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Racial/Ethnic Identity, Religious Commitment, and

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African Americans

Adebayo Ajibade1, Joshua N. Hook2,

Shawn O. Utsey3, Don E. Davis4, and
Daryl R. Van Tongeren5

Abstract
Although the study of positive psychology has flourished in recent years,
most research has focused on White samples. There is, however, a growing
body of research examining cultural factors that may contribute to the
psychological health and well-being of African Americans. The present
study examined the associations between racial/ethnic identity, religious
commitment, satisfaction with life, and meaning in a sample of African
Americans (N = 199). Racial/ethnic identity was positively associated with
satisfaction with life and meaning, and these associations were partially
mediated by high religious commitment. We conclude by discussing
implications for the findings and areas for future research.

Keywords
racial identity, ethnic identity, culture, religion/religiosity

1University of Louisville, Louisville, KY, USA

2University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
3Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, USA
4Georgia State University, Atlanta, GA, USA
5Hope College, Holland, MI, USA

Corresponding Author:
Adebayo Ajibade, Department of Educational and Counseling Psychology, University of
Louisville, Louisville, KY 40292, USA.
Email: adebayo.ajibade@louisville.edu

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2 Journal of Black Psychology 

The empirical examination of constructs associated with positive psychology

has expanded in recent years (Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005). The
newly burgeoning field of positive psychology has caused a welcomed shift in
focus from problematic behavior, deficits, and mental illness to examining the
strengths and virtues that lead to optimal human functioning and flourishing.
Areas of research have included constructs such as subjective well-being
(Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999), mindfulness (Brown & Ryan, 2003), opti-
mism (Scheier & Carver, 1985), hope (Snyder, 2002), forgiveness (Worthington,
2005), and meaning in life (Steger, Frazier, Oishi, & Kaler, 2006).
In recent years, the level of multicultural awareness in the positive psy-
chology movement has been critiqued due to the lack of research that consid-
ers cultural factors that influence human virtue and optimal functioning. For
example, positive psychology constructs such as forgiveness have been stud-
ied from a largely White American perspective, with little research focused
on culture specific understandings and definitions (see Hook, Worthington, &
Utsey, 2009; Sandage, Hill, & Vang, 2003). A second related critique of the
positive psychology movement is the lack of racial/ethnic diversity in the
samples studied. Namely, most studies have been conducted largely with
White participants, and there have been few studies that have explored posi-
tive psychological constructs specifically with people of color. Some studies
have compared positive psychological constructs cross-culturally, but the lit-
erature on these constructs in specific cultural groups is relatively small
(Lopez et al., 2002). This is an important gap to address, given that the under-
standing of optimal functioning and relative ordering of values is one way
that cultures differ.
To begin to address this need, Constantine and Sue (2006) outlined a theo-
retical framework describing factors that may contribute to optimal human
functioning in people of color. They argued that the perceived value of any
behavior is interpreted through a cultural lens, which guides assumptions
about what optimal functioning means and how values should be prioritized.
They also described two ways that belonging to a racial/ethnic minority com-
munity can affect one’s understanding of optimal human functioning. First,
different cultural values (e.g., collectivism, racial and ethnic pride, religion
and spirituality, interconnectedness of mind/body/spirit, and family and com-
munity) may promote optimal human functioning in people of color relative
to White individuals. Second, experiencing discrimination may lead to unique
strengths in people of color relative to White individuals (e.g., heightened
perceptual wisdom, ability to understand nonverbal and contextual meanings,
and bicultural flexibility).
Research has begun to accumulate supporting some of the hypotheses pro-
posed in the Constantine and Sue (2006) model. Indeed, racial/ethnic identity

