Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Summary
Historically, the metaphor of the iron cage, as a key component of Weber’s
(1978) sociological imagination has played a central role in organization
studies. It did so both in its initial role in the sociology of bureaucracy and
in its reinterpretation in institutional terms by subsequent theorists such
as DiMaggio and Powell (1983). More recently, iron bars have given way to
transparent liquidity as a dominant metaphor. The implications of this shift
for the analysis of organization are the subjects of this chapter. We argue that
a key technology of the liquidly modern organizational self is that of emo-
tional intelligence and that, while this subject has been much written about,
it has not been addressed in terms of its organizational effects on subjects.
Technologies of the self are increasingly being developed that represent the
possibility of a fusion of effective computing and emotional intelligence that
generate new issues for research.
Imagine the most important interview of your life, with the head of
the company that you have always wanted to work for. He asks you
tough questions about problems you have solved, challenges you
have faced, and why you want to leave your present job. At the end
of this grueling meeting, he tells you that you were too nervous-
sounding, had unusually short pauses in your speech, were evasive
with eye contact, and had cold clammy hands. This was not the real
thing, fortunately, but a practice session in front of your trusted com-
puter. Your computer interviewing agent, displaying the face of the
CEO, asked you questions while listening to changes in your voice
and discourse parameters. It watched your facial expressions and
185
186 From Life in Cages to Life in Projects
Introduction
agree with. First, its progenitor, Gabriel (2008: 312), explicitly links
the metaphor to that of the Panopticon; however, as we shall go on to
argue, the characteristic of liquid modernity may be less the singularity
of panoptical practices and more their supplementation by those that
we may term ‘synoptical’ – the experience of watching the watchers as
much as being watched by them. Second, Gabriel explicitly links the
metaphor to the importance of emotional displays and management
of the conflicted, contradictory and ambivalent self-seeking to keep
‘some sense of order in potentially chaotic emotional states’ (Gabriel,
2008: 313). We wish to focus on this element also but shall argue that
the appropriate metaphors for doing so are more viscous than rigid;
nonetheless, the contours of containment are clearly changing and
with them, the metaphors.
Unlike an iron cage, which frustrates all attempts at escape with its
brutish and inflexible force, a glass cage is discreet, unobtrusive, at
times even invisible – it seeks to hide the reality of entrapment rather
than display it, always inviting the idea or the fantasy that it may be
breached, even if at the cost of serious potential injury. The image of
such a cage suggests that it may not be a cage at all, but a wrapping
box, a glass palace, a container aimed at highlighting the uniqueness of
what it contains rather than constraining or oppressing it. Glass, then,
is a medium perfectly suited to a society of spectacle, just as steel was
perfectly suited to a society of mechanism (Gabriel, 2008: 314).
The glass cage metaphor is still too rigid, we would suggest, to capture
the sense of liquidity: while glass can hold liquid, it is not viscous –
which is the central power of the liquid metaphor. Glass is not shape-
shifting but containing; moreover, it is not necessarily transparent.
Liquidity coats, smears and makes the subject slippery but still visible
beneath the surface and so for that reason – the creation of slippery
and elusive rather than transparent subjectivity – we prefer to explore
the viscous metaphor rather than that of the container – whether
glass or iron. The contemporary metaphor of liquid modernity seeks
to capture fluid representations much as the iron cage represented the
age of rationalization and the glass cage the era of the Panopticon.2 We
propose to replace the metaphor of cages with one that is increasingly,
soft, fluid and liquid (Turner, 2003).
The liquid metaphor has been used principally to refer to a society
of consumers. The shift in focus to consumption rightly corrected the
past overemphasis on relations of production of many Marxian and
other accounts. However, what happens to the consumers of liquid
modernity when they go to work? In the remainder of this chapter we
188 From Life in Cages to Life in Projects
will investigate the implications of the historical shift from the meta-
phor of the iron cage to transparent liquidity as a dominant metaphor
in social theory. We will reorient the social theory of liquidity from
consumption to organization. With the decline of the iron cage meta-
phor and the rise of that of liquid modernity, a gap has arisen between
an extensive interest in the liquid conditions of consumer culture and
relative lack of concern with what shapes the consumers of this culture
in their working and organizational lives. We aim to fill this gap by
redirecting concerns with liquidity to organizations.
