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Omid P. Panahia
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Department of Business and Management, Asia Pacific University of Technology and
Innovation, Bukit Jalil, Malaysia; corresponding author; omidp.panahi@gmail.com.
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 2
ABSTRACT
The Malaysian workforce stands out in the Southeast Asian region in terms of its demographic
diversity. Yet, very few studies have sought to determine the role of this diversity in shaping
the dynamics of Malaysian workplaces. Thus the present study was conducted to examine the
relationship between workplace diversity – racial, religious, and gender diversity, to be precise
– and perceived discrimination among employees in Malaysia. Although none of the workplace
diversity variables were found to be directly correlated with perceived discrimination, the vast
majority of the respondents who reported to have faced discrimination assessed their workplace
to be relatively diverse. Among those who reported workplace discrimination, all three of the
workplace diversity variables were positively correlated with the perceived severity of
discriminatory treatment in the workplace. Finally, the most prevalent forms of workplace
in the employment stage, and verbal discrimination, with the least prevalent form being
members of an organization (Harrison & Klein, 2007; Cui, et al., 2015). These differences
encompass various individual attributes such as race, gender, age, physical appearance, sexual
Organizations have, over the years, gradually shifted to embrace workplace diversity, so
that contemporary workplaces are significantly more diverse than their historical counterparts
(Konrad, 2006). This development, as many studies have indicated, carries both benefits and
drawbacks for organizations and the individuals within them. Workplace diversity increases
employees’ productivity (Berman, 2008; O'Mara, 1994; Jabbour, et al., 2011; Clark, 2015;
Appelbaum, et al., 2015), enhances organizational performance (Adler & Gundersen, 2007;
McLeod, et al., 1996; Richard, et al., 2004; Rasul & Rogger, 2015), boosts employees’
creativity (Roberts, 2005; Adler & Gundersen, 2007; O'Mara, 1994; McLeod, et al., 1996;
Richard, et al., 2004), and leads to greater employee commitment (Bertone, et al., 2005; Kulik
& Roberson, 2008; Triana, et al., 2010; Smith & Joseph, 2010; Hofhuis, et al., 2016). On the
other hand, studies have, also, shown that diversity could potentially stimulate discriminatory
actions within the workplace and provoke interpersonal conflicts between managers and
employees (Jabbour, et al., 2011; Kochan, et al., 2003; Prasad, et al., 1997; Roberson & Kulik,
2007; Wrench, 2005; Mannix & Neale, 2005; Martin, 2014; Al Ariss & Sidani, 2016; Ray &
being used. For the purposes of this study, the term “discrimination” here is taken generally to
refer to discrimination against individuals in the workplace. Walsh (2012) defines workplace
the protected class characteristics of persons.” A more general definition would be “the
According to Offermann et al. (2014), discriminatory acts could have subtle and blatant
manifestations, both of them harmful in their own unique ways. There is an extensive academic
literature on the negative effects of workplace discrimination on its victims. In their study,
Goldman et al. (2006) concluded that discrimination in the workplace creates an “unwelcoming
Furthermore, studies have shown that workplace discrimination results in psychological strain
symptoms (Lazarus, et al., 1985; Wood, et al., 2013; Lippel, et al., 2016) and heavy tobacco
and alcohol use in the victims (Chavez, et al., 2015; Gilbert & Zemore, 2016); negatively
affects their job attitudes (Hershcovis & Barling, 2010; Triana, et al., 2015); and has a negative
correlation with their well-being and job satisfaction (Wood, et al., 2013; Hershcovis &
Barling, 2010; Bowling & Beehr, 2006; Kim, 2015; Zurbrügg & Miner, 2016). It has, also,
workplace, one need not necessarily be a victim, but merely a witness or aware of it (Low, et
al., 2007). Workplace discrimination is, therefore, a concern for not only the people who are
Monthly, 2015). The diversity of the Malaysian population is due to the existence of multiple
ethnicities and religions, a variety of languages, a constant inflow of immigrants from a large
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 5
number of countries, a multitude of cultural practices and traditions, and other relevant factors.
