Tourism in Transitions: Dieter K. Müller Marek Więckowski Editors

Geographies of Tourism and Global Change
Dieter K. Müller
Marek Więckowski Editors
Tourism in
Transitions
Recovering Decline,
Managing Change
Series editors
Dieter K. Müller, Department of Geography and Economic History, Umeå
University, Umeå, Sweden
Jarkko Saarinen, Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, Oulu, Finland
Carolin Funck, Faculty of Integrated Arts and Sciences, Graduate School of
Integrated Arts and Sciences, Hiroshima University, Higashihiroshima, Japan
In a geographical tradition and using an integrated approach this book series
addresses these issues by acknowledging the interrelationship of tourism to wider
processes within society and environment. This is done at local, regional, national,
and global scales demonstrating links between these scales as well as outcomes of
global change for individuals, communities, and societies. Local and regional
factors will also be considered as mediators of global change in tourism
geographies affecting communities and environments. Thus Geographies of
Tourism and Global Change applies a truly global perspective highlighting
development in different parts of the world and acknowledges tourism as a
formative cause for societal and environmental change in an increasingly
interconnected world.
The scope of the series is broad and preference will be given to crisp and highly
impactful work. Authors and Editors of monographs and edited volumes, from
across the globe are welcome to submit proposals. The series insists on a thorough
and scholarly perspective, in addition authors are encouraged to consider practical
relevance and matters of subject specific importance. All titles are thoroughly
reviewed prior to acceptance and publication, ensuring a respectable and high
quality collection of publications.
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15123

Dieter K. Müller Marek Więckowski
•
Editors
Tourism in Transitions
Recovering Decline, Managing Change
123
Editors
Dieter K. Müller Marek Więckowski
Department of Geography and Economic Institute of Geography and Spatial
History Organization
Umeå University Polish Academy of Sciences
Umeå Warsaw
Sweden Poland
ISSN 2366-5610 ISSN 2366-5629 (electronic)

ISBN 978-3-319-64324-3 ISBN 978-3-319-64325-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-64325-0
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Preface
The Commission for the Geography of Tourism, Leisure and Global Change within
the International Geographical Union (IGU) has a tradition dating back to the 1980s
when it comes to organizing conferences and facilitating publications on tourism
geographies. The Commission’s objective is to examine the geographical nature of
tourism, leisure and global change. Tourism and leisure are seen as deeply geo-
graphical phenomena that do no happen in a socio-spatial vacuum. They are
understood as social and cultural activities occurring in space and time.
This volume is an outcome of such a conference in 2014, which was organized
together with the Polish Geographical Society and the Institute of Geography and
Spatial Organization within the Polish Academy of Sciences around the theme
Tourism and Transition in a Time of Change. The local organizers Marek
Więckowski and Denis Cerić from the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning,
Polish Academy of Science, had done an excellent job in selecting the Pieniny
Mountains, Southern Poland, as venue for the event and about 40 geographers from
Europe, North and South America, Africa, Asia and Oceania gathered in this
inspiring environment to discuss the topic of the conference. Following the
appreciated tradition of previous events, the hosts of the conference provided
excellent field trips demonstrating the conference topic in practice. This was food
for thoughts and contributed to making the conference a great success. Marek and
Denis deserve great thanks for organizing such a memorable event.
This volume is also the first book in the new book series Geographies of
Tourism and Global Change published by Springer and edited by Dieter Müller
(Umeå University), Jarkko Saarinen (University of Oulu) and Carolin Funck
(University of Hiroshima). The book series is in line with the mission of the IGU
Commission for the Geography of Tourism, Leisure and Global Change and it will
be one channel to illustrate the activities of the commission and its members. In this
context, we would like to thank the team at Springer, and not least, Stefan Einarson
and the production team, for accepting and facilitating this series.
v
vi Preface
Moreover, a great thanks to all authors and colleagues contributing manuscripts

and comments on draft versions, respectively, and to all other colleagues who
during the recent years helped to make this book become a reality.
Umeå, Sweden Dieter K. Müller

May 2017
Contents
1 Tourism and Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Dieter K. Müller
2 Challenges to the Resilience of Whistler’s Journey Towards
Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Alison M. Gill
3 Maritime Cruises: Oligopoly, Centralization of Capital and
Corporate Use of Brazilian Territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz
4 Cruise Tourism: From Regional Saturation Towards Global
Dynamic Equilibrium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Denis Cerić
5 Island in Transition: Tourists, Volunteers and Migrants
Attracted by an Art-Based Revitalization Project in the Seto
Inland Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Carolin Funck and Nan Chang
6 Second Home Tourism: Social and Economic Change in
Developing Countries like South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Anette Hay
7 Tourism Development Cooperation in a Changing Economic
Environment—Impacts and Challenges in Lao P.D.R . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Diana Marquardt
8 Tourism Development in Riga: Resident Attitudes Toward
Tourism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Aija van der Steina and Maija Rozite
9 Spatial Structure of Tourism in a City After Transition: The Case
of Warsaw, Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Marta Derek
vii
viii Contents
10 From Periphery and the Doubled National Trails to the Cross-

Border Thematic Trails: New Cross-Border Tourism in Poland . . . . 173
Marek Więckowski
11 Ski Areas’ Competitiveness in the Light of Climate Change:
Comparative Analysis in the Eastern Alps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Robert Steiger and Bruno Abegg
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Editors and Contributors
About the Editors

Dieter K. Müller is Professor of Social and Economic Geography at the Department of
Geography and Economic History, Umeå University. He has published widely within the fields of
tourism and local/regional development in northern areas, indigenous tourism, and tourism and
mobility. A particular interest relates to the geography of second homes. Müller is currently the
chair of the International Geographical Union (IGU) Commission for the Geography of Tourism,
Leisure and Global Change and the co-editor of the Springer book series on Tourism and Global
Change.
Marek Więckowski is Professor at the Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization of the
Polish Academy of Sciences. Previously he was director of research at the Institute of Geography
of Cities and Population of IGiPZ PAN (2013–2014) and the director of Scientific Center of the
Polish Academy of Sciences in Paris (2014–2017). Moreover, Marek is Vice-president of the
Polish Geographical Society and editor of Geographia Polonica. He is also a member of the IGU
Commission for the Geography of Tourism, Recreation and Global Change. His field of research is
political geography (frontiers and cross-border collaboration), geography of tourism, mobility,
geography of transport, regional development, and territorial marketing.
Contributors
Bruno Abegg Institute of Geography, University of Innsbruck, Innsbruck, Austria
Denis Cerić Department of Urban and Population Studies, Institute of Geography
and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
Nan Chang Graduate School of Integrated Arts and Sciences, Hiroshima
University, HigashiHiroshima, Japan
Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz Department of Geography, University of São
Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil
Marta Derek University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland
Carolin Funck Graduate School of Integrated Arts and Sciences, Hiroshima
University, HigashiHiroshima, Japan
ix
x Editors and Contributors
Alison M. Gill Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC,

Canada
Anette Hay Geography Education and Environmental Education, Faculty of
Education Sciences, School of Natural Sciences and Technology for Education,
Potchefstroom Campus, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
Diana Marquardt Faculty of Society and Economics, Rhine-Waal University of
Applied Sciences, Kleve, Germany
Dieter K. Müller Department of Geography and Economic History, Umeå
University, Umeå, Sweden
Maija Rozite Tourism and Hospitality Department, Turiba University, Riga,
Latvia
Robert Steiger Institute of Public Finance, University of Innsbruck, Innsbruck,
Austria
Aija van der Steina Faculty of Business, Management and Economics, University
of Latvia, Riga, Latvia
Marek Więckowski Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish
Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 The Green Gables farmhouse, Prince Edward Island, Canada
(Photo DK Müller) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 10
Fig. 3.1 The global shipbuilding industry—World Completion
(1975–2014). Source The Shipbuilders Association
of Japan (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 50
Fig. 3.2 Number of ships involved in the maritime cruise sector along
the Brazilian Coast (2004/5–2014/2015). Source
ABREMAR/FGV (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 51
Fig. 3.3 Cruise scales along Brazilian Coast (2011). Source Abremar
(2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 54
Fig. 3.4 Passengers disembarking in Marajó Island (Pará State,
Amazon). Source www.portalmarajo.com/2012/07/ . . . . . . . . .. 55
Fig. 4.1 Growth of international demand for cruises by regions,
2000–2014 (million passengers). Source Author’s elaboration
based on industry data published by GP Wild & BREA
(2009), BREA (2014), CLIA (2014a, 2015a). . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 64
Fig. 4.2 The main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies
combined in the Mediterranean region by the potential
number of passengers during the year around period: a from
December 2011 until November 2012, b from December
2015 until November 2016. Source Author’s elaboration
based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC
Cruises companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa
2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 73
Fig. 4.3 Main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies
combined in the Mediterranean region by potential number of
passengers during the low season period: a from December
2011 until March 2012 and from October until November
2012, b from December 2015 until March 2016 and from
October until November 2016. Source Author’s elaboration
based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC
xi
xii List of Figures
Cruises companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016

(Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 74
Fig. 4.4 Main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies
combined in the Mediterranean region by potential number of
passengers during the high season period: a from April 2012
until September 2012, b from April 2016 until September
2016. Source Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer
of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies for
2011–2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011,
2014, 2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 75
Fig. 5.1 Visitors to Naoshima 1992–2014 (based on data provided by
Naoshima Town, Fukutake Zaidan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 85
Fig. 5.2 Please tell us how often you engage in each activity
(source author’s own survey on Naoshima 2012) . . . . . . . . . .. 88
Fig. 5.3 A simple accommodation facility in Japanese style
(minshuku) using an old house in Honmura village, run by a
local resident (photo by author, 2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 92
Fig. 5.4 A new accommodation facility in the outskirts of Honmura
village, run by a young couple who moved to Naoshima
recently (photo by author, 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 93
Fig. 6.1 Rosendal in South Africa. Source Compiled by Job (2014) . . .. 99
Fig. 6.2 Locations of second home owners/farm owners included in
the case study. Source Job 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Fig. 8.1 Number of overnights in Riga and annual changes
of GDP of Latvia 1995–2015 (CSB 2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Fig. 9.1 Distribution of selected tourist attractions in Warsaw . . . . . . . . 163
Fig. 9.2 Patterns of land use in Warsaw’s Old Town, April 2016.
Source Fieldwork. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
Fig. 10.1 Spatio-temporal model of cross-border tourism development
in Poland. Source Author’s proposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
Fig. 11.1 Ski areas classified by size. Source: Bergfex (2014); own
illustration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
Fig. 11.2 Snow reliability of ski areas today (1981–2010) without (top)
and with snowmaking (bottom). Source: Own research . . . . . . . 193
Fig. 11.3 Snow reliability of ski areas with snowmaking in a +1 °C
(top) and +2 °C scenario (bottom). Source: Own research . . . . . 194
List of Tables
Table 3.1 Movement of sea cruises in Santos Maritime Passenger

Terminal (2009–2015). Source Concais (2016) . . . . . . . . . . . .. 41
Table 3.2 Great operators and companies/brands of sea cruises in the
world in 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 45
Table 4.1 International demand for cruises by regions,
1989 and 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 63
Table 4.2 Types of itineraries in cruise tourism sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 66
Table 4.3 Changes in cruise vessels deployment in 2011–2012 and
2015–16 on the example of five largest vessels by capacity in
ownership of Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies . . . .. 67
Table 4.4 Changes in Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies’
cruise offer in the Mediterranean region between 2011–2012
and 2015–2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 70
Table 4.5 Cruise itineraries’ patterns in the Mediterranean region . . . . . .. 72
Table 5.1 Please tell us what is important for you when you travel
(source author’s own survey conducted on Naoshima in 2012,
on Miyajima in 2010) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 88
Table 6.1 Demographic characteristics of second home owners in
Rosendal area (N = 74: Mautse—40; Rosendal—27;
Farms—7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Table 6.2 The spatial and economic distribution of second home owners
in Rosendal area (N = 74) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Table 7.1 Arrivals and revenue from tourism in Laos by category,
2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Table 8.1 Evaluation of tourism impact items by residents of Riga.
High mean values indicate a strong support for negative (N)
or positive (P) assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Table 8.2 Evaluation of the positive and negative impacts of tourism by
the residents of Riga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
xiii
xiv List of Tables
Table 9.1 Number of entries to selected ticketed attractions of Warsawin

2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
Table 11.1 Share of t-bar lifts and share of ski slopes covered
with snowmaking facilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Table 11.2 Change of snow demand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Chapter 1
Tourism and Transition
Dieter K. Müller
1.1 Introduction
It is common knowledge that the world is constantly changing and so is tourism.

Scientific literature gave early attention to the fact that tourism changes places
(Mathieson and Wall 1982; Wall and Mathieson 2006; Hall and Lew 2009; Hall
and Page 2014). Social impacts have often been in focus (e.g. Butler 1974;
Greenwood 1976; Pizam 1978; Jordan 1980) but even environmental impacts
yielded early academic attention (e.g., Cohen 1978; Pigram 1980). However, as
Hall and Lew (2009) argue impacts understood as a unilateral relationship between
tourism and a place most likely fail to capture a more complex reality. Instead,
tourism impacts usually signify two-way relationships between tourism and a place
or any other phenomenon. This relationship also changes over time and feedback
loops further create causality. In other words, tourism does not only change places,
but it is also changed by places. Changes can turn out to be positive or negative and
advance development or not, which of course is contingent of stakeholders’
expectations and desires. However, scientific literature particularly tends to high-
light what is perceived negative impact, requiring planning and management action.
A transition can be seen as a change from one situation to another. In the context
of change, transitions characterize situations where change is not smooth and
stepwise, but rather dramatic, rapid, and fundamental. Thus Hall (2004) defines
tourism transition as “…the process through which tourism development in any
given society passes to reach a common state of dynamic equilibrium” (Hall 2004,
p. 2). Hence, tourism transition is dependent on the societal context where it takes
place, and furthermore on the characteristics of the tourism industry itself. In this
context, Hall understands equilibrium as a “structural and spatial balance of and
between tourism development and its context” (p. 3) while the notion of dynamism
D.K. Müller (&)

Department of Geography and Economic History, Umeå University, 90781 Umeå, Sweden
e-mail: dieter.muller@umu.se
© Springer International Publishing AG 2018 1

D.K. Müller and M. Więckowski (eds.), Tourism in Transitions,
Geographies of Tourism and Global Change, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-64325-0_1
2 D.K. Müller
acknowledges a continuously ongoing change, however not disrupting the balance.

Hall’s notion of transition is thus in line with ideas of development as a process
comprising stages. Notably, Rostow’s (1959) model of economic growth through
different stages of development from a traditional society to a mass consumption
society and beyond is one example of this way of thinking. However, as he points
out, in contrast to Marx’s historical determinism, the driving force for leaving one
stage and moving to the next does not need to depend on economic reasons alone,
and may, in fact, be contingent on other human desires and ambitions. Taking Hall
and Lew’s (2009) notion of two-way relationships into account, the abovemen-
tioned argument implies that tourism transition also means a transition of society
and context. This perception is in line with ideas of a tourism system in which
tourism is embedded into a multi-level environment acknowledging various
physical, social, economic, demographic, cultural, and political conditions. Hence,
even reasons related to changes in the physical environment may warrant and entail
transition (e.g. Gössling and Hall 2006; Gössling et al. 2015). Moreover, the
geographical dimension of the tourism system containing spatial elements like
regions of tourists’ origins, transportation corridors, and destinations makes the
relationship between places and other elements of the tourism system even more
complex. Hence, transitions in the tourism system may be caused by changes in all
three spatial elements; shifting societal preconditions in sending regions and des-
tinations as well as disruption in transportation are just some examples of possible
sources of change. However, even changes in sometimes remote parts of the sur-
rounding environment may influence tourism. For example, the terror attacks of
September 11th, 2001 caused a “globalization of fear” (Bianchi 2006, p. 64)
changing regulations and security measures globally mostly when it comes to air
transportation, but also in other sectors of the tourism industry.
This book focuses on different types of transitions. This introduction discusses
the relationship of transition and tourism. Tourism is seen as a vehicle for transition,
as an integrated part of transitions, and as a consequence of transition. The chapter
aims to provide a systematic approach to conceptualize and understand transitions.
In this context, transitions are seen as event-driven rapid changes within economy,
politics, and environment requiring comprehensive adaptation to new circum-
stances. The chapter is then followed by a selection of case studies from different
geographical settings which address various aspects of transition and tourism, and
how people cope with new circumstances.
1.2 Event-Driven Transition
As mentioned earlier a basic idea of stage models of development is the idea of

