The Appearance of Rock-Cut Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah As A Reflection of State Formation (Alexander Fantalkin)

Culture and History of the
Ancient Near East
Founding Editor
M. H. E. Weippert
Editors-in-Chief
Thomas Schneider
Editors
Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern,
Theo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter
VOLUME 31
Bene Israel
Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and the Levant

during the Bronze and Iron Ages in Honour of
Israel Finkelstein
edited by
Alexander Fantalkin and Assaf Yasur-Landau
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2008
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bene Israel : studies in the archaeology of Israel and the Levant during the Bronze
and Iron ages in honour of Israel Finkelstein / edited by Alexander Fantalkin and
Assaf Yasur-Landau.
p. cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East ; v. 31)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-90-04-15282-3 (alk. paper)
1. Bronze age—Palestine. 2. Iron age—Palestine. 3. Excavations (Archaeology)—
Palestine. 4. Palestine—Antiquities. 5. Bronze age—Middle East. 6. Iron age—Mid-
dle East. 7. Excavations (Archaeology)—Middle East. 8. Middle East—Antiquities.
I. Fantalkin, Alexander. II. Yasur-Landau, Assaf. III. Finkelstein, Israel. IV. Title.
V. Series.
GN778.32.P19B45 2008
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2008014960
ISSN 1566-2055
ISBN 978 90 04 15282 3
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ....................................................................... vii

List of Figures ............................................................................. ix
Introduction ................................................................................ xv
Urban Land Use Changes on the Southeastern Slope of

Tel Megiddo during the Middle Bronze Age ............................ 1
Eran Arie
The Appearance of Rock-Cut Bench Tombs in Iron Age

Judah as a Reflection of State Formation .................................. 17
Alexander Fantalkin
Trademarks of the Omride Builders? ........................................ 45

Norma Franklin
Continuity and Change in the Late Bronze to Iron Age

Transition in Israel’s Coastal Plain: A Long Term
Perspective ................................................................................... 55
Yuval Gadot
Permanent and Temporary Settlements in the South of the

Lower Besor Region: Two Case Studies .................................... 75
Dan Gazit
The Socioeconomic Implications of Grain Storage in

Early Iron Age Canaan: The Case of Tel Dan ........................ 87
David Ilan
A Re-analysis of the Archaeological Evidence for the

Beginning of the Iron Age I ...................................................... 105
Yitzhak Meitlis
vi contents
Reassessing the Bronze and Iron Age Economy: Sheep and

Goat Husbandry in the Southern Levant as a Model Case
Study ........................................................................................... 113
Aharon Sasson
Settlement Patterns of Philistine City-States ............................. 135

Alon Shavit
Levantine Standardized Luxury in the Late Bronze Age:

Waste Management at Tell Atchana (Alalakh) .......................... 165
Amir Sumakaxi Fink
Desert Outsiders: Extramural Neighborhoods in the Iron Age

Negev .......................................................................................... 197
Yifat Thareani-Sussely
A Message in a Jug: Canaanite, Philistine, and Cypriot

Iconography and the “Orpheus Jug” ......................................... 213
Assaf Yasur-Landau
Index ........................................................................................... 231

Plates ........................................................................................... 247
THE APPEARANCE OF ROCK-CUT BENCH TOMBS
IN IRON AGE JUDAH AS A REFLECTION OF
STATE FORMATION
Alexander Fantalkin
Introduction
The emergence of statehood in Judah has been the subject of numerous

studies over the last few decades.1 Although the matter is still debated,
the archaeological data collected so far supply, in my view, no clear
evidence for the existence of a fully developed state in Judah before
the late 9th–early 8th centuries BCE.2 In what follows, I will point out
several factors that agree with the archaeological record and which may
also be interpreted as reliable signs of statehood in Iron Age Judah.
The main issue I wish to concentrate on is the appearance of burial
practices connected with the use of so-called bench tombs in Iron Age
Judah. The consensus among most scholars is that rock-cut bench tombs
are a Judahite phenomenon, characterizing both the United Monarchy
and the Kingdom of Judah. Such a reconstruction, however, fails to
provide a reasonable explanation for the fact that bench tombs in the
Judean core area (the Jerusalem Hills) appear only in the 8th century
BCE, while in other areas such tombs arrive significantly earlier. Is
there a connection between the appearance of bench tombs throughout
the Kingdom of Judah during the 8th century BCE and its emergence
as a fully developed state? I argue that the widespread appearance of
1
References regarding the emergence of statehood in Judah are numerous; for
collections of essays addressing the subject, see, e.g., Lipi…ski 1991; Finkelstein and
Na aman 1994; Levy 1995; Fritz and Davies 1996; Handy 1997; Gitin et al. 1998;
Vaughn and Killebrew 2003; see, also Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; 2006; Halpern
2001; Na aman 2002; Routledge 2004: 114–132; Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004;
Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006.
2
For a number of alternatives and different perspectives, cf. Jameson-Drake 1991;
Finkelstein 1999; Cahill 2003; Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004; Mazar 2005; Fantalkin
and Finkelstein 2006; Na aman 2007.
18 alexander fantalkin
bench tombs throughout the Kingdom of Judah during the Iron Age
IIB is a reflection of state formation, accompanied by the creation of
new elites, who apparently adopted this burial practice. But first a few
introductory notes are necessary.
The intensive research of rock-cut bench tombs in Iron Age Judah,
as well as of relevant biblical sources, has resulted in numerous sum-
maries, which offer a wide range of chronological, architectural and
sociological viewpoints (e.g., Loffreda 1968; Brichto 1973; Ribar 1973;
Abercrombie 1979; Spronk 1986; Lewis 1989; Bloch-Smith 1992a;
Ussishkin 1993; Barkay 1994; Burkes 1999: 9–33; Yezerski 1999; Fried-
man and Overton 2000; Schmidt 2000; Wenning 2005). This extensive
database, developed since the undertaking of the Survey of Western
Palestine in the 1870s, provides considerable information regarding
burial customs of the inhabitants of Judah during the monarchic period.
Recent summaries include nearly 300 rock-cut bench tombs dated to
that period (Barkay 1994; Yezerski 1995), and archaeology is likely to
increase this number.
From a typological perspective, bench tombs may be divided into
several main groups (for the most up-to-date summary, see Yezerski
1999). The first attempt to demonstrate continuity in development
between the different types of bench tombs was made by Loffreda who
discerned five basic types and three sub-types, arranged typologically
and chronologically from the simplest to the most complex (Loffreda
1968: 265–287). However, Loffreda’s evolutionary scheme is misleading
since it has been shown that some types existed simultaneously (e.g.,
Borowski 1994: 46). According to Barkay (1994: 162; 1999), the typo-
logical differences between rock-cut bench tombs may reflect various
dwelling types in Judah, as well as the social status of those interred. In
addition, the simultaneous existence of several typological-architectural
groups probably attests to regional differences as well (Yezerski 1999).
But despite architectural differences, rock-cut bench tombs most prob-
ably reflect an identical conceptualization of the afterlife (cf. Osborne
2007; Suriano 2007).3
The absolute dates of the bench tombs are based on limited ceramic
finds; those discovered looted are dated by stylistic comparison with
3
For the purpose of the present article, the typological differences between bench
tombs are insignificant, since all cases (including so-called arcosolium type) share a com-
mon concept of a bench on which the deceased was laid.
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 19
securely dated tombs. A number of similar elements in the funerary

