Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
399
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
4 Vlasta 22 (1968), 15, cited in Denisa Neč asová, “Women’s Organizations in the Czech
Lands, 1948–1989: An Historical Perspective,” in Hana Havelková and Libora Oates-
Indruchová (eds.), The Politics of Gender Culture Under State Socialism: An Expropriated
Voice (London: Routledge, 2014), 57–81.
5 For a brilliant analysis, see Paulina Bren, “Women on the Verge of Desire: Women,
Work, and Consumption in Socialist Czechoslovakia,” in David Crowley and Susan
E. Reid (eds.), Pleasures in Socialism: Leisure and Luxury in the Socialist Bloc (Evanston, IL:
Northwestern University Press, 2010).
6 Havelková and Oates-Indruchová (eds.), The Politics of Gender Culture; Celia Donert,
The Rights of the Roma: State Socialism and the “Gypsy Question” (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, forthcoming).
401
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7 Donna Harsch, “Communism and Women,” in Stephen A. Smith (ed.), The Oxford
Handbook of the History of Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 488–504;
Malgorzata Fidelis, Women, Communism and Industrialization in Postwar Poland
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
8 Donna Harsch, The Revenge of the Domestic: Women, the Family and Communism in the
German Democratic Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007).
9 Fidelis, Women, Communism and Industrialization; Mark Pittaway, The Workers’ State:
Industrial Labor and the Making of Socialist Hungary, 1944–1958 (Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 2012); Jill Massino, “Workers Under Construction: Gender, Identity,
and Women’s Experiences of Work in State Socialist Romania,” in Shana Penn and
Jill Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central
Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 13–32.
10 Éva Fodor, Working Difference: Women’s Working Lives in Austria and Hungary, 1945–1995
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), 156.
11 Penn and Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and Everyday Life.
402
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403
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c el i a d o n e r t
Journal of Women’s Studies 21 (2014), 344–60; Kristen Ghodsee, “Untangling the Knot:
A Response to Funk,” European Journal of Women’s Studies 22 (2015), 248–52;
Wang Zheng, Finding Women in the State: A Socialist Feminist Revolution in the People’s
Republic of China, 1949–1964 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016);
Basia Nowak, “Constant Conversations: Agitators in the League of Women in
Poland During the Stalinist Period,” Feminist Studies 31 (2005), 488–518.
17 Chiara Bonfiglioli, “Cold War Internationalisms, Nationalisms and the
Yugoslav–Soviet Split: The Union of Italian Women and the Antifascist Women’s
Front of Yugoslavia,” in Francisca de Haan et al. (eds.), Women’s Activism: Global
Perspectives from the 1890s to the Present (London: Routledge, 2013), 59–76.
18 Wang, Finding Women in the State, 48.
19 Basia A. Nowak, “‘Where Do You Think I Learned to Style My Own Hair?’ Gender and
Everyday Lives of Women Activists in Poland’s League of Women,” in Penn and
Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and Everyday Life, 45–58.
404
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
20 Myra Marx Ferree, Varieties of Feminism: German Gender Politics in Global Perspective
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).
21 Monika Schröttle, Politik und Gewalt im Geschlechterverhältnis (Bielefeld: Kleine, 1999).
22 For example, Sonia Kruks, Rayna Rapp and Marilyn B. Young, Promissory Notes: Women
and the Transition to Socialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989).
23 Alena Heitlinger, Women and State Socialism: Sex Inequality in the Soviet Union and
Czechoslovakia (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1979); Hilda Scott, Does Socialism Liberate
Women? Experiences from Eastern Europe (Boston: Beacon Press, 1974).
24 Sheila Rowbotham, Women, Resistance, and Revolution: A History of Women and
Revolution in the Modern World (London: Allen Lane, 1972).
25 Ping-Chun Hsiung and Yuk-Lin Renita Wong, “Jie Gui – Connecting the Tracks:
Chinese Women’s Activism Surrounding the 1995 World Conference on Women in
Beijing,” Gender and History 10, 3 (Nov. 1998), 470–97.
405
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c el i a d o n e r t
26 Julia Kristeva, About Chinese Women, trans. Anita Barrows (London: Marion Boyars,
1977); Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “French Feminism in an International Frame,” Yale
French Studies 62 (1981), 154–84; Richard Wolin, The Wind from the East: French
Intellectuals, the Cultural Revolution, and the Legacy of the 1960s (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2012).