The following ethnic groups constitute the Malaysian population: Malay (50.3%), Chinese
(21.8%), Indian (6.5%), Bumiputera (indigenous peoples) (11.8%), other ethnic groups (0.9%),
and non-Malaysian citizens (8.7%). Figure 1, sourced from the February 2015 issue of the
Malaysian national magazine Penang Monthly, illustrates the religions that are currently
Figure 1
According to the web portal World Population Review (2016), 49.5% of Malaysia’s
population is estimated to be male, and the remaining 50.5% to be female. In a country with a
demographic structure such as that of Malaysia, one would expect to find an abundance of
diverse workplaces in which a variety of backgrounds and individual values are represented
(Messarra, 2014). Therefore, there is a possibility – and perhaps a likelihood – for different
present study investigated in the Malaysian context three varieties of workplace diversity –
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 6
racial, religious, and gender diversity – and their correlation with perceived discrimination
among employees.
LITERATURE REVIEW
A large number of studies have examined the nature and prevalence of discrimination in
racially diverse workplaces across different countries. A study by Deitch et al. (2003) showed
discrimination than white Americans in the workplace, and that they experience it in more
subtle, “everyday” ways. This subtle form of racial discrimination, the researchers argue, has
negative outcomes for its victims in terms of their well-being. Another U.S.-based study by
Stainback and Irvin (2012) found that whites, blacks, and Latinos are all less likely to
experience racial discrimination in the workplace when the majority of their coworkers are of
the same race. The researchers also found that having a manager who is of the same race has
no impact on perceived racial discrimination among non-whites, but that it “reduces whites’
reports of racial discrimination.” As for Finnish workplaces, Bergbom et al. (2015) showed
that immigrant employees are more likely to consider themselves as victims of workplace
discrimination and bullying, comparing to Finnish natives. This phenomenon was particularly
pronounced among the most culturally distant immigrant groups in Finland, implying that
“natives categorized only those immigrants perceived as differing the most from natives into
an out-group, the members of which were treated more negatively than others.”
In a recent study involving corporate workplaces based in the city of Toronto in Ontario,
Canada, Ray and Preston (2015) found that racial minorities experience an overwhelming
degree of discrimination in workplaces that rank high in terms of diversity. It was, also, found
that “perceptions of unfair treatment” are generally more prevalent in racially diverse
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 7
workplaces, which, the authors believe, raises significant questions for the default association
between ethno-racial diversity and socially progressive work environments. Kosny et al. (2016)
found that it is disproportionately difficult for new immigrants in Australia to secure jobs that
accurately correspond to their past education and training, which often leads them to “de-
emphasize their culture and race in order to gain entry into Australian workplaces.” A study
conducted in Switzerland by Krings et al. (2014) showed that immigrant groups from the
immediate neighboring countries who are highly competent and successful in the local labor
market are often subjected to subtle forms of discrimination, and are perceived by the Swiss
locals as lacking socioemotional warmth. People of Asian descent face similar stereotypes in
the United States, which makes them relatively more vulnerable to discrimination in the
workplace (Lin, et al., 2005; Lee & Fiske, 2006; Endo, 2015).
Unlike race and gender, Ghumman et al. (2013) argue, religion is a specific belief system
identity. As a result, observers might hold misperceptions regarding the beliefs and practices
associated with various religious groups – such as the practice of polygamy, views on
evolution, and so forth – and stereotypes of this sort could lead to religious discrimination in
the workplace (Ghumman, et al., 2013; Shaheen, 1997; Lips-Wiersma & Mills, 2002).