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Ajibade et al. 3

has been linked with psychological well-being (Utsey, Hook, Fischer, &
Belvet, 2008). Racial/ethnic identity refers to being involved, committed, and
socially integrated into the traditions and practices of one’s racial/ethnic
group and having positive thoughts and attitudes about one’s racial/ethnic
group (Lukwago, Kreuter, Bucholtz, Holt, & Clark, 2001). Research suggests
that actively embracing one’s racial/ethnic identity may be an important ele-
ment in buffering against the deleterious effects of racism, and in promoting
the development of a sense of self-worth and psychological well-being (Utsey
et al., 2008). Individuals with a strong racial/ethnic identity show lower lev-
els of psychological distress and tend to have better mental health (Neville &
Lilly, 2000).
There are a variety of possible mechanisms for why racial/ethnic identity
is associated with psychological well-being. Some scholars have proposed
that religiosity—defined as “adherence to the prescribed beliefs and ritual
practices associated with the worship of God or a system of gods” (Mattis &
Watson, 2008, p. 92)—may be a key mechanism for African Americans.
Indeed, religiosity has been linked with psychological well-being in African
Americans in prior research (Crawford, Handal, & Wiener, 1989; Jang,
Borenstein, Chiriboga, Phillips, & Mortimer, 2006; Reed & Neville, 2014).
Although studies have linked racial/ethnic identity, religiosity, and psy-
chological well-being, we sought to uncover a more precise understanding of
how these three constructs are related to each other. Specifically, we reasoned
that African Americans with a strong sense of racial/ethnic identity might
tend to become more socially embedded with others sharing a similar iden-
tity. Given that many African Americans are religiously involved (i.e., 89%
are religious, 78% attend services regularly, and 90% pray, meditate, or use
religious materials; Taylor, Chatters, & Levin, 2004), one’s religious involve-
ment is a potent way to do this.
Prior work in this area has used various measures of religiosity, but we
were specifically interested in how racial/ethnic identity might affect reli-
gious commitment—“the degree to which a person adheres to his or her reli-
gious values, beliefs, and practices and uses them in daily living” (Worthington
et al., 2003, p. 85). Indeed, we posit that religious commitment provides a
vital avenue for consolidating racial/ethnic identity in African Americans
(Mattis & Grayman-Simpson, 2013).
First, beliefs about God may involve one’s highest ideals and values.
Thus, for African Americans, religious beliefs provide a strong alternative to
values lauded by the dominant culture. Second, religious communities pro-
vide consensual validation of beliefs. Thus, for African Americans, increas-
ing religious commitment may weaken the influence of alternative narratives
of the dominant culture. Third, religious communities encourage various

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4 Journal of Black Psychology 

personal and social habits in alignment with these values, and acting in line
with one’s understanding of one’s values is theorized to promote meaning
and psychological well-being (Van Tongeren, Hook, & Davis, 2013). For
example, in a study of 140 African American adults, religiosity was posi-
tively correlated with helping behavior as well as the level of satisfaction felt
from helping behavior (Grayman-Simpson & Mattis, 2013). Fourth, religious
groups provide a regular opportunity for individuals to gather with others
committed to similar values, share their experiences, and receive support and
validation from others with a similar worldview. For example, in a qualitative
study of 23 African American women, religion and spirituality were impor-
tant factors that helped African American women construct meaning in times
of adversity (Mattis, 2002). Thus, it stands to reason that religious commit-
ment may at least partially explain how identifying more strongly with one’s
racial/ethnic identity may lead to increases in psychological well-being.

Overview and Hypotheses

The purpose of the present study was to evaluate initial evidence for the links
between racial/ethnic identity, religious commitment, and psychological well-
being. Accordingly, we assessed cognitive and affective components of African
American racial/ethnic identity, which included the understanding of, commit-
ment to, and affirmation of, one’s racial/ethnic identity (Roberts et al., 1999).
Given the prominent role of religion in African American culture, we assessed
religious commitment (Worthington et al., 2003) with a measure that incorpo-
rates intrapersonal (e.g., prayer) and interpersonal (e.g., church involvement)
aspects of one’s religious life. Psychological well-being was assessed with mea-
sures of (a) life satisfaction and (b) meaning in life. Our primary hypothesis was
that racial/ethnic identity would be positively associated with psychological
well-being, and this association would be mediated by religious commitment.