architecture of neighboring countries may provide additional informa-
tion for the absolute chronology of bench tombs in Judah (Ussishkin
1993: 303–316). A few inscriptions that were found in several caves may
serve as further supporting evidence for the accepted chronology. Their
chronology and paleography have been discussed sufficiently elsewhere
(e.g., Naveh 1963; Dever 1969–1970; Cross 1970; Lemaire 1976; Zevit
1984; Hadley 1987; Ussishkin 1993: 241–254; Mathys 1996).4
The distribution of bench tombs, at least during the 8th–7th centu-
ries BCE, corresponds, on the whole, to the territory of Judah at that
time (Yezerski 1999).5 Concentrations of a number of burial caves from
the same period in one place may indicate cemeteries. These have
been discovered proximate to large and medium-sized settlements. In
addition to Jerusalem, where the density of burial caves is the largest,
bench tomb cemeteries are known from numerous other Judahite sites
(for the list of cemeteries, see Barkay 1994: 114, n. 55 with earlier ref-
erences). On the other hand, sometimes a single cave is found in the
hinterland, unaccompanied by any other architectural remains. Such
caves, as Barkay (1994: 105) points out, should most likely be attributed
to farms, the remnants of which have disappeared over time.
Discussion
Can Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah Serve as an Indicator of Social Rank?
Any scientific investigation of the burial customs of ancient societ-
ies should first consider the finds themselves (the tombs and their
contexts) as well as historical sources, if such exist. Such evidence is
obviously not sufficient to create a complete picture of the significance
and implications of an ancient society’s burial customs. It is a difficult
task to analyze funeral finds in an attempt to uncover what light they
may shed on societies with complex social and economic hierarchies
4
Parker’s (2003) recent suggestion that it is possible to interpret a considerable part
of Iron Age graffiti found in caves in Judah as expressions of refugees hiding away from
enemies does not diminish the chronological value of these inscriptions in establishing
the absolute chronology of the bench tombs.
5
The presence of bench tombs in Transjordan (e.g., Meqabelein, Sahab, and
Dhiban) is of minor significance compared to that in the Cisjordan and does not
weaken Yezerski’s main argument.
(cf. Binford 1971; Chapman and Randsborg 1981; Morris 1987; 1992;
and see in general Pearson 1999).
When dealing with burial practices in complex societies, particularly
in cases such as Iron Age Judah, where the number of known burials is
impressive, one should always keep in mind that despite their visibility
in the archaeological record, these remains might represent only a
small portion of an ancient population. It is very likely that the major-
ity of the population of Iron Age Judah used simple pit graves, which
left no trace in the archaeological record (De Vaux 1965: 58; Spronk
1986: 239; Bloch-Smith 1992a: 149–150; Hopkins 1996: 129–132;
Barkay 1999: 100). Thus, rock-cut bench tombs discovered in Jerusalem
represent, according to Barkay (1990: 103), only about 1.5% of all
the deceased in the city during the Monarchic period.6 It seems that
most of Jerusalem’s population (most probably consisting of the lower
classes), as in other parts of the Land of Israel, were buried in simple
pit graves. The existence of this custom is firmly attested in the Bible
(e.g., 2 Kings 23: 6; Jer. 26: 23; 31: 39–40).7 From an archaeological
perspective, on the other hand, the evidence for this practice is scarce,
and so far it has been found only at Lachish (Tufnell 1953: 171–249).
The limited survival of such practices in the archaeological record
should not come as a surprise, however, since a similar pattern is attested
toward the end of the Second Temple period. So far, only four sites in
Jerusalem from this period have yielded a limited number of simple pit
graves, consisting of a shallow pit ca. 0.5 m deep (Kloner 1980: 244).8
6
This is based upon Broshi’s estimates (1974; 1977; 1990; see also Broshi and Fin-
kelstein 1992). It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the reliability of methods
for estimating population size based on archaeological finds (cf. Lipschits 2003); but in
fact, even if Broshi’s estimates, especially for Jerusalem, are exaggerated (cf. Na aman
2007 with earlier references), there is still an enormous gap between the number of
preserved caves and the estimated number of inhabitants.
7
It should be noted that some of these biblical references may also point to the
existence of mass burials in the vicinity of Jerusalem. These may have been used at
times of exceptional mortality brought on by epidemics, earthquakes, or significant
military conflicts. From an archaeological perspective this practice may be observed in
the case of Lachish (Tufnell 1953: 193–194). An additional example of mass burials
attested at Area D in Ashdod, where the communal burial pits were located within the
dwelling units, remains unclear; although, most probably, these mass burials should be
connected to the assault of Sargon II (Bachi and Ben-Dov 1971: 92–94; Bloch-Smith
1992a: 29; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001: 250, n. 18). The existence of collective
burial pits outside the city of Rome (so-called puticuli), confirmed by literary sources and
archaeology (Hopkins 1983: 207–210; Morris 1992: 42), may provide a good parallel
for communal burial pits that presumably existed in the vicinity of Jerusalem.
8
These simple pit graves should not be confused with the so-called Qumran-type
graves (Schultz 2006 with further references), recently discovered at Beth Zafafa (Zissu
and Moyal 1998; cf. also Puech 1998; Hachlili 2000).
Even though it is obvious from a demographic point of view that most

of the ancient population must have used archaeologically invisible pit
graves, this fact is often overlooked during discussions of burial customs.
For instance, concerning burial practices near the end of the Second
Temple period, several scholars believe that the gathering of bones in
ossuaries was a ritual practiced by the Jewish nation as a whole (Kloner
1980: 252; Hachlili 1994: 187). The scarcity of rock-cut tombs, in com-
parison to the assumed population size, suggests, however, that mainly
the aristocracy practiced this burial custom, while the majority of the
population, unable to purchase a family rock-cut tomb and ossuaries,
is likely to have been buried in simple pit or cist graves.9
The assumed simultaneous existence of many simple pit graves and
the concentration of groups of rock-cut bench tombs in the vicinity
of numerous Judahite cities during the Late Iron Age (8th–7th and the
beginning of 6th centuries BCE) may be examined in accordance with
Saxe’s “Hypothesis 8.” According to Saxe (1970: 119), “to the degree
that corporate group rights to use and/or control crucial but restricted
resources are attained and/or legitimized by means of lineal descent
from the dead (i.e. lineal ties to ancestors), such groups will maintain
formal disposal areas for the exclusive disposal of their dead, and con-
versely.” Saxe’s method was modified by Goldstein, who had already
pointed out that considering the wide range of variability in cultures,
the major problem found in the applications of “Hypothesis 8” is “the
low probability that certain groups, even when in similar economic and
environmental conditions, will symbolize and ritualize aspects of their
organization in precisely the same way” (1979: 61). In line with trends
in New Archaeology, Saxe’s attempt to construct a body of theory
about the sociological significance of burial, formulated as a set of eight
hypotheses tested by statistical method, received a great deal of atten-
tion from the postprocessual critics of the 80s (for a recent summary,
reopening the previous debate, see Morris 1991 with earlier references;
and Pearson 1999: 29–30). The general outcome of this critique was
expressed by Morris in the following manner: “while Saxe’s theories
clearly have relevance, they are always only one among many arguments
being voiced about funerary behaviour” (1991: 148). While I accept
this postulate, I still find it appropriate to scrutinize the emergence of
Judahite rock-cut bench tomb cemeteries, most probably accompanied
9
For additional discussion, see Regev 2000; Peleg 2002.
by simple pit graves (not always necessarily in the immediate vicinity of