transition from one balanced situation to another (Hall 2004). The Tourism Area
Life Cycle Model (Butler 1980) certainly assumes a development through various
stages. An involvement and exploration stage is followed by a period of devel-
opment, consolidation and stagnation before decline or rejuvenation provide
1 Tourism and Transition 3
preconditions for new development stages. Still, the model lacks a conceptualiza-
tion of rapid change. Hence, it would not be applicable to describe a transition.
However, it can be modified to fit a situation with difficulties in development, as
Corak (2006) shows for the Croatian Riviera, which had to restart tourism devel-
opments because of various wars during the 20th century. Similarly, researchers use
the rejuvenation of the Atlantic City as an example of such a non-linear develop-
ment curve (Stansfield 2006).
Besides stage models, even ideas of crisis management (Hall 2010; Visser and
Ferreira 2013) and resilience, particularly in combination with sustainability, which
recently experienced appreciation within tourism research (Becken 2013; Lew
2014; Luthe and Wyss 2014; Orchiston et al. 2016) can be seen as related concepts.
Resilience is often defined as the ability of a system to cope with change. According
to Folke et al. (2002, p. 438):
Resilience, for social-ecological systems, is related to (i) the magnitude of shock that the
system can absorb and remain within a given state; (ii) the degree to which the system is
capable of self-organization; and (iii) the degree to which the system can build capacity for
learning and adaptation.
A system in this context is, as Hall and Lew (2009, p. 66) put it, “…a group of
elements organized such that each element is, in some way, either directly or
indirectly interdependent with every other element”. Besides its basic elements,
systems contain therefore the relationship between the elements. Furthermore,
systems are delimited by boundaries and embedded in a wider environment. Hall
and Lew (2009) argue that tourism should be seen as a complex and adaptive
system highlighting the self-organizing and adaptive properties of the system.
Against this background, a transition can be understood in various ways. It can
be seen as a reaction to a shock, in which magnitude exceeds what the system can
cope with, and thus transforms into a new state. However, even substantial changes
within a socio-ecological system based on adaptation and learning may be under-
stood as a transition, though this may occur without a total breakdown of the
system.
Considering the origins of resilience theory within ecology and referring to
ecological systems it is not a surprise that research on resilience often prefers
stability over change and transition. Furthermore, the likelihood of a system
adapting to change is, of course, dependent on the scope and speed of change. The
greater the disruption of a system the less likely the system can adapt and sustain
since learning and adaptation require time. Hence, resilience theory advocates early
warning systems, limits of acceptable change and thresholds (Folke et al. 2002).
Dramatic events, such as earthquakes and meteorites are, however, sometimes
difficult to predict and to adapt to and are thus major challenges for resilience and
sustainability.
Although resilience theory has been developed within ecological sciences, the
approach has been used within social sciences and tourism geography too. Here
resilience planning is understood as a way of sustaining an equilibrium (Lew 2014).
This normative approach preferring stability instead of change can, however,
4 D.K. Müller
be criticized since transition and change may be suitable ways to cope with
self-destructive or unjust political and economic systems. In other words, dramatic
system changes and transition may be warranted by many, as the example of the
dissolution of the Soviet Union illustrates. But somewhat ironically, transition is
also promoted by Marxist researchers (cf. Staeheli and Mitchell 2005). In this
context, resilience and system sustenance become a problem rather than an asset.
Still, resilience thinking may help to understand that transitions are caused by
events that can change systems.
The following sections present and discuss the role of various events for tran-
sition and change.
1.2.1 Environmental Events
Natural events
Environmental disasters are well known for their capability to cause serious damage
to society and tourism. Hall (2010) expects crisis events in tourism to increase
because of the global dimensions of tourism. However, in most cases, environ-
mental events are to a limited degree capable of entailing transitions in tourism.
Earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and flooding are most often discrete events limited
in time and space. Although they may influence various aspects of tourism
development for a considerable time, they do not necessarily change the tourism
system in the long run. For example, the Christchurch earthquakes had conse-
quences not only for the city and its tourism infrastructure but also for hosts and
their ability to cope with the impacts of the disaster (Wilson 2016). Still, tourism
strategies aim at recovery, and thus, do not evoke the idea of transition into a new
stage of development. This seems to apply for most cases where natural disasters
strike tourism destinations. Consequently, the scientific literature has addressed the
management and mitigation of impacts caused by environmental disasters (Faulkner
2001; Huan et al. 2004; Ritchie 2004).
Moreover, potential and real places of natural disasters such as volcanoes have
become popular tourism attractions in their own right (Erfurt-Cooper 2014). Indeed
as Benediktsson et al. (2011) showed the perception of risks among tourists after
the Eyjafjallajökull eruption in Iceland affected their relation to the destination also
in a positive sense.
Human-induced environmental events
Most available examples refer to the destruction of attraction. However, the impact
of human-induced environmental impacts is not always self-evident. Gössling et al.
(2012) point out that tourists are the element in the tourism system with the greatest
ability to adapt, and hence, understanding the impacts of climate change requires
gaining more knowledge about tourist demand. As such they argue that climate
change will affect multiple dimensions of destination attractiveness, but this does
not automatically entail that that tourists perceive these changes in a way that would
change their travel decisions. Perception is a very complex process and dependent
on, for example, geographical and social contexts. Furthermore, the role of media
cannot be underrated (Gössling et al. 2012).
As a result, impacts of climate change do not necessarily cause any direct
adaptation of tourist demand. For example, studies on tourism about the bleaching
of coral reeves in Zanzibar showed that tourism continued despite the poor con-
dition of the coral reeves (Andersson 2007; Gössling et al. 2007). Similarly,
Dawson and Scott (2010) have demonstrated that skiers in North America respond
to climate change through flexibility, while insecure access to snow seems to limit
demand in the European Alps (Steiger 2011). Moreover, even a growing awareness
of climate change does not necessarily entail a willingness to cut flying, though
there are narratives of growing awareness and a potential future adaptation in
mature markets (Becken 2007; Cohen et al. 2011; Higham and Cohen 2011). Still,
trust in technological innovation turns out to be a hindrance for adaptation due to
climate change (Cohen et al. 2016). Therefore it can be noted that climate change,
at least so far, has not led to a significant change in the tourism system or to a
transition into another mode of production.
However, among the man-made environmental events, there are still some
events that changed tourism significantly. For example, although the Chernobyl
accident more or less eradicated tourism in the area, the emergence of new forms of
tourism can be noted. Hence, visits to the toxic zone have recently grown in
popularity, a development well in line with recent interest in dark tourism
(Yankovska and Hannam 2014).
1.2.2 War and Political Events
War and political change are usually good and very illustrative examples for
changes entailing transition. War obviously creates chaos and turmoil, destroys
physical infrastructure and sometimes even societal institutions. Thus, recovering
from war often requires more than a restoration of infrastructure and image, but a
reinvestment in social relations as well (Richter 1999). However, the relationship
between tourism and war is not uncomplicated since superficial notions such as
peace as a requirement for tourism have been proven wrong (Sönmez 1998; Butler
and Suntikul 2013). Subsequently, tourism occurs even during wartime, though it
may be displaced or even interrupted (Corak 2006). However, war, riots and
political events like revolutions are powerful game changing events.
The devolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union provided a relatively
recent example of rapid change and transition (Hall 2004). Besides the political
change toward a more democratic organization of societies, a new economic system
favouring free markets over centrally planned production was set in place. This
of course also implied a dramatic change in tourism. Theoretically, war and rev-
olution are thus factors disrupting a spatially and sectorally balanced development.
6 D.K. Müller
The resulting situation is thus often characterized by turmoil until a new balance is
achieved. However as Stark notes for the transition from Soviet communism to
Russian post-communism, a new balance has been achieved “…not on the ruins but
with the ruins of communism” (Stark 1994, p. 995). This indicates that transitions
usually lead to situations where a new balance is at least partly dependent on
persistent institutions or structures.
The transition towards a market situation is tricky. Focusing the post-Soviet
transition of Estonia, Jaakson (1996) highlights four factors influencing tourism
development: democratization; privatization; land and property reform; and
decollectivization of not least agriculture. Even the re-internationalization and
globalization, and the polarization of consumption within domestic tourism are
sometimes mentioned as critical points in the transition process (Williams 2002). In
accordance, the satisfaction of these preconditions opens opportunities for a suc-
cessful tourism development. Furthermore, the already mentioned institutional
legacies are often persistent, and thus, political and economic transitions do not
always erode all institutions. Therefore, even tourism systems do not transform in a
vacuum (Grabher and Stark 1998; Saarinen and Kask 2008). Markets and infras-
tructure patterns are often far more persistent than expected, and hence, a
re-internationalization may indeed lead to a restoration of previous patterns (Corak
2006). Thus as demonstrated for the Czech Republic and Slovakia, tourism
development after transition did take place in the regions that had been featured as
tourism destinations already before transition (Williams and Baláž 2001). The
reason for these sustained patterns is notably the dependence on domestic tourism
and state intervention (Hall 1998; Williams and Baláž 2001).
Another example indicating the relevance of political events in relation to
tourism is the Cuban revolution in 1959. Initially, a destination within the US
pleasure periphery the revolution and the subsequent US boycott largely discon-
tinued the success of the gambling destination (Hinch 1990). However, the devo-
lution of the Soviet Union and the resulting economic uncertainties implied a return
to a state-controlled tourism to earn foreign currency (Simon 1995; Taylor and
McGlynn 2009). A further relief of the boycott and an opening of the Cuban
economy, i.e. a new transition, are already predicted to have a very positive impact
on the Cuban tourism industry (Padilla and McElroy 2007; Hingtgen et al. 2015).
A third example to be mentioned here are the impacts of terrorist attacks. In a
rather comprehensive review of the impact of terrorist attacks and political insta-
bility on tourism, Saha and Yap (2014) reveal that countries hit by short terrorist
attacks indeed sometimes record an increasing demand. In contrast, durable polit-
ical instability and turmoil affect tourism figures very negatively. Still as Arana and
León (2008) show, even terrorist attacks create destinations that are winners while
others become losers.
A major terror attack happened on September 11th, 2001 when Arab terrorists
high-jacked passenger airplanes to crash them into the iconic two towers of the
World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon outside Washington DC. The
impact on tourism not only in the U.S. but also elsewhere in the world were
immediate and radical (Goodrich 2002). In an analysis of the impacts of 9/11 on
countries in the Middle East, Steiner (2007) notes that the internationalization of the
tourism industry influences reactions. Of course, the duration and intensity of
conflicts guide the strategies of the companies, but in contrast to what could have
been expected, international companies do not necessarily leave the region after the
terrorist attacks and the resulting uncertainty. Rather they contributed to stabilizing
the region and stay because they are locally embedded, Steiner (2007) argues.
The examples used here illustrate that war, revolution, terror and other events
have a great impact on tourism systems. However, political events not always
initiate a whole transition of the tourism system. Still, these kinds of events turned
out to have a rather long lasting influence on how tourism is organized and
conducted.
1.2.3 Economic Events and Innovations
Often political events have economic consequences too. The above mentioned
example of the collapse of Eastern European planning economies and their tran-
sition towards market economies illustrate this nexus well. However, economic
events or crises do not always require a political crisis. Economic crisis in tourism is
often related to price levels and competitiveness. Hence, sudden increase or
decrease in price levels, respectively, influence the relative market position of
destinations. Jóhannesson and Huijbens (2010) report for instance that the global
credit crunch in 2008 turned the Icelandic economy upside down causing among
many other impacts rapidly declining price levels. As a result, tourism became a
core industry within the national economy.
Another example is related to institutional change; in the European Union, the
political and economic integration took away extensive travel and investment
restrictions. Among other things, this led to an increase of international investment
in recreational properties and second homes in the 1990s (e.g. Buller and Hoggart
1994; Müller 1999; Williams et al. 2004). Besides the eradication of legal barriers,
taxation issues have been an important aspect for relocating temporarily not least to
Mediterranean destinations like Malta (Åkerlund 2013). Moreover, the expansion
of this residential tourism and the related lifestyle mobilities have entailed the
establishment and growth of a ‘lifestyle migration industry’ (David et al. 2015),
which can be considered as a new branch of the tourism industry.
However more prominent is the focus on tourism as a response to a crisis in
other sectors of the economy. Thus, tourism has been used to revitalize rural and
peripheral areas when employment in traditional industries was in decline (Jenkins
and Hall 1998; Hall 2007, 2013; Müller 2013). Governments have often supported
these strategies, for example establishing national parks (Butler and Boyd 2000;
Wall Reinius and Fredman 2007; Mayer et al. 2010; Saarinen 2014), but research
has shown that measures, though they are welcomed alternatives, often fail to
acknowledge local innovation and tourism systems, and hence not always entail an
anticipated development (Almstedt et al. 2015; Brouder 2012; Carson et al. 2014).
8 D.K. Müller
Even on a global scale, early on tourism had been identified as an opportunity to

support developing countries (De Kadt 1979; Telfer and Sharpley 2015). Although
the outcomes of these activities are, to say the least debatable (e.g. Britton 1982;
Brohman 1996; Mowforth and Munt 2015), tourism is still utilized to profile
destinations and raise foreign currency incomes for developing economies. For
example, Yang and Wall (2008) argue that the inclusion of ethnic minorities as
entrepreneurs in tourism development implies an empowerment of an otherwise
marginalized group. However, seldom can these changes be seen as event-driven or
purely economic. Instead, they indicate the intrinsic relationship of tourism and
politics (Britton 1982; Mosedale 2014).
Finally, a major trigger for change is innovation. Although researchers argued
that innovation in tourism is limited there are multiple examples of how innovation
in tourism also changed systems and the way tourism is produced and consumed
(Hall and Williams 2008). Not least, tourism innovation influences the competi-
tiveness of regions or products, though systematic evidence on the role of inno-
vation in destinations and national economies is lacking (Hjalager 2010). Hjalager
distinguishes five fields of innovation within the tourism system where innovation
mainly occurs, i.e. product supplies, processes, management, marketing and insti-
tutions. Here technological development is important, as is the role of
entrepreneurship and geographical context. Illustrative examples of technological
innovation altering tourism production and consumption are related to digitalization
(Viglia et al. 2016). Certainly, the introduction of internet has changed booking
systems, destination promotion and packaging, distribution of services, trip plan-
ning, and recollection through social media (Law et al. 2014; Xiang et al. 2015). It
has also transformed the way tourists are connected during the trip and experience
their holidays (Neuhofer et al. 2014; Tanti and Buhalis 2017). The opportunity to
establish direct connections between tourist and tourism provider through internet
platforms has further created new more or less commercial sub-segments of the
tourism market such as AirBnB and consecutively caused rather severe conse-
quences for traditional accommodation providers (Guttentag 2015; Fang et al.
2016).
However, not only technological change has altered tourism systems. Sometimes
new products are important innovations. Hence, Müller (2011) argues that the
establishment of the Icehotel in Northern Sweden not only affected the hosting
communities of Jukkasjärvi and Kiruna but rather implied a shift of the main
tourism season from summer to winter all over northern Sweden by triggering a
development of a diversified product supply beyond traditional skiing. Of course,
not least on a local scale new products and other kinds of innovations can influence
local competitiveness formative.
This short review reveals that transitions, driven by economic events, often occur
in relation to change within other fields. As already mentioned in the previous
section, political change in particular often implies economic change as well.
However, here it was exemplified that even economic crisis in itself can trigger a
transition of an economy towards tourism (Jóhannesson and Huijbens 2010).
However, it was also demonstrated that tourism development in itself is utilized to
accomplish regional development and transitions of economies and communities.

This may not always be perceived to be caused by events, but rather as a result of
incremental processes. Still, political decision-making, changing laws, regulations
and institutions as well as economic decision-making influencing investments are
other factors capable of altering tourism systems. Finally, innovation is a major
reason for transitions related to new economic preconditions.
1.2.4 Cultural Events and Heritage
A final point to be considered in the context of transitions and tourism are cultural
events. As for economic events, cultural events can disrupt structures and tourism
systems. Most often this lacks drama and indeed may be related to the creation and
establishment of mainly cultural attractions. For example, events within the sectors
of culture and sports are used to influence local development. A good example,
though highly debated regarding their cost-benefit balance, are Olympic Games and
other mega and hallmark events that are justified by pointing to their touristic value
in a short and a long-term perspective (Teigland 1999; Singh and Zhou 2015).
Similarly, the European Capital of Culture annual events are comparable events in
the field of fine arts and culture that are expected to have a positive correlation with
tourism development (Hughes et al. 2003; Liu 2014; Richards 2014). The event is
expected to boost development by re-imaging cities and mobilizing cultural pro-
duction and consumption. Although as with sports events, even cultural events are
far from being a guarantee for achieving the aspired development.
The relation of cultural events and tourism even comprises other examples.
Cultural productions, such as music, literature and movies, are sometimes strong
markers of places and induce tourism (Gibson and Connell 2007; Beeton 2016).
However, even here it has been discussed to what extent the overall image of a
destination is more significant than the impact of movies for attracting tourists
(Hahm and Wang 2011). The advent of new touristic expectations at places related
to films and literature is changing places not always in line with desires of the local
population (Croy and Buchmann 2009; Bolan et al. 2011). Furthermore, in many
cases, this development is limited in time and depends on the popularity of the
cultural expression that makes the nucleus of the attraction. However, it has been
shown that places related to children’s literature indeed were able to establish a
long-lasting tourism development based on the work of authors (Squire 1996;
Müller 2009). For example, the places described by Lucy Maud Montgomery in her
work Anne of Green Gables on Prince Edward Island, Canada, were later also used
in movie productions. Today they are essential parts of the island’s tourism product
(Fig. 1.1).
Even places of dark heritage may turn areas otherwise with limited attractiveness
into tourism destinations. Among those, sites of deadly accidents, battles, church-
yards, and memorial sites are just some examples (Sharpley and Stone 2009;
Timothy 2011). Often these transformations are not without contestation and debate
10 D.K. Müller
Fig. 1.1 The Green Gables farmhouse, Prince Edward Island, Canada (Photo DK Müller)
since different experiences and perspective on the heritage in place exist (Buchholtz
2005; Lemelin et al. 2013).
In summary, cultural events and places related to heritage can entail a transition
into tourism. Indeed sometimes these events are held to facilitate such development
not least in previously deprived places or regions in crisis. However, the longevity
of such development is dependent on significance, fashion and popularity of the
event and the related site. Hence, the most likely development is not a transition but
rather a short peak in demand.
1.3 Scale and Transition
As argued earlier, transitions are fundamental changes of systems. From a geo-

graphical perspective, this implies that scale becomes an important aspect of
transitions since “…tourism is stretched over time and space” (Hall and Page 2014,
p. 148). Hence, the boundaries of the systems considered affect the factors
influencing it as well, or as Hall and Lew (2009, p. 71) formulate it, “[S]cale affects
the definition of the system, and hence the behaviours observed, and the feedback
processes that can occur between system levels”. This implies that what is con-
sidered a transition is also dependent on the delimitations of a system. In complex
adaptive systems such as tourism, the focus is on behaviour at lower levels. General
behavioural patterns are seen as aggregates of agents’ behaviour on a lower level.
Socio-economic scales stretch from the individual to the local and then to the
global level. Focus on the individual level can explain how an individual tourism
firm is affected by change, but in fact, these changes would seldom qualify to be
called a transition; on a destination level the change for a single company within
tourism would seldom be noted. Moreover, as Hall and Lew (2009) note tourism is
often assessed at a destination level. In the same way changes in a destination do
not necessarily affect a national tourism system, but in case a national tourism
system is going through a transition, it would be likely that this is understood as a
result of changes at a regional or destination level.
Analogue to spatial scales even temporal scales and the temporal delimitation of
systems affect how changes are assessed. Slow changes would usually not result in
much action. For example, climate change would usually not affect tourism oper-
ations within weeks, months or even a year. Instead, it is the longer perspective that
makes climate change a challenge. More dramatic events, like disasters such as
earthquakes or other natural hazards, are immediate problems. Thus temporal scales
have implications as well whether tourism transitions are detected and considered
problematic or not.
Lew (2014) offers a systematic approach to tourism scales and change rates in
relation to system resilience. Hence, on the level of the single entrepreneur and the
small-scale company a decline of services or facilities may imply a slowly
decreasing competitiveness that could be managed through maintenance programs.
Training and diversification can address a more rapid change caused by a destroyed
attraction or a vanishing market. On the community level, slow change can be
triggered by, for example, climate change or increasing global competition. Here a
focus on conservation, mitigation, and adaptation may be reasonable strategies. In
the case of sudden change caused, for example by disasters, various support sys-
tems focusing on welfare and infrastructure services are requested.
Consequently, scale is an important perspective regarding the understanding and
analysis of transitions, and although geographical and temporal scales are often
dominant, Hall and Lew (2009) list various other sectors such as networks and
socio-economic systems, where scalar dimensions are relevant. Together with the
above-presented events that drive transitions, they form a framework for under-
standing the relation between transitions and tourism in time and space.
1.4 Outline of the Book
Against this background, this book presents a selection of case studies addressing a
variety of aspects related to the topic of transitions from a geographical perspective.
The examples were originally presented at a meeting titled Tourism and Transition
in a Time of Change organized by the International Geographical Union’s
Commission for the Geography of Tourism, Leisure and Global Change together
12 D.K. Müller
with the Polish Geographical Society and the Institute of Geography and Spatial
Organization within the Polish Academy of Sciences. The conference took place in
the Pieniny Mountains, Southern Poland, in 2014. The ambition in this context has
been to broaden the perspective available in the scientific literature beyond the areas
predominantly represented there. Hence, this volume offers examples from North
and South America, Europe, Africa and Asia. Furthermore, the events causing
transitions presented here have different characteristics. Environmental change,
globalization and political change in relation to the dissolution of the Soviet Union
and its sphere of influence are topics in some of the cases discussed.
In the next chapter, Alison Gill presents the case of the resort of Whistler,
Canada, which underwent a transition from a traditional resort to a community
putting sustainable development at the forefront. She argues that the concept of
sustainability is well established in political rhetoric, but interpretations of the
concept are understood differently, and implementation is challenging. Often the
concepts of growth and sustainability are viewed as antithetical. Therefore the
contribution aims at examining the challenges that the resort town is facing in
maintaining the integrity of its innovative, comprehensive sustainability model. As
the first resort governance model aiming at sustainability of its kind, it has gained
widespread interest from resort destinations globally. However, since 2011 there
have been a number of challenges to the resort’s sustainability journey including
shifting priorities and new stakeholder constellations.
These challenges to the recently established sustainability pathway raise issues
concerning the resilience of the new model. Building on previous research in
Whistler an evolutionary economic geography approach to examine this issue
through the lens of path creation is employed. The chapter demonstrates that this
politically driven transition toward “sustainability requires not only innovation and
entrepreneurship by champions but also continuing engagement, support and
partnerships with a broad range of stakeholders” (Gill, this volume).
The two following chapters refer to transitions in cruise tourism. Rita de Cássia
Ariza da Cruz discusses the impacts of the rapid development of cruise tourism
along the Brazilian coast. Not least the economic crisis in the core countries of
capitalism triggered an interest in new emerging markets such as South America.
Although supported by some, the chapter focuses on the negative consequences of
the rapid development. The author argues that a few global players within the cruise
industry require adaptation from Brazilian authorities in order to visit the ports of
the country. However, local impacts are limited because most Brazilians cannot
afford to participate in this form of tourism, makes it questionable whether an
investment in potentially shortsighted opportunities is reasonable. Hence, the
chapter demonstrates the inclusion of the Brazilian territory in the circuits of
international cruise tourism and illustrates the challenges of such a transition for
local authorities, especially in relation to other challenges of a developing economy
and society.
In his chapter, Denis Cerić addresses how the cruise industry can adapt their
activities to changing market forces by simply repositioning cruise vessels. Cruise
companies are discovering new markets rapidly, involving every part of the world
in cruise tourism and continually changing themselves to ensure growth. He argues,