Method
Participants
Participants were 199 self-identified African Americans recruited from (a) a
large university in the southeastern United States, (b) a large university in the
southwestern United States, and (c) Amazon’s Mechanical Turk website.
Participants included 65 (32.7%) males, 133 (66.8%) females, and 1 (0.5%)
gender queer individual. Their ages ranged from 18 to 64 years (M = 27.76;
SD = 9.71). The mean yearly income was $47,610 (SD = 36,271). The mean
yearly income from one’s family of origin was $55,158 (SD = 43,939). Most
(148, 73.4%) participants were Christian, 18 (9%) identified as nonreligious,

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Ajibade et al. 5

11 (5.5%) as Agnostic, 5 (2.5%) as Buddhist, 4 (2 %) as Atheist, 3 (1.5%) as

Muslim, 1 (0.5%) as Hindu, and 11 (5.5%) as Other.

Measures
Racial/Ethnic Identity. Racial/ethnic identity was measured with the Multi-
group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992). The MEIM is a
12-item rating scale that measures overall racial/ethnic identity. Participants
indicate their degree of agreement or disagreement with each item using a
4-point rating scale (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree). Example
items include “I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means
to me” and “I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.” Scores
on the MEIM range from 12 to 48, with higher scores indicating greater levels
of racial/ethnic identity. Scores on the MEIM have shown evidence of good
reliability as well as construct and criterion-related validity. The MEIM has
shown evidence of internal consistency, with Cronbach’s alphas ranging from
.81 to .92 (for a review, see Ponterotto, Gretchen, Utsey, Stracuzzi, & Saya,
2003). The MEIM has also shown evidence of reliability and validity in Afri-
can American samples (Espinosa-Hernández & Lefkowitz, 2009). For the cur-
rent sample, Cronbach’s alpha for the MEIM was .91 (95% CI [.89, .93])

Religious Commitment.  Religious commitment was measured with the Reli-

gious Commitment Inventory (RCI-10; Worthington et al., 2003). The RCI-
10 is a 10-item rating scale that measures intrapersonal and interpersonal
religious commitment. We chose to measure religiosity using the RCI-10
because the RCI measures participation in a variety of religious activities that
reflect both intrapersonal and interpersonal dimensions of religiosity. Partici-
pants indicate the degree to which statements are true of them using a 5-point
rating scale (1 = not at all true of me to 5 = totally true of me). Example items
include “I spend time trying to grow in understanding of my faith” and “My
religious beliefs lie behind my whole approach to life.” Scores range from 10
to 50, with higher scores indicating higher levels of religious commitment.
The RCI has shown evidence of internal consistency, with Cronbach’s alphas
ranging from .92 to .98 (for a review, see Worthington et al., 2003). The RCI
has also shown evidence of reliability and validity in African American sam-
ples (Kliewer et al., 2006; Worthington et al., 2003). For the current study,
Cronbach’s alpha for the RCI-10 was .97 (95% CI [.96, .97]).

Satisfaction With Life.  Satisfaction with life was measured with the Satisfac-
tion With Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). The
SWLS is a five-item rating scale that measures overall satisfaction with life.
Participants indicate their degree of agreement or disagreement with each

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6 Journal of Black Psychology 

item using a 7-point rating scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree).

Example items include “In most ways, my life is close to my ideal” and “So
far, I have gotten the important things I want in life.” Scores on the SWLS
range from 5 to 35, with higher scores indicating greater life satisfaction. The
SWLS have shown evidence of internal consistency, with an average Cron-
bach’s alpha of .83 (for review, see Pavot & Diener, 1993). The SWLS has
also shown evidence of reliability and validity in African American samples
(Barnes & Lightsey, 2005). For the current study, Cronbach’s alpha for the
SWLS was .88 (95% CI [.85, .90]).