27 On 1968, see Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); Robert Gildea, James Mark and
Anette Warring (eds), Europe’s 1968: Voices of Revolt (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2013); Martin Klimke, Jacco Pekelder and Joachim Scharloth (eds.), Between Prague
Spring and French May: Opposition and Revolt in Europe, 1960–1980 (New York and
Oxford: Berghahn, 2013).
28 Zsófia Lóránd, “‘A Politically Non-Dangerous Revolution Is Not a Revolution’:
Critical Readings of the Concept of Sexual Revolution by Yugoslav Feminists in the
1970s,” European Review of History – Revue européenne d’histoire 22, 1 (2015), 120–37.
29 Zsófia Lóránd, “Learning a Feminist Language: The Intellectual History of Feminism
in Yugoslavia in the 1970s and 1980s,” Ph.D. dissertation (Central European University,
Budapest, 2014).
406
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
West (as well as North and South), as well as a dialogue between older
traditions of feminist thought and the so-called second wave. This was true
not only for women’s liberation in Britain and the United States but also for
feminist movements in West European states with strong communist parties,
especially France and Italy.30 Second-wave feminism sought to redefine the
contours of the political, including the politicization of the private sphere of
family and affective relationships, the creation of women as political subjects,
and new forms of political mobilization.31 And, similarly to feminists of the
“first wave,” they linked the private sphere to international politics. Thus,
during the 1960s, organizations such as the Women’s International League
for Peace and Freedom and the US movement Women Strike for Peace
reemerged from the networks of communist and progressive women that
had been marginalized by the strident anti-communism of the early
Cold War.
30 Maud Anne Bracke, Women and the Reinvention of the Political: Feminism in Italy,
1968–1983 (New York: Routledge, 2014); Kristina Schulz, Der lange Atem der
Provokation. Die Frauenbewegung in der Bundesrepublik und in Frankreich 1968–1976
(Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2002).
31 Bracke, Women and the Reinvention of the Political, 6.
32 Judy Wu, Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism in the Vietnam
Era (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013).
33 Lien-Hang Nguyen, “Revolutionary Circuits: Toward Internationalizing America in
the World,” Diplomatic History 39 (2015), 411–22.
407
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Images of women and children under socialism were central to the public
diplomacy of communist states throughout the Cold War, often in the wider
context of campaigns in defense of world peace and anti-imperialism.34
The Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF) was the official
representative of the international socialist women’s movement globally.
Founded in France in 1945, the WIDF secretariat moved to East Berlin in
1951. As the Cold War intensified, the WIDF contributed to popular mobili-
zation and propaganda for the “Struggle for Peace,” through which the Soviet
Union made a powerful bid to assert its identity as moral leader of the global
community.35 Initially granted consultative status as an NGO at the United
Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the WIDF was stripped of
its membership in the early 1950s after it participated in campaigns accusing
American forces of committing crimes against humanity during the Korean
War.36 The organization continued to host World Congresses of Women in
European capital cities throughout the 1950s and 1960s, despite friction
between the national sections – in particular, the Italian communist women’s
organization (Unione Donne Italiane, UDI) – over WIDF support for Soviet
foreign policy.37 Only in 1967 did the WIDF regain consultative status at the
United Nations.
From the outset, the WIDF explicitly framed itself as global and anti-
imperialist, holding a Conference of Asian Women in Beijing just weeks after
the creation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. During the 1950s and
1960s, the WIDF provided a network for women from the communist bloc
and postcolonial nations, as well as Western Europe and the United States, to
forge international contacts around issues such as women’s rights, peace,
racial equality and anti-imperialism. Solidarity campaigns, technical assis-
tance and aid between the Second and the Third Worlds shaped the rise of
global humanitarianism during the Cold War.38 Such campaigns received
significant popular support in states such as East Germany, although the
34 Catriona Kelly, “Defending Children’s Rights, ‘In Defense of Peace’: Children and
Soviet Cultural Diplomacy,” Kritika 9, 4 (2003), 711–46; Paul Betts, “Socialism, Social
Rights, and Human Rights: The Case of East Germany,” Humanity 3, 3 (2012), 407–26.
35 Timothy Johnston, Being Soviet: Identity, Rumour, and Everyday Life Under Stalin,
1939–1953 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).
36 Celia Donert, “From Communist Internationalism to Human Rights: The Women’s
International Democratic Federation Mission to North Korea, 1951,” Contemporary
European History 25, 2 (2016), 313–33.