therefore, that transition in cruise tourism can be observed from a number of
perspectives: clustering of the companies, gigantism in shipbuilding, models of
repositioning vessels, cruising itineraries patterns, and so on. In the Mediterranean,
within only four full years of operation, the number of cruise vessels and total days
in which the cruise vessels are present in the Mediterranean region decreased
together with many other indicators. Overall results indicate a change of focus from
the entire Mediterranean basin in 2012 to Western Mediterranean sub-region in
2016. These quick changes entail substantial challenges to ports and destinations
and have to be managed thoroughly to avoid major setbacks in the development of
tourism.
Carolin Funck and Nan Chang present a case study of Naoshima, an island in
Japan’s Seto Inland Sea. Here tourism development is used in order to rejuvenate
and develop an island that has been known as an industrial site mainly. Since the
1960 and in cooperation with private stakeholders, local government has developed
Naoshima into a successful destination based on special interest tourism instead of
mass tourism. Art tourism definitely has contributed to a diversified visitor structure
different from other locations in the Seto Inland Sea. Within this structure, volunteer
tourists constitute a special niche market. Finally, the development from niche to
mass tourism on Naoshima created opportunities for in-migrants to establish their
own business and has given the island an advantage in the nationwide competition
for migrants to rural areas.
Anette Hay’s chapter deals with second home owners and the social and eco-
nomic changes they induce on rural communities in South Africa. Using the village
of Rosendal in the Eastern Free State province of South Africa as a case study, Hay
shows how second home development contributes to the shift of communities from
a productivist to post-productivist countryside. These social and economic changes
serve to alter the nature of traditional farming and the face of the rural small-town—
resulting in a differentiated countryside.
In Diana Marquardt’s chapter, she addresses tourism development in Laos,
which is in the transition from centrally planned to market economy. The country
opened its borders for international visitors as late as the 1990s, but tourism quickly
became a major business sector. It contributes significantly to socio-economic
development and poverty reduction in the country. The transition through tourism is
heavily supported by international donors. The chapter indicates that development
cooperation operates in a challenging environment of new economic dynamics and
long-standing political structures. A lack of qualified personnel, low capacity in
management and planning, and insufficient cooperation with tourism economy are
major challenges for a successful tourism development. Hence the chapter
demonstrates how persistent structures constrain a desired transition process.
Two chapters present cases related to the political and economic transition
caused by the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. Aija van der
Steina and Maija Rozite present a study of resident attitudes towards tourism
development in Riga, Latvia. The city quickly became a popular international
tourist destination, and indeed the Latvian economy benefitted greatly from this
14 D.K. Müller
development. However, the city experienced not just the positive impacts on the
local economy, culture and environment, but also some unexpected consequences
related to alcohol consumption and drug abuse. This influenced Riga’s image as a
destination negatively and fuelled the resentment of the local community towards
tourism development. However, the authors show that the local population and
destination management learnt quickly over the years and developed measures to
successfully cope with stag tourism as well as recover from the global economic
crisis. As a result, the local population kept a positive attitude towards tourism
making Riga a good example of a successful transition into a tourism-based urban
economy.
Another example of transition within an urban destination is presented in a
chapter on the spatial restructuring of tourism in Warsaw. Marta Derek shows how
the transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy influences
tourism within an urban space in a significant way. However, the transition to the
market economy does not imply that tourism in Warsaw is concentrated to one
central tourism district as in many western cities only. Instead, tourism is distributed
over the city, and the residential functions are not displaced by tourism to any
greater extent. The chapter is thus an example of the role of path dependency and
persistent structures. It demonstrates that outcomes of transitions are dependent on
previous structures and seldom share the properties of a greenfield development.
Marek Więckowski considers in his chapter tourism-specific elements of Polish
borders, such as principles of human mobility. Tourism flows are one important
component of this mobility, not least since Poland and its neighbors joint the
European Union. Więckowski proposes a dynamic model that describes
cross-border tourism development that affects cross-border tourism flows and
tourism partnerships. Moreover, it takes account of the particularities of transna-
tional tourism development on the Polish Baltic Sea coast. The chapter questions
whether and how tourism contributes to the levels of integration and what it means
to the movement of people in the Southern Baltic from the perspective of changes
in border functions in Poland and its neighboring countries.
The final chapter by Robert Steiger and Bruno Abegg addresses the issue of
climate change by assessing the competitiveness of ski areas in the European Alps.
Departing from the notion that climate change is likely to impact competitiveness,
they conduct an analysis of ski areas’ competitiveness in the Eastern Alps by
assessing the consequences of a warming of +4 °C on snow reliability. In this
context, the ability of artificial snowmaking becomes a core asset to deal with
higher temperature. The analysis demonstrated that climate change impacts differ
greatly across the Eastern Alps. Investments in snowmaking can be a way of
maintaining competitiveness in some regions but are less influential in other
regions. It is likely that the ski market will contract due to climate change. This is
likely to benefit the remaining ski areas at least until the middle of the 21st century.
Hence, the chapter demonstrates an ongoing transition caused by environmental
change.
Together the chapters provide a set of examples that illustrate the variety of
events that can cause transitions in tourism on different temporal and spatial scales.
Although it is not the aim to draw any wide-reaching conclusions, it is evident that
transitions can occur quickly and change destinations substantially by creating or
eroding preconditions for tourism.
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Author Biography
Dieter K. Müller is Professor of Social and Economic Geography at the Department of

Geography and Economic History Umeå University. He has published widely within the fields of
tourism and local/regional development in northern areas, indigenous tourism, and tourism and
mobility. A particular interest relates to the geography of second homes. Müller is currently the
chair of the International Geographical Union (IGU) Commission for the Geography of Tourism,
Leisure and Global Change and the co-editor of the Springer book series on Tourism and Global
Change.
Chapter 2
Challenges to the Resilience of Whistler’s
Journey Towards Sustainability
Alison M. Gill
2.1 Introduction
The concept of sustainability is well established in political rhetoric, but interpre-

tations of the concept are variously understood and implementation is challenging.
Despite the increasing application of the term sustainability within policy domains,
moving towards sustainability has proven to be challenging due to complex and
persistent environmental, social, political and economic constraints. As Westley
et al. (2011: 276) observe:
The conceptual and institutional separation of social and ecological systems has contributed
and continues to contribute to a misfit between ecosystem and governance systems. This
separation is a strong contributor to the path dependence that makes it so hard to shift to
sustainable trajectories.
Even for those who seek to pursue sustainable trajectories, it must be recognized
that, sustainability is not an end-state—but an attribute of dynamic, adaptive sys-
tems (Center for Resilience at The Ohio State University 2016). Consequently,
increasing attention is being placed on transitional aspects of sustainability path-
ways and the ways in which they can become more resilient (e.g. Pike et al. 2010;
Kemp et al. 2007). Resilience is the capacity of a system to survive, adapt, and
grow in the face of uncertainty and unforeseen changes, even catastrophic incidents
(Center for Resilience 2016). The increasing popularity of the concept of resilience
in the social sciences is seen to be a result of the perception of increasing uncer-
tainty and insecurity in a globalized world where economic and environmental
crises intersect (Lew 2014). Much like the term ‘sustainability’, the term ‘resilience’
is a broad, fuzzy, ill-defined concept, applied widely across many contexts.
A.M. Gill (&)

Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University, 8888 University Drive,
Burnaby, BC V7N 3K7, Canada
e-mail: agill@sfu.ca

22 A.M. Gill
Recent work on resilience in the tourism sector has sought to engage with the
more complex and adaptive lens of social-ecological systems (SES). There have
been several conceptual discussions, including those by Farrell and Twinning-Ward
(2005), Strickland-Munro et al. (2010), Tyrell and Johnston (2007) and Calgaro
et al. (2014) that propose frameworks or models to help clarify the complex ele-
ments of adaptive management in the tourism sector. The majority of tourism
resilience research is based on case studies relating to either experience and per-
ceptions of stakeholders to major economic shocks or natural disasters and crises
(e.g. Biggs et al. 2012; Calgaro and Lloyd 2008; Cochrane 2010; Orchiston 2013;
Ruiz-Ballesteros 2011) and more recently, resilience and adaptation to the less
imminent environmental threats associated with climate change (e.g. Becken and
Hay 2012; Scott et al. 2012; Luthe et al. 2012). Lew (2014) proposes that studies of
resilience in a community tourism context should encompass slow change in order
to provide a more comprehensive view of resilience. He presents a matrix model
that conceptualizes resilience on the basis of scale (entrepreneurs to community)
and rate of change (slow to sudden) that identifies four distinct categories each of
which call for distinct issues, methodologies and management. As Lew (2014: 16)
observes, “the concept of resilience has largely focused on economic resilience
(rather than cultural, institutional or infrastructure resilience)” and predominantly
on case studies rather than theoretical constructs.
My aim is to understand the catalysts of change that have affected the resilience
of the sustainability path that the Resort Municipality of Whistler, Canada
embarked upon in 2000. As the first resort governance model of its kind that
incorporated policy designed to operationalize a journey towards sustainability
through broadly-based, transparent stakeholder engagement in decision making
supported by a comprehensive monitoring program, it gained widespread interest
from resort destinations globally. However, since 2011, there have been a number
of challenges to the resort’s sustainability pathway. These challenges raise issues
concerning the resilience of such models. The inquiry is informed generally by the
application of resilience thinking to social-ecological systems (Berkes and Folke
1998; Holling 1973; Gunderson and Holling 2002) and more specifically by the
lens of ‘evolutionary resilience’ (Davoudi 2012) that focuses not on the return to a
previously normal state but on the adaptability of socio-ecological systems in
changing, adapting and transforming in response to stressors. This perspective
aligns well with the understanding of transition management in sustainability
planning (van Assche et al. 2014).
The discussion in this chapter draws upon research engagement over the past
two decades with colleagues and graduate students into a range of topics relating to
change and evolution in the Resort Municipality of Whistler. These research pro-
jects have variously employed multi-method community-based approaches that
have utilized key informant interviews with a wide range of stakeholders; analysis
of government documents (municipal and provincial); analysis of media reports;
community surveys; and, participant observation at community meetings and
2 Challenges to the Resilience of Whistler’s Journey Towards … 23
events. Whilst discussions on the evolution of Whistler have been published

elsewhere (e.g. Gill 2000; Gill and Williams 2011, 2014), the lens of evolutionary
resilience offers new insights into the critical examination of the factors that
underlie governance transition in the resort and the factors that act as catalysts of
change to the resilience of Whistler’s sustainability pathway.
I begin the chapter with an overview of key constructs that inform the lens of
‘evolutionary resilience’ (Davoudi 2012; Davoudi et al. 2013) that is employed in
this paper. The subsequent descriptive summary of Whistler’s path to sustainability
highlights key features and events to provide a chronological framework and
context for the following discussion section that examines resilience factors of the
sustainability path through an evolutionary resilience lens.
2.2 Key Constructs Underlying an Evolutionary

Resilience Perspective
Resilience thinking provides a management approach based on recognizing the

integration of human and ecological systems as complex systems that are contin-
ually adapting and neither linear, predictable or controllable (Folke et al. 2002). As
Walker and Salt (2006: 9) observe, “[t]he key to sustainability is enhancing the
resilience of the social-ecological system (SES), not by optimizing isolated com-
ponents of the system”. They go on to say that despite recent advances in the
sustainability debate, it is evident that examination through a resilience lens clearly
reveals, ‘that we still have a way to go’ (Walker and Salt 2006: 9). The concepts of
both resilience and sustainability share similar attributes of being fuzzy, and
broadly interpreted and misunderstood in diverse contexts, however, both it is
agreed represent interpretations of a process rather than an end product (Smith and
Stirling 2010). Although a contested construct, resilience can be perceived as an
integral part of sustainability and a key element of pathway creation in the process
of moving towards sustainable futures.
Evolutionary economic interpretations of the dynamics of change have now
become widely applied across other social sciences disciplines. Geographers have
extended these ideas to place-based interpretations that broadened inquiry to
include consideration of social-ecological systems (e.g. Simmie and Martin 2010;
Martin and Sunley 2015). Evolutionary understanding of resilience is best articu-
lated by the “adaptive cycle” as reflected in the panarchy model (Gunderson and
Holling 2002). This suggests that a system goes though cyclical phases of change in
structure and function, notably: growth and exploitation; conservation; release or
creative destruction and reorganization. Indeed, such phases resonate with Butler’s
(1980) model of the tourism area life cycle model, although at that time it was
conceived as a linear and less complex process (Cochrane 2010).
In understanding resilience in an SES context, two key evolutionary concepts are
especially pertinent. The concept of ‘path dependence’, a core notion in evolutionary
24 A.M. Gill
geography interpretations of regional development, recognizes the importance of

past events in shaping future pathways through notions of “lock-in” (Martin and
Sunley 2006). This focuses attention on a range of structural, cognitive and political
elements that serve to maintain commitment to the established path. However
‘de-locking’ can occur as a result of path creation (Garud and Karnøe 2001).
Understanding how path creation occurs directs the inquiry towards human agency
and the role of entrepreneurs in forging new innovative paths. Human agents both
individually and collectively are seen as engaging in ‘mindful deviation’ from
existing paths, with their actions understood with reference to real time influence and
the reaction to exogenous and endogenous critical events (Garud and Karnøe 2001;
Gill and Williams 2014). The importance of niches (Kemp et al. 2001), or ‘protective
spaces’ (Smith and Raven 2012), in nurturing innovations within a path creation
process has been highlighted, for example in the context of socio-technical sus-
tainability transitions (Smith and Stirling 2010).
Recent research suggests increasingly complex evolutionary processes that
challenge rigid notions of path dependency. Strambach and Halkier (2013) intro-
duce the concept of ‘path plasticity’ whereby innovations within a more flexible
notion of path dependency do not necessarily result in the creation of new path-
ways. Davoudi (2012) employs the term “evolutionary resilience” [similar to
“socio-ecological resilience” (Folke et al. 2010)] to challenge the idea of equilib-
rium whereby systems change over time with or without external disturbances and
‘small scale changes in the system can amplify and cascade into major shifts’
(Davoudi 2012: 303). Further, resilience does not imply a return to normality but
the ability of complex social-ecological systems to transform in response to stresses
and strains. This is especially appropriate for examining governance for sustain-
ability and the capacity of traditional institutional frameworks and management
processes to adapt to complex, changing economic, environmental and political,
social, demographic and political realities.
Application of these evolutionary perspectives is reflected in the notion of
transition management for sustainable governance systems (Loorbach 2010; Van
Assche et al. 2014). Transition management is conceived as an evolutionary, iter-
ative four-stage cyclical governance framework (Kemp et al. 2007; Loorbach 2010;
Rotmans et al. 2001) that includes problem and goal setting and visioning; iden-
tification of pathways and subsequent experiments; learning and adaption; and
institutionalization (Smith and Stirling 2010). Gill and Williams (2011, 2014) have
applied an evolutionary economic geography approach to examining changing
modes of destination governance. As they observe, effecting real change in modes
of governance that embody principles of sustainability is an oft-contested process as
path dependent forces, grounded in strategies that prioritize economic growth, act
as resistant forces to more innovative approaches to governance that address a
broader range of sustainability objectives. This chapter examines these findings
through the lens of resilience.
2.3 Whistler’s Journey Towards Sustainability
The Resort Municipality of Whistler in British Columbia, Canada, located 120 km

north of Vancouver, was established in 1975 to govern the new comprehensively
planned mountain resort development. From its early beginnings with two com-
peting companies operating on adjacent mountains (later in the 1990s to merge into
a single corporation, Intrawest), the resort has grown to have a resident population
over 10,000 with 2700 seasonal residents and an additional 11,500 second-home
residents. It has evolved from a winter ski resort to North America’s premier
all-season mountain resort with over 2.7 million annual visitors (approximately
44% in winter and 56% in summer) (Tourism Whistler 2016).
Several features make Whistler’s governance evolution distinctive. From its
earliest days, it has had a fully functional municipal government structure with all
planning regulated by an Official Community Plan that is periodically updated. The
first decade of development has been characterized as being driven by ‘growth
machine’ politics, controlled by elite decision makers, which stimulated rapid
growth to establish a critical mass of accommodation and services in the fledgling
resort (Gill 2000). Community growth and civic engagement since the early 1990s
reflects a growth management approach that has resulted in a high level of
engagement of residents with trust in the democratically appointed municipal
government. Notable, as demonstrated in community survey responses, were resi-
dents’ high rankings of environmental quality as the most valued attribute of resort
community living (Gill 2000). This strong environmentalist philosophy was also
demonstrated in the creation of various environmental organizations within the
community. Whistler also developed close working relationship between the
mountain operators (Intrawest - now with new corporate ownership known as
Whistler Blackcomb), the municipality and the community—especially around
environmental management initiatives. This resulted in generally harmonious,
uncontested, collaboration.
Community confidence in the governance system was also strengthened in the
late 1980s with the introduction of a ‘bed unit cap’, a planning management and
monitoring tool that established a limit to growth associated with environmental
quality (i.e., sewage and water capacity) (Gill 2007). This growth management
policy regulated the type, number and location of allowable units of accommoda-
tion with a maximum build-out to 52,500 bed units—the achievement of which,
when established, seemed far in the future despite on-going growth of the resort that
seemed resilient even to global economic fluctuations. Successful destinations draw
increasing demand and this was especially the case in Whistler when, in the late
1990s, it became evident that the resort community was indeed approaching its
planned limits to growth. This in turn had the effect of accelerating the rate of
development and consequently housing prices. The Resort Municipality found itself
in a difficult political position. The resort was locked into a growth model that had
served both economic and community interests well for over a decade.
Development was carefully controlled by policies and by-laws identified in the
26 A.M. Gill
Official Community Plan and the community reaped many benefits from infras-
tructural developments financed by the amenity charges levied against developers.
But, growth in tourist numbers, tourism enterprises and resident numbers was also
accompanied by a rapid growth in second-home development and a high level of
demand for housing. For the first time resident surveys revealed that housing
affordability had surpassed environment quality as the top priority of residents with
respect to quality of life (Gill and Williams 2011). The dilemma was that relatively
uncontested rapid growth had occurred because of residents’ reassurance that the
established bed unit limit would not threaten environmental quality. The challenge
lay in how to move beyond the self-defined limits to growth to ensure that the
electorate’s concerns for affordable housing and environmental quality were met.
While no strangers to the concept of sustainability, the engagement of the
RMOW up to that point was focused almost entirely on environmental aspects.
Addressing how to incorporate social and economic concerns into the governance
structure were more challenging. The solution came unexpectedly as a result of the
founder of The Natural Step (TNS), Karl-Henrik Robert vacationing in Whistler in
2000. TNS is a global not-for-profit agency that promotes its vision of sustainability
to companies, communities and institutions supported by planning tools, education
and training and expertise. Robert met with a few key resort stakeholders who were
impressed by his charismatic nature and the underlying scientific foundations
supporting a sustainability approach. Shortly thereafter, several key stakeholders
including the local government (RMOW); Intrawest, (the mountain operators),
several small business operators and an environmental NGO became ‘early adop-
ters’ of TNS. A period of intense community engagement took place over the next
two years to educate people about the philosophy, language and elements of TNS.
The Natural Step principles are grounded in fundamental system conditions that:
avoid concentrations of pollutants from synthetic substances and from substances
mined or pumped from the Earth’s crust; avoid overharvesting and displacing
natural systems; seek efficiency when it comes to satisfying human needs by
maximizing the benefit from the resources used (TNS 2016).
Subsequently over the next three years, planning for Whistler2020 a strategic
comprehensive community sustainability vision and policy document was devel-
oped. The Natural Step sustainability principles formed the basis for the plan
development process and content and these were augmented by local values.
Whistler2020 is the ‘product of the creativity and commitment of 16 community
task forces, over 20 partners and 75 implementing organizations’ (TNS 2016). The
plan that was finalized in 2005 won numerous awards and established Whistler as
an international leader in sustainable resort community planning. TNS described it
as an ambitious step towards sustainability.
Occurring simultaneously with Whistler’s engagement with sustainability
planning the resort was also engaged in the Vancouver bid for the 2010 Winter
Olympic and Paralympic Games. The successful bid was announced in 2003,
Whistler was designated the Host Mountain Resort with two representatives on the
Vancouver Organizing Committee (VANOC). VANOC also included representa-
tion from the four First Nations on whose traditional territory the Games were to be
held, which in Whistler’s case involved the Squamish and Lil’wat Nations. Over
the next seven years, the VANOC members worked collaboratively guided by the
Committee’s desire to be the most sustainable Games to date. By 2003 the RMOW
had committed to TNS and had participated for 3 years in intense community
engagement towards a sustainability path. Importantly, the opportunities for
leveraging legacy benefits from the Games, especially the resolution of the af-
fordable housing problem, were enhanced by the resort community’s widespread
commitment to a sustainability agenda. The resort was able to negotiate the
extension of the municipal boundaries with the legacy of additional of public
Crown that permitted the development of a new subdivision that after its use as
Athletes’ housing would be designated as resident-restricted housing. In keeping
with the desire to create a ‘green Games’ all development met high levels of
certification under the Leaders in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED)
standards.
With respect to understanding Whistler’s sustainability path, another very sig-
nificant Games-related issue related to the legacy agreements with the First Nations
partners—the Squamish and Lil’wat peoples (Williams and Gill 2017). Despite
having been established on the traditional territories of these people, the resort had
not previously engaged at all with its aboriginal neighbours. However, as the result
of evolving federal legislation seeking to address historically unresolved territorial
land claims, the engagement of First Nations as equal partners in Olympic planning
and legacy agreements was a high priority. Over the years of planning, VANOC
partners established good working relationships and agreements were reached to
develop an aboriginal Cultural Centre and also provide extensive legacy lands to the
First Nations in Whistler and the surrounding area. As compensation to the First
Nations for the extension of municipal boundaries an agreement was also reached
that development of 300 acres within the municipality would abide by all RMOW
regulations and by-laws.
From a sustainability perspective, the Games were considered to have been very
successful with the award-winning construction of an enviable resident-restricted
neighbourhood that allowed Whistler the ability to reach a level of 75% worker
accommodation. Environmental concerns were thoroughly addressed in all
Olympic infrastructure development and the community was riding high on the
euphoria of the overall success of the Games.
However, a year later in 2011, the path towards sustainability began to stall as a
result of post-Games economic decline and community engagement fatigue with
‘sustainability’. At the November elections the entire municipal Council and Mayor
who had, over the past decade, been the champions of the sustainability path were
defeated and replaced by business-oriented representatives. With a shift in political
power that favored economic development over sustainability, many of the oper-
ational programming priorities supporting Whistler2020 were compromised. The
multi-stakeholder Task Forces that were integral to the sustainability governance
process were disbanded and municipal decisions became more centralized. Further,
the Whistler Centre for Sustainability that had been created to support and monitor
the sustainability path and played a pivotal role in coordinating the process had its
28 A.M. Gill
municipal budget slashed. Sustainability issues were placed on the backburner as

attention was focused on stimulating the tourism economy.
The Municipality’s withdrawal of support for sustainability-related action was
exacerbated as the result of legal contestation by the First Nations over the
agreement that they abide by Official Community Plan (OCP) regulations in the use
of their Olympic legacy lands in Whistler. Their claim that they were not consulted
in the Plan development and that it restricted their rights to full economic devel-
opment opportunities was, after several legal battles at the provincial level, ulti-
mately upheld and the RMOW was required to revert back to the 1993 OCP (prior
to sustainability planning). The following discussion seeks to investigate and in-
terpret Whistler’s sustainability path through the lens of evolutionary resilience in
order to provide an understanding of catalysts of change that both stimulated and
supported the creation of the governance path transitioning towards sustainability
and the shocks and stressors that have threatened its resilience.
2.4 Discussion: Evolutionary Resilience of Whistler’s