Meaning in Life. Meaning in life was measured with the Meaning in Life

Questionnaire (MLQ; Steger et al., 2006). The MLQ is a 10-item rating scale
that measures two dimensions of meaning in life: (a) the presence of meaning
and (b) the search for meaning. In this study, we used the presence of mean-
ing in life subscale (MLQ-P). Participants indicate their degree of agreement
or disagreement with each item using a 7-point rating scale (1 = absolutely
true to 7 = absolutely untrue). Example items include “I understand my life’s
meaning” and “I have discovered a satisfying life purpose.” Scores on the
MLQ-P range from 5 to 35, with higher scores indicating greater levels of
meaning in life. The MLQ-P has shown evidence of internal consistency,
with Cronbach’s alpha ranging from .81 to .88 (for a review, see Steger et al.,
2006). The MLQ has shown some evidence for reliability and validity in non-
White samples (Steger & Shin, 2010). For the current study, Cronbach’s
alpha for the MLQ-P was .91 (95% CI [.89, .93]).

Procedure
The study was approved by the institutional review board. Participants were
recruited from undergraduate classes or via the Amazon Mechanical Turk
website. Participants recruited from undergraduate classes were given a small
amount of course credit. Participants recruited from Mechanical Turk were
given a small amount of monetary compensation ($0.20). All participants,
prior to completing the questionnaire, were briefed on the study’s procedures
and their rights as participants, and their consent was obtained. After giving
consent, participants completed the questionnaires. Following the comple-
tion of the questionnaire, they were given the contact information of the
researcher should they have any questions regarding the study.

Results
Means, standard deviations, and correlations between study variables are in
Table 1. Prior to conducting the primary analyses, we checked the data for

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Ajibade et al. 7

Table 1.  Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations Among Study Variables.
M (SD) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Age 27.76 (9.71) —  

2. Gender 0.67 (0.47) .17* —  
3. Current income, $ 47610.34 (36271.06) .02 .09 —  
4. Family of origin income, $ 55158.30 (43939.32) −.16* .00 .49** —  
5. Racial/ethnic identity 37.92 (6.99) .12 .21** −.06 −.22** —  
6. Religious commitment 30.28 (12.82) .23** .18* .11 −.04 .35** —  
7. Satisfaction with life 21.52 (6.82) .01 .07 .01 −.05 .18* .31** —  
8. Meaning in life 24.16 (7.04) .20** .13 .02 −.01 .29** .42** .53** —

Note: Male = 0, female = 1.

*p < .05. **p < .01.

assumptions, including outliers and normality. There were a small number of

outliers (fewer than 3% per variable), which we recoded to three standard
deviations from the mean. There were no problems with normality. All
regression analyses controlled for age, gender, current income, and family of
origin income.

Racial/Ethnic Identity and Satisfaction With Life

Our first hypothesis was that racial/ethnic identity would be positively asso-
ciated with satisfaction with life, and this relationship would be mediated by
religious commitment. This hypothesis was supported. The direct association
between the predictor variable (racial/ethnic identity) and the criterion vari-
able (satisfaction with life) was significant (β = .17, p = .026; see Figure 1).
Also, the direct association between the predictor variable (racial/ethnic iden-
tity) and the mediator variable (religious commitment) was significant (β =
.32, p< .001). Finally, controlling for the predictor variable (racial/ethnic
identity), the association between the mediator variable (religious commit-
ment) and the criterion variable (satisfaction with life) was significant (β =
.30, p< .001). In this final regression analysis, there was no longer a signifi-
cant association between the predictor variable (racial/ethnic identity) and
the criterion variable (satisfaction with life; β = .07, p = .351), indicating
mediation.
To test whether the mediated effect of racial/ethnic identity on satisfaction
with life through religious commitment was significant, we used the boot-
strapping procedure outlined by Preacher and Hayes (2008). Using a bias-
corrected bootstrapping procedure based on 5,000 resamples, we found that
the indirect effect of racial/ethnic identity on satisfaction with life through
religious commitment was significant (est. = .09, SE = .03, 95% CI [.04,

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8 Journal of Black Psychology 

Figure 1.  Mediator effects of religious commitment on the relationship between

racial/ethnic identity and satisfaction with life.
Note: Analysis controls for gender, age, current income, and family of origin income. The
number in parenthesis is the effect of the predictor variable on the criterion variable with the
mediator in the model.
*p < .05. **p < .01.