the rock-cut caves), in the light of several of Saxe’s claims. In both cases
there is a clear tendency toward exclusive disposal of the group’s dead
by creating well-defined areas, which function as formal cemeteries. It
is reasonable to assume that this spatial organization points to monopo-
lization of crucial but limited resources by the members of the group
buried in rock-cut bench tombs. These limited resources included the
land and the water, as well as the bedrock suitable for hewing tombs,
and were further limited by their necessary proximity to the city.10 The
biblical tradition of family burials (cf. 2 Sam. 17: 23; 21: 14; 2 Kings
14: 20; 23: 30) and the archaeological evidence for prolonged use of
rock-cut bench tombs agree with the assumption that monopolization
of power was achieved through inheritance. On the other hand, the
second, much larger group, the archaeological evidence of which is
scarce, consisted of simple pit graves. It is most probable that unlike
the former group, disposal of this group’s dead in well-defined bounded
areas was not related to lineal descent. In this case such linkage, if it
existed at all, was probably more generalized: All those buried in a
particular field belonged to a distinct group connected by “mythologi-
cal” ancestors (Patriarchs? Eponyms? Heroes?). Assuming that crucial
yet restricted resources, at least within city limits, were monopolized by
the population buried in rock-cut bench tombs, it may be suggested that
the emergence of formal cemeteries consisting of simple pit graves was
inspired by the elites buried in rock-cut bench tombs in an attempt to
organize the immediate space, shared by both groups.11 This brings us
to the conclusion that every possible reconstruction concerning burial
customs during the period of the Late Monarchy, based on the database
of rock-cut bench tombs, must take into account the assumption that
they mostly reflect the customs of a wealthy elite population. Such an
observation appears to be in accordance with Tainter’s conclusions
regarding the importance of energy expenditure in mortuary practices
(i.e. the overall amount of energy expended on disposing the body,
including body treatment, grave construction, funeral duration, and
material contributions to the funeral), as a good indicator of social rank
(Tainter 1978; see, however, McHugh 1995: 8–13 and Pearson 1999:
10
For a wide range of material and social issues, such as access to natural resources,
management of waste, and proximity to kin and social equals, which might have
appeared because of the population’s agglomeration within the cities, see, e.g., Fletcher
1995; Morgan and Coulton 1997.
11
According to Tubul (2007: 195–196), there may be even a deliberate semantic
distinction between the use of the two plural forms for the word “grave” in the Bible.
31, 74–5). To sum up, the numerous rock-cut bench tomb cemeteries
attested near Judahite cities during the Late Iron Age may reflect the
high “vertical” position of the deceased, united by belonging to elite
status “corporate” groups, which in turn reveals their “horizontal”
social position (cf. Carr 1995).
Can Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah Serve as an Indicator of State Formation?
The affiliation of 8th–7th-century Judahite bench tombs (at least those
near the cities) with urban elites is of particular significance, though
the importance of this fact is not always clearly acknowledged.12 The
transformation of traditional Judahite culture of the 10th–9th centuries
BCE, characterized by patrilineal and individual kinship, to an elite one
near the end of the 8th and during the 7th centuries BCE was demon-
strated in two extensive studies (Halpern 1991; 1996; see also Simkins
2004).13 According to Halpern, the emergence of the monotheistic
urban elite, which gained ascendancy in Judah under Kings Hezekiah,
Manasseh, and Josiah, is reflected inter alia in Israelite burial customs.
Halpern notes that Israelite rock-cut tombs prior to the 7th century
BCE were multichambered, with space for at least four generations,
and as such, may reflect what he calls “clan section.” In the 7th century
BCE this type was replaced by a single-chambered type, where “the
old clan sections were breaking down as tomb groups; the extended
family now cared individually for its own dead” (Halpern 1996: 326).14
I agree with Halpern’s suggestion that 8th–7th-century Judahite bench
tombs mainly reflect newly created urban elites; however, his suggestion
regarding the change in burial practices in the 7th century BCE lacks
evidence in the archaeological record. Firstly, it is virtually impossible
to differentiate typologically between Iron Age burial caves of the 8th
12
For the general acceptance that rock-cut tombs probably reflect the higher
classes, see De Vaux 1965: 58; Spronk 1986: 239; Bloch-Smith 1992a: 149; Kletter
2002: 38.
13
In fact, quite a similar approach may be detected already in Causse’s works (1934;
1937). According to him, the establishment of the monarchy led to increased social
differentiation, and as a result of it a “group” collective mentality of the tribal and
early Monarchic period was replaced by a more individualistic way of thinking toward
the end of the monarchy and thereafter.
14
For a view that in both the urban and rural environments these tombs might
have represented extended families, see Barkay 1999. According to him, it is hard to
accept Faust’s reconstruction regarding the differences in family structure between cities
and villages during the Iron Age II. Faust (1999a) suggested that extended families
are represented in the rural sector, while nuclear families dwelt in most of the small
four-room houses in the urban sector.
and 7th centuries BCE (Yezerski 1999: 263). Secondly, it is a well-known