Moreover, religion might be closely tied to other aspects of one’s identity such as national
origin and race – for instance, 73% of Middle Eastern immigrants in the United States are
Muslim (Camarota, 2002) – in which case discrimination is not only on the basis of religion,
but also the identities with which it is linked (Ball & Haque, 2003; Malos, 2010). Ghumman et
al. (2013) note that non-believers – atheists, agnostics, and others – are, also, susceptible to
In a recent study in the United States, Van Camp et al. (2016) had 175 participants
evaluate fictional job applicants with varying religious affiliations (Christian, Muslim, and
atheist). In the post-evaluation stage, 32% of the participants explicitly reported using the
applicants’ religion as a criterion for evaluation, and consistently showed a strong preference
for Christian over Muslim and atheist applicants. According to Greenwald (2005), 2,466
charges of religious discrimination were filed with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (EEOC) in 2004, which was up from 1,388 in 1992. These charges have been
rising steadily ever since, and the EEOC records show that the vast majority of them are filed
by individuals who claim to have suffered discriminatory treatment as a result of their being,
A study by Kapur and Kleiner (2000) found evidence for gender, racial, and age
discrimination in the United States beer industry. The researchers noted that, “Although the
beer industry may not seem like an industry where discrimination may occur, sex, racial and
age discrimination do exist in [this] industry.” Lisowska (2009) showed that, in Poland, it is
much more difficult for women to secure their first job, and that they are generally promoted
much less often and paid lower wages than men. It was, also, found that, even though women
are frequently subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace, not much effort is made on the
part of employers to prevent or penalize this form of harassment. A U.S.-based study conducted
by Stainback et al. (2011) indicated that women are extremely likely to experience gender
organizations. In a study involving 362 employees of three large corporations in China, Foley
et al. (2015) found employees’ gender and strength of gender identification to be positively
correlated with their perception of discrimination in the workplace, with the highest degree of
perceived discriminatory treatment being directed toward women. Flynn et al. (2015) studied
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 9
the gender disparities present in Ireland’s accounting firms, and found that, despite the
measures taken by some large corporations to address workplace gender inequality, there are
still disproportionately fewer women occupying senior positions in these firms, and that it
generally takes them longer to be promoted to partner status. Ironically, however, the
researchers found “a definite perception of gender equality amongst both male and female
Loi et al. (2015) recently showed that, in Australian workplaces, women tend to be the
prime target of workplace incivility, and yet they are relatively less likely to withdraw from
their work obligations as victims of discrimination, comparing to men. This implies, as the
authors write, that “women may have become somewhat accustomed to uncivil [behaviors]
and learned not to react too negatively.” In their study of gender wage disparity in the public
and private sectors of Mauritius, Tandrayen-Ragoobur and Pydayya (2016) found wage
differentials to be prevalent in both of the economic sectors, although more pronounced in the
private sector, whereby women earn significantly lower wages than men. A recent study
conducted in the U.S. by Leskinen et al. (2015) found that female employees who work in
male-dominated contexts and exhibit traditionally masculine traits such as aggression, self-
reliance, and physical masculinity – a phenomenon that the authors call “gender
of verbal discrimination and gender policing. In a study investigating the labor market of South
Africa, Grun (2004) showed that both African and white women face high degrees of gender
discrimination in the workplace, with African women experiencing the most discrimination at
the hiring stage, and white women in terms of wages. Smith and Joseph (2010) reported that
African-Americans in the United States consider their race and gender to have the most impact
on their workplace experiences, and often view these two traits as liabilities due to their
minority status within most organizations. American whites, in contrast, often attribute their
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 10
experiences in the workplace – for instance, when they are inhibited or when they are
A number of studies have been conducted to determine the prevalence of racial, religious,
discrimination in Malaysia would be the government’s 1971 anti-poverty program, named the
New Economic Policy, under which Malays (the ethnic majority) are favored in employment,
and are given priority to enroll in all domestic public universities (Schafgans, 1998; Manshor,
et al., 2003; Nagaraj, et al., 2009). In a recent study conducted to determine the drivers of career
success among working adults in Malaysia, Poon et al. (2015) showed that perceived
A study by Manshor et al. (2003) found that the two demographic characteristics with
the most influence on Malaysian managers’ decision-making are race and religion. The
researchers showed that, in Malaysia, Malay hiring managers have a strong preference for
candidates of their own race, even if the candidates are less qualified than their rivals. The same
pattern was observed among Muslims in the country, which, the researchers argue, could be
attributed to the fact that Malays are predominantly Muslim. Another finding of this study was
that, when the candidates for a job are deemed to be equally competent, both male and female
hiring managers tend to select the candidate of their own gender. Schafgans (1998) found
evidence for workplace discrimination against Malays in Malaysia, and argues that policy
A recent study by Nagaraj et al. (2014) showed that women account for only about a third
of the Malaysian workforce, and often occupy lower-status jobs comparing to men. The
researchers write, “Although women are more likely than men to have a university education
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 11
[in Malaysia], female graduates are also more likely than male graduates to be in lower-paying
jobs or to be unemployed.” This is substantiated by Karubi and Khalique’s (2012) study, which
found that women “often end up with some of the worst, most poorly-paid jobs” in Malaysia.