.18]). Using the R2 effect size measure for mediation analysis (Fairchild,
MacKinnon, Taborga, & Taylor, 2009), about 2.2% of the variance in satis-
faction with life was explained by the mediated effect of racial/ethnic identity
through religious commitment (a small effect size).

Racial/Ethnic Identity and Meaning in Life

Our second hypothesis was that racial/ethnic identity would be positively
associated with the presence of meaning in life, and this relationship would
be mediated by religious commitment. This hypothesis was also supported.
The direct association between the predictor variable (racial/ethnic identity)
and the criterion variable (presence of meaning in life) was significant (β =
.28, p< .001; see Figure 2). Also, the direct association between the predictor
variable (racial/ethnic identity) and the mediator variable (religious commit-
ment) was significant (β = .32, p< .001). Finally, controlling for the predic-
tor variable (racial/ethnic identity), the association between the mediator
variable (religious commitment) and the criterion variable (presence of
meaning in life) was significant (β = .34, p< .001). In this final regression
analysis, the association between the predictor variable (racial/ethnic iden-
tity) and the criterion variable (religious commitment) remained significant
but was reduced in magnitude (β = .17, p = .018), indicating partial
mediation.

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Ajibade et al. 9

Figure 2.  Mediator effects of religious commitment on the relationship between

racial/ethnic identity and the presence of meaning in life.
Note: Analysis controls for gender, age, current income, and family of origin income. The
number in parenthesis is the effect of the predictor variable on the criterion variable with the
mediator in the model.
*p < .05. **p < .01.

To test whether the mediated effect of racial/ethnic identity on the pres-

ence of meaning in life through religious commitment was significant, we
used the bootstrapping procedure outlined by Preacher and Hayes (2008).
Using a bias-corrected bootstrapping procedure based on 5,000 resamples,
we found that the indirect effect of racial/ethnic identity on meaning in life
through religious commitment was significant (est. = .11, SE = .04, 95% CI
[.05, .20]). Using the R2effect size measure for mediation analysis (Fairchild
et al., 2009), about 5.7% of the variance in meaning in life was explained by
the mediated effect of racial/ethnic identity through religious commitment (a
medium effect size).

Discussion
The present study adds to the small but growing body of research that has
examined the importance of cultural variables in positive psychology
(Constantine & Sue, 2006). The purpose of this study was to determine the
relationship between cultural values and well-being in African Americans.
Specifically, we assessed how one’s racial/ethnic identity and religious com-
mitment were related to satisfaction with life and meaning in life in an African
American sample. The results show that both racial/ethnic identity and reli-
gious commitment were positively related to satisfaction with life and mean-
ing in life. Furthermore, religious commitment mediated the relationship
between racial/ethnic identity and satisfaction with life and partially

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10 Journal of Black Psychology 

mediated the relationship between racial/ethnic identity and meaning in life.