fact that the vast majority of the single-chambered tombs were used
by many generations, since the skeletons were removed to the so-called
repositories. Thus, for instance, the repository of one of the caves at
Ketef Hinnom, established toward the end of the Iron Age, yielded
the remains of about 100 individuals (Barkay 1992: 371; 1999: 97).
Another example comes from a 7th-century-BCE cave on the western
slope of Mount Zion where the remains of 43 individuals were identi-
fied (Arensburg and Rak 1985). Besides this, multichambered bench
tombs are attested toward the end of the Iron Age, especially in the
area of Jerusalem. Ample demonstration of this practice may be seen,
for instance, in the elaborate tombs of St. Ètienne Monastery in Jeru-
salem. Halpern apparently confused his attribution of multichambered
Late Bronze/Iron Age I caves with the Israelite clan sections (Halpern
1996, 297, n. 17). Those caves, maintaining the Late Bronze tradition,
have nothing to do with the “proto-Israel” of the Iron Age I or inhabit-
ants of Judah of the Iron Age IIA. Despite this, Halpern is correct in
pointing out that there is a change in Judahite burial practices during
the final stages of the Iron Age. However, the real change is not in the
shift between multichambered rock-cut tombs to single-chambered ones,
but between the lack of rock-cut bench tombs in the central highlands
during the Iron Age I and IIA and their sudden appearance during
the Iron Age IIB (8th–7th centuries BCE).
The lack of burials in the central highlands of Palestine during the
Iron Age I has recently been addressed by Kletter (2002). According
to him, this is a meaningful phenomenon, which together with the
change in settlement patterns and diet habits may serve as an additional
indicator of a radical change in the central highlands between the
Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I.15 In fact, the same lack of burials is
attested during the Iron Age IIA, mid-late 10th–9th centuries BCE,16
at least in the Judean Highlands.
In what follows, my main objective is to find a reasonable explana-
tion for the striking dissimilarity in the appearance of burial practices
15
Bloch-Smith’s critique of Kletter’s suggestion is not convincing since the number
of Iron Age I burials attested in the central highlands and gathered by her is extremely
small (Bloch-Smith 2003: 424; 2004). Faust (2004), on the other hand, suggests that the
lack of Iron Age I burials in the central highlands points to an ideology of simplicity
and egalitarianism among the “proto-Israelites.”
16
For suggested chronology, see Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004; Fantalkin and
Finkelstein 2006.
connected with the use of rock-cut bench tombs throughout different

parts of the Land of Israel. The main question that should be addressed
is why bench tombs in the Judean core area (the Jerusalem Hills) do
appear only during the 8th century BCE, while in the coastal area—the
Shephelah and even the northern Negev—this practice was adopted
considerably earlier?
Previous explanations, based on scholarly consensus regarding the
historicity of the United Monarchy in the days of David and Solomon,
fail to explain this dissimilarity. According to these explanations, the
Shephelah, for instance, in accord with biblical testimony, must be seen
as a part of the United Monarchy. In turn, that would imply that already
in the 10th century BCE the use of rock-cut bench tombs was attested in
the areas ruled from Jerusalem, the kingdom’s capital. Thus, according
to Barkay: “Judah had its own development in this field (bench tombs,
A.F.); it seems that besides the most general connections, it is impossible
to pinpoint a continuous typological development of the burial caves,
as well as no link can be found between those in Judah and those in
other regions of the country where the neighboring kingdoms existed”
(1994: 162; translated from Hebrew, A.F.).
A similar opinion is expressed by Yezerski, according to whom the
distribution of bench tombs within the borders of Judah suggests that
“. . . the architectural tradition of burial caves was quite well-established
in Judah at the beginning of Iron Age II” (i.e. already in the 10th century
BCE, A.F.) (Yezerski 1999: 257; cf. also Amit and Yezerski 2001: 192).
It seems that from a factual perspective it is difficult to accept these
statements, which contradict available archaeological data. Indeed the
numerous examples of bench tombs seem to be quite well established
at the beginning of the Iron Age IIA, and even as early as the Late
Bronze Age and Iron Age I, though they are admittedly outside the
proper Judean core area. These occur mostly at sites in the Shephelah
(Bloch-Smith 1992a: 41–52), but also along the coast (ibid.; Badhi 2000;
Mazar 2000). The most important point, however, is that sites like Tell
Eitun in the Shephelah reveal clear continuity between rock-cut bench
tombs of the Late Bronze Age and those of the Iron Age (Ussishkin
1973; Edelstein and Aurant 1992 with earlier references).17 This evidence
17
It seems that a similar situation may have existed at Tel alif, which was occupied
continuously from the Late Bronze Age until the Late Iron Age (Seger 1993: 557–559).
So far, all excavated and published tombs from Tel alif are dated exclusively to the
Iron Age IIA–IIB. Unlike the Judean core area, however, their initial appearance in
accords well with the first appearance of bench tombs during the Late
Bronze Age (14th–13th centuries BCE) in the region discussed, given
their limited distribution in areas of the southern Coastal Plain (Tell
el- Ajjul) and the Shephelah (Gezer, Lachish, Tell Eitun, and Tell
el-Far ah [S]) (Gonen 1992: 22–3, 124–130).18 In Barkay’s opinion it
is impossible to find a direct and continuous link between these Late
Bronze rock-cut bench tombs and those that begin to appear in Judah
from the 10th century BCE, since this burial custom developed in Judah
independently (1994: 163). Conversely, Bloch-Smith suggests that all the
elements of the standard Iron Age IIB bench-tomb type were already
present in the region toward the end of the Late Bronze Age (1992a:
41–52, 137; 1992b: 217). Though acknowledging the fact that there is
a clear continuity in burial practices from the Late Bronze Age through
the Iron Age I and II, at least in the regions of the Shephelah and the
southern coast, Bloch-Smith apparently considers the 10th–9th BCE
Shephelah within the boundaries of the United Monarchy (1992a:
15; 1992b; 2002: 123).19 Both Barkay and Bloch-Smith, despite the
differences in their approaches, fail to explain why bench tombs began
to appear in the Judean Highlands during the 8th century BCE and
not sooner. The available data, however, suggests that there is a link
between the adoption of this custom by newly emerged 8th-century-
BCE Judahite elites and the conversion of Judah from a dimorphic
chiefdom to a fully developed state (cf. Finkelstein 1999).
Tel alif is attested from at least the 9th century BCE (Biran and Gophna 1970;
Borowski 1992; 1994). The presence of possible 9th century BCE bench tombs at
Tel Ira (Beit-Arieh et al. 1999: 129–169), orbat Anim (Yezerski and Lender 2002),
Zahiriyye (Yezerski 1999: 258 with earlier references), and Khirbet Za aq (ibid.: 257–258)
is in line with the assumption that during the Iron Age IIA this burial practice was
concentrated outside the proper Judean core area; and see below.
18
It should not be forgotten that there is disagreement over the appearance of rock-
cut bench tombs within the context of the Palestinian Late Bronze Age. According to
Waldbaum (1966), trapeze-shaped bench tombs with dromoi, which were exposed at
Cemetery 500 at Tell el-Far ah (S), were inspired by Aegean (Mycenaen) prototypes.
Stiebing (1970) and Gonen (1992: 22–23, 124–130), however, have suggested that the
rock-cut bench tomb, as a type, originated in Cyprus and its appearance in Late Bronze
Palestine shows Cypriot influence (see also Gilmour 1995).
19
Bloch-Smith’s views should not be confused with those of Spronk (1986). Accord-
ing to Spronk, there are no typical Israelite graves even in the Iron Age II. Spronk’s
theory, however, appears to be unacceptable. Despite the continuity between the Late
Bronze and Iron Age burial practices, at least in the southern coast and the Shephelah
there is no other alternative but to see the vast majority of 8th–7th centuries BCE
bench-tombs as the clear Judahite type (cf. Yezerski 1999).
Scholars who recognize the appearance of bench tombs as a purely