37 Wendy Pojmann, Italian Women and International Cold War Politics, 1944–1968
(New York: Fordham University Press, 2013).
38 Young-Sun Hong, Cold War Germany, the Third World, and the Global Humanitarian
Regime (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
408
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
39 Ibid.
40 Lisa Baldez, Defying Convention: US Resistance to the UN Treaty on Women’s Rights
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Eileen Boris and Susan Zimmermann
(eds.), Women’s ILO: Transnational Networks, Global Labour Standards and Gender Equity,
1919 to the Present (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming).
41 Baldez, Defying Convention, 55–61.
42 Raluca Popa, “Translating Equality Between Women and Men Across Cold War
Divides: Women Activists from Hungary and Romania and the Creation of
International Women’s Year,” in Penn and Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and
Everyday Life, 59–73.
43 Devaki Jain, Women, Development, and the UN: A Sixty-Year Quest for Equality and Justice
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005).
44 Matthew Connelly, Fatal Misconception: The Struggle to Control World Population
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008).
409
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45 Roland Burke, “Competing for the Last Utopia? The NIEO, Human Rights, and the
World Conference for the International Women’s Year, Mexico City, June 1975,”
Humanity 6, 1 (2015), 47–61.
46 Jocelyn Olcott, “Cold War Conflicts and Cheap Cabaret: Sexual Politics at the 1975
United Nations International Women’s Year Conference,” Gender and History 22, 3
(Nov. 2010), 733–54.
47 See Mark Philip Bradley, “Human Rights and Communism,” in this volume.
48 Daniel C. Thomas, The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise
of Communism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
49 Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 2010).
50 Celia Donert, “Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology and Human Rights at the 1975 World
Congress of Women in East Berlin,” in Jan Eckel and Samuel Moyn (eds.),
410
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
retained a certain allure for women’s organizations around the world during
the era of détente.
Western women’s organizations such as the Young Women’s Christian
Association (YWCA) moved swiftly to write the World Congress of Women
out of histories of International Women’s Year. For example, the Women’s
Tribune Centre set up in 1976 to organize follow-up activities after
International Women’s Year made no mention of the East Berlin Congress
in its reports.51 Yet the influence of socialist governments and mass women’s
organizations continued to shape the movement for recognizing women’s
rights as human rights. The landmark Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the UN
General Assembly in December 1979, bore the influences of Soviet perspec-
tives on gender equality and human rights. The documents adopted by the
Copenhagen World Conference on Women in 1980 were even more strongly
influenced by postcolonial and Soviet claims, referring explicitly to the
advances made by women in centrally planned and postcolonial economies.
The World Congress in East Berlin provided a venue where women from
socialist countries could make international contacts with delegates from
elsewhere in the socialist bloc, as well as Africa, Asia and Latin America.52
The loosening of restrictions on transnational exchanges between activists
and social movements allowed new ideas about gender and sexual rights in
Eastern and Western Europe to circulate across the Iron Curtain. During the
cultural détente of the early 1970s, for instance, the massive Tenth World
Festival Games of Students and Youth in East Berlin provided a forum for
creating transnational alliances built around international gay solidarity.53
By mid decade, the World Congress of Women was a far more official affair,
but hosting an international conference under UN auspices nonetheless
forced the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to open its doors to
human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, whose represen-
tatives had hitherto been refused permission to enter the country. The UN
411
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Decade for Women and the Soviet ratification of CEDAW in the early 1980s
inspired the transformation of the Soviet Women’s Committee by obliging
the USSR to seek out and support experts on women’s status who could
represent the Soviet Union’s new face abroad.54
In post-Mao China, too, the 1980s were also a decade of slow changes in the
role of the Women’s Federation. Along with many mass organizations, the
federation was inactive during the Cultural Revolution and was reconstituted
only after the death of Mao. During the 1980s, a new discourse about
femininity and gender differentiation emerged in China.55 The status of
women was only one of a wide variety of social and political issues that
became subjects of public discussion after having been taboo during the
Cultural Revolution. Questions relating to sexuality, marriage, family life,
divorce and violence fueled the public discussion of gender discrimination, as
did the increasing availability of information from Western countries that
accompanied political liberalization. The development of an active women’s
movement in the West and its effect on China made the discussion of
women’s issues in the 1980s profoundly different from previous discussions,
such as those that had taken place in the mid 1950s.56 In this context, the
Women’s Federation began to play a more active role as an advocate for
women, particularly in cases of infanticide, abuse, employers’ attempts to
impose prolonged “maternity leave” on female workers and economists’
proposals for the withdrawal of women from the workforce to solve the
problem of urban unemployment.57 At a moment when female scholars were
again debating feminism, the federation also sponsored women’s studies
programs in some cities.58 Even though women’s studies emerged as
a discipline during the 1980s, the Women’s Federation retained an institu-
tional monopoly on women’s organizing.