The authors argue that many low-status jobs are widely assumed by the public to be only suited
to women, and that men generally lack the willingness to do them. Ali (2014) showed that,
despite the increasing participation of women in the Malaysian workforce over the last few
decades, employers have been, by and large, unwilling to adjust their human resources policies
so as to foster gender diversity in the workplace. In their recent study, Othman and Othman
(2015) found that Malaysian female employees face a significant degree of discrimination with
negative consequences for their promotion opportunities, wages, and training, in spite of the
Hutagalung and Ishak (2012) investigated the prevalence of sexual harassment in three public
higher education institutions in Klang Valley, Malaysia, and found that a majority of the female
employees aged 26 to 39 had experienced some form of workplace sexual harassment over the
questionnaire with solely close-ended questions (Appendix). The questionnaire was designed
to be anonymous, and the confidentiality of the information provided by the respondents was
maintained throughout the entire research. In the introductory statement of the questionnaire,
the respondents were informed regarding the topic and objectives of the study, as well as
notified that they effectively express their informed consent to participate in the study by filling
out the questionnaire. Prior to data collection, a pilot study involving 10 respondents was
carried out with the purpose of ascertaining the clarity and comprehensibility of the instructions
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 12
and content of the questionnaire. In light of the pilot study’s results, minor amendments were
made to the questionnaire. The study was, also, approved by Asia Pacific University’s Research
Variables
The present study investigated three independent variables and one dependent variable,
Figure 2
The Independent and Dependent Variables Investigated by the Study
Religious Diversity
in the Workplace
(IV)
Perceived
discrimination
in the
Workplace (DV)
Hypotheses
that individuals’ race plays a significant role in the dynamics of the average Malaysian
workplace. Manshor et al.’s (2003) study, for instance, showed that Malaysian employers tend
to favor job applicants of their own race, even if these applicants are evidently less competent
than their rivals. Explicit racial biases of this sort, particularly when exhibited by individuals
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 13
in top management positions, could translate into either minimal workplace diversity or the
hypothesis is formulated with regard to the relationship between workplace racial diversity and
Studies also indicate a connection between individuals’ religious affiliation and their
professional life in Malaysia. Abdullah (1992) showed that Malaysian managers’ cultural
background and personal beliefs influence their executive decision-making in the workplace.
This is consistent with Manshor et al.’s (2003) finding that Malaysian Muslim employers have
a strong preference for Muslim job candidates, even in the presence of more qualified
applicants for a particular job. The negative consequences of this form of religious favoritism
are likely to be the most pronounced in diverse workplaces, as there would be a higher
likelihood for employees affiliated with certain religious groups to be discriminated against.