Sustainability Pathway
The adoption of sustainability as an overarching goal of the Resort Municipality of

Whistler’s governance signaled a transition towards a new path for the resort
community. The interpretation of the resilience of this process is informed by the
key constructs of evolutionary path creation theory that emphasize human agency,
critical endogenous and exogenous events and the importance of real-time influence
(Garud and Karnøe 2001). Maintaining some chronological structure, the discus-
sion first examines the factors that affected the adoption of a new sustainability path
and its apparent success; and, second considers, the stressors that resulted in a
retreat from the sustainability agenda.
2.4.1 Creating a New Pathway Towards a Sustainable

Future
The first issues to consider are the catalysts of change that led to Whistler choosing
to adopt a comprehensive sustainability agenda. As Davoudi (2012: 303), drawing
on the idea of panarchy in adaptive systems (Gunderson and Holling 2002), states
that, ‘as systems mature, their resilience reduces and they become ‘an accident
waiting to happen’ and when systems collapse, ‘a window of opportunity’ (Olsson
et al. 2006) opens up for ‘alternate systems configurations’. This offers some insight
into Whistler’s adoption of a sustainability path. From its inception Whistler was
“locked in” to a successful growth model (Gill and Williams 2011), which seemed
to satisfy both the resort sector and the community. However, the bed unit cap that
was based on estimates of environmental limits, while serving to maintain com-

munity trust and support for continuing tourism industry growth (within those
limits) faced an impasse. Temenos and McCann (2012) interpret the adoption of the
sustainability path as a ‘sustainability fix’—a political discourse which accommo-
dates both profit-making and environmental concerns (While et al. 2004). This
perspective is especially pertinent to a tourist–dependent community where there is
a high level of industry dependency on environmental quality and municipal offi-
cials must find a solution to maintain a delicate equilibrium between capitalist
growth and associated political pressures. The RMOW is experienced at accom-
modating such a balance between resort and community priorities; indeed, it was
planned from its inception to be a ‘resort community’ to specifically address such
tensions. Further, in the early 1990s the RMOW faced a similar dilemma when
rapid growth did emerge as a contested issue with citizens. The solution then was
the adoption of a ‘growth management’ approach. I have characterized this as
‘initially introduced as a buzzword and a compromise that might appeal to both
growth and no-growth factions with business interests focusing on growth and
no-growth interests emphasizing management’ (Gill 2000: 1099). However, the
initial ambiguity was translated into effective governance policies that included a
comprehensive resort and community-monitoring program. While the notion of
sustainability suffers from similar problems of vagueness and ambiguity that have
been described as “guiding fiction” (Gill and Williams 2008), the subsequent
implement of a sustainability agenda resulted in the development of an innovative
governance model for transitioning towards sustainability that became widely
acclaimed.
Critical elements of a path creation lens draw attention to two catalysts of change
—human agency (especially with regard to entrepreneurship) and real time influ-
ence—both of which figure prominently in explaining how Whistler adopted the
sustainability path. The initial catalyst revolves around the role of Karl-Henrik
Robert, the founder of The Natural Step (TNS), who in 2000 visited Whistler on
vacation. The effects of human agency and timing are captured in the following
quote that until recently was on the RMOW website:
Life is about timing, and the timing was right! Whistler had always been proactive around
the environment and other forward-looking issues, yet never defined its efforts in a formal
definition of, or framework for, “sustainability”. In fact, some local leaders were at that time
seeking some way of communicating and engaging with the broader community about
sustainability issues - and as luck would have it, they found their solution in Dr. Robert’s
presentations (Gill and Williams 2014: 552).
While Robert represented an exogenous influence and he was only in the resort for
a short time, together with his charisma, his vision in creating TNS and its suc-
cessful international profile added legitimacy to his message. While visionaries may
only have the idea, ‘entrepreneurs’ (some of who may also be considered visionary)
are influential in mobilizing action along the pathway. One such entrepreneur was
the former chief administrative officer (CAO) for the municipality who
30 A.M. Gill
subsequently served on the VANOC board of directors. In receiving a Freedom of

the Municipality award, he received praise for his vision and extraordinary strategic
approach in achieving ‘one of the master strokes in our history’, with the devel-
opment of the Natural Step Framework, as the underpinning for Whistler2020 and
subsequently with Whistler’s Olympic success (Smysnuik 2010). Another, im-
portant local entrepreneur in the sustainable path creation was the Mayor who
championed the sustainability path and effectively steered the community. Smith
and Stirling (2010: 7) drawing upon on Kemp and Loorbach’s (2006) work on
transition management, describe ‘visionary forerunners’ as:
empathetic to sustainability goals, open-minded, able to convey and transition vision back
to constituency and able to influence their constituency behavior. They are willing to put in
time, energy, resources into the challenges of: collectively envisioning viable sustainability
goals; nurturing promising niches, building supportive constituencies of actors, institutions,
and markets, and continually anticipating, learning and adapting.
However, beyond individual entrepreneurial agency, collective human agency is

necessary and transition initiatives must primarily be implemented within the
business communities and civil society’ (Smith and Stirling 2010). In Whistler,
following the directives of TNS framework, adoption of the system derived from
principles of innovation, whereby ‘early adopters’ were recruited and served to
mobilize community support. Indeed, in Whistler there were already a cohort of
individuals who championed notions of environmentalism and supported sustain-
ability thinking and the early adopters were from a representative range of resort
businesses, community and political interests.
The process was guided by expert advice from TNS that included educational
materials and professional training seminars. The Natural Step approach is closely
aligned with the principles of transition management (Loorbach 2010; Van Assche
et al. 2014) which incorporate four key elements: (i) problem structuring and the
development of a shared vision for attaining sustainability goals; (ii) the identifi-
cation by participants towards goals using back-casting methods; (iii) learning and
adaptation to provide links between long-term goals and short term actions in niche
experiments; and (iv) institutionalization and commitment to goals (Smith and
Stirling 2010). TNS provided a ready-made language developed by externally val-
idated expertise regarding sustainability and a first step was to educate and train the
public to adopt a common understanding of language and an understanding of how
to support the sustainability framework. Similar engagement processes to those
undertaken in Whistler have been variously termed ‘community conditioning’
(Sailor 2010; Gill and Williams 2011) or ‘education of attention’ (Temenos and
McCann 2012; McFarlane 2011). Achieving the stage of institutionalization is
considered to be the most important stage of a transition management strategy
(Smith and Stirling 2010). The adoption of Whistler2020 as Whistler’s highest-level
policy document resulted from 5 years of intense community engagement. As a
consequence, it was an important agent in the success of Whistler’s engagement in
the Olympics as it provided resort representatives serving on VANOC to promote
Whistler’s commitment to a sustainability path with the support of a ‘social license

to operate’ from the community (Gill and Williams 2014).
Real time influence is very evident as a factor in Whistler sustainability journey
with respect to the convergence of the sustainability planning process and the
awarding, in 2003, of host resort status to Whistler for the 2010 Winter Olympic
and Paralympic Games. The International Olympic Committee was positioning the
Games as ‘the most sustainable’ and thus, engagement on the local Vancouver
Organizing Committee (VANOC) offered a ‘protective niche’ (Smith and Raven
2012) for Whistler to develop its sustainability agenda. The adoption of the
established and externally validated TNS allowed the resort to showcase
Whister2020 as a global leader in sustainability governance initiatives. Such pro-
tective niches are considered as important spaces to develop, improve and enroll
support for radical sustainable innovations that carry systemic implications (Smith
and Stirling 2010).
2.4.2 A Post-Olympic Shock to the System—How Resilient

Is Whistler’s Sustainability Path?
“There is little doubt that sustainable development represents an ambitious agenda

for societal change” (Meadowcroft 2007: 302), that requires goal directed inter-
vention by governments and other actors and societal self-steering that reflects
collective decisions, value and choices. The abrupt shift in Whistler’s sustainability
agenda that occurred in 2011 was certainly a major shock to the established Mayor
and Council that had so successfully steered the sustainability agenda for around a
decade. More so after it came so quickly on the heels of accolades about the success
of the Olympic Games in advancing the resort’s sustainability goals (RMOW
2010). As the post-games report entitled Living the Dream declared in June 2010
(four months after the Games, and a year and a half prior to the scheduled municipal
elections), “[t]he 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games were not an “end”
in themselves, but a catalyst that has accelerated Whistler’s journey towards
achieving its vision of becoming the premier mountain resort community - as it
moves towards sustainability” (RMOW 2010: 1).
While it is common for destinations that host mega-events to experience
post-event economic slumps, the situation in Whistler was exacerbated by suffering
from the delayed impacts of the 2008–2009 global crisis and subsequent economic
downturn, from which it had been largely protected due to Games construction. The
withdrawal of the protective niche offered by the Olympic planning process, that
had distracted a range of stakeholders from local politics over an extended period of
time, resulted in a refocusing of attention on the crisis of the day—empty hotel beds
(54% occupancy rate), low tourism numbers and consequently business losses. The
issue-attention-cycle is useful here in understanding how priorities and values shift.
As Downs’ (1972: 39) observes it is characterized by, ‘a systematic cycle of
32 A.M. Gill
heightened public interest and then increasing boredom with major issues’.
Reflecting back to 2000, there was a crisis situation whereby residents were worried
about affordable housing and environment and business interests were concerned
over limits to growth. The ‘sustainability fix’ potentially offered the political
solution to address these dilemmas. Inspiring and committed leadership in the
community and a lengthy but focused education and learning process mobilized the
community. This provided a ‘social license to operate’ to Whistler’s VANOC
members resulting in valuable legacy rewards for the community, most notably the
resolution of the affordable housing issue as well as continuing commitment to
environmental quality including LEED certified construction.
However, it is evident that in 2011 attention was focused on the current crisis in
the business sector diverting attention away from the comprehensive ideas of
sustainability, which in any event suffer from ambivalence and complexity with
respect to goals. As one observer reported, it has become a good word gone bad—
lost meaning though misuse and overuse (Slater 2011). Further, from a community
resident’s perspective, the Games had resolved the most serious concerns of resi-
dents—the provision of affordable housing—their attention, as suggested in local
newspaper coverage, instead turned to issues of economics and job security.
Ultimately, transitioning towards sustainability is grounded in power and poli-
tics. Smith and Stirling (2010: 9) pose the question: “how credible is it that a
transition management process that begins with a vanguard of elite visionary
forerunners can really overturn structurally embedded regimes?” As Bosselmann
et al. (2008) emphasize the dominant form of governance in the western capitalist
economy is representative democracy that is not especially conducive to sustain-
ability planning as it favours short-term gains over long-term responsibility because
politicians’ jobs depend on them meeting the immediate needs of the voters.
Although governance for sustainability requires societal self- steering that
reflects the collective decisions and value choices of the community, much of the
progress rests with government Importantly, shifting power balances occur in
response to adjusting to legal rights and responsibilities and the creation of new
institutional actors (Meadowcroft 2007). In Whistler, the introduction of First
Nations stakeholders into the mix of stakeholders has created uncertainty regarding
how their ‘legal license to operate’ will impact the resort land use (Williams and
Gill 2017). As demonstrated in the following quote: “The Olympics accomplished
for the first time that we were present and accepted at the table” (Chief Ian
Campbell, Squamish First Nation, cited in Tize 2014: 53). As never before, any
future encroachments or expansions to Whistler-Blackcomb’s tenure rights on those
crown lands will be dependent on consulting and accommodating the Squamish and
Lil’wat First Nations. Consequently, the company is engaged in on-going activities
designed to build collaborative relationships with these First Nations. As Williams
and Gill (2017) observe: “[r]ecognition, rights, respect, co-operation, and partner-
ship, are important pillars in this emerging and more indigenized governance ap-
proach in Whistler”.
Issues of power and politics are also evident in the most recent potential chal-
lenges to Whistler’s sustainability path. In 2016, Whistler Blackcomb announced a
multi million dollar, multi-year expansion plan, its largest and most progressive
development in the organization’s history. As Whistler’s major corporate stake-
holder, it exercises considerable power in the resort, and although some concern
regarding housing, environment and culture contested have been raised (Barrett
2016), the company is widely acclaimed for maintaining high quality environmental
management practices which are informed by TNS principles.
2.5 Conclusions
This chapter has examined the catalysts to change that have impacted the creation
and direction of the sustainability governance path adopted by the Resort
Municipality of Whistler, British Columbia, Canada, Viewed through an evolu-
tionary resilience lens—the constructs of ‘sustainability’ and ‘resilience’ are viewed
as elements of complex adaptive systems, that do not follow linear paths but have
loops and stalls and readjustments of direction, with no steady state envisaged.
Resilience is seen as a necessary attribute in following a sustainability path. In this
chapter the focus has been on identifying those factors that affect path constitution
through the establishment and steering of a transitional governance approach
grounded in principles of sustainability. The challenges of steering the direction of
sustainable governance lie in integrating conflicting values, dealing with risk,
uncertainties and ambivalence (Voß et al. 2007). The importance of human agency,
including that of entrepreneurs (or visionaries), as well as the collective agency of
stakeholder commitment and engagement, are critical to establishing and steering
along the pathway. Drawing from path creation constructs other catalysts of change
can often be understood with reference to ‘real time influence” and the effects of
exogenous or endogenous shocks (Garud and Karnøe 2001). Further the importance
of ‘protective niches (spaces)’ (Kemp et al. 1998) especially during the incubation
phases of new ideas is seen as especially relevant in the early stages of pathway
creation. However, ultimately the resilience of a sustainability path is very
dependent on issues of power and politics.
In the Whistler case described, the role of exogenous forces has been significant.
For example, the introduction of TNS as an externally validated process with
established protocols, played an important role in allowing uncontested acceptance
of the approach. Further, engagement in the organization of the Winter Olympics,
with its matching goals of sustainable practice, offered protective space that legit-
imized and showcased the innovative governance approach.
Although the word seems to have more or less vanished from the lexicon of
Whistler’s government and local media, enviable standards of environmental
management are practiced by both the mountain operators and the Municipality and
are enshrined into policy; the community is very well provided with services and
facilities—and better served than nearly all similar resorts with respect to dedicated
affordable employee housing; and, the mountain sports economy is thriving with
plans for expansion. However, while Whistler2020 still remains as an overarching
34 A.M. Gill
policy document and the stated vision of becoming ‘the premier mountain resort—
on the way to sustainability’, its implementation is substantially curtailed. Changing
power structures have further challenged the nature of future pathways. The legal
ramifications resulting from the First Nations contestation over past lack of con-
sultation will result in more complex and perhaps more contested land use deci-
sions. Further, Whistler Blackcomb’s major new development proposal signals that
the era of established growth limits seems to be a thing of the past. But the bottom
line is an economic one and as a noted in a report in the local newspaper on
Whistler Blackcomb’s Renaissance plan ‘for a booming ski resort competing to stay
atop the snowsport world, change is a necessary constant in Whistler’(Barrett
2016). Ultimately, although sustainability is practised at a local level, the drivers of
competition are global. In mountain resorts, the term resilience now seems to be
aimed at addressing the threat of climate change with expansion of activities to
higher (and potentially more ecologically sensitive) elevations. If we consider the
evolutionary resilience trajectory with its complex loops then ‘yes’ it does seem
currently that Whistler has retreated from its sustainability path but as Meadowcroft
(2007: 313) reminds us ‘the sort of radical decoupling of economic activity from
environmental burdens will require iterative processes of reform stretching over
many decades’. Importantly, it requires on–going commitment to the practical and
participatory learning component of the process, Thus, as evidenced in Whistler’s
‘back-sliding’, sustainability requires not only innovation and entrepreneurship by
champions but also continuing engagement, support and partnerships with a broad
range of stakeholders.
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Author Biography
Alison Gill is a Professor at Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, Canada, with a joint
appointment in the Department of Geography and the School of Resource and Environmental
Management. She has published extensively in areas of resort destination growth and
transformation especially in mountain regions. Her recent work has focused on governance
aspects of sustainability and resilience especially through a lens of evolutionary economic
geography.
Chapter 3
Maritime Cruises: Oligopoly,
Centralization of Capital and Corporate
Use of Brazilian Territory
Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz
3.1 Introduction
Thinking about the use of Brazilian territory in relation to maritime cruises and the
tourist flows linked to them demands the recognition of the interdependence and
inseparability between nature and human action, as shown by Santos and Silveira
(2001). In this sense, economics and politics gain analytical importance or, in fact,
the political economy of the territory appears to be fundamental. This starting point,
at the same time theoretical-methodological and also conceptual, will lead us
through a reflection about the ‘place’ of Brazil in the current international division
of labour. It also addresses the creation of a global market for cruises, the oligopoly
in the maritime transport of passengers sector and its need to conquer new markets,
and the corporate use of Brazilian territory by maritime cruises.
The global recession that hit the countries of central capitalism (mainly U.S.,
United Kingdom, Germany and Japan) in the 1980s and 1990s combined with the
recent positive performance of Brazilian economy contributed to putting the
country on the route of major global maritime cruise lines. This, however, has been
materialized under speculation and with socio-spatial costs that are difficult to be
specified. According to research carried out by Getulio Vargas Foundation and
commissioned by the Brazilian Association of Maritime Cruises—Abremar, six
cruise ships operated along the Brazilian coast in the 2004/2005 season, carrying
139,430 cruise passengers. Three seasons later, in 2010/2011, this number jumped
to twenty ships—an increase of 233%—and 792,752 cruise passengers (99,029
foreign passengers and 693,723 Brazilians)—an increase of 468%. This data
shows that in addition to significant quantitative change there is also a significant
R.C.A. da Cruz (&)

Department of Geography, University of São Paulo, Avenida Prof. Lineu Prestes, 338,
72042 São Paulo, Brazil
e-mail: ritacruz@usp.br