These findings support Constantine and Sue’s (2006) model in which cultural
values can predict aspects of optimal human functioning. Specifically, reli-
gious commitment, one aspect of the model that was hypothesized to be
important for positive psychological functioning in people of color, played a
role in mediating the positive effects of racial/ethnic identity on satisfaction
with life and meaning in life.
The findings from this study support prior research that has found that
constructs related to having a strong racial/ethnic identity may be important
for the well-being of African Americans (Utsey et al., 2008). For example,
research has shown that racial/ethnic identity may serve as a protective factor
in African Americans by moderating the relationships between the experi-
ence of discrimination and psychological well-being in populations with anx-
ious and depressive symptoms (Williams, Chapman, Wong, & Turkheimer,
2012). Specifically, in African American men, having a positive view of
one’s own racial/ethnic group served as a buffer against the psychological
effects of racism and gender role conflict (Wester, Vogel, Wei, & McLain,
2006).
The findings from this study also support prior research that has found that
religiosity may be an important factor in the well-being of African Americans
(Crawford et al., 1989; Jang et al., 2006; Mattis & Grayman-Simpson, 2013;
Reed & Neville, 2014). Specifically, religiosity, which is likely to be more
important for African Americans who strongly identify with their racial/eth-
nic background, is likely to provide African Americans with an important
source of happiness and meaning in their everyday lives. For example, reli-
gion may provide its adherents with an important sense of structure in their
social world, as well as allaying existential concerns by providing individuals
with a sense that their lives have significance and purpose (Van Tongeren et
al., 2011).

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

There were several limitations to this study. First, the study used a correla-
tional design, which prohibits causal inferences. Although the data are con-
sistent with our theoretical model (i.e., racial/ethnic identity leading to
religious commitment, which in turn leads to satisfaction with life and mean-
ing), there may be alternate models that fit the data as well. Longitudinal or
experimental research is necessary to further explicate the causal relations
among these variables. It would be interesting to assess how racial/ethnic
identity and religious commitment change over time, and how these changes
influence satisfaction with life and meaning in life. Second, this study was

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Ajibade et al. 11

based exclusively on self-report data, which have several limitations, includ-

ing response biases and social desirable responding. Although it a relatively
common problem for positive psychological constructs to be assessed solely
with self-report measures (Dorn, Hook, Davis, Van Tongeren, & Worthington,
2014), it would be interesting to use other types of measures as well (e.g.,
behavioral measures).
In addition to using more sophisticated research designs and measure-
ment strategies, future research could examine these ideas using more het-
erogeneous samples of African Americans. It would be interesting to assess
whether these associations held across the life span (e.g., older adults). Also,
future research could further explore the construct of religion to identify
which aspects of religion are most helpful to African Americans. Perhaps
there are some versions of religion that are more or less helpful in African
American communities. Furthermore, future research could explore the spe-
cific mechanisms by which religion influences well-being in African
Americans, such as social support or self-regulation. Finally, the current
study focused primarily on one cultural factor that was thought to be impor-
tant to African Americans (i.e., religion). Future research could assess other
aspects of African American culture (e.g., collectivism, interconnectedness
of mind/body/spirit).

Practical Implications
The results of this study hold several implications for clinicians or commu-
nity psychologists who are working to help African American clients or com-
munities. Namely, the study found that having high levels of racial/ethnic
identity and religious commitment were positively associated with satisfac-
tion with life and meaning for African American individuals. Counselors
working with African American clients may want to assess the client’s racial/
ethnic identity to see if the client’s views toward his or her cultural back-
ground could be helping or hindering working toward one’s goals in counsel-
ing. Counselors should also assess for religious commitment and inquire
whether that is a topic that clients may want to address. If the client identifies
one’s racial/ethnic identity or religion as an area of interest or struggle, coun-
selors could design interventions targeting those areas. For example, counsel-
ors could consider how racial/ethnic identity and religion affect the client’s
functioning and consider how they may help promote optimal functioning in
the client. Incorporating positive images of African Americans may help buf-
fer against the negative images and stereotypes propagated in the media
(Utsey et al., 2008). Similarly, the inclusion of religion in therapy may help
aid in the therapeutic process (Tjeltveit, 2012).

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12 Journal of Black Psychology 

Conclusion
The rise of the positive psychology movement has allowed researchers to
focus on questions related to human strengths and virtues. However, little
theory and research have examined cultural factors that may contribute to
positive psychological functioning, and research on positive psychology has
generally used White samples. The present study adds to the small but grow-
ing body of research examining how culture can be an important resource
that may contribute to healthy psychological functioning and well-being.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica-
tion of this article.

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