The implications of this shift for the analysis of organization are the
subjects of this chapter. We argue that a key zone in which the liquidly
modern organizational self will be working is in project teams. In
these teams, employees have to adjust to others with whom they are
not necessarily familiar, yet are called on to develop swift trust. As the
economic conditions of Anglo-Saxon economic liberalism produced
an increase in the number of contingent employees from the 1980s
onwards, not only has such contingency increasingly become a Gen Y
employment norm (Hill, 2002; Hill and Stephens, 2005) but it is also
accompanied by ‘the idea of mixing personal and professional roles
throughout the day, rather than assigning them to discrete blocks of
time’ (Hill and Stephens, 2005: 132). We ask what the effects are of
an increasingly liquid modernity on organizations and managers and
what are the means by which they are implemented. In addressing this
question we consider a specific technology of the self (Foucault, 1988) –
emotional intelligence, which is both widely used in contemporary
organizations and has found its way, rather unproblematically, into the
annals of scholarship and the curricula of business schools. Rather than
look at this technology as a technical tool, its efficacy and instrumental
quality, we are concerned with analysing its effects. In doing so we seek
to use a sociological imagination in the classical way that Mills (1959: 1)
suggested: as a way of understanding ‘the larger historical scene in terms
of its meaning for the inner life and the external career of a variety of
individuals’.
Sociologically, the idea of ‘emotional intelligence’, as a hallmark of
those able to move swiftly from project to project, able to build ‘swift
trust’, has been developed as both an intellectual but more especially
a practical tool. While the subject of emotional intelligence has been
much written about, the focus, on the whole, has not been on its
organizational affects on subjects. We see these affects as changing
organization relations through the development of technologies of the
self that represent the possibility of a fusion of effective computing and
Stewart Clegg and Carmen Baumeler 189
Liquidity
to effect by their own means or with the help of others a certain number
of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and
way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain
state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, or immortality’. Just as
believers are actively and voluntarily involved in their own emotional
refashioning, so are workers, managing their selves as they do their jobs.
As such they are engaged in what Foucault would term ‘a technique
of subjectification’. Individuals perform transformations upon them-
selves in order to facilitate success at work; the autonomous person is
seemingly acting freely even as they are free only within the govern-
mental logics of prevailing political rationalities (Clegg et al., 2002).
The government of individuals, as a mentality that defines the logic
of desired action and thought, leads groups of people towards certain
aims shaped by specific programmes, strategies, and tactics (Foucault,
1979). One such programme is that of emotional intelligence, a concept
that has become widely used in the last decade. Emotional intelligence
is especially suited to the conditions of liquid modernity, just as, during
the Second World War, the measurement of intelligence quotients was
widely used by psychologists to slot troops into appropriate combat and
administrative slots in the US armed forces, a formidable bureaucracy.
Today, emotional intelligence has become a widely popular technology
designed as appropriate for choosing and training individuals to cope
with situations of swift trust in an uncertain and insecure world of
projects in which rapid accommodations to environments, issues and
others have to be made.
‘how we handle ourselves and each other’ (Goleman, 1998: 3), espe-
cially in uncertain and insecure situations. Being able to present with
positive EI becomes the corollary of organizational success in liquidly
modern organizations, multiplying uncertain and insecure situations
for their lower echelons, situations in which the positivity of power
is overwhelmingly stressed and not its negativity. Managed emotions
guarantee a seductive and appealing persona. If enterprising, flexible
commitment is what organizations require, then a well-developed emo-
tional intelligence helps one to present it.