40 R.C.A. da Cruz
qualitative modification in this sector, as the size of cruise ships operating along the
Brazilian coast is increasing as is their capacity to carry more and more passengers.
As Klein (2006) points out, between the 1970s and early 1980s, cruise ships
carried about 500–800 passengers, although there were exceptions. However, in the
wake of the general development of the shipbuilding industry and considering the
huge cargo ships produced in the last decades of the twentieth century, the cruise
ships industry entered the twenty-first century producing vessels capable to carry
about 8000 people, including crew. This is the case of Royal Caribbean’s Harmony
of the Seas, the largest vessel in operation in the world in 2016.
As I will highlight in this analysis, three global operators via four different
companies/brands have dominated the market of cruises in Brazil:
• Carnival Corporation & plc, the largest operator of cruise lines in the world,
with emphasis on Costa Crociere which in turn encompasses Ibero Cruceros and
Aida Cruisers brands;
• Royal Caribbean International, owner of Pullmantur and Royal Caribbean
brands; and
• MSC—Mediterranean Shipping Company, with its MSC Cruise Line.
Despite this increase in passenger transport along the Brazilian coast, no national
company has operated in this market since the late 1960s, when Lloyd Brazil, a
national company created in 1890, disappeared after succumbing to accumulated
debt and the consequent need to sell its ships (Freitas, 2002; Brito, 2006).
Naturally, major social and economic changes in Brazil in recent years (such as
inflation control and currency stabilization) contributed to the expansion of
domestic demand for cruises, operating as a pull factor to attract cruise companies
to the Brazilian coast. Parallel to this, the constant need for expansion of markets
coupled with external situational factors, such as the large effects that economic
crises had on central capitalist countries, ‘pushed’ these companies towards
Southern markets. The internationalization of cabotage in Brazil occurred in the
context of the Federal Deregulation Program (Decree n. 99.179, 03/15/1990), a
basis for the Port Modernization Law (Law n. 8630, 02/25/1993), both with strong
repercussions on the water transport and the Brazilian port sector. Another action,
regarding territory regulation that makes it possible to understand the advancement
of passenger cabotage along the Brazilian coast by foreign companies, is the
Constitutional Amendment n. 7 of 08/15/1995, which amended Article 178 of the
Federal Constitution and made it possible for these companies to operate in cab-
otage along Brazilian coast:
Article 178: This law provides the regulation of air, water and ground transportation and
shall, in respect to the regulation of international transportation, observe the agreements
signed by the State, with the principle of reciprocity.
Single paragraph: In regulating water transportation, this law establishes the conditions
under which the transport of goods in coastal and inland navigation may be made by
foreign vessels (Brasil, 1998).
3 Maritime Cruises: Oligopoly, Centralization of Capital and … 41
Flows (of ships and people, especially) related to the presence and growth of cruise
liners along the Brazilian coast directly impact the domestic port sector, which faces
many gaps over the movement of goods. The pressure of this new demand
demonstrates the inadequacy of the Brazilian port infrastructure to accommodate
passenger’s vessels. Furthermore, the cruises have substantial social, economic and
environmental effects on embarkation/disembarkation harbour ports. Particularly in
the case of disembarkation ports, many of them correspond to consolidated tourist
destinations, and those are considered places to be visited during the trip.
Paradoxically, cruise liner companies have evolved over time according to
Amaral (2002) from ‘mere carriers’ to ‘providers of tourist services’. Many cruise
ships, in turn, have become ‘tourist destinations’ themselves. Brito (2006: 13)
shares this position by saying that “the combination of transport, accommodation,
leisure activities and food and beverages in one place made the cruise line ‘a
destination itself’”. Moreover, Wood (2004: 134) adds that people go on a cruise
more than they go to a place.
Wood (2004) also emphasizes the global nature of the cruise industry as a very
particular form of tourism. Furthermore, the author calls attention to the fragility of
the international regulatory frameworks which ultimately provide the possibility for
cruise ships to operate in a unique de-territorialized environment. True temples of
leisure and consumption, cruise ships tend to use ports in the world and in Brazil,
specifically, in an increasingly ephemeral way, considering their interest in keeping
cruise passengers within these super-vessels rather than organizing leisure time on
the shore.
It is also worth noting that the use of Brazilian territory by sea cruises is marked
by the seasonality that characterizes this sector. This explains the actions of cruise
companies that operate along Brazilian coast which concentrate their time between
October and March, “coinciding” with the hottest and sunniest time in the Southern
Hemisphere. Table 3.1 shows us the movement of cruise ships in the Santos
Maritime Passenger Terminal, the busiest of Brazil, indicating the seasonality
referred to earlier.
Table 3.1 Movement of sea cruises in Santos Maritime Passenger Terminal (2009–2015). Source
Concais (2016)
Occupation per days Seasons
and % 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 2012/13 2013/14 2014/15
Days per year 360 360 360 360 360 360
Days per season 193 194 202 165 167 195
Days of operation 133 134 130 104 85 102
Occupation per 37 37 36 29 24 28
season %
Occupation per 54 54 56 46 46 54
year %
42 R.C.A. da Cruz
3.2 The Genesis of Maritime Cruises
Maritime circulation is among the oldest forms of human mobility. Phoenicians and
other ancient groups travelled by sea (and rivers) in rudimentary boats hundreds of
years B.C. Thousands of years were necessary for mankind to accumulate scientific
and technical abilities to create super-craft knowledge, capable of carrying thou-
sands of people safe and comfortable that cruises feature today.
As important as the changes which materialized on cruise ships and in ports
around the technical apparatus that supports the achievement of cruising, there are
deep cultural transformations that have made journeys emerge as an objective itself.
While ships carried cargo and passengers, who were mainly immigrants, from one
continent to another in the 18th, 19th and early years of the 20th century, the value
of travel has since been redefined, now mainly based on a symbolic dimension. This
change in the way we think about travelling by ship is led by hegemonic shipping
agents worldwide and transformed into products in the context of the overall de-
velopment of nascent industrial capitalism.
While synonymous of leisure and pleasure that can be enjoyed as something
opposed to mandatory and necessary activities related to life’s maintenance, the
trips correspond to what we usually name ‘tourism’. This concept has been mod-
ified over time, and today all kind of travel is considered to be tourism. In this
analysis, tourism is understood, like Henriques (1996: 28) argues, under its formal
features, material meaning and symbolic and cultural characteristics that we rec-
ognize today as a product of modern, capitalist and industrial society.
As Amaral (2002) highlights, the growth and development of the cruise sector
occur in the core of the development of tourism in general. Hence, we must rec-
ognize the influence of a number of factors that converge to produce results such as
labour achievements, the scientific and technical progress that affect the trans-
portation sector and the cultural value of travel in general. Paradoxically, the de-
velopment of cruise shipping is directly related to the growth and modernization of
air transport. The capacity to bridge long geographical distances in less and less
time, conquered by the aviation industry throughout the twentieth century, impacted
the maritime waterway transportation of passengers, especially transcontinental
trips (Amaral 2002). The latter had to “reinvent itself” to stay in the international
competition for passengers in the general context of global circulation.
For Dickinson and Vladimir (2008: 2), it would not be easy to know exactly
when, effectively, the first cruise maritime was taken. Although, according to dif-
ferent authors we can say that this occurred in the mid-19th century when travelling
to distant places was becoming safer and more fashionable. According to Amaral
(2002), the birth of cruise lines is related to the Titanic (the White Star Lines),
shipwrecked on its maiden voyage in 1912, and whose lavishness and comfort,
revolutionized the significance of transatlantic travel at that time. In Brazil, Aldo
Leone, founder of the Travel Agency and Tourism Agaxtur in 1953, played a major
role in creating a national market for cruises. In 1962, Leone created a department
of cruises in Agaxtur, which operated with charters and with vessels of Brazilian
Shipping Company, the Lloyd’s Brazil. As Lloyd’s sold its vessels in 1968,
Agaxtur signed a contract with the Italian company Costa Cruises, one of the
market’s leaders.
Successive paradigm changes characterize the 20th century in relation to the
maritime transportation of passengers. Changes in the design of ships, creation and
expansion of spaces for living and leisure, and review of class criteria illustrate the
constant and cumulative process of modernization that characterizes the sector,
from the emergence of these ‘floating resorts’ to the appearance of the concept of
‘tourist destination’ mentioned above.
3.3 The World Market of Cruises in the Context

of the International Division of Labour
According to Boyer (2003: 39), England has undergone all revolutions—agricul-

tural, financial industrial—including what the author calls a “tourist revolution”. It
was generated by the aristocratic practice in the 18th century historically known as
“The Grand Tour”, travel without obligation—in Western Europe—and for young
people educated in the best schools at that time. Irrespective of whether or not one
agrees with Boyer about the social and economic centrality attributed by him to
England in the 18th century, it is crucial to recognize the prominence of the nation’s
involvement in the main technical changes in recent centuries. Probably also
because of this, even in the 19th century, an important contribution to the genesis of
the modern world cruise industry is attributed to the United Kingdom. In the first
decades of 19th century, Samuel Cunard, although born in Canada (1787), became
known as a successful entrepreneur living in England. According to Dickinson and
Vladimir (2008), he joined other entrepreneurs to create an innovative and regular
postal service, along with a shuttle passenger liner between the UK and North
America in 1840.
It is not because of Cunard, however, that Dickinson and Vladimir (2008)
attribute the organization of the first cruise line. In fact, another British company,
the Peninsula and Oriental Navigation, known as P&O initiated this event.
According to the authors, even in the first decades of the 19th century, between
1820 and 1840 and before Samuel Cunard, this company started to organize the first
passenger tour trips. They were a kind of excursion, from Britain to Portugal and
Spain, the Iberian Peninsula, and to Malay and China in the East. As stated earlier,
it is important to note that the transportation of passengers throughout the 19th
century and early decades of the 20th century is mostly related to the transport of
immigrants, especially the flow of Europeans toward the United States (U.S.) until
the Immigration Restriction Act, in 1921.
The objective of this text is not to reconstruct the history of cruise lines and
shipping industry in the world. However, we intend to emphasize that almost two
centuries after the aforementioned facts the British hegemony in this sector has been
44 R.C.A. da Cruz
followed by an oligopoly market dominated by Americans, Norwegians, Germans,

Italians, Spaniards and still in part also by English companies. This reproduces
today’s high concentration of capital that has always characterized the shipping
industry and passenger transport related to it. This can also be recognized by the
recent history of the largest operators of cruise lines on the planet. It is from this
perspective that we synthesized information in Table 3.2 about the owners of the
main cruise lines in the world. The table summarizes information about the four
largest international cruise lines, which dominate together about 90% of the global
cruise sector, reflecting a strong oligopolistic industry. Moreover, the recent history
of these companies reveals important facets of a market deeply transformed during
the twentieth century, and especially during its second half: spin-offs, mergers and
acquisitions influenced the organization of the maritime transport sector for leisure
passengers during this period. This is also a result of globalization in a world
governed by neoliberalism as an economic and political paradigm.
For Chesnais (1996), the 1980s correspond to the period when large economic
groups grew rapidly. According to this author, the economic crisis of that period
paradoxically spared great economic groups that have strategically increased their
investments abroad through acquisitions and mergers. The oligopoly, says
Chesnais, is currently the most characteristic form of supply in the world (1996:
92).
Although Chesnais refers to the concentration of capital in the industrial sector,
his reflections can be applied to the particular case of cruises. Furthermore, it is
notable that behind the cruise services there is also a maritime oligopolistic
industry. According to Chesnais, global oligopoly is a ‘space of rivalry’:
…delimited by the relationships of market mutual dependence, which interconnect the
small number of large groups in a given industry (…) come to acquire and retain the
position of effective competitor on a world scale. Oligopoly is not only a place of a fierce
competition, but also of collaboration between groups (1996: 93).
In fact, more than simply the concentration of capital, oligopolization is also a

process of centralization of capital, as Neil Smith asserts. According to Smith, the
centralization of capital occurs when two or more previously independent capitals
are combined into a single capital (1988: 178), which usually happens through
practices such as merger and takeover of companies or via the credit system.
Moreover, in accordance with Chesnais, Smith (1988: 179) acknowledges that
centralization often occurs more quickly in relation to the economic crisis, imply-
ing, simultaneously, the destruction of a capital and the appreciation of another.
Today the cruise market is dominated by four large companies. This situation is
the result of a process of centralization of capital, which characterizes the organi-
zation of this sector throughout the 20th century. In 1918, for example, the British
company P&O acquired Orient Line Company and, after that, throughout its his-
tory, it acquired twelve other maritime transport companies. The most notable
example of centralization of capital within passenger shipping sector nowadays is
undoubtedly the Carnival Corporation. It emerged in the 1970s in the U.S. as
Carnival Cruise Lines and was transformed, at the end of the 20th century into a
Table 3.2 Great operators and companies/brands of sea cruises in the world in 2013
Global Operator + Companies/Brands Fleet + Capacity (number of General Information Regions of Operation
number of ships in passengers., excluding, crew)*
opperation
1°) Carnival Costa Crociere – 28 ships in operation, from small Company founded In 1854 by Mediterranean, Northern Europe,
Corporation and plc Ltd, to Large (between 1600 and Italian Glacomo Costa fu Andrea, the Baltic Sea, Caribbean, Central
(103 ships) encompassing: 4000 passengers), 14 under the It began to operate in the maritime America, South America, United
– Costa Crociere Italian brand Costa Crociere, 10 transport sector in 1924. In 1959, Arab Emirates, the Far East, Red
– AIDA Cruises under German brand AIDA and this company put in operation the Sea, trips around the World. In
– Ibero cruceros 4 under the Spanish brand first ship dedicated exclusively to Brazil, it includes stops in Angra
IberoCruceros cruise vacations. European Leader dos Reis, Buzios and Rio de
in cruises: largest fleet in the world Janeiro (RJ), Ilhabela and Santos
at the moment. In 2000 it was (SP), Recife (PE), Ihéus and
purchased by Carnival Salvador (BA), Maceió (AL) and
Corporation, which maintained Portobelo (SC)
Costa Crociere brand. In 2004,
Costa Crociere acquired AIDA
Cruices and, in 2007, the company
acquired Orizonia Corporación,
creating the brand IberoCruceros
Carnival Cruise – 24 ships, from midsize to large Founded in 1972, In USA, by an Alasca, Canada. Mexican Riviera,
3 Maritime Cruises: Oligopoly, Centralization of Capital and …
Lines size (2000–4000 passengers) Israelite, Ted Arison. In 1987, 20% Caribbean and Bermudas, South
of its capital was opened in the America, Europe, Asia and Pacific.
stock exchange. It’s among the Turn around the world. In Brazil,
largest ship companies of the includes scales in Fortaleza,
world and has made great Recife, Salvador and Rio de
Influence on sea cruises market Janeiro
From the 1970’sa. Its now a
division of Carnival Corporation &
plc
(continued)
45
Table 3.2 (continued)
46
opperation
Princess Cruises – 17 ships from small to large Founded in 1966, in the United All continents; It includes routes to
Lines (680–3100 passengers) States, by Stanley MacDonald. Brazil (scale in Rio de Janeiro)
Acquired in 1974 by the British
P&O. In 2000, P&O sells its
division of cruises and then came
up P&O Princess Cruises, which
operated until 2003 the brands
P&O Cruises, P&O Cruises
Australia, Princess Cruises and
AIDA; thereafter, It merges the
Carnival Corporation, giving rise
to Carnival Corporation & plc
Holland America – 15 ships from small to midsize Founded in 1873 in the All continents. In Brazil, it does
Line (from 830 to 2100 passengers) Netherlands, operating Initially a scales in Manaus and Rio de
single line for America. In 1895, Janeiro
held its first cruise trip. In 1973
sold its cargo division and in 1989
was bought by Carnival
Corporation & plc. Carnival
Corporation & plc
P&O Cruises e – 10 ships from small to large The P&O Company was founded All continents. In Brazil, it
P&O Australia (750–3100 passengers) in 1837 In England by Arthur includes scales in Rio de Janeiro,
(companies Anderson and Brodie McGhie Santarém and Alter do Chào, in
originated from Wilcox, and throughout Its history, Pará State. Parintins and Manaus
divisions In P&O has incorporated 13 different in the state of Amazonas
Group) companies acting in the transport
of cargo and passengers
worldwide. In 2000, P&O has
R.C.A. da Cruz
discarded its department related to

(continued)
opperation
cruises (P&O Princess Cruises**
and P&O Australia). In 2003, the
companies originated from this spli
became part of Carnival
Corporation & plc
Seabourn – 6 small ships (from 208 to 450 Founded in 1966 from a All continents. In Brazil, it does
passengers) consortium of Norwegian investors scales in Salvador and Rio de
and affiliated to the Carnival Janeiro ports
Corporation in 1992
Cunard Lines – 3 ships from midsize to large size Founded by Samuel Cunard in North and Central America, the
(from 2000 to 3000 passengers) 1838, in England, its among the Caribbean, the Atlantic and Canary
most famous and most luxurious Islands; British Isles and North
cruise lines in the world. Since West Europe, the Balkans,
1998 it is affiliated to Carnival Scandinavia and Land of Ice,
Corporation & plc. Mediterranean, Africa, Middle
East, Far East, Australia and the
Pacific Islands
3 Maritime Cruises: Oligopoly, Centralization of Capital and …
2°) Royal Caribbean Royal Caribbean – 21 midsize to large size ships – Founded in 1969 from the American continent, mainly
International (26 (from 2400 to 5400 passengers) merger of three Norwegian Includes routes, also in Western
ships) companies (Anders Wihelmsen Europe, Arabian Emirates, South
& Company, IM Shange & East Asia and Australia and New
Company and Gotaas Larsen). In Zealand. In Brazil, includes stops
1988 it merges with the Admiral in Buzios, Cabo Frio, llheus,
Cruises. That same year, Anders llhabela, llha Grande, Rio de
Wihelmsen & Company [aneiro, Santos and Salvador
assumes its complete control and
makes an agreement of joint
47
ownership with the family that

owns the Gran Hyatt hotel chain
(continued)
48
opperation
Pullmantur – 5 ships of midsize (from 1800 to – Company of Spanish origin, Mediterranean, Caribbean, Baltic
2800 passengers) emerged in 1971, and was Sea and North Sea. In Brazil, their
acquired by Royal Caribbean in scales Include Santos, Rio de
2006. Operates also on regular Janeiro, Salvador and Buzios
and charter aviation
3°) Norwegian Norwegian Cruise – 13 miidsize to large size ships – Founded in 1966, by Knut North America, the Caribbean,
Cruise Line (13 Line (between 2000 and 4100 Kloster and Ted Arisen (even Bahamas, Mexican Riviera, the
ships) passengers) founder of Carnival Cruise Line) Mediterranean, and northern
Europe, the Pacific Northwest
coast, transatlantic cruises
4°) MSC— MSC Cruise Line – 12 ships from small to large size The company MSC was founded Mediterranean Arab Emirates.
Mediterranean (between 1250 and 4000 In Italy, in 1970, by Gianluigi Northeastern Europe, the
Shipping Company passengers) Aponte. In 1989, it acquired the Caribbean and West Indies, Red
(451 container ships cruise operator Lauro Lines, Sea. South America and South
and 12 passenger yielding MSC Cruise Line. Market Africa In Brazil, they Include
ships) leader In the Mediterranean, Brazil scales In Santos, Rio de Janeiro
and South Africa and Salvador
TOTAL FLEET (in 154 ships
operation)
Sources websites of operators and companies available in internet. Organization: Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz (2013)
*
Based on the capacity changes of all analyzed vessels as well as the literature, we classified the cruise ships, in this build, as small, while carrying up to 1500
passengers, midsize, between 1501 and 2500 passengers and large, above 2501 passengers, excluding crew
**
P&O Princess Cruises company had a short existence between 2000 (shortly after the division of P&O) and 2003, during which operated the P&O Cruises,
Princess Cruises, P&O Australia, AIDA Cruises and Ocean Village brands
a
According to Amaral (2002), Carnival Cruise Lines acquired airplanes aiming to ensure the transport of their customers to the ports of embarkation In the
1980s
R.C.A. da Cruz
corporation that expanded, because of successive economic crises affecting different

countries. As Chesnais and Smith assert, it has acquired some of the largest and
most traditional companies cruise lines in the world and has strategically main-
tained their corporate brands, whose trustworthiness had been built up over dec-
ades, and which contributes to customer loyalty.
3.4 Some Aspects of the Global Shipbuilding Industry
The centralization mentioned in the previous section of this text is also present in a
key sector of the waterway passenger transport—the sector of shipbuilding, and in
this case specifically the construction of cruise ships. It is also oligopolistic since
the shipbuilding industry of cruise ships is in the hands of a few global companies.
The world leaders in the construction of cruise ships are the Italian company
Fincantieri, Meyer Neptun, a German group (originated from the affiliation of
Neptun to Meyer Werft Company) and STX Corporation, which encompassed six
subsidiary companies and is the owner of the South Korean STX Business Group.
Behind these large companies there is a global market under constant transforma-
tion, and it is interesting to note how the shipping industry portrays—as other
industrial sectors—what we might call a new international division of industrial
labour.
According to a study done by a European consultancy (Ekoris, 2009), the global
shipbuilding market was dominated by Europe, especially Britain, which alone,
held about 80% of this market in the early 20th century. Throughout the 20th
century, and especially in its second half, Europe lost this hegemony to Asian
countries. Also according to that study, in the early 1970s, reaping the benefits of an
efficient policy of industrialization, in a general sense, and manufacturing craft
specifically, the European countries had to share the lead of the shipbuilding
industry world market with Japan. Europe and Japan came to dominate no less than
90% of this market (Ekoris, 2009). From the 1970s, South Korea emerged as a
major world power in the industry, supplanting, from 2005, the position previously
occupied by Japan (see Fig. 3.1). This was caused by the country taking advantage
of lower costs of manufacturing labour and defining a policy that made the ship-
building industry a strategic sector for South Korea (Ekoris, 2009). More recently,
in the late 20th century, China stood out in the global shipbuilding industry, also
surpassing Japan and growing quickly to account for 41% of the deliveries of
manufactured vessels on the planet as recorded in 2011 (Clarkson, 2011). What is
happening in the Chinese shipbuilding industry stems from an aggressive national
industrial policy, which ended up making China a giant among the New
Industrialized Countries. A striking difference, however, between Chinese ship-
building industry and others (European and South Korea, for example) is the fact
that the largest Chinese shipbuilders—China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation
(CSIC) and China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC), both founded in 1999,
are controlled by the Chinese central government. The former has the government’s
50 R.C.A. da Cruz
Fig. 3.1 The global shipbuilding industry—World Completion (1975–2014). Source The
Shipbuilders Association of Japan (2015)
permission to operate, being specialized in the shipbuilding industry, and the latter
which operates in several sectors like aerospace, petrochemical and power gener-
ation, is directly administered by the State.
3.5 Maritime Cruise and Use of Brazilian Territory
According to Abremar/FGV (2012), the international cruise market grows at rates