Therefore, the following hypothesis is developed regarding the relationship between workplace
As for gender diversity and discrimination in the workplace, it is well established in the
Malaysia, which is consequential for their employment, benefits, promotion, wages, and
training, to name a few. It has been shown that Malaysian women often occupy low-status and
poorly paid jobs, despite the fact that they account for the highest percentage of college
graduates in the country (Nagaraj, et al., 2014; Karubi & Khalique, 2012). It is, also, likely for
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 14
women to experience various forms of workplace sexual harassment over the course of their
careers in Malaysia (Hutagalung & Ishak, 2012). Nevertheless, a number of affirmative action
initiatives have been recently introduced by the Malaysian government in order to reduce
gender disparities in the national workforce, and organizations across the country have more
or less begun to recognize the importance of gender equality in the workplace (Othman &
Othman, 2015; Ali, 2014). Thus as organizations move toward the inclusion and representation
of all genders in the workforce, they are likely to create a safer and less discriminatory work
environment for all employees. Accordingly, the following hypothesis is formulated as to the
employees in Malaysia.
A sample size of 80 was taken into consideration for the present study. A total of 100
questionnaires, however, were distributed in order to compensate for potential incomplete and
invalid responses. Ultimately, data was collected from 86 respondents, yielding a response rate
of 86%.
The questionnaire was distributed among the full-time and part-time employees of 21
organizations based in the states of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor, Malaysia. Notwithstanding
the fact that the method of convenience sampling was used for data collection, an effort was
made to diversify, to a feasible degree, the organizations in which the questionnaire was
distributed (in terms of the economic sectors and industries within which they operated), as
well as the individual respondents within those organizations (in terms of their demographic
in the study, citing reasons such as the shortage of time, restrictive organizational policies, and
organization, and most of the questionnaires were filled out in print form, as the contacted
organizations and individuals were generally unresponsive to emails. The general details of the
21 organizations from which data was collected, as well as the number of respondents
Table 1
Economic Number of
Organization Industry Address
Sector Respondents
Asia Pacific
University of
Kuala Lumpur,
Technology Private Education 10
Malaysia
and Innovation
Sdn. Bhd.
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 16
Above Creative
Selangor,
Events Sdn. Private Event Planning 1
Malaysia
Bhd.
Cyber Security
Selangor,
Malaysia Sdn. Private Computer Security 2
Malaysia
Bhd.
Kumon,
Selangor,
Selangor, Sdn. Private Education 1
Malaysia
Bhd.
Dewan
Bhd.
Information
IBM Malaysia Selangor,
Private Technology 10
Sdn. Bhd. Malaysia
Services
Pet Lovers
Pet and Pet Supply Selangor,
Centre Sdn. Private 2
Retail Malaysia
Bhd.
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 17
Berjaya
Starbucks
Selangor,
Coffee Private Coffee Shop 5
Malaysia
Company Sdn.
Bhd.
Senheng
Consumer Selangor,
Electric Sdn. Private 10
Electronics Retail Malaysia
Bhd.
Capita Land
Malaysia Mall
Kuala Lumpur,
REIT Private Real Estate 2
Malaysia
Management
Sdn. Bhd.
Terus Maju
Selangor,
Services Sdn. Private Transportation 6
Malaysia
Bhd.
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 18
order. In the Organization section, the respondents were instructed to write or type the name of
the organization at which they were employed; and the Demographics section consisted of four
questions requiring the respondents to report their gender, age group, ethnic or racial
background, and religious affiliation. With a total of four questions, the Workplace Diversity
general diversity, racial diversity, religious diversity, and gender diversity. A short description
was included below all four of this section’s questions, informing the respondents that the
options 1 to 4 indicated “not diverse,” “slightly diverse,” “moderately diverse,” and “highly
diverse,” consecutively. Lastly, the Workplace Discrimination section began with one question
asking the respondents whether they had faced any form of discrimination over the course of
their career at their reported organization. Those who answered “yes” to this section’s first
question were, then, required to answer two follow-up questions regarding the specific forms
and the severity of the discrimination they had faced. In the first follow-up question, the
respondents specified the forms of discrimination they had experienced by checking the
relevant boxes; and in the second follow-up question, they assessed the severity of their
discriminatory treatment on a scale of 1 to 4, with the options denoting “not severe,” “slightly
The collected data was analyzed using the statistics software SPSS (version 24.0). The
data was entered into a SPSS data file, whereby identification numbers were assigned to all 86
respondents, and the variables associated with each of the questionnaire’s questions were
defined. In order to measure the reliability of the Likert scale used in the four questions
information of the respondents, namely gender, age, race or ethnicity, and religious affiliation.