According to Goleman (1998: 3), EI is especially important for on-
the-job success. At first sight, EI seems to be a value-free mental train-
ing technique; however, Goleman’s transformation of the concept into
emotional competencies in the workplace sheds light on its normative
construction. Emotional competence is defined as a learned capabil-
ity for outstanding work performance derived from the analysis of
EI (Goleman, 1998: 24). It includes traits that match the analysis of
Boltanski and Chiapello (2007) such as innovation (being open to new
ideas, approaches and information), commitment (readily making sac-
rifices to meet a larger organizational goal), adaptability (flexibility in
handling change), and achievement drive (striving to meet or improve
a standard of excellence). In particular, Goleman related the aptitude
for leadership directly to the emotional management of others. In his
view, the leader should act as an emotional guide: ‘Quite simply, in any
human group the leader has maximal power to sway everyone’s emo-
tions’ (Goleman, Boyatzis and McKee, 2002: 5).6
The control of individual emotions to achieve organization-level
goals that may or may not benefit the worker is one way EI can be seen
as management seeking to manipulate employees. Having emotions,
and expressing them at work, as long as they are the right, approved
emotions, is no longer seen as a barrier to rational decision-making as
might have been the case in the iron cage. The committed employee is
an enthusiastic employee, a person in whom the passion of (the) enter-
prise is expected to run deep. The management of emotions has become
a symbol of a new kind of rationality in the work place (Fineman, 2004)
but it is one that does not range freely. Openly demonstrated anger about
an incompetent manager is hardly seen as ‘emotional intelligence’, for
example; also, ‘love’ or warm feelings or empathy for a colleague who
doesn’t perform as expected would be regarded as unprofessional.
However, these emotions must be disciplined: expressions of fear,
anger or anxiety, and other disruptive emotions are much less accept-
able. In fact, they have to be controlled in the service of organizational
Stewart Clegg and Carmen Baumeler 197
the conduct and character observed as well as the meaning for ‘human
nature’ of the society framing it.
Bauman has largely concentrated on the impact of liquid modernity
on a society of consumers; however, a society of consumers requires a
society of organizations and a society of organizations requires a society
of managers and their employees. Bringing Goleman’s EI into the ambit
of liquid modernity’s organizational consequences as a technology of
the self, serves to demonstrate that, considered apart from EI’s individu-
alistic rhetoric of freedom, a dystopian world of new stresses, anxieties
and uncertainties may be unfolding. Looking at liquid modernity alone,
because of the emphasis on consumption, we would miss these implica-
tions; similarly, looking at EI alone, we would miss its synergy with the
likely organizational projects of this liquid modernity. It would appear
to be merely another piece of popular psychology. Its elective affinity
with affective computing, however, points to other, even more socially
dystopian projects that aim to render human perceptual reflexivity
more complete than any amount of ‘normal’ human empathy, sympa-
thy and sensitivity would allow.
Conclusion
the few watching them, and constantly adjust their self accordingly.
Mathiesen uses examples of the mass media and notes that businesses
today routinely employ more information specialists than do many
newspapers. Their job is to not only package images of leadership but also
to manufacture images of appropriate followership, to stifle heterodox
debate in the interstices of everyday organizational life and to coach
expressions of emotion. The authentic self becomes viscous, coated in
imagery transferred to the surface of subjectivity. While, as Mathiesen
suggests, panoptical pressures make us afraid to break with that which
is taken for granted, synoptical pressures narrow down the terms with
which a break from that which we see the significant others as desiring
might be made. Life in projects makes us particularly susceptible because
not only is one acutely panoptically visible in a project but one is also
striving to conform to the emergent norms of becoming that which
project practice encourages (Bjørkeng, Clegg and Pitsis, 2009). While
EI coupled with affective computing makes this scenario more possible
than ever, it also raises the possibilities of renewed resistance grounded
in the ethical contradictions between subjects’ sense of their authenticity
and the synoptically induced authenticity generated.
In conclusion, this chapter has interrogated the nature of liquid moder-
nity; related the specificity of this society to the transformation of a main
theme in the sociology of organizations – the iron (and other) cages – and
sought to show what the ethical and power effects are of technologies of
liquidity, such as EI, on the men and women who inhabit the organiza-
tions in which these technologies of the self are practiced. Finally, we
have proposed an agenda for further sociological enquiry.