of 8–9%. In the case of Brazil, the number of ships involved in the maritime cruise
sector along the Brazilian coast tripled between 2004/2005 and 2010/2011 (from 6
to 20), but from then on the sector suffered a critical decline as can be seen in
Fig. 3.2.
In reference to the number of passengers carried, significant fluctuations also
marked those seasons. While in 2010/2011 cruises travelling along the Brazil coast
carried 792,752 people, in the following season (2011/2012) the sector hit its
record, reaching 805,189 passengers. In contrast, in 2012/2013 the numbers
declined to 732,763 cruise passengers, 9.06% less than the previous season. In
2014/15 this figure dropped even further to 549,619, which was 32% less than
figures at the beginning of the decade. According to Amaral (2002), the retraction in
the cruise sector in recent seasons was due to the high cost of port operations in
Brazil as well as the high Brazilian taxes. These taxes, according to Amaral, put
Brazilian ports at a disadvantage when compared to other ports in the world,
particularly in South America. For instance, the president of Abremar also says that
Fig. 3.2 Number of ships involved in the maritime cruise sector along the Brazilian Coast
(2004/5–2014/2015). Source ABREMAR/FGV (2015)
this should explain the fact that in the port of Buenos Aires cruise line arrivals have
grown by 27% since the beginning of the decade.
Another way to interpret what is happening in this sector and, in my view, that
truly explains the action of these global companies, lies in recognition of a wider
and deeper process involving the privatization of the territory and its corporate use,
dictated by alien and alienated interests of such enterprises (Santos, 1996).
As we can conclude, the command of territory use (Brazilian or otherwise)
concerning cruises, is in the hands of the main global operators. In this context ports
are used to achieve the goals of these operators and they are merely operating bases,
abandoned once the conditions cease to be advantageous (Santos and Silveira,
2001: 291). This perspective generates, in turn, a true instability of the territory:
The instability of the territory … owes its origin to the very turbulence of the global market.
Such instability marks the company’s relationships with its surroundings, i.e. with other
companies, institutions and also the territory, since there is a continuing need for adaptation
to market and to its surrounding. Thus it creates a permanent production disorder, that every
moment is different from the preceding and following disorder (Santos and Silveira, 2001:
298).
Despite understanding the result of this process as a producer of disorder or simply

a new order, the fact is that the way such global companies act, with their vertical
relationships with places, they take away the freedom of these places to decide their
own futures. In the case of sea cruises, it is not hard to imagine the undesirable
impacts of the uncertain prospect offered by these large companies. It is not difficult
to suppose the commitment of public resources in the adaptation of port areas and
their surroundings or even of whole districts to receive cruise passengers, which in
the following season may simply not come. That is why, beyond the numbers, there
52 R.C.A. da Cruz
is an annual geography of cruises along the Brazilian coast. This scenario involves a
port topology and redefined routes by companies operating in the country at the
mercy of their private interests.
3.5.1 The Topology of Cruise Lines Along Brazilian Coast
Each company said Santos and Silveira (2001: 292), “produce […] territorial logic”
and this, according to the authors, is “visible through what can be considered a
topology, i.e. the distribution of points of interest in the territory for the operation of
these companies”.
In recent years, the ports of the states of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro have
remained the major ports of embarkation/disembarkation of cruise liners in Brazil
(over 200 stops in the 2010/2011 season), followed by Buzios, Ilhabela and
Salvador (between 101 and 200 stops). Other ports used by cruise ships along the
Brazilian coast, over the years, were Maceió, Recife and Ilheus (between 51 and
100 stops) and other 12 coastal ports with up to 50 stops in that season were
analyzed, as shown in Map 1 (Abremar/FGV, 2012). These ports or points form a
topology that can be redone every season due to spatial strategies of cruise oper-
ators in their quest for lower port charges as well as possible economies of scale and
comparative advantages offered by ports and by the places that host them. The
result which concerns the territory is once again the partial control of certain points
(Santos and Silveira, 2001: 299). Meanwhile, Brazilian coastal ports are called to
respond to the demands brought about by global cruise operators. For the ports, this
means adapting their spaces to the spatial, administrative and technical require-
ments of the cruise enterprises at the expense of high public investment. We should
say there is, in this case, a corporate use of the territory.
The hosting of the Fifa World Cup in Brazil in 2014 seemed to expose such
procedures, considering the demands and requirements of the International Football
Association, FIFA, and the true ‘feast’ promoted by large contractors and their
repeated requests for adjustments in budgets of constructions involved with this
mega sports event. Regarding the opportunity brought by the tournament, as
reported in the official website of Brazilian federal government, seven Brazilian
ports would gain improvements because of the 2014 FIFA World Cup: Fortaleza,
Recife, Natal, Salvador, Santos, Rio de Janeiro and Manaus. The corporate use of
the territory, as we can see, therefore is often sponsored by the state:
As large companies […] also strongly influence the behaviour of governments, federal one,
in the states and municipalities, indicating to them ways of subordinate action, there will be
no exaggeration to say that we are facing a true command of social and economic life and
territorial dynamics by a limited number of companies. Thus, the territory can be adjectival
as a corporate territory…. (Santos and Silveira, 2001: 291).
The Port of Mucuripe, Fortaleza, Ceará State, built a maritime passenger terminal,
whose construction started in 2012 and cost 64 million U.S. dollars, aiming to meet
the specific demands brought by the FIFA World Cup 2014.1 The same went on in
Natal city, the capital of Rio Grande Norte State, with a project of 23 million
dollars,2 in Recife, with a project budgeted at 14 million,3 and Salvador, with a
project that cost about 14 million dollars, too.4
The ports of Rio de Janeiro and Santos recorded the highest number of cabotage
passenger ships call, according to Abremar/FGV (2012). The Maritime Passenger
Terminal Giusfredo Santini (Santos) the largest in Latin America—operated and
managed by a private company, Concais S/A, was opened in 1998. In the
2014/2015 season, about 820,000 passengers in transit used it, and 16 ships or
vessels did 195 calls to this port.5 About 800,000 passengers in transit used Pier
Maua, in Rio de Janeiro in the 2011/2012 season, including cruise passengers and
crew, and 28 cruise lines did scales in this Passenger Terminal6 during the
2014/2015 season.
The Port of Manaus, in turn, differs from all others in several aspects. First, it is a
river port. Second, it is frequently used by the local population, which makes daily
use of its waterways stations, considering the importance of this mode of transport
for regional circulation in a broad sense. Interestingly, the Port of Manaus is not
among the main Brazilian ports of scale, as it is possible to see in Fig. 3.3. Distant
from the most urbanized regions of the country, the Amazon inner continental ports
(such as Manaus, Santarem and Parintins) are included only in routes operated by
Carnival Corporation & plc (P&O Cruises and Holland America).
Moreover, Manaus reminds us that passenger cabotage along the Brazilian coast
is restricted, with few exceptions, to cruise lines, whose trips are an objective itself.
Moving around the coastline in large ships, for work or another purpose, over long
distances, especially, is often a non-existing possibility for Brazilians. Exceptions
are the displacements over short distances in small vessels or even via ferries, as we
can see daily between Santos and Guarujá cities, on the coast of São Paulo State, or
in the central region of Rio de Janeiro city to the island of Paqueta, among a few
other cases around the Brazilian coastline.
The analytical approach chosen allows to emphasize the clear existence of a
social and spatial selective circulation in Brazil concerning to water transport of
passengers:
1
http://www.ceara.gov.br/sala-de-imprensa/noticias/5336-terminal-de-passageiros-do-porto-do-
mucuripe-comeca-a-ser-construido.
2
http://www.copatransparente.gov.br/acoes/terminal-maritimo-de-passageiros-do-porto-de-natal.
3
www.brasil.gov.br/noticias/arquivos/2013/03/12/terminal-maritimo-de-recife-sera-entregue-no-fim-
do-mes.
4
http://www.copatransparente.gov.br/acoes/terminal-maritimo-de-passageiros-e-receptivo-turistico-
do-porto-organizado-de-salvador-ba-implantacao-e-desenvolvimento-do-projeto-executivo.
5
6
54 R.C.A. da Cruz
Fig. 3.3 Cruise scales along Brazilian Coast (2011). Source Abremar (2012)
Socially selective because while millions of dollars are spent to modernize

passenger terminals for receiving maritime cruises, other terminals with improvised
makeshift docks for vessels carrying people for short or even medium distances are
kept in utter precariousness.
Spatially selective because private and public investments have been building a
very particular port topology, related, first, to the economic interests of global
maritime cruise operators. Not surprisingly, the Port of Camará, in Salvaterra
county, Marajó Island, in the Amazon Region, does not have the necessary
Fig. 3.4 Passengers disembarking in Marajó Island (Pará State, Amazon). Source
www.portalmarajo.com/2012/07/
maintenance and renovation. Meanwhile, its users, mostly locals, are exposed to
embarrassing situations like waiting for hours within the vessels until a makeshift
ramp is available for disembarking (Fig. 3.4).7
Modern ships that are clearly luxurious and yet accessible for leisure to very few
people provide evidence for the perversity of a mode of production, which excludes
an overwhelming part of the global population from technical, scientific and social
achievements. In this sense, cruise lines can be understood as a material translation
of a set of invisible contradictions. To illuminate part of these contradictions was a
guiding purpose of the ideas presented here.
3.6 Conclusion
In November 2001 the journal The Economist published an article titled ‘Rough
Seas Ahead’ in which it emphasized the dominance in the global market of man-
ufacturing luxury cruise ships. At the time 70% of the production of these vessels
7
http://www.concais.com/pt-br/estatisticas/escalas.
56 R.C.A. da Cruz
was concentrated in the hands of four large manufacturers: Kvaerner Masa Yards of
Finland, Fincantieri of Italy, Meyer of Germany and Marines Alstom’s Chantiers
de l’ Atlantique of France. Furthermore, the journal also warned about possible
difficulties to be faced by the sector, triggered by the attack on the Twin Towers in
the U.S. in 2001.
In fact, more than a decade later, important changes occurred in both the global
cruise shipping market and the related marine industry. According to the CLIA,
nearly 10 million passengers boarded cruises in U.S. ports in 2012 (4.6% more than
in 2011) indicating that the crisis which hit the industry in 2001 was, without a
doubt, surpassed in the past along with the negative impacts of the economic crisis
of 2009. Such data corroborate the historical position of the U.S. as the largest
market in the world in relation to the number of cruise passengers while illustrating
the sensitivity of this sector to conflict situations as well as to the “temperament” of
the global economy.
In the case of the shipping industry, for example, as foreseen by The Economist,
hard winds blew against the world tourism industry after the September 2001
attacks. This contributed to the downfall of two leaders of the global market of
luxury cruise companies—Kvaerner Masa Yards Marines and Alstom ‘s Chantiers
de l’ Atlantique. In subsequent years, these companies were transferred to the
financial control of South Korean STX Corporation.
Meanwhile, favourable winds blew toward Brazil which emerged as a destina-
tion with a significant potential for the maritime cruise sector expansion during this
period. Among the four top global operators, only Norwegian Cruise Line does not
operate in the country today. The other three companies have shared this market
under “fierce” competition (Chesnais, 1996), and also, paradoxically, in a collab-
orative way, based on Chesnais (1996), Smith (1988) and Santos and Silveira
(2001).
The grouping of competitors in Cruise Lines International Association, Inc
(CLIA), for example, demonstrates, as Chesnais alerts, the oligopoly is also a place
for collaboration between them. CLIA is the largest association of cruise companies
in the world and aims to promote the growth of the sector. The development of
market politics, in theory, benefits everyone.
Cruises are seen as objects of desire for a part of the society eager for a unique
experience of leisure and tourism. At the same time cruise ships—these fixed and
mobile objects, as said Ribeiro (2012)—can also be promoters of an alien and
alienated order (Santos and Silveira, 2001). Azevedo (2013) described this when he
discussed the presence of cruise ships at a place known as ‘Boca da Valeria’,
formed by small communities along Amazon River, in the city of Parintins.
Finally, we conclude that to apprehend the social, economic and spatial com-
plexity of this universe of a ‘globalized and de-territorialized’ tourism, as pointed
out by Wood (2004), remains a research challenge for the present and the future.
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Author Biography
Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz is geographer and Professor at the Department of Geography
—Faculty of Philosophy, Literature and Social Sciences, University of São Paulo, Brazil, where
she is also a supervisor of Master and Ph.D. students within the Human Geography Graduate
Program. Her publications focus tourism geographies with an emphasis on public policies,
planning and the production of space.
Chapter 4
Cruise Tourism: From Regional
Saturation Towards Global Dynamic
Equilibrium
Denis Cerić
4.1 Introduction
In 2000 Wood regretted how the literature regarding cruise tourism is surprisingly
small, for the tourism sector that has demonstrated such explosive growth (2000,
p. 347). This rapid growth forced the United Nation World Tourism Organization
(UNWTO) to declare in one of the reports cruise tourism as a relatively small
segment of the tourism sector as a whole, but important one because of its highest
relative increase (UNWTO 2003). A decade, which has followed only confirmed
cruise tourism’ status of one of the tourism sectors with the highest relative
increase—it has grown globally by 8% annually since 2003 (Cruise Baltic 2013). In
the meantime, scholars became more interested in the topic as well, and the extensive
review of the cruise tourism literature prepared by Papathanassis and Beckmann
(2011) identified 145 scholarly articles. However, Lee and Ramdeen (2013) argue
that articles noted by Papathanassis and Beckmann were not directly focused on
cruise tourism, while Sun et al. (2014, p. 72) also complained how very limited
research has touched this “thriving tourism sub-sector”. Probably, Dowling (2006)
has offered the most comprehensive overview of academic work related to the cruise
industry: an edited volume by this scholar covers nearly forty contributions.
However, when it comes to a geographical point of view, cruise tourism has received
a very modest amount of attention from tourism geographers. Rodrigue and
Notteboom (2013) argue that the geography of cruises remains an under—re-
searched academic field, while giving an overview of the cruise tourism from the
geographical point of view and focusing on itineraries in the most important cruise
regions of the world—the Caribbean and Mediterranean, presenting types of cruise
itineraries and functional typology of ports of call. However, the dynamics of
D. Cerić (&)
Department of Urban and Population Studies, Institute of Geography and Spatial
Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Twarda 51/55, 00-818 Warsaw, Poland
e-mail: d.ceric@twarda.pan.pl

60 D. Cerić
vessels’ repositioning and itineraries were out of researchers’ focus, as well as the
change of particular sailing directions of the cruise vessels in cruise regions over
certain period of time.
The Cruise Line International Association (CLIA) has reported 22 million of
global cruise passengers in 2014 (CLIA 2015a). Although this number of cruise
passengers seems inconsiderable in comparison to the number of tourists visiting
annually some of the world’s large cities, the global presence and dynamics of
cruise tourism sector makes it worth researching. This chapter reports the dynamics
in development and spatial organization of cruise tourism sector worldwide and
presents the results of research focused on recent changes in the itineraries and
sailing routes of the cruise vessels deployed in the Mediterranean region. Changes
in Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the economic prosperity, which
followed shortly afterwards, opened the European market to modern way of
cruising. This shift has changed the spatial organization of the cruise tourism sector
worldwide and introduced the phase of globalization of the sector. After conquering
Europe, the markets of Australia, Asia and South America will expand.
4.2 Development of Cruise Tourism Worldwide
Modern cruise tourism appeared in North America at the peak of the crisis in
passenger liner shipping transport at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the
1970s, when the function of several vessels has changed from a mean of transport to
a floating hotel. After the golden 1970s and 1980s, the North American cruise
market showed signs of saturation in the 1990s. Therefore, cruise companies turned
to new markets. By building vessels, positioning them closer to potential customers
and filling them with passengers through various marketing strategies, cruise
companies are literary producing demand all over the world. In recent years, one
has witnessed a period of rapid growth and remarkable change in the cruise tourism.
Dynamics of the cruise tourism sector can be observed through its characteristics
in the fields of demand and supply growth, gigantism in shipbuilding, clustering of
cruise companies and changes in spatial organization of cruise tourism sector
worldwide.
4.2.1 High Growth, Gigantism and Clustering in Cruise

Tourism Sector
High growths are one of the main cruise tourism sector’s characteristics since the
beginning of modern cruises in the late 1960s and early 1970s. From the starting 0.5
million worldwide cruise passengers in 1970 (Hobson 1993), this number increased
4 Cruise Tourism: From Regional Saturation Towards Global Dynamic … 61
to 1.4 million in 1980 (CLIA 2011b), 3.6 million in 1990 (CLIA 2011b), 9.7
million in 2000 and 19.1 million in 2010 (BREA 2014), representing jumps of 0.9
million, 2.2 million, 6.1 million and 9.4 million of new cruise passengers world-
wide for every following decade between 1970 and 2010.
Well connected with high growths is another important cruise tourism sector’s
characteristic—gigantism. Cruise vessels are increasing in size over the time. The
cruise tourism can be traced back to 1840s (Hoseason 2000), but it was indeed the
demission of ocean liners in 1960s which resulted in emergence of this tourism
sector. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the modern cruise companies were
established and a number of vessels were reconverted to form the first fleet of cruise
vessels. From the very beginning the goal of the cruise industry was to develop a
mass market since cruising was until then an activity for the elite (Rodrigue and
Notteboom 2013). Economies of scale expanded with larger vessels being built
inclusively for cruise tourism purposes since the 1970s and helping to reach the
industry’s goal. The first dedicated cruise vessels carried between 750 and 1200
passengers, while already in the 1980s their capacity often reached about 2000
passengers (Ban 1995). The large development of the cruise sector in the 1990s was
conditioned by vessels of larger capacity—up to 3000 passengers, the passengers’
capacity which became the building standard in the 2000s. The most recent largest
cruise vessel is “Allure of the Seas” with capability to carry up to 6410 passengers
(RCI 2016). However, a huge number of cruise vessels operating nowadays are
within the 3000–4000 passengers range (Rodrigue and Notteboom 2013), which are
still representing a passenger capacity per vessel of 3 to 4 times higher than the one
in 1970s. The global cruise fleet in 2014 consisted of 410 vessels which jointly offer
467,629 berths, while until 2018 those numbers will increase by 4.9 and 11.1%,
respectively due to already set orders for new vessels in the shipyards worldwide
(CLIA 2014b). The difference in shares of additional number of vessels and berths
is indicating the trend of gigantism in the cruise ship building industry.
Furthermore, it is a testimony for the business expectations of cruise companies for
increasing demand of at least 11.1% until 2018, the equivalent of additional 2.4
million passengers.
Besides the comparability in prices to mass-market resort holidays (Dickinson
and Vladimir 1997), the cruise sector’s expansion and success in the 1970s and
1980s can be also contributed to the popularity of “The Love Boat” television series
in the United States (Dickinson and Vladimir 1997; Douglas and Douglas 2001;
Wood 2004). Afterwards, higher growths of the sector should be contributed to the
fact that cruise industry is fundamentally a supply based industry (Rodrigue and
Notteboom 2013). Cruise companies are literary producing demand by building
vessels full of attractive amenities, (re)positioning them closer to customers
worldwide and filling them through various branding, marketing and promotional
strategies (Cerić 2014). An average yearly occupancy of above 100% reported by
cruise lines since 1980 (CLIA 2012) is witnessing huge effective demand for this
tourism sector. High occupancy percentage is a result of implementation of
appropriate business strategies by the leading cruise companies, but also a result of
a rather strange statistical method of considering regular capacity on cruise vessel
62 D. Cerić
based on two passengers per stateroom (100% occupancy), while many staterooms
can accommodate three to four passengers.
Together with high growths and gigantism, clustering is the third characteristic
of cruise tourism sector. The cruise market is an oligopoly that is dominated by
three groups of companies (Lekakou et al. 2009). In 2013, only four companies
covered 83.2% of the market: Carnival Corporation with 45.5%, Royal Caribbean
Cruises with 23.5%, MSC Cruises and Norwegian Cruise Line, each 7.1% of the
market (Cruise Industry News 2013). For the purpose of product differentiation and
in order to cater different lifestyles and budgets and also target different cultures and
demographic groups, those companies are operating a portfolio of widely recog-
nized cruise brands. Clustering in tourism sector is tightly connected with the price
of new vessels, since each new cruise vessel comes with improved amenities for the
purpose of attracting potential passengers. Smaller companies were not able to
follow the trends in cruise vessels’ shipbuilding, thus they were forced to inte-
gration. Only between 2004 and 2013 integration increased the cruise market shares
of the largest three companies Carnival Corporation, Royal Caribbean Cruises and
Norwegian Cruise Line from 68% (CLIA 2004) to 76% (Cruise Industry News
2013).
4.2.2 Changes in Spatial Organization of Cruise Tourism