Judahite phenomenon, characterizing both the United Monarchy and
the Kingdom of Judah, tend to disregard the archaeologist’s inability
to pinpoint a political entity that fits the definition of a state in anthro-
pological-sociological terms (cf. Wright 1977; Spencer 1990), which
supposedly existed in Judah by the 10th century BCE. Archaeological
evidence concerning Jerusalem, the kingdom’s capital, in the days of
David and Solomon and up to the late 9th – early 8th centuries BCE,
has so far revealed data insufficient to support the existence of a devel-
oped state, characterized by hierarchically organized administrative
specialization (cf. Spencer 1998: 17). A recently suggested “view from
the border” (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2001: 144–147 with earlier
references; cf. also Blakely 2002), which shifts the focus from the prob-
lematic core of the Judahite polity, i.e. Jerusalem in the early Iron Age
IIA, to its periphery, offers no real help. According to this approach, the
crystallization of the United Monarchy during the reigns of David and
Solomon may be detected in monumental building activity revealed,
for instance, at Tel Beth Shemesh, located at the border zone with
Philistia. Bunimovitz and Lederman argue that this may indicate that
the emergence of governmental organization in Judah took place much
earlier than the 8th century BCE (2001: 145; cf. Finkelstein 2002a).
Pushing their evidence still further, one might suggest that the early
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in the Shephelah is in line with
the assumption that the earliest traces of statehood, including growing
social inequality, will be particularly visible at the borders. It seems,
however, that applying the “border approach” to Iron Age IIA Judah
would be avoiding the real question. Jerusalem, the supposed core of
the “border approach,” is no longer terra incognita, and has not been so
for some time (Ussishkin 2003a; Na aman 2007). In Barkay’s words:
“in more than 120 years of archaeological investigation in Jerusalem,
not one tomb has been found that may be dated to the golden age of
the Israelite monarchy, the tenth century BCE” (1992: 371). In fact,
the same holds true not just for the tombs: archaeologically, early Iron
Age IIA Jerusalem is represented merely by meager pottery and pos-
sibly also by the stepped stone structure found in the City of David
(Steiner 2001: 42–53; Finkelstein 2001: 108). In this regard, it is worth
mentioning that applying Max Weber’s “patrimonial model” to the
emergence of the United Monarchy in the Land of Israel (Stager 1985;
1998; Master 2001; cf. Schloen 2001: 49–73, 360, passim) would not
be of help either. Although this explanation may fit numerous cases in

the ancient Near East, it does not explain the lack of archaeological
evidence for the existence of even a patrimonially operated state that
ruled over vast territories from Jerusalem in the 10th century BCE.20
It seems that, given the present state of research, one should look for
an alternative explanation.
In my opinion, the available archaeological data suggests that there
is no clear evidence for the existence of a fully developed state in Judah
before the late 9th–early 8th centuries BCE.21 This does not negate or
deny the existence of a political entity of some sort in the central high-
lands during the 10th and the better part of the 9th centuries BCE,22
but it does limit its scope. Most probably, local chiefs/kings/rulers,
as in previous periods (cf. Bunimovitz 1989; Na aman 1992; 1996a;
Finkelstein 1993; 1996), ruled from a few small mountain strongholds
(such as early Davidic rulers in Jerusalem) over the sparsely inhabited
surrounding region (Ofer 1994; 2001; Lehmann 2003), which included
a few agricultural hamlets, while the majority of the population con-
sisted of pastoral or semi-pastoral groups (Zadok 1996: 722; Finkel-
stein 1999; 2001; 2003; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001: 238–240).
20
Perhaps the most suitable parallel that could bridge the gap between the idea of
a great United Monarchy and the lack of archaeological evidence in Jerusalem may
come from the Carolingian Empire. The administration of this early medieval empire
was focused on a series of palaces (such as Aachen, Paderborn, and Ingelheim), which
the emperors, who stood at the heart of a system of patronage, visited as part of their
peripatetic routine (Moreland 2001: 396). But even in this case, already during the
reign of Charlemagne (768–814 CE), the royal government was increasingly based at
Aachen (ibid. with earlier references), implying the necessity of establishing a perma-
nent core-base. This parallel, however, should not be examined cautiously with regard
to the historicity of the United Monarchy, due to the fact that, inter alia, the biblical
narrative describes Jerusalem as being a capital of the kingdom already during the
reign of King David, and as a large and rich city, especially during the glorious reign
of King Solomon.
21
It should be noted that based on various interpretations of the same archaeologi-
cal data, different scholars have reached opposite conclusions concerning the status of
Jerusalem (for a rather minimalist, middle-way approach, see Jameson-Drake 1991;
Knauf 1991; Niemann 1993; Na aman 1996a; 2007; Steiner 1998; 2003; Finkelstein
1999; 2001; Ussishkin 2003a; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; 2006; for the opposite
view, see Cahill 2003; Kletter 2004; Faust 2005; Mazar 2005).
22
The reference to the “House of David” in the Tel Dan inscription (Biran and
Naveh 1993; 1995), as well as possibly on the Mesha Stele (Lemaire 1994), definitely
point to the existence of a political entity of some sort in the Judean Highlands already
during the 10th–9th centuries BCE. The suspicions raised by some that the Tel Dan
inscription is fabricated are not convincing (for the latest attempt, see Gmirkin 2002
with earlier references).
With regard to the absence of Iron Age I highland burials, Kletter