The economic reforms and “opening” of China to the global capitalist
system under the post-Mao government resulted, notoriously, in the intro-
duction of a “one-child” policy in 1980. Although birth rates had fallen
dramatically in the 1970s (from around six children per woman to three)
scientists and policymakers feared that continued population growth would
412
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59 Susan Greenhalgh, Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng’s China (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2008).
60 Susan Greenhalgh, Cultivating Global Citizens: Population in the Rise of China
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
61 Ibid. 62 Ibid., 5.
63 Padraic Kenney, “The Gender of Resistance in Communist Poland,” American Historical
Review 104 (1999), 399–425.
64 Shana Penn, Solidarity’s Secret: The Women Who Defeated Communism in Poland (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005).
413
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414
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69 Julie Hemment, Empowering Women in Russia: Activism, Aid, and NGOs (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 2007).
70 Magdalena Grabowska, “Bringing the Second World In: Conservative Revolution(s),
Socialist Legacies, and Transnational Silences in the Trajectories of Polish Feminism,”
Signs 37, 2 (2012), 385–411.
71 Katja Guenther, Making Their Place: Feminism After Socialism in Eastern Germany
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 12; Kristen Ghodsee, The Red Riviera:
Gender, Tourism and Postsocialism on the Black Sea (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2005); Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, The Politics of Gender After Socialism:
A Comparative-Historical Essay (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).
72 Guenther, Making Their Place.
73 Katja Guenther, “The Possibilities and Pitfalls of NGO Feminism: Insights from
Postsocialist Eastern Europe,” Signs 36, 4 (2011), 863–87.
415
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
movements.”80 Rape and violence against women during the civil war in
Yugoslavia led to solidarity campaigns, humanitarian actions and a successful
effort to recognize sexualized violence as a crime of war.81 Yet at the same
time, conflicting interpretations of wartime rape of women in Bosnia (and, to
a lesser extent, Croatia) became a highly contentious issue among women
activists in the former Yugoslavia and internationally. On the one hand, rape
figured in ethnonational narratives of the war and of collective identities, as
Bosnian religious and nationalist leaders called for compassion toward the
victims but did not challenge the patriarchal interpretation of the meaning of
the rapes and their connection to nationhood.82 On the other, women
activists saw Western NGOs as promoting a moral hierarchy of victims and
aggressors that created the Bosnian Muslim female victim of wartime rape as
passive and blameless, while eliding the ethnic dimension of the conflict by
ignoring the rape of Serb women.83
A similar unease about the liberal feminist embrace of “violence against
women” as a central claim for recognizing women’s rights as human rights
has been voiced in critiques of international responses to the “Natasha trade,”
or the apparent explosion of sex trafficking from the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe.84 The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989
provided new resources – geographical and human – for the sex trade and
traffic, as a result of political and economic liberalization as well as internal
and international militarism.85 The commodification and exploitation of sex
as one form of labor has increased as European borders become more porous
and labor more flexible, write Gail Kligman and Stephanie Limoncelli, with
the former socialist countries catapulted into the global economy and
women disproportionately affected by unemployment and the loss of social
benefits.86 These developments have led socialist feminists to criticize what
80 Katalin Fábián (ed.), Domestic Violence in Postcommunist States: Local Activism, National
Policies, and Global Forces (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 3.
81 Catharine MacKinnon, “Post-Modern Genocide: Rape and Pornography,” in
Alexandra Stiglmayer (ed.), Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994).
82 Elissa Helms, Innocence and Victimhood: Gender, Nation, and Women’s Activism in Postwar
Bosnia-Herzegovina (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013).
83 Dubravka Zarkov, “Feminism and the Disintegration of Yugoslavia: On the Politics of
Gender and Ethnicity,” Social Development Issues 24 (2003), 59–68.
84 Jennifer Suchland, Economies of Violence: Transnational Feminism, Postsocialism and the
Politics of Sex Trafficking (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015).
85 Gail Kligman and Stephanie Limoncelli, “Trafficking Women After Socialism: To,
Through, and from Eastern Europe,” Social Politics 12, 1 (2005), 118–40.