Sector Worldwide
For a long period in modern cruise tourism, the Caribbean region was the
unreachable number one cruise destination of the world. Even until the 2000, the
Caribbean region represented more than half of the available worldwide cruise bed
days—51% in 2000 (CLIA 2010). There are four key reasons for this: the proximity
of the large and wealthy North American tourist market, a well indented coastline
with more than 7000 islands providing lots of possibilities for itineraries, climate
conditions that allow peaceful and pleasant sailing throughout the year, and a focus
of the cruise industry on this region which has employed all the business strategies
to create a demand for their product—a cruise in the Caribbean. The relative
importance of the Caribbean region in the worldwide cruise tourism sector started
decreasing when companies decided to reposition part of their cruise fleet for
several months in a year to other regions in the 1990s. The cruise companies’
motive of seasonally leaving the Caribbean should not be searched in a product
saturation in the North American cruise demand market, since the point of satu-
ration has not been reached yet. According to the United Nations World Tourist
Organization’s (UNWTO) special report on cruise tourism of 2012, cruise tourism
still lies at the introductory or growth stage of the product’s life cycle curve.
Rodrigue and Notteboom (2013, p. 32) also argue that there is little evidence
concerning market potential of the cruise industry or when a saturation point could
be reached. Opposite, some scholars claim that the data on continuous decreasing of
North American market’s shares suggest its entering into a maturing phase (see
Weeden et al. 2011; Jones 2011). However, a well-developed market which was
possibly approaching saturation in the 1990s, together with the industry’s eagerness
for new markets definitely pushed the cruise industry from the North American
market to seek new markets in the 1990s. The first market to be found was Europe,
followed by Australia, Asia and South America.
Since the exact supply data are trade secret of cruise companies, the most precise
method for researching supply in the cruise tourism sector is analyzing the data on
passenger bed days, which are defined as the number of days that all berths could be
occupied at 100% occupancy—i.e. a cruise vessel with 2000 lower berths on a
7-day cruise generates 14,000 potential bed days. In 2000, the Caribbean repre-
sented 51% of available worldwide cruise bed days, whereas the Mediterranean
only 12% and other parts of Europe 7%, Australia, New Zealand and Pacific 3%,
Asia 0,5% and the rest of the world remaining 26.5% (CLIA 2010). Fourteen years
later, the Caribbean share dropped to 36%, while other cruise regions increased
the shares: Mediterranean to 20%, other parts of Europe to 11%, Australia,
New Zealand and Pacific to 6% and Asia to 6%, while 21% supply remained for the
rest of the world, including around the world and vessels’ repositioning cruise
itineraries (CLIA 2015b).
In demand, out of 22 million global cruise passengers in 2014 (CLIA 2015a),
North America accounted for 55%, Europe 29% and the rest of the world for the
remaining 16% of all cruise passengers. Although the numbers of cruise passengers
have increased in all regions, North American region’s relative share of total cruise
market demand has declined by 33% during the last 25 years, while in the given
period the European and the rest of the world markets’ shares have increased by
120 and 218%, respectively (Table 4.1).
Excluding the region of North America, a rapid growth of demand for cruise
tourism was continuous even after the outbreak of the 2008 global financial crisis
(Fig. 4.1). Figure 4.1 also confirms the changing dynamics of cruise demand
growth distribution, which has shifted from North America to Europe and other
Table 4.1 International demand for cruises by regions, 1989 and 2014
Region 1989 2014 Change of Change of
Passengers Share Passengers Share passengers shares
(in mil.) (%) (in mil.) (%) 1989/2014 1989/2014
(%) (%)
North 3.29 81.8 12.16 55.2 269.6 −32.6
America
Europe 0.53 13.2 6.39 29.0 1105.7 119.9
Rest of 0.20 5.0 3.49 15.8 1645.0 218.3
the world
Total 4.02 100.0 22.04 100.0 448.3 –
Source Author’s elaboration based on industry data published by the UNWTO (2003) and CLIA
(2015a)
64 D. Cerić
Fig. 4.1 Growth of international demand for cruises by regions, 2000–2014 (million passengers).
Source Author’s elaboration based on industry data published by GP Wild & BREA (2009),
BREA (2014), CLIA (2014a, 2015a)
parts of the world. It is worth to notice the difference in growth dynamics of cruise
demand in Europe and the rest of the world in two different periods: 2000–2007 and
2008–2014. In the first period, European demand for cruise tourism increased by
97%, while demand from the rest of the world region increased by 76%. However,
in the second period European demand slowed down to 42%, while growth in the
rest of the world region rose to 141%, showing recent transition of industry’s
markets in focus from Europe to the rest of the world.
Cruise passengers and cruise vessels deployment are in spatial relation: regions
where cruise vessels operate—cruise supply, are always close to leading source
countries for cruise tourism—cruise demand (Cerić 2014). Nowadays, both supply
and demand for cruise tourism are present in most of the world’s regions.
A majority of cruise passengers originate from the region where the cruise supply is
present. Cruise tourism is part of international tourism where most of the tourists
visit destinations within their own region: about four out of five worldwide arrivals
originate from the same region (UNWTO 2014). The difference with majority of
other tourism sectors is that cruise tourism supply, which creates demand, can
physically approach to demand by repositioning the cruise vessels. Therefore,
theoretically any region where demand exists can be covered with supply relatively
fast. Both supply and demand for cruise tourism is rapidly increasing in all parts of
the world. The leading cruise companies are repositioning their vessels according to
their complex business plans. Common denominator of those plans is positioning
vessels close to potential markets. After the target market has been detected, efforts
are made to create demand for cruise tourism and vessels are deployed in the region
to receive passengers. The number of potential markets, or countries, is increasing
due to their internal positive social-economic changes, including the most important
one: rising levels of disposable income. The Cruise Lines International Association
(CLIA) states that the target core market of cruise lines companies in North
American market in 2010 were inhabitants with annual household income of over
40,000 USD (CLIA 2011a).
The demand for cruise tourism outside North America and Europe has grown by
17.5 times during the last quarter of a century (Table 1). Cruise tourism in Australia
and New Zealand is undergoing rapid growth recently both in demand and supply
(Dowling 2011). In this region, the global share of bed days on cruise vessels has
doubled between 2000 and 2014—from 3% (CLIA 2010) to 6% (CLIA 2015b).
Rapid growth can be observed also in Asia, which is becoming the most exciting
region for the cruise industry (Asia Cruise News 2014). According to the UNWTO
report on cruise tourism Asia is only at the introductory stage of the cruise product
life cycle curve (UNWTO 2012). The increase of disposable income and leisure time
due to strong economic growth in Asia has encouraged cruise companies to engage
all of the business and diplomatic tools to enter this market. The supply of cruise
tourism in Asia counted in bed days represented only 0.5% of the world’s cruise bed
days’ supply in 2000 (CLIA 2010), while those shares have increased to present 6%
of the world’s supply by 2014 (CLIA 2015b). Within Asia, the Chinese potential is
huge and it has been already detected by the leading world cruise companies which
started deploying more capacity in Chinese waters recently. This potential is
detected by the Chinese government as well, and it forecasts China’s cruise industry
to become one of the world’s largest with 4.5 million passengers by 2020 (Maritime
Executive 2014). In 2008, about 110,000 Chinese citizens took cruise vacation,
while this number approached to roughly 380,000 in the following year (Sun and
Feng 2012), presenting more than triplication of demand in just one year.
The world map of the cruise tourism sector became quite dynamic after the
1990s. Beside static yearly changes in total deployment of the cruise fleet world-
wide, within each year vessels are literary chasing the season and demand around
the globe, making this map highly dynamic. In order to accomplish business goals,
companies are competing in shipbuilding, onboard services, vessels’ amenities,
pre-cruise, during-cruise and post-cruise service deals and excursions, but also in
the choice of season, ports of call, ports visited within itineraries, visiting duration
of specific ports, duration of the itineraries themselves, thematic cruises, etc. By
analyzing the offer in cruise companies’ catalogues, the importance of the diver-
sification and novelty in the product could be easily noticed in every above men-
tioned field of competition. Cruise regions and seasonal repositioning of the cruise
vessels are determined by geography. Burton (1995) argues that cruise ships tend to
avoid parts of the world where, because of geography, climate and seasonal vari-
ations, and sea conditions occur that can create potential discomfort for customers.
Moreover, the majority of contemporary cruise ships, with the odd exception, are
designed for cruising in relatively benign conditions and, therefore, itineraries are
influenced in part by weather patterns (Gibson 2012). Once the natural conditions
are exceeded, cruise companies can deploy the fleet according to their business
plans. Repositioning of ships between regions is the most important part of cruise
tourism sector dynamics, since it allows the sector to achieve remarkable occupa-
tion rates: the vessels are often in the season, whether it is about the holiday season
of demand markets in the vicinity or the weather’s conditions—climate season.
While entering new regions and new markets, marketing tools are designed to fill
the vessels with passengers to accomplish the capacities. The same tools have been
66 D. Cerić
used if it appears that company’s decisions were not the best ones and the pas-
sengers for the vessels could not be found easily.
Rodrigue and Notteboom (2013) find that the Caribbean and the Mediterranean
are perennial markets since they are serviced year-round, while Alaska, the Northeast
Atlantic and Australia/New Zealand are examples of strictly seasonal markets that are
only serviced during their summer months. The Caribbean is dominantly serviced
during the winter while the Mediterranean experiences a summer peak season. Each
year a number of cruise vessels sail across the Atlantic to move from the winter
Caribbean peak season to the summer Mediterranean peak season and vice versa
(Rodrigue and Notteboom 2013). The repositioning is happening between other
regions as well—from Hawaii to Alaska before the summer and vice versa in autumn,
or in autumn from Mediterranean basin to Red Sea, Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and
rest of Asia, with return in spring. The latter represent one of the most recent patterns
of seasonal repositioning cruise vessels. Rodrigue and Notteboom (2013) also dis-
tinguish three main types of itineraries: perennial, seasonal and repositioning, where
repositioning itineraries are defined as those ones between seasonal or perennial
markets. Here it can be added that repositioning itineraries can be found within
perennial and seasonal itineraries as well. Namely, the same vessel sails several
identical roundtrip itineraries with main port of call in Genova, after which it repo-
sitions itself intra-regionally with a small itinerary around Apennine Peninsula and
continues sailing on roundtrip itineraries from Venice, not leaving Mediterranean
perennial region. Similar examples of intraregional repositioning could be found in
seasonal itineraries. There can be suggested spatial diversification of cruise itiner-
aries, where all the itineraries could be grouped in one of the four main groups:
(1) around the world itineraries, (2) regional itineraries, (3) inter-regional reposi-
tioning itineraries, and (4) intra-regional itineraries Table 4.2.
The differences in year around deployment of the five largest by capacity cruise
vessels of two large cruise companies—Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises, within a
Table 4.2 Types of itineraries in cruise tourism sector

Type of Kind of Cruise Cruise company’s main goal Frequency of
itinerary itinerary regions sailing
covered
Around the Round More or Economy Rarely
world trip all
Regional Round One or Economy The most often
trip more
Interregional One-way Two or Repositioning the ship in Relatively often
trip more more favorable region (1–4 times per
(climate/demand) ship yearly)
Intraregional One-way One Repositioning the ship Relatively often
trip Within the region (change (1–2 times per
of port of call and vessel’s ship yearly)
itinerary)
Source Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer of various cruise companies over the time
Table 4.3 Changes in cruise vessels deployment in 2011–2012 and 2015–16 on the example of
five largest vessels by capacity in ownership of Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies
Source Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises
companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015)
4 year span only, are indicating spatial organization dynamics of the cruise tourism
sector (Table 4.3). Between December 2011 and November 2012, the focus of both
companies was the Mediterranean basin, where itineraries were relatively equally
distributed between Western and Eastern basins of the Mediterranean Sea. Four
years later, the Mediterranean has lost its importance—especially the Eastern basin,
although this entire region has still the primacy for both of the companies’ cruise
itineraries for their largest vessels by capacity. Much more interesting is the fact that
deployment of observed cruise vessels in North European and South American
cruise regions slightly increased, the Persian Gulf waters are almost abandoned by
these largest companies’ cruise vessels, Caribbean presence increased from one
vessel for 3.5 months to two vessels for total of 16.5 months presence, where one
vessel—MSC Divina, is being deployed for a year around between December 2015
and November 2016. It is not surprising that Far East Asian itineraries appeared,
where one of the five largest Costa Cruise company’s vessel—Costa Serena is being
68 D. Cerić
deployed even for a whole year. Overall change shows larger diversification of
offered regions through the year by observed vessels.
4.2.3 Focus on the Mediterranean Cruise Region
Topics of cruise tourism sector’s supply and demand are usually part of the reports
of various cruise associations, such as Cruise Lines International Association—
CLIA or institutions and consulting companies researching cruise tourism, such as
Business Research & Economic Advisors (BREA), Cruise Market Watch and G.
P. Wild. Probably one of the reasons why cruise tourism research is still limited in
scope is inaccessibility or poor accessibility of cruise data due to business, trade,
market or know-how secrets of the companies providing cruise experience and
competing globally for potential passengers. The veil of secrecy is thickest in the
field of supply data.
In order to research the dynamics of cruise tourism supply in Mediterranean
cruise region, the catalogue offer of the two largest cruise companies—Costa
Cruises and MSC Cruises, operating in the Mediterranean basin for two different
full year period has been analyzed—season 2011/12 and 2015/’16.
Costa Cruises Company promotes itself as the largest European cruise operator,
able to offer one of the largest choices of itineraries and ships available nowadays.
The company established in Genoa in 1854 is characterized by 67 years of history
in maritime passenger shipping. Costa Cruises Company became part of the
Carnival Corporation & plc Group—the world’s leading cruise ship operator,
representing one of the largest brands within the Group (Carnival Corporation & plc
2016). MSC Cruises Company promotes itself as a market leader in the
Mediterranean, South America and South Africa. It is the fourth largest cruise
company in the world in passengers’ share (Cruise Industry News 2013) and the
world’s largest privately owned cruise company, owned by the Mediterranean
Shipping Company S.A. (MSC), a world’s second biggest container shipping
operator (MSC 2016b). The company was established in 1960 in Naples, although
it has changed name to present MSC Cruises in 1995 (MSC 2016b).
According to data published by CLIA, 5.59 and 5.85 million passengers
embarked cruise vessels in European ports in 2011 and 2014, respectively (CLIA
2015a). In 2011, Mediterranean embarkations accounted for 68.5% of European
embarkations, while that share decreased to 65.3% in 2014, due to increase of
embarkations in the Northern Europe region (CLIA 2015a). Those data analyzed
together with data on Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises catalogue offer for
2011/2012 and 2015/2016 give a possibility to approximately calculate the share of
Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises embarked passengers in total embarked passengers
in the Mediterranean region, which is 50 and 45% for 2011/2012 and 2015/2016,
respectively. Regardless the inaccuracy of calculation, the fact is that two compa-
nies—Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises, are representing almost half of all the cruise
operations in the Mediterranean region for both examined periods. The competition
between those two leading companies in the Mediterranean makes them interesting
for observation as well, since they may represent the trends occurring in cruise
tourism sector for the whole region.
As mentioned before, cruise lines report an average yearly occupancy of above
100% since 1980. Therefore, in the analysis of catalogue offer it is assumed how
every itinerary has 100% occupation of passenger’s lower berths capacity.
According to definition of passenger bed days, which represent the most precise
data for researching supply in cruise tourism sector, above mentioned assumption
serves as information on passenger bed days numbers as well. The data are col-
lected from the companies’ catalogues where the information on cruise itineraries
for the period between December 2011–November 2012, and December 2015–
November 2016 could be found, operated by cruise vessels in ownership of Costa
Cruises and MSC Cruises. The period between December and November is taken as
a full year period, since industry’s catalogues were published for that period. The
span of only four years in research is taken in order to seize huge dynamics in
spatial deployment of the cruise vessels in the Mediterranean region taking place
within a very short time period. The analysis took into account only those itineraries
which start and finish cruise tours within the Mediterranean cruise region, under-
stood as the Mediterranean basin and Atlantic shores of Portugal and Western
Africa, including the Canary Islands, which together form the integral part of many
Western Mediterranean itineraries. Furthermore, the data of departure from the
main port of call is taken in monthly and seasonal division of itineraries and sailing
routes within them, while sailing routes are analyzed without the consideration of
sailing direction: for the research purpose, it is indifferently whether the cruise
vessel sailed from Genova to Barcelona or from Barcelona to Genova. A final
limitation regards the vessel Costa Concordia, which offered itineraries has been
included in the research, no matter the fact it was stranded and therefore out of
function since middle of January 2012.
Generally, the analysis shows that the Mediterranean cruise region experienced a
decrease during the researched period—not only in the share of total cruise pas-
sengers embarked in European ports, but also in the total number of passengers,
which decreased by 210,000 passengers: from 1.91 to 1.70 million. In the
Mediterranean, within only four full years of operation, the numbers of cruise
vessels, main embarkation ports, cruise trips (calls), sailing routes within itineraries,
different sailing routes, total days in which the cruise vessels are present in the
Mediterranean region, and average length of cruise in the region decreased
(Table 4.4). A small, but very indicative increase is registered in the total number of
ports included in Mediterranean itineraries’ year around offer. This fact is a
quantitative testimony of the more diversified itineraries in 2015–2016 catalogues’
offer, compared to 2011–2012.
Companies reduced number of deployed vessels in the Mediterranean region and
number of main ports of call. Despite the number of passengers embarked in
Savona, the main embarkation port for Costa Cruises company, slightly decreased
by 2.5%, Savona remained the main port of call with the most possible embarka-
tions—630,081 passengers in 2015–2016. With an increase of 22.1% and a total of
70 D. Cerić
Table 4.4 Changes in Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies’ cruise offer in the
Mediterranean region between 2011–2012 and 2015–2016
December 2011– December 2015– Change 2011–2012
November 2012 November 2016 to 2015–2016 (in %)
Vessels present in the 26 21 −19.2
mediterranean (nr.)
Vessels in ownership of the 29 29 0.0
companies (total nr.)
Main ports of call in the 7 5 −28.6
mediterranean itineraries (nr.)
Ports included in the 63 65 3.2
mediterranean itineraries
(total nr.)
Cruise trips in the 612 519 −15.2
mediterranean (nr.)
Sailing routes in the 4063 3209 −21.0
mediterranean itineraries
(total nr.)
Different sailing routes in the 191 160 −16.2
mediterranean itineraries (nr.)
Passengers departured from the 1,905,826 1,702,398 −10.7
main ports of call (total nr.)
Passenger bed days in the 16,580,686 14,470,383 −12.7
mediterranean
Total length of cruises (days) 5352 4407 −17.7
Average length of 8.7 8.5 −2.8
cruises (days)
Source Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises
companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015)
619,413 possible embarked passengers in 2015–2016, Genova—the main

embarkation port for MSC Cruises company, superseded Venice as the second port
with the most embarkations in the Mediterranean. The Genoese increase is sup-
ported by the suspension of the relatively nearby Livorno as a port of call, which
recorded 108,654 embarkations in 2011–2012 from the one side, and by the huge
decrease of cruise itineraries in Eastern Mediterranean. The latter influenced also
the significant decrease of embarkations in Venice—from 584,114 in 2011–2012,
to 365,728 in 2015–2016, a decrease of 37.4%. As happened to Livorno, even
Marseille and Barcelona lost its function of embarkation port within the researched
period. However, Trieste recorded an increase from 48,720 to 71,876 embarkations,
or 47.5%, and Istanbul became main embarkation port for a couple of calls—15,300
embarkations in 2015–2016.
The duration of the itineraries decreased from 8.7 to 8.5 days. In the companies’
offers, itineraries of 8 days cruises are standard during the high season periods,
while in low and shoulder seasons the duration usually exceeds to 11–12 days. This
pattern is similar as it was in 2011–2012, except there is a smaller number of
11–12 days itineraries’ offers, and there are more so-called mini-cruises, mini-
breaks, spring-breaks or weekend-breaks, as they are promoted. Those itineraries’
duration is rather short: 2 to 6 days, and they are offered in shoulders seasons in
spring and autumn. For example, in spring 2016 MSC Cruises gave customers the
possibility to embark the cruise vessel MSC Poesia and sail two days roundtrip
from Genova to Villefranche sur Mer for only 29 € (MSC 2016a, p. 114). Another
novelty that appeared within the observed period in the Mediterranean presents one
way itineraries. A week cruise from Venice to Istanbul is offered for 11 times by
Costa Cruises Company during 2015–2016 season (Costa 2016, p. 113). The same
vessel is sailing from Istanbul back to Venice during following week, and it is
possible for passengers to buy a two weeks round trip from Venice or Istanbul, or
only a one way trip from one of the mentioned ports. In order to motivate customers
to buy two weeks cruise, itinerary differ in opposite direction. For the researched
period, the largest change in the Mediterranean cruise itineraries is the disappearing
of a number of ports along the shores of the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean.
For the season 2015–2016 there are no itineraries which include visits to any of the
Egyptian or Tunisian ports, while those ones visiting ports in Israel, Morocco or
Turkey are rare in comparison to offer of 2011–2012.
The reasons for the general decrease of cruise supply in the Mediterranean
should not be searched in the saturation of the demand market. UNWTO (2012)
argues that cruise tourism in Europe is only in the transitional point from intro-
ductory to growth stage of the product’s life cycle curve. Therefore, saturation is a
far away point for the Mediterranean cruise demand market. However, supply of
cruise industry worldwide is limited by the number of beds available and thus, they
should be deployed where demand could easily fill them. Asia became a promising
region, while the Mediterranean cruise region experienced serious threat connected
with political destabilization of Eastern and Southern Mediterranean countries, war
in Syria, refugee crises and fear of terrorism attacks. The latter was experienced by
cruise passengers visiting offshore excursion to the Tunisian Bardo museum in
March 2015, when 17 cruise passengers were killed. Companies claimed that the
security of guests and crew is their priority, and cancelled calls to Tunisian ports
immediately after the attack (Kirchgaessner 2015). For the Tunisian economy, this
attack was extremely harmful, while cruise companies just cancelled one of the
visiting ports or countries. If threats repeat continuously, companies’ answer can be
repositioning of entire fleet from the problematic cruise region, making the cruise
tourism sector quite independent in comparison to static tourism destinations.
While observing patterns of the cruise itineraries in the Mediterranean region
according to their duration, spatial scope and period of deployment for both
researched periods, five different itineraries’ patterns used by cruise companies
could be distinguished: short breaks, standard cruises, prolonged cruises, intrare-
gional repositioning and interregional repositioning (Table 4.5).
The detailed analysis of the catalogue offers of every cruise vessel’s deployment
of the two largest companies in the Mediterranean for two year around periods gave
the opportunity to research the sailing routes in the region which are mostly used by
number of vessels sailing there, or potential number of passengers being carried on
72 D. Cerić
Table 4.5 Cruise itineraries’ patterns in the Mediterranean region

Cruise Duration of Spatial scope Period of
itinerary cruise trip deployment
pattern
Short breaks 2–6 days Western Mediterranean, Eastern Sporadically in
Mediterranean spring and
autumn
Standard 7–8 days Western Mediterranean, Eastern All year round,
cruises Mediterranean more frequently
in summer
Prolonged 10–12 days Western Mediterranean, Eastern All year round,
cruises Mediterranean more frequently
in winter
Intraregional 3–11 days Western to Eastern Mediterranean, Eastern Spring and
repositioning to Western Mediterranean autumn
Interregional 7–20 days Mediterranean to nort Europe, Caribbean, Spring and
repositioning Persian Gulf and rest of Asia (via Red autumn
Sea), and vice versa
Source Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer of various cruise companies over the time
them. The results are presented for year around period, as well as for low and high
season period for both researched periods. Low season for the research purposes is
defined as a period between January–March and October–December, while the high
season consists of other six months: April–September.
Overall results testify the change of focus from the entire Mediterranean basin to
Western Mediterranean sub region. During 2011–2012, sailing routes, which counted
for 100 or more vessels within the year period were recorded in both sub regions. The
mostly used sailing routes were Venice-Bari (161 sailings), Bari-Katakolon (140),
Civitavecchia-Savona (140), Dubrovnik-Venice (130), Barcelona-La Goulette (100),
and Civitavecchia-Genova (100). In 2015–2016 within the Mediterranean cruise
itineraries the most frequently used sailing routes are between Genoa-Civitavecchia
(198), Valletta-Barcelona (115), Marseille-Genoa (109), Civitavecchia-Palermo
(104), and Palermo-Valletta (102). Within the sailing routes of 100 or more cruise
vessels to sail in 2015–2016, there is no single one in the Eastern Mediterranean sub
region. The results of the sailing routes measured by the number of potential pas-
sengers, which could be carried show even larger change between spatial distribution
of cruise tourism offer in the Mediterranean between 2011–2012 and 2015–2016. The
first three sailing routes with the highest number of passengers in 2011–2012
belonged to Eastern Mediterranean sub region: Venice-Bari (528,159 passengers),
Bari-Katakolon (470,986) and Dubrovnik-Venice (463,578). Four years later within
the first three sailing routes with the highest number of passengers there are only
sailing routes from Western Mediterranean sub region: Genoa-Civitavecchia
(850,739), Civitavecchia-Palermo (460,805), and Palermo-Valletta (438,797).
There were 42 cruise sailing routes in offer with more than 100,000 passengers’
capacity and they are including 28 different ports in the region in 2011–2012.
Fig. 4.2 The main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies combined in the
Mediterranean region by the potential number of passengers during the year around period: a from
December 2011 until November 2012, b from December 2015 until November 2016. Source
Author’s elaboration based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies
for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015)
In 2015–2016, the number of cruise routes decreased to 35, and the number of
included ports to 24 (Fig. 4.2).
The trend in the Mediterranean is shortening the length of the cruise. Within a
four years period, the number of cruise trip offers over 10 days is reduced, while
both of the companies have offered more short breaks—cruises which last for
2–6 days. Average length of cruise decreased from 8.7 to 8.5 days in the researched
period, while low season cruises decreased more: from average duration of 9.3 days
to 8.9 days, in comparison with high season ones which decrease from 8.5 to
8.3 days on average. Number of low season cruise trips and number of potential
passengers which could be carried on those trips has decreased linearly. Cruise trips
74 D. Cerić
in the low season decreased from 211 to 181, representing 34.5 and 34.9% of year
around cruise trips, respectively. The number of potential low season passengers
also decreased with very small change in year around passenger shares: from
672,903 to 604,218 passengers, representing 35.3 and 35.5% of year around po-
tential passengers in 2011–2012 and 2015–2016, respectively. For both periods
there could be more cruise routes observed in the off-season period. In 2011–2012
there were 165 routes in low season and 149 in high season. Four years later, 138
routes could be distinguished within the offered itineraries during the low season,
Fig. 4.3 Main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies combined in the
Mediterranean region by potential number of passengers during the low season period: a from
December 2011 until March 2012 and from October until November 2012, b from December 2015
until March 2016 and from October until November 2016. Source Author’s elaboration based on
catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016
(Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015)
and 132 during the high season. More sailing routes in low season period’s offer,
combined with longer cruise trips which are significantly cheaper, are used to attract
more passengers to take the low season cruise. Another tool of attracting passengers
to cruise during the low season is offering prolonged visits in the ports, enabling
passengers more time for the off-shore excursions. During the high season it is
obvious that the companies’ goals are to keep the passengers as much as they can
onboard, since the possibility of earning extra by passengers’ onboard spending.
In the low season of 2011–2012, 10 sailing routes were offered with more than
100,000 potential passengers, where only one, Venice-Bari, was in the Eastern
Fig. 4.4 Main sailing routes of MSC and Costa Cruises companies combined in the
Mediterranean region by potential number of passengers during the high season period: a from
April 2012 until September 2012, b from April 2016 until September 2016. Source Author’s
elaboration based on catalogue offer of the Costa Cruises and MSC Cruises companies for 2011–
2012 and 2015–2016 (Costa 2011, 2015; MSC 2011, 2014, 2015)
76 D. Cerić
Mediterranean sub region (Fig. 4.3). Four years after, there were only 5 sailing
routes with more than 100,000 potential passengers in the low season, and none of
them was in the Eastern Mediterranean.
The high season of 2012 offered 28 sailing routes with more than 100,000 potential
passengers. Nine of them were offered as a part of cruise itinerary in the Eastern
Mediterranean. In 2016’s Mediterranean high cruise season, 23 sailing routes have
been offered and 4 of them were offered in the Eastern Mediterranean (Fig. 4.4).
4.2.4 Concluding Discussion
Although part of the chapter is dealing the pre-Humboldt geography’s question of

where—where they are sailing, for the research of this sector from the geographical
point of view it represents a base, which is still insufficiently researched by scholars
and it is rarely seen where the vessels really are when they are not in the ports.
Supply based industry is taking the advantage of the new markets and repositioning
the cruise vessels close to the potential ones. By various business techniques, cruise
companies are keeping high occupancy rates, and by ordering newer and larger
cruise vessels, cruise corporations are setting the direction where the whole industry
and whole cruise tourism sector will head in the future. From the applied point of
view, it is important to research this sector, since many regions in the world and
their ports need to develop spatial planning strategies for cruise tourism sector, in
order to prevent possible adverse influences which sector can cause both for the
nature and humans involved directly or indirectly in the cruise industry.
Cruise tourism is a tourism sector characterized by great dynamics and high
resilience, in comparison to the majority of other worldwide tourism sectors. Since
both the tourism product—a cruise itinerary, or the destination—a vessel, are
mobile, cruise tourism is able to avoid regions, which could be threatening the
business in any way. Focus on cruise tourism supply changes between 2011/’12–
2015/’16 in the Mediterranean region in this chapter is an empirical evidence how
cruise tourism can quickly adapt to changing political and economic preconditions,
both at global or regional/ local scale. This indicates that cruise tourism implies a
volatile development option that can disappear rapidly, which makes for example
investment in harbor infrastructure a risky business. The question is whether the
cruise industry will come back as quickly as it disappeared?
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Author Biography
Denis Cerić is Ph.D. student of geography at Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning—Polish
Academy of Sciences, with broad research interest in tourism geography: cruising tourism, second
homes, tourist flow, tourist attractiveness, issues related to spatial planning, organization and
regional development of tourism. He has finished master degree studies at University of Zagreb
with master’s thesis entitled “Cruising Mediterranean—the geographical aspect”, presented his
researches on cruise tourism on several international conferences, followed by publishment of an
article and an abstract.
Chapter 5
Island in Transition: Tourists, Volunteers
and Migrants Attracted by an Art-Based
Revitalization Project in the Seto Inland
Sea
Carolin Funck and Nan Chang
5.1 Art Tourism in Japan
Cultural tourism has long been discussed in the context of de-industrialization,

mainly as a powerful tool to reimagine derelict urban areas. It also mirrors social
and economic changes, where the rise of the so-called “creative class” (Florida
2002) has created new types of leisure and high expectations for satisfying expe-
riences through tourism.
In Japan, the urban cores have experienced redevelopment to housing estates and
shopping centers, leaving few traces of the old urban fabric and culture available for
cultural tourism promotion. On the other hand, depopulation, aging and a shrinking
primary sector in mountain areas and remote islands have brought many villages to
the brink of extinction. Rural revitalization policies therefore focus increasingly on
attracting new residents. To succeed, economic opportunities with a long-term
perspective have to be created for—and by—in-migrants. Strategies for green
tourism and ecotourism have formed a popular tool in rural areas across the country
to attract tourists and create economic benefits (Funck and Cooper 2013); in recent
years, cultural tourism, especially art projects, have joined the array of policies. In
the long run it is hoped that eventually some of the tourists turn into residents.
The Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennial, conducted since 2000 in the rural areas of
Niigate Prefecture, has been praised as a successful model using site-specific art as
vitalizationstrategy. A combination of public, private, external and regional initia-
tives, a private company as sponsor and a professional art gallery (Art Front
Gallery, Tokyo) as planner, an emphasis on interaction and communication across
regions and generations and the active involvement of local residents make it “a
prime example of rural revitalization” (Klien 2010: 516), even though some
C. Funck (&) N. Chang

Graduate School of Integrated Arts and Sciences, Hiroshima University,
Higashihiroshima-shi Kagamiyama 1-7-1, HigashiHiroshima 739-8521, Japan
e-mail: funckc@hiroshima-u.ac.jp

82 C. Funck and N. Chang
questions remain about the social and cultural impacts on residents. This concept of
Art Triennial has since been transferred to Kagawa Prefecture in the Seto Inland Sea
area, where the same company, the educational publisher Benesse Holdings
(Benesse), has successfully developed the island of Naoshima as an art and ar-
chitecture tourism site (Benesse Art Site Naoshima, BANS) since 1992. Since
2010, the Setouchi International Art Festival (SIAF) has been held on a tri-annual
base on Naoshima and surrounding islands. Although similar actors as in Echigo
are involved—prefectural and municipal administrations, Benesse and Art Front
Gallery—the setting on remote islands far from the capital metropolitan area around
Tokyo requires different logistics and could attract additional tourists through the
image of the Seto Inland Sea.1
As Favell (2016: 120) points out, although art projects can contribute to revi-
talization, they also often function as a replacement for the welfare state due to their
emphasis on private sector initiative and voluntary engagement. It has to be
examined on a case by case base whether they make a sustained and long term
contribution to the regional economy and local community. One factor to analyze
could be quantitative or qualitative aspects of tourist, for example a slow but stable
increase in tourist numbers or success in attracting new types of visitors. Another
could be the existence of different grades of involvement by outsiders—as tourists,
as volunteers in art tourism sites or as in-migrants who start new tourism businesses
that attract further tourists.
This chapter aims to examine art tourism in the Seto Inland Sea in three steps,
depending on the degree of involvement by visitors to the area. As a first step, it
investigates the characteristics of tourists, their image of the area and their interest
in art and architecture. Second, it analyses the activities and opinions of volunteer
tourists involved in the SIAF. For both tourists and volunteers, it is considered
whether they can be classified as art fans or as connected to the concept of creative
class. Third, it looks into the characteristics of people involved in tourism busi-
nesses and the role of in-migrants from other areas of Japan in this sector.
Its should be noted that, although often compared to the Mediterranean or
Aegean Sea, coastal tourism concentrated on beach activities has never developed
around the Seto Inland Sea (Funck 2002). The area’s biggest island tourism des-
tination and also the only international one is the island of Miyajima in Hiroshima
Prefecture, where four million tourists visit the vermillion shrine and torii gate
standing in the sea. Domestic beach tourism is restricted to some islands close to the
Kansai metropolitan area and to a very short season from July to August, while
international tourism follows the high-speed railway from Osaka (Kansai area)
through Hiroshima to Kyushu Island. Only in the 21st century have new forms of
tourism like island hopping by bicycle along Shimanami Kaido2 or visits to ‘rabbit
1
Setouchi or Setonaikai in Japanese.
2
A group of islands and bridges connecting the main island of Honshu with the neighbouring
island of Shikoku.
5 Island in Transition: Tourists, Volunteers and Migrants … 83
island’,3 where hundreds of free roaming rabbits attract pet-loving tourists, brought
some of the smaller islands into the limelight of tourist’s attention. In this context,
the success of art tourism in Kagawa Prefecture is considered an important tool to
promote the Seto Inland Sea tourism brand.
5.2 The Development of Naoshima as an Art Tourism Site
The island of Naoshima is situated close to Okayama City on the island of Honshu
but administratively belongs to Kagawa Prefecture on Shikoku Island. At first
glance, it seems a rather unlikely choice for the development of art tourism. In
1917, Mitsubishi Mining Refinery (now Mitsubishi Materials) started operation of a
copper refinery in the Northern part of the island, bringing an influx of population
and economic gains. However, the main reason to move the factory to Naoshima
was the heavy pollution caused through the refinery process. Many metal refineries
were moved to islands of the Seto Inland Sea in that period. Vegetation remains still
patchy in parts of the island due to the lasting effects of pollution. Population
peaked in 1955 with 7501 persons, after which rationalization in the factory process
led to a decline in workers. In 1966, half of all employees on Naoshima worked in
the manufacturing sector (Shibata 2012). Operations have since shifted to recycling
technology and the number of employees has decreased, but the existence of the
company has provided the local government with a stable source of income. In
2000, taxes from the factory and its subcontractors still accounted for 60% of tax
income in Naoshima Town and personal income is the second highest in the pre-
fecture (Shibata 2012: 29). As a result, during the wave of mergers of towns and
villages in Japan at the beginning of the 21st century, Naoshima Town was suffi-
ciently well off to remain independent. Commuters to the factory also secure a
frequent ferry connection to Uno Port in Okayama Prefecture that proves conve-
nient for tourists, too.
In contrast to the Northern part of the island, which is dedicated to the factory
and its housing facilities, the Southern part was designated as part of the Seto Inland
Sea National Park in 1934. Settlements and public facilities are concentrated in the
middle between these two sections. The village of Miyanoura on the Western side is
the gateway to Naoshima where most ferries arrive; Honmura on the Eastern coast
has a well-preserved historic district and, together with Tsutsumiura further South,
is also home to the fishing industry. Aquaculture of yellowtail and nori seaweed
provides a major source of income for fishery so that Naoshima features a balance
of first, second and third sector industries. Among the inhabitants, 7.2% work in
fisheries, 26.8% in manufacturing and 7.6% in construction, 12.1% in transport and
30.9% in services (Statistics Bureau of Japan 2010).
3
Okunoshima Island in Hiroshima Prefecture, Takehara City.
The stable economic situation has been mirrored by political stability. The same
mayor led town policies from 1959 to 1995, which in itself is not peculiar in
Japan’s rural areas. However, he is credited with laying the groundwork for the
development as an architecture and art tourism site. Naoshima’s connection to
architecture commenced in 1970 when a famous architect, Kazuhiro Ishii, was
contracted to design public facilities like schools, the town office and a welfare
center. These form the “culture zone” connecting the settlements of Miyanoura and
Honmura. The tradition of creating public facilities by well-known architects was
continued with Tadao Ando. His office is not only in charge of museums and hotels
in the BASN, but also designed the new port terminal in Miyanoura in 2006.
Tourism development was first envisioned by the local government in the 1960s
to balance the island economy after the copper industry started to decline (Shibata
2012). In 1961 a company called Fujita Tourism acquired land in the Southern part
for tourism development. However, plans were dropped after the oil shock in 1973
severely dampened the tourism and leisure marketin Japan. In 1987, Fukutake
Shoten (now Benesse Holdings, i.e. “Benesse”) acquired 165 ha land and, in
cooperation with Naoshima Town, created an international campsite for children
under the name of “Naoshima Cultural Village” in 1989. This was the beginning of
a long-term development that became known as BASN (Benesse Art Site Naoshima
2016), characterized by a combination of famous modern Japanese architecture with
modern art. Starting with a unique art museum with an in-built hotel designed by
Ando in 1992, the Art House Project (1998) in the historic district of Honmura was
the first step to spread art tourism from the restricted original site into the living
environment of islanders. The Chichu Art Museum (2004), housing works of
famous artists like Monet, triggered the shift from niche to mass tourism. The
project has since expanded to include projects on surrounding islands and the
tri-annual SIAF held in cooperation between KagawaPrefecture, Benesse and Art
Front Gallery. Through the festival, which features site-specific art installed mainly
on a non-permanent basis, the focus has shifted from architecture to art.
From Fig. 5.1, the strong influence of the Chichu Art Museum and the SIAF on
tourism development is apparent, as tourist numbers increased rapidly from 2004
when the museum was opened and in 2010 and 2013 during the festival.4
Naoshima was also the most important site during the SIAF, receiving 31% of
about one million visitors in 2010 and 25% in 2013 (Setouchi kokusai geijutsusai
jikkoiinkai 2013: 13).5 Although international tourists increasingly visit Naoshima,
they are not counted separately and form only a small percentage of the overall
number.
4
Tourist numbers for Naoshima as a whole and for Benesse House and Art House Project were not
available after 2011.
5
Visitor numbers, however, consist of added counts from multiple facilities. On Naoshima, four
facilities were included (Setouchi kokusai geijutsusai jikkoiinkai 2013: 14). Based on this method
of counting, the overall visitor number of slightly less (2010) or more (2013) than one million is
probably exaggerated. To compare, 88398 season tickets for the festival were sold.
200000 700000
180000
600000
160000
140000 500000
120000 400000
100000
80000 300000
60000 200000
40000
100000
20000
0 0
Visitors 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14
Visitors
to each Year to
facility Benesse House Chichu Art Mueseum Art House Project Naoshima
Fig. 5.1 Visitors to Naoshima 