has recently pointed out that it “may indicate a relatively poor society,
without a developed class structure and consolidation of wealthy, upper
classes. It does not mean complete lack of classes, only that distances
between ranks were not large” (2002: 39). Indeed, it is a well-known
fact that a certain degree of inequality is inherent even in the most
egalitarian groups (Hamilakis 2002: 14 with earlier references). What
appears to be of particular importance, however, is that the assumed
accumulation of power through the hands of the highland chiefs in
Jerusalem, which may have started during the early Iron Age IIA, was
not accompanied by the appearance of rock-cut tombs, which began
to appear only later on.23 We do not know how the Tell Eitun or Tel
alif inhabitants defined themselves in the 10th–9th centuries BCE:
maybe it was as tribes of Judah or Simeon, or perhaps their true names
were entirely different.24 In any case, their affiliation with the authority
ruling in the area of the Jerusalem Hills looks problematic. Based on
the archaeological evidence alone, the elite population of the southern
Shephelah apparently continued to be buried in rock-cut bench tombs
following the tradition prevalent in these areas since the Late Bronze
Age. Perhaps what we see here is the renewal of a “New Canaan” of
Philistia and the Shephelah, which lasted at least through the better
part of the 9th century BCE.25 It would be logical, then, to assume that
the integration of the southern Shephelah into the Kingdom of Judah
did not take place before the end of the 9th century BCE (cf. Thompson
1992: 292, 409–410).
23
It is worth noting that unlike in the Judean Highlands a modest number of Iron
Age IIA rock-cut caves are attested to the north of Jerusalem in the Benjamin Pla-
teau. A few examples were reported from Gibeon (Dajani 1953; Bloch-Smith 1992a:
168–169) and Tell en-Na be (Badé 1931; McCown 1947: 77–100; Bloch-Smith 1992a:
195–196, 207). It is tempting to explain such an “early” appearance of these tombs in
this particular area with the rise of the early Israelite polity which was concentrated
around Gibeon (Finkelstein 2002b). According to Finkelstein (ibid.), this presumably
Saulide polity was assaulted by Shoshenq I in the late 10th century BCE.
24
Bloch-Smith (1992a: 51–52): “It is unclear how early the bench tomb was adopted
by the Judahites or when the bench burying population in the southern highlands first
identified itself as Judahite. Therefore, for the twelfth and eleventh centuries BCE,
the burial evidence illustrates only that the cultural group burying in bench tombs
was concentrated in the Tell Aitun to Tell Halif region of the Shephelah.” It seems,
however, that on the whole this observation appears to be correct during the Iron Age
IIA as well, with possible extension to the northern Negev.
25
The term “New Canaan” here is in accordance with a reference to the “New
Canaan” that lasted in the northern valleys until Shoshenq’s campaign (Finkelstein
2001: 108; 2002b; 2003).
According to Finkelstein, however, the “missing link” in Judah’s

state formation may be found in the 9th-century-BCE Shephelah and
in the Beersheba Valley (Finkelstein 2001). He states that there is no
alternative but to attribute the massive building activity of Lachish IV,
Beer-sheba V, and Arad XI to the Kingdom of Judah. If this was the
case, the periphery of the kingdom had already shown signs of state-
hood prior to the 8th century BCE. Finkelstein’s main reasoning in
looking for the transitional phase in the history of Judahite statehood
is based on the reasonable assumption that “it is illogical that Judah
sprang into life from a void; there must have been a transition phase
between the two stages: the sparsely settled tenth century and the
densely settled late-eighth century” (ibid.: 106). According to him, this
transition phase was achieved within a few decades in the first half of
the 9th century BCE, under Omride dominance, and as an outcome
of Omride political and economic ambitions (ibid.: 110–112). Although
such a reconstruction might be possible (Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006:
28–30), it still takes us back to the “view from the border” (Bunimovitz
and Lederman 2001). It seems to me that the same argument made for
the case of 10th-century-BCE Jerusalem should apply to the 9th century
BCE as well. Thus, as with 10th-century-BCE Jerusalem, the meager
archaeological remains for 9th-century-BCE Jerusalem make it difficult
to accept Jerusalem’s control over the Shephelah and the Beersheba
Valley during the better part of the 9th century BCE.26 It seems that
in order to bridge the gap between the establishment of Lachish IV,
Beer-sheba V, and Arad XI, which might have been affiliated with the
Judahite state, and the two contrasting archaeological pictures in the
history of Jerusalem (the meager remains from the 10th–9th centuries
versus the impressive remains from the 8th–7th centuries BCE), one
should look for a stronger hypothesis than those previously suggested.
I accept that the transformation from an Amarna-type dimorphic
entity to the Judahite state was sudden and rapid (cf. Barfield 2001:
36–38). There are several reasons, however, for believing that this
26
Using the Low Chronology perspective (Finkelstein 1999; 2002a, both with earlier
references), one may attribute Jerusalem’s stepped stone structure, a small part of a
casemate wall, and a few other occupational remains to the 9th century BCE (cf. Reich
et al. 2007); nevertheless, these elements are insufficient evidence for the existence of
a capital of a large state (Steiner 2001: 42–53, 113–116). Moreover, Finkelstein states
that even an (early?) 8th-century-BCE date for the stepped stone structure is plausible
(2001: 106).
transformation was achieved not at some time during the first half
of the 9th century BCE but rather near the end of that century. Two
major factors seem to contribute to this significant event, which cre-
ated a new paradigm shortly thereafter. The first is the short period of
decline for the Northern Kingdom, throughout the days of Jehu and
Jehoahaz, when Israel was pressed by Aram-Damascus. The second is
new developments in the region of the Shephelah. During the 10th
century BCE, this area seems to have been dominated by Ekron, at
least until its destruction, perhaps in the course of Shoshenq’s campaign
(Finkelstein 2001: 111; 2002b: 116). Thereafter, it is most plausible
that Gath controlled the area of the Shephelah and maybe the Beer-
sheba Valley as well,27 at least until the decline of Gath in the course
of Hazael’s campaign.28 If the historicity of this event is accepted,29
the Judahite expansion into the area of the Shephelah might be seen
not as the outcome of Omride policy, but as an independent Judahite
move, fully exploiting a new opportunity, apparently in the days of
Jehoash. The assumed growth in the number of settlements in the hill
country to the south of Jerusalem in the 9th century BCE (Ofer 1994:
102–104) provides additional corroboration for this suggestion. In this
regard one should also reconsider the historical role of Amaziah and
Uzziah in the establishment of Jerusalem’s rule over the territories of
the Shephelah and the Beersheba Valley. It seems that the aggressive
expansionist policy of Aram-Damascus, resulting in the decline of
Gath and the temporary weakening of the Northern Kingdom, may
have paved the way for Judah’s expansion and transformation into
27
In both cases it is plausible that their power spread in the north up to the Yar-
kon area. If one looks for the core—periphery relationships in the southern part of
the Land of Israel, the core, at least during the 10th and perhaps most of the 9th
centuries BCE, should be placed in Philistia (Knauf 2000: Fig. 4). I cannot accept,
however, Knauf ’s suggestion (ibid.: 85) that during the early Iron Age II “Jerusalem
should have prospered under the conditions of the Rift Valley trade system together
with Philistia.”
28
A major destruction layer recently uncovered at Gath (final Stratum A3) points to
the late-9th- century-BCE horizon and was reasonably assigned to Hazael’s campaign
(Shai and Maeir 2003; Maeir 2004; Ackermann et al. 2005).
29
The historicity of the conquest of Gath by Hazael king of Aram Damascus
(2 Kings 12: 17) is accepted by many scholars (Na aman 1996b: 176–177; 1997: 127;
Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001: 242 with earlier references; see also Schniedewind
1998). However, as rightly pointed out by Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz (2001: 242): “A
reconstruction of a wide-scale Hazael campaign in the south should await additional
support; historical and/or archaeological.”
a real regional power (cf. Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006: 30–32). If