A bivariate Pearson correlation analysis was, then, performed in order to assess the potential
relationships between the study’s independent variables (workplace racial diversity, workplace
religious diversity, and workplace gender diversity) and dependent variable (perceived
discrimination among employees). Specifically for the respondents who reported to have been
discriminated against in the workplace, a descriptive analysis was carried out to determine their
distribution on the workplace diversity scales. Additional descriptive and correlation analyses
were, also, conducted on the study’s secondary variables – namely general workplace diversity,
RESULTS
Cronbach’s alpha analysis yielded an alpha value of 0.885, which, according to George and
Mallery (2005), indicates a “good” reliability for the Likert scale incorporated into the four
Table 2
Frequency Percent
Male 43 50.0%
Gender
Female 43 50.0%
and Other
Indigenous Peoples)
Sikh 3 3.5%
Biracial 1 1.2%
Christianity 5 5.8%
Islam 53 61.6%
Sikhism 3 3.5%
None 5 5.8%
Table 3 presents the results of the bivariate Pearson correlation analysis conducted on the
study’s independent variables (workplace racial diversity, workplace religious diversity, and
employees). Since the Workplace Diversity section of the questionnaire included an additional
question regarding general workplace diversity, a correlation analysis was, also, performed for
this secondary independent variable (general workplace diversity) and the dependent variable
(perceived discrimination among employees), the results of which are incorporated into Table
3 as well. All four of the independent variables were negatively correlated with the dependent
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 21
variable, although the correlations did not meet the statistical significance threshold of P-value
Table 3
The Bivariate Pearson Correlation Analysis of the Study's Independent Variables and
Dependent Variable
Respondent's Having
Faced Workplace
Discrimination
Table 4 illustrates the distribution of the respondents who did and did not report to have
faced discrimination on the four workplace diversity scales, namely general, racial, religious,
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 22
and gender diversity. The overwhelming majority of those who reported workplace
“highly diverse” on all four of the workplace diversity scales, with only a minimal number of
individuals selecting the “not diverse” option. Consistent for all of the workplace diversity
scales, the “moderately diverse” category included the highest number of respondents who
reported to have been discriminated against in the workplace. In the “slightly diverse” category
of only the workplace gender diversity scale, however, the number of respondents who reported
Table 4
The Distribution of the Study's Respondents on the four Workplace Diversity Scales
Workplace Discrimination
No Yes Total
Not Diverse 3 3 6
The General
Slightly Diverse 8 6 14
Diversity of
Moderately 31 15 46
Respondent's
Diverse
Workplace
Highly Diverse 12 8 20
Not Diverse 4 1 5
Diversity of Moderately 27 16 43
Respondent's Diverse
Not Diverse 5 2 7
The Religious
Slightly Diverse 12 11 23
Diversity of
Moderately 27 15 42
Respondent's
Diverse
Workplace
Highly Diverse 10 4 14
Not Diverse 6 1 7
The Gender
Slightly Diverse 10 12 22
Diversity of
Moderately 25 14 39
Respondent's
Diverse
Workplace
Highly Diverse 13 5 18
An additional bivariate Pearson correlation analysis was performed for the four
workplace religious diversity, and workplace gender diversity) and the severity of the
discrimination faced by the respondents who reported discrimination. The results are illustrated
in Table 5. Among the respondents who reported workplace discrimination, workplace racial,
religious, and gender diversity were strongly and positively correlated with severity of
discrimination at the statistical significance level of P-value less than 0.01. General workplace
diversity was, also, positively correlated with severity of discrimination, albeit at the statistical
Table 5
The Bivariate Pearson Correlation Analysis of the Study's Independent Variables and
Severity of Discrimination
The Severity of
Respondent's
Discriminatory Treatment
N 32
N 32
N 32
N 32
Lastly, a descriptive analysis was conducted specifically for those who reported to have
experienced workplace discrimination, in order to determine the most and least prevalent forms
of discrimination. Table 6 presents the results. The most prevalent form of discrimination
terms of working conditions” (N=15), with the second most prevalent forms of discrimination
being “discrimination in the employment stage” (N=14) and “verbal discrimination” (N=14).