Notes
1. We would like to thank Martin Kornberger, Judy Johnson and Edward Wray-
Bliss for their insightful comments on earlier versions of this chapter, as well
as Zygmunt Bauman. In addition, Alison Pullen, Carl Rhodes, Mark Haugaard,
Thomas Diefenbach, John Sillince, Andrew Brown, and Michael Nollert.
Finally, the participants in Management Accounting Research Collaboration
(MARC) at the University of Technology, Sydney, provided invaluable feed-
back on a penultimate draft of the chapter. A later draft of this chapter was
eventually published as Clegg, S. R. and Baumeler, C. (2010) ‘Essai: From
iron cages to liquid modernity in organization analysis’, Organization Studies,
31(12), 1713–33.
2. In one of those ironical moments in the history of ideas the dominant criti-
cal social scientific imagination could be seen to be tracing a developmental
logic that was already fading into the dusk of history. Such moments are
often described as being Minerva moments: Minerva, the Roman goddess
202 From Life in Cages to Life in Projects
of wisdom, was the equivalent of the Greek goddess Athena. She was associ-
ated with the owl, traditionally regarded as wise, and hence a metaphor for
philosophy. Hegel (1967) wrote, in the preface to his Philosophy of Right: ‘The
owl of Minerva spreads its wings only with the falling of the dusk.’ He meant
that philosophy understands reality only after the event. Foucault’s analysis
of panoptical power’s gaze became dominant precisely at that moment when
the solid modernity in which it sought to fix the individual employee was
liquefying. In other words, the Panopticon as a device, although still evident,
was fading in analytic significance even as the glass cage contained it.
3. Turner (2003) analyses liquid differentiation as a societal level process in
dialectical tension with regulation, standardization and linearity. The latter
produce predictability and routine while deregulation, differentiation and
liquidity produce flexibility, uncertainty and undecidability.
4. Something of the sort was also identified by Gordon, Clegg and Kornberger
(2009) in their analysis of the Operations Control and Review meeting’s role
in the NSW Police Service, in which the many police personnel watched the
few senior commanders dispense judgement, justice and example through
closed-circuit TV in a ‘reverse panopticon’.
5. Projects are not everywhere, however. For the vast majority of humankind
living outside privileged spaces, liquid differentiation through projects is not
an option as they scramble to survive. For those in the advanced societies
still consigned to the state bureaucracies of schools, hospitals and the welfare
sector, the private sector bureaucracies of the call centre, or the declining
branches of industrial capitalism, there is far more regulation, standardization
and linearity on offer than project flexibility, uncertainty and undecidability.
The new rhetoric about liquidity repeats old societal divides such as capitalist
and worker, white collar and blue collar, the haves and have-nots but focuses
only on one side of the divide.
6. There are an increasing number of EI intervention schemes that seek to ‘train’
employees in these competencies so that they can be seen by their leaders to
be emotionally intelligent (see http://www.australianbusinesstraining.com.
au/; Lindebaum, 2009; Jordan et al., 2002). As Lindebaum (2009) argues, the
validity of these claims to be able to ‘train’ the emotions is dubious indeed. As
Fineman (2004: 729) observes, ‘measuring emotional intelligence, and assign-
ing people an ordinal value of their worth, is no neutral act, unverified and
unverifiable claims are routinely recycled as if they were scientifically credible
(http://www.queendom.com/tests/access_page/index.htm?idRegTest=1121).
References
Alvesson, M. and Karreman, D. (2000). ‘Varieties of discourse: On the study of
organizations through discourse analysis’. Human Relations, 53(9), 1125–49.
Atkinson, W. (2008). ‘Not all that was solid has melted into air (or liquid):
A critique of Bauman on individualization and class in liquid modernity’.
Sociological Review, 56(1), 1–17.
Barker, J. (1993). ‘Tightening the iron cage: Concertive control of self-managing
teams’. Administrative Science Quarterly, 38(3), 408–37.
Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid Modernity. Cambridge: Polity.
Stewart Clegg and Carmen Baumeler 203
Picard, R. W. and Klein, J. (2002). ‘Computers that recognize and respond to user
emotion: Theoretical and practical implications’. Interacting with Computers,
14(2), 141–69.