this assumed Judahite expansion actually took place, it is necessary to
hypothesize a possible confrontation with Ashdod for control over the
southern trade network, which Judah apparently won.30
In archaeological terms, such a scenario would mean that Lachish V,
for instance, was not integrated within the Kingdom of Judah. There
are more reasons to believe that it was under Gath’s jurisdiction. Fin-
kelstein states, however, that both Levels V and IV must be affiliated
with Judah. According to him, Lachish V developed, without interrup-
tion, into the fortified city of Level IV, which is the forerunner of the
impressive late-8th-century-BCE Judahite city of Level III (Finkelstein
2001: 109). However, according to Aharoni (1975: 12, 26–32, 41), the
cult room discovered at Lachish V was found destroyed. Remains of
the destruction were also reported from Area S (Ussishkin 1997: 319;
2004: 77). In view of the Low Chronology, Level V might be placed
in the first half of the 9th century BCE (Finkelstein 2002a; Ussishkin
2004: 78; Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006: 21–22).31 One may infer,
then, that the possible destruction of Level V is connected with the
expansion of the Kingdom of Judah, which may have taken place in
the last third of the 9th century BCE. Most recently, however, Ussish-
kin (2004: 77) has suggested that the ash remains uncovered in Area S
are the product of domestic activity rather than traces of destruction.
Moreover, according to him, the destroyed sanctuary discovered at Level
V is Aharoni’s fanciful reconstruction and no such structure existed
(Ussishkin 2003b). It seems, however, that in any event Lachish became
30
If there is any validity to the story portrayed in 2 Chron. 26:6 (Finkelstein 2002c:
139 with earlier references) it would corroborate the assumed confrontation with the
Philistines for control over the southern trade network in the days of Uzziah, in the
early 8th century BCE.
31
Such a scenario would make it impossible to accept Faust’s suggestion to connect
the massive appearance of slip and burnish on pottery vessels used for food consump-
tion with the formation of the United Monarchy (2002). According to him, the level
of social complexity peaked around 1000 BCE with the formation of the United
Monarchy. This process deepened the gender inequalities, and required a new elabo-
rate treatment of vessels used for “masculine” activities (see also Joffe 2002: 442–443
with earlier references, who attributes the appearance of the red burnished pottery
to the emergent “royal” culture in the 10th century BCE). It seems, however, that
even using the conventional chronology, there is no basis for Faust’s main claim that
the use of slipped and burnished pottery reached its peak at some point during the
10th century BCE. Moreover, the wide distribution of slipped and burnished pottery
all over the southern Levant, including the Phoenician (Bikai 1978; Lehmann 1996)
and Philistine milieu (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2001: 146, n. 59), would undermine
Faust’s reconstruction as well.
part of the Kingdom of Judah not before the foundation of Level IV.
A new architectural plan, beginning at Lachish IV and continuing
through Level III, may reflect a system of higher-level administrative
control, i.e. the Kingdom of Judah (Ussishkin 2004: 82).32
The same scenario most likely accounts for the foundation of the
fort of Arad XI.33 It seems that the establishment of the administrative
centers at Lachish IV, the fortification system at Beth-shemesh, and the
fortress of Arad XI and their affiliation with the Kingdom of Judah, may
be placed sometime within the last third of the 9th century BCE.34
Keeping in mind the proposed reconstruction, let us return to the
starting point, i.e. the sudden appearance of rock-cut bench tombs
in the Judean core-area. Now, it appears that the integration of the
southern Shephelah into the Kingdom of Judah near the end of the 9th
century BCE led to the dispersion of rock-cut bench tombs throughout
the kingdom and their rapid adoption as the accepted Judahite custom,
and that these tombs characterized mainly a wealthy (elite) Judahite
population from the 8th to the beginning of the 6th centuries BCE.
Such an observation appears to be in line with some of Portugali’s
theoretical speculations on the emergence of statehood in Judah (1994).
Using the “evolutionary” approach of Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman
(1981), as well as Haken’s “synergetics” approach (1985),35 he suggests
32
Such a reconstruction agrees with the suggestion that the Lachish palace (on
Podia A and B) was first built in Level IV (Aharoni 1975: 41; Ussishkin 1996: 35, n.
4; 1997: 319). It should be noted, however, that even if Podium A was built in Level
V (Tufnell 1953: 52–53), the new architectural plan that continued to Level III, started
only in Level IV. However, a certain similarity between the pottery of Lachish V and
IV (Zimhoni 1997: 171) may suggest that, except for the new masters, the local popu-
lation around Lachish did not change.
33
It should be emphasized that though the fort of Arad X is similar in size to Arad
XI, it differs in numerous details: the architectural layout; the type of fortifications;
the erection of the temple; and the construction of a water system (Herzog 2002).
Moreover, the pottery of Stratum X is remarkably different from that of Stratum XI
(ibid.; Singer-Avitz 2002). It seems that unlike Arad X, whose attribution to the King-
dom of Judah must be certain, the suggested status of Arad XI should be examined
with caution.
34
If the fortified administrative center of Beer-sheba V was founded earlier than
Lachish IV and Arad XI (Zimhoni 1997: 206–207; Finkelstein 2001: 112, n. 16), it
could have been dominated by Gath, at least until Gath’s decline toward the end of
the 9th century BCE.
35
For definition and theoretical framework of the “self-organization” paradigm,
which is the core of the “synergetics” approach, see Nicolis and Prigogine 1977;
Prigogine and Stengers 1984; McGlade and van der Leeuw 1997. For the implica-
tions of applying this method to archaeology, see Allen 1982; 1997; Weidlich 1988;
Schloen 2001: 57–58.
that the emergence of a monarchy in Iron Age Judah might be seen