The least prevalent form of discrimination, on the other hand, was “discrimination in terms of
compensation” (N=2).
Table 6
Responses
the Employment
Stage
Terms of
Compensation
Terms of
Promotions
Terms of Paid
Leaves
Terms of Training
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 26
Terms of Working
Conditions
Terms of Employee
Benefits
Terms of
Assignments
Discrimination
DISCUSSION
As for the present study’s three primary independent variables (workplace racial
diversity, workplace religious diversity, and workplace gender diversity), one secondary
independent variable (general workplace diversity), and one dependent variable (perceived
discrimination among employees), the bivariate Pearson correlation analysis did not yield any
statistically significant correlation. This is most likely due to the fact that the dependent
variable was associated with a dichotomous question (“Over the course of your career at this
organization, have you faced any form of discrimination?”) in the questionnaire, the responses
to which were entered on a nominal scale in SPSS. The absence of a direct correlation between
the independent variables and the dependent variable implies that an increase or decrease in
workplace diversity on the four scales (general, racial, religious, and gender) does not
As a result, the three hypotheses developed regarding the relationship between workplace
diversity and perceived discrimination were neither verified nor rejected in a direct manner.
The cross-tabulation analysis of the independent and dependent variables showed that
the vast majority of the respondents who reported to have faced workplace discrimination
assessed their workplace as “slightly diverse,” “moderately diverse,” or “highly diverse” on all
four diversity scales, with only a small minority assessing theirs as “not diverse.” Although
this pattern is partly due to the fact that a relatively small number of the study’s total
respondents classified their workplace as “not diverse” on the four scales, it indicates that
workplaces. On all of the workplace diversity scales, the “moderately diverse” category
accounted for the highest number of respondents who reported workplace discrimination,
which is, also, partly because a relatively large number of the total respondents assessed their
workplace as “moderately diverse” on the four scales. It nevertheless suggests that employees
are the most likely to experience discrimination in workplaces that harbor an average degree
of diversity. In the “slightly diverse” category of only the workplace gender diversity scale, the
number of the respondents who reported workplace discrimination surpassed the number of
those who did not. This implies that in workplaces that rank low in terms of gender diversity
(but are not non-diverse), employees are more likely than not to experience discriminatory
treatment. These results were, overall, supportive of Hypothesis 1 and Hypothesis 2, but
contradictory to Hypothesis 3.