86 Ibid.; for a cultural analysis, see also Anca Parvulescu, The Traffic in Women’s Work: East
European Migration and the Making of Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2014).
417
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
justice and sexual democracy jostle with each other in current debates about
women’s human rights, this chapter has argued, it is essential to grasp the
active role played by official and unofficial women’s organizations in national
and international politics during the last decades of socialist rule.
Bibliographical Essay
An excellent introduction is provided in Donna Harsch, “Communism and
Women,” in Stephen A. Smith (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of
Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 488–504; Shana Penn and
Jill Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and
Central Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Éva Fodor, Working
Difference: Women’s Working Lives in Austria and Hungary, 1945–1995 (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 2003); Hana Havelková and Libora Oates-
Indruchová (eds.), The Politics of Gender Culture Under State Socialism:
An Expropriated Voice (London: Routledge, 2014); Michel Christian and
Alix Heiniger (eds.), “Dossier: femmes, genre, et communisme,” Vingtième
Siècle. Revue d’Histoire 2 (2015) (special issue); Sandrine Kott and
Françoise Thébaud (eds.), “Le ‘socialisme reel’ à l’épreuve du genre,” Clio:
Femmes, Genre, Histoire 41 (2015) (special issue). On the postwar period, see
Malgorzata Fidelis, Women, Communism and Industrialization in Postwar Poland
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), and Donna Harsch,
The Revenge of the Domestic: Women, the Family and Communism in the
German Democratic Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007),
while the sexual revolution in East Germany is explored in Josie McLellan,
Love in the Time of Communism: Intimacy and Sexuality in the GDR (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2011). On the gendered nature of dissent and
resistance, see Padraic Kenney, “The Gender of Resistance in Communist
Poland,” American Historical Review 104 (1999), 399–425.
State feminism in Eastern Europe and China is debated in Francisca de
Haan (ed.), ‘Ten Years After: Communism and Feminism Revisited,” Aspasia 10
(2016), 102–68; Chiara Bonfiglioli, “Cold War Internationalisms, Nationalisms
and the Yugoslav–Soviet Split: The Union of Italian Women and the
Antifascist Women’s Front of Yugoslavia,” in Francisca de Haan et al.
(eds.), Women’s Activism: Global Perspectives from the 1890s to the Present
(London: Routledge, 2013), 59–76; Basia Nowak, “Constant Conversations:
Agitators in the League of Women in Poland During the Stalinist Period,”
Feminist Studies 31 (2005), 488–518; Wang Zheng, Finding Women in the State:
A Socialist Feminist Revolution in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1964
419
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420
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Feminism, Communism and Global Socialism
Women, Development, and the UN: A Sixty-Year Quest for Equality and Justice
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005). For a state-socialist perspec-
tive, see Kristen Ghodsee, “Rethinking State Socialist Mass Women’s
Organisations: The Committee of the Bulgarian Women’s Movement and
the United Nations Decade for Women, 1975–1985,” Journal of Women’s
History 24, 4 (2012), 49–73; Celia Donert, “Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology
and Human Rights at the 1975 World Congress of Women in East Berlin,” in
Jan Eckel and Samuel Moyn (eds.), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 68–87; Raluca Popa,
“Translating Equality Between Women and Men Across Cold War Divides:
Women Activists from Hungary and Romania and the Creation of
International Women’s Year,” in Penn and Massino (eds.), Gender Politics
and Everyday Life, 59–73.
On feminism and postsocialism, see Valerie Sperling, Organizing Women in
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University Press, 1999); Katalin Fábián (ed.), Domestic Violence in
Postcommunist States: Local Activism, National Policies, and Global Forces
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010); Julie Hemment, Empowering
Women in Russia: Activism, Aid, and NGOs (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 2007); Elissa Helms, Innocence and Victimhood: Gender, Nation, and
Women’s Activism in Postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 2013); Jennifer Suchland, Economies of Violence:
Transnational Feminism, Postsocialism and the Politics of Sex Trafficking
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015); Wang Zheng and Ying Zhang,
“Global Concepts, Local Practices: Chinese Feminism Since the Fourth UN
Conference on Women,” Feminist Studies 36 (2010), 40–70; Katja Guenther,
Making Their Place: Feminism After Socialism in Eastern Germany (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 2010); Myra Marx Ferree, Varieties of Feminism:
German Gender Politics in Global Perspective (Stanford: Stanford University
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