as a socio-spatial mutation of the Canaanite and Philistine system of
city-states. Thus, the traditional Israelite societates were “enslaved” by the
newly emerged urban civitas, creating a more complex and hierarchi-
cal system than its prototype (cf. Frick 1985; Gottwald 2001). In this
reconstruction, Portugali apparently refers to the establishment of the
United Monarchy. In light of recent understanding, this theory would
apply rather to the establishment of the Northern Israelite Kingdom
during the 9th century BCE (Finkelstein 1999; 2000; Finkelstein and
Silberman 2001: 149–195).36 His basic conclusions, however, seem to
be useful with regard to state formation in Judah as well. Thus, one
can always suggest that since the use of rock-cut bench tombs in the
Canaanite and Philistine milieu is not connected to state formation
there is no such a linkage in Iron Age Judah. However, if we employ
Portugali’s approach, the adoption of bench tombs by Judah’s new
urban elites may be seen as an imitation/mutation of burial practices
existing among the urban elites in the neighboring Canaanite and Phi-
listine city-states. These burial practices, borrowed from city-states, were
adapted to the newly created system of the national state.37 It seems
that the appearance of numerous rock-cut bench tombs in the Judean
Hills during the 8th–7th centuries BCE, especially around Jerusalem,
may be explained by hypothesizing the formation of a wealthy social
class composed of new executive cadres (high-level positions such as
the king, king’s family, ministers, executive officials, office heads, etc.).38
36
It should be noted that Faust’s (1999b) analysis of the abandonment of the Iron
Age I rural sites in the hill country north of Jerusalem may apply to the rise of the
Kingdom of Israel rather than to the establishment of the United Monarchy. It becomes
particularly clear if one employs the Low Chronology (cf. ibid.: 25, n. 59).
37
In Israel, i.e. the Northern Kingdom, the situation appears to have been different,
because the major urban centers emerged during the 9th century BCE. It is hard to
explain, however, why the urbanization of the Kingdom of Israel was not accompanied
by the emergence of rock-cut tomb cemeteries, as occurred in the Kingdom of Judah
in the 8th century. The known Iron Age II burials from the area of the Kingdom of
Israel, despite their modest numbers (Kletter 2002: 30, n. 7 with earlier references;
Vitto 2001; Braun 2001), may reflect a multi-ethnic society with a variety of burial
practices (Faust 2000; Finkelstein 2000; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001: 191–194).
Perhaps the Assyrian destructions of the late 8th century BCE halted the crystallization
of standard burial practice in the Kingdom of Israel (Bloch-Smith 1992a: 143–144;
Kletter 2002: 30). On the other hand, following the conquest of the Shephelah, the
homogenous Judahite elite quickly adopted the bench tomb burial practice, of course
modifying and standardizing it.
38
Interestingly, the emergence of statehood in Urartu, during the 9th century BCE,
is accompanied by the appearance of elaborate rock-cut funerary caves, which, appar-
ently, served high-level officials (Burney 1995).
Their appearance serves as the clearest indicator of a newly created

social hierarchy.39 It can be reasonably assumed that the representa-
tives of the peripheral Judahite cities (local elites), as well as wealthy
farmland owners, also rapidly adopted these burial practices (Halpern
1996; Barkay 1999).
Conclusions
It has been emphasized that bench tombs can serve as a reliable indi-
cator in attempting to reconstruct the boundaries of the Kingdom of
Judah near the end of the Iron Age (Yezerski 1999). Their distribution
throughout the kingdom near the end of the Iron Age matches, on the
whole, the spatial distribution of the material finds clearly identified as
Judahite (cf. Kletter 1999). In this paper I have tried to point out several
features that allow us to make a connection between the widespread
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs throughout the Kingdom of Judah
from the 8th century BCE until the Babylonian conquest and Judah’s
emergence as a fully developed state with a material culture of its own.
I suggested that Judah’s expansion into the area of the Shephelah and
the latter’s integration into the Kingdom of Judah near the end of the
9th century BCE might be seen as a major event in Judah’s transforma-
tion into a fully developed state. It should be clearly stated, however,
that the appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in Iron Age Judah does
not itself indicate state formation. It should be considered rather as
39
In addition to the widespread adoption of this burial practice, a parallel trend,
including imitation of certain architectural elements in funerary architecture at the end
of the Iron Age, may be attested as well. Thus, the style of the “Pharaoh’s Daughter”
tomb includes Egyptian elements such as an Egyptian cornice and pyramid. This
tomb appears to have been a result of pure Egyptian inspiration (Ussishkin 1993: 319).
Further examples illustrating Egyptian inspiration are the headrests in Cave No. 2 at
St. Ètienne Monastery in Jerusalem. In Barkay’s opinion, these headrests were shaped
like the hairstyle of the Egyptian goddess Hathor (1994: 150–151). It can be reasonably
assumed that in both cases the imitation of Egyptian elements by the local elite was
the source for inspiration (so-called elite emulation, and see Higginbotham 2000: 6–16
for a general explanation of this phenomenon). Accepting this explanation, perhaps
we are able to date the above examples more precisely to the last quarter of the 7th
century BCE, bearing in mind that during that period Judah became an Egyptian
vassal following Assyrian withdrawal from the region (Freedy and Redford 1970: 478,
n. 79; Miller and Hayes 1986: 38; Na aman 1991; Fantalkin 2001: 128–147). Although
the uncertainty of this reconstruction should be definitely emphasized, I see no basis
whatsoever for Bloch-Smith’s (2002: 129) suggestion to attribute the tomb of “Pharaoh’s
Daughter” to the 9th century BCE.
just one of the signs of statehood in Iron Age Judah, in addition to

the appearance of monumental architecture, urbanization, widespread
writing, literacy, etc. (cf. Finkelstein 2002b with earlier references). Thus,
as I have argued that during the formative stages, the elites of the
newly emerged Judahite state adopted this type of burial. Thereafter,
this modified burial practice became normative and ritualized and, as
such, was characterized by uniformity in both the belief in the afterlife
and the material expression thereof.
Acknowledgments
I wish to express my gratitude to E. Bloch-Smith, S. Bunimovitz, I. Fin-

kelstein, R. Greenberg, B. Halpern, E. Lytle, C. Morgan, N. Na aman,
O. Tal, D. Ussishkin, and I. Yezerski for their valuable comments on this
article. Any responsibility for the ideas expressed here is mine alone.
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The Appearance of Rock-Cut Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah As A Reflection of State Formation (Alexander Fantalkin)

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Culture and History of the

Ancient Near East

Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and the Levant

Alexander Fantalkin and Assaf Yasur-Landau

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

© Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by

printed in the netherlands

Acknowledgments ....................................................................... vii

Urban Land Use Changes on the Southeastern Slope of

The Appearance of Rock-Cut Bench Tombs in Iron Age

Trademarks of the Omride Builders? ........................................ 45

Continuity and Change in the Late Bronze to Iron Age

Permanent and Temporary Settlements in the South of the

The Socioeconomic Implications of Grain Storage in

A Re-analysis of the Archaeological Evidence for the

Reassessing the Bronze and Iron Age Economy: Sheep and

Settlement Patterns of Philistine City-States ............................. 135

Levantine Standardized Luxury in the Late Bronze Age:

Desert Outsiders: Extramural Neighborhoods in the Iron Age

A Message in a Jug: Canaanite, Philistine, and Cypriot

Index ........................................................................................... 231

The emergence of statehood in Judah has been the subject of numerous

securely dated tombs. A number of similar elements in the funerary

Even though it is obvious from a demographic point of view that most

by simple pit graves (not always necessarily in the immediate vicinity of

and 7th centuries BCE (Yezerski 1999: 263). Secondly, it is a well-known

connected with the use of rock-cut bench tombs throughout different

Scholars who recognize the appearance of bench tombs as a purely

be of help either. Although this explanation may fit numerous cases in

With regard to the absence of Iron Age I highland burials, Kletter

According to Finkelstein, however, the “missing link” in Judah’s

a real regional power (cf. Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006: 30–32). If

that the emergence of a monarchy in Iron Age Judah might be seen

Their appearance serves as the clearest indicator of a newly created

just one of the signs of statehood in Iron Age Judah, in addition to

I wish to express my gratitude to E. Bloch-Smith, S. Bunimovitz, I. Fin-

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