The finding that employees are more likely to experience discrimination in relatively
diverse workplaces is consistent with those of Ray and Preston’s (2015) and Jabbour et al.’s
(2011) studies. Ray and Preston (2015) found that “encounters with difference in work
locations generate perceptions of unfair treatment,” and thereby brought under question the
intuitive association between workplace diversity and social progressivism. Similarly, Jabbour
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 28
et al. (2011) found that workplace diversity could underlie cultural conflicts and discriminatory
employees.” The finding is contradictory, however, to those of studies that portray workplace
diversity in a more positive light (Appelbaum, et al., 2015; Rasul & Rogger, 2015; Adler &
Gundersen, 2007; Hofhuis, et al., 2016), which could be due to the differing social contexts of
Among the respondents who reported to have been discriminated against in the
workplace (N=32), statistically significant positive correlations were found between all four of
the workplace diversity variables (general workplace diversity, workplace racial diversity,
workplace religious diversity, and workplace gender diversity) and perceived severity of
discrimination. The implication of this is that employees’ discriminatory experiences are self-
perceived to be more harmful in more diverse workplaces, and vice versa. Although this finding
does not directly address the question of whether the prevalence of workplace discrimination
workplaces. Similar to the results of the cross-tabulation analysis, these results supported
the respondents who reported workplace discrimination revealed the most prevalent forms of
employment, and verbal discrimination; and the least prevalent to be discrimination in terms
relatively common. These findings are mostly in line with those of Othman and Othman’s
(2015) study, which showed that the discrimination against female employees in Malaysia is
Significance
This study attempted to clarify the relationship between workplace diversity and
previous studies on this subject have been more or less inconsistent (Appelbaum, et al., 2015;
Rasul & Rogger, 2015; Adler & Gundersen, 2007; Hofhuis, et al., 2016; Martin, 2014; Al Ariss
& Sidani, 2016). The findings of the study are of service to CEOs and managers seeking to
create a healthy work environment and effectively manage diversity in their organizations.
They are, also, of high value to Malaysian legislators in favor of equal rights and opportunity,
enabling them to introduce and pass legislation more wisely in the future. The study could raise
the public’s awareness as to the nature of the inequalities and discrimination present in
Malaysian workplaces, as well as aid future researchers who aim to conduct studies on similar
issues and, more importantly, develop solutions to the problem of workplace discrimination in
Malaysia.
Limitations
The study investigated the correlation between workplace diversity and perceived
discrimination against employees in Malaysia, and hence did not aim to provide new insights
study did not address the question of whether any of the studied workplace diversity variables
– namely workplace racial diversity, workplace religious diversity, and workplace gender
diversity – play any causal role in the existence or frequency of perceived discrimination
among employees in Malaysian workplaces. In other words, this was a study of correlation and
not causation between the identified variables. Neither did the study put forth ways in which
perceived or actual workplace discrimination could be mitigated in Malaysia. The study might
have, also, been limited by its relatively small sample size (N=86), and the potential low
proficiency of some of the respondents in the English language, since Bahasa Melayu is the
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 30
first native language of Malaysia. Lastly, the fact that the study was conducted in the two states
of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor puts a limitation on the generalizability of its findings.
Future studies in this area could investigate different forms workplace diversity – such
as diversity in terms of age, sexual orientation, weight, and so forth – and examine their
employees’ perceptions. In order to obtain more accurate results, future studies could quantify
workplace diversity and discrimination, thereby exploring their nature and measuring their
actual prevalence beyond employees’ subjective perceptions. It is, also, imperative for future
researchers to utilize the findings of this and previous studies to develop viable solutions to the
problem of workplace discrimination, and thus expand the practical applications of the
CONCLUSIONS
The present study was conducted on workplace diversity and perceived discrimination in
Malaysia, and aimed to determine the precise relationship between diversity – racial, religious,
Malaysian workplaces. An analysis of the collected data did not yield any significant
correlation between workplace diversity and perceived discrimination. However, it was found
that the overwhelming majority of the respondents who reported to have faced workplace
also, positively correlated with the perceived severity of the discriminatory treatment of those
discrimination in employment, and verbal discrimination were found to be the most prevalent
forms of discrimination in Malaysian workplaces. Although the study did not directly
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 31
Malaysia, it did show that employees are more likely to experience discriminatory treatment in
relatively diverse workplaces, and that the perceived severity of these experiences increases
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author would like to acknowledge the Asia Pacific University of Technology and
Innovation for supplying the resources that made this study possible, and the study’s
participants for investing their time and effort to facilitate the data-collection process.
WHEN WORKPLACE DIVERSITY BACKFIRES 32
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