussed more fully
below); (ii) be undertaken only by suitably trained teachers who wish to teach about
it; and (iii) be part, where possible, of the explicit curriculum so that parents do not
suddenly find that such teaching has been foisted on their children without their
being aware of it. In addition, (iv), it should perhaps be the case, as currently in
England and Wales, that parents have the right to withdraw their children from
school sex education (DfE, 1994). (Unlike its predecessor (Circular 11/87), Circular
5/94 makes no explicit reference to homosexuality, simply stating that:
The law does not define the purpose and content of sex education other
346 M. J. Reiss
than declaring that it includes education about HIV and AIDS and other
sexually transmitted diseases. In secondary schools sex education should, in
the Secretary of State's view, encompass, in addition to facts about human
reproductive processes and behaviour, consideration of the broader
emotional and ethical dimensions of sexual attitudes...(Department for
Education, 1994, p. 7)
the question as a genuine controversy, attempting fairly to put both sides of the
debate.
The explicit recognition and acceptance that the subject of sexual orientation is
controversial simplifies the educator's task because of the substantial literature that
exists on the teaching of controversial issues both in general (Deardon, 1984;
Stradling, 1984; Stradling et al, 1984; Bridges, 1986; Halstead & Taylor, 1996) and
with particular reference to sex/sexuality education (Morris, 1994; Ray & Went,
1995; Reiss, 1995).
This is not to give the impression that teaching about sexual orientation is easy!
For a start, few schools have a tradition of teaching well in this area, so most
teachers or schools teaching in this area have little to build upon. Then, as has
already been noted, there are still relatively few easily accessible teaching materials.
These two factors conspire to mean that there is no well established discourse for
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good teaching about sexual orientation. Even more significant, perhaps, is the
acknowledgement that teaching in this area is especially challenging given the
significance with which virtually all of us imbue our sexuality. For most teachers,
teaching about nuclear power, for instance, for all that it may be important, is
unlikely to impinge on their core being. This is not the case when teaching about
homosexuality and heterosexuality. In the same way, for all that many teenagers may
feel passionately about nuclear power, the use of illicit drugs, or even animal rights
and welfare, such issues, although they may give rise to deeply held convictions and
arouse strong emotions, are rarely as personally significant as the issue of sexual
orientation.
• Many people argue that there is a spectrum of sexual orientation, with extreme
(or "pure") homosexuality at one pole and extreme (or "pure") heterosexuality
at the other. Some of us unambiguously find ourselves at one or other pole;
others of us, however, sit between the two extremes. On this point of view, a
bisexual is someone close to the middle of the pole.
• A different point of view is that rather than finding ourselves somewhere along
this spectrum, we position ourselves on it. In other words, our sexuality is not
entirely a "given"; it is, at least to some extent, something we determine for
ourselves.
• A related point of view, deriving from Foucault in his 1976 La Volonte de saviour
(e.g. Foucault, 1990), is that what we now see as "homosexuality" and
"heterosexuality" are social constructions, terms whose meanings are contin-
gent on their historicity (cf. Wittgenstein's language games (Wittgenstein,
1953)).
for a significant percentage of people, perhaps even the majority, what religion
teaches is relevant. It would certainly be desirable for students to realise the
variety of routes by which religions claim to have authority (natural law,
scriptures, tradition and individual conscience) and to appreciate that within
most religions considerable diversity of opinion exists as to the legitimacy of
different forms of homosexuality (discussed in some detail by Reiss, 1990;
Thomson, 1993; Lenderyou & Porter, 1994).
• Is there a valid distinction between the public (civic) and the private sphere of
morality (cf. Haydon, 1995; McLaughlin, 1995)? For example, does it make
sense for an individual to disapprove of homosexuality yet campaign against
discrimination by the Armed Forces against lesbians and gays?
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Conclusions
It is clear why teaching in this area is so difficult. Our ideal, fantasised, teacher of
sexual orientation might be someone knowledgeable about developmental psy-
chology, sociology and moral philosophy, not to mention epistemology, theology,
genetics and endocrinology. She would also be able ensure a classroom ethos
prevailed in which differences of opinion, within certain limits, could safely be
voiced while her character would be such that she would be respected by students,
parents and community leaders. Such teachers are not ubiquitous, nor are they
always backed up by administrators and elected officials—whether at local or
national level—anxious to pursue truth, well-being and justice.
One solution is simply to continue to avoid teaching in this area. Indeed, I can
imagine a time when schools may have no particular need to teach in this area. At
the present time, however, in most countries there are strong arguments for school
Teaching about Homosexuality and Heterosexuality 351
teaching about sexual orientation. Such teaching is increasingly desired and can do
significant good.
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