Power, M., Scheytt, T., Soin, K. and Sahlin, K. (2009). ‘Reputational risk as logic of
organizing in late modernity’. Organization Studies, 30(2–3), 301–24.
Ritzer, George (1996). The McDonaldization of society. Thousands Oaks, CA: Pine
Forge Press/Sage.
Salovey, P. and Mayer, J. D. (1990). ‘Emotional intelligence’. Imagination,
Cognition, and Personality, 9(3), 185–211.
Sennett, R. (1998). Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the
New Capitalism. New York: Norton.
Shapiro, S. P. (1987). ‘The social control of impersonal trust’. American Journal of
Sociology, 93(3), 623–58.
Stanghellini, G. (2004). Liquid Selves. www.klinikum.uni-heidelberg.de/
fileadmin/zpm/psychatrie/ppp2004/manuskript/stanghellini.pdf, accessed on
2 December 2009.
Turner, B. S. (2003). ‘McDonaldization: Linearity and liquidity in consumer
cultures’. American Behavioral Scientist,
t 47(2), 137–53.
Vandenberghe, F. (2008). ‘Deleuzian capitalism’. Philosophy & Social Criticism,
34(8), 877–903.
Weber, M. (1978). Economy and Society. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Whyte, W. F. (1956). The Organization Man. Philadelphia, PA: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
Willmott, H. (1993). ‘Strength is ignorance; slavery is freedom: Managing culture
in modern organizations’. Journal of Management Studies, 30(4), 515–52.
Zeidner, M., Matthews, G. and Roberts, R. D. (2004). ‘Emotional intelligence in
the workplace: A critical review’. Applied Psychology: An International Review,
53, 371–99.
Index
207
208 Index
Prima Donna, 8, 173, 174, 175, 176–8 The Royal Danish Theatre in
management of, implications for, Copenhagen, 167, 169–71, 172,
180–3 173
manager’s tasks, 181 Rural Industries Research and
motivational profile, 181–3 Development Corporation
profession theory, 168 (RIRDC), 118–19, 123, 124
project-based organization, 191 Rush, H., 115, 116, 122
team members in, 193 Ryan, W. P., 70, 71, 76
project leader, 192
project managers, 192, 193 Sakkab, N., 146
purposive sampling technique, 134 salient stakeholders management, 2
diversity in, 3
quality spark, 5 Salovey, P., 195
Sandino, T., 63n2
R&D clubs, 109, 112–14 Santiso, J., 5
case studies of, in Australia, 116 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX), 57
Advanced Manufacturing Sargent, J., 5
Australia (AMAus), 120–1 Scherer, A. G., 15, 26, 29, 39
Australian Beef Cooperative Schilling, M. A., 147
Research Centre, 117–18 Schmidt, T., 111–12
CRC for Intelligent Schreier, M., 146
Manufacturing Systems and ‘science-driven anticipatory’
Technologies (CRC-IMST), innovation, 121
117 Seidl, D., 15
Rural Industries Research and self-transformations, 195, 197
Development Corporation senior leadership, collaboration at, 75
(RIRDC), 118–19 service concept, 147
Western Sydney Information Shackley, S., 14
Technology Cluster (WSITC), shareholder activism, 7, 50, 62
119–20 definition, 50
rationality and liquidity, 189 governance gap, 50–2
Ratnasingam, P., 133, 134, 138 and governance mechanisms, 46
Raynor, M. E., 147 impact of, on monitoring and
reactive approach to innovation, control mechanisms, 53–4
115 influence on direction of the
realized absorptive capacity, 111 company, 53, 61
Redding, G., 21 labour (trade) union pension funds,
relational complexity, 19, 20–1, 23, 51
27 multiple stakeholders, obligations
see also complexity to, 54–5
religious confessions, 194–5 negative effects of, 52–3
research and development (R&D) negotiation with management/
governmental and business board, 51
investments in, 144 non-government organizations, 51
resource dependence theory, 1 non-institutional investment funds,
resource-rich firm, 28 51
reverse panopticism, 193 positive outcomes of, 51–2
risk-taking behaviour, 74, 75 response to corporate/board
Rodrigues, S. B., 38 underperformance, 47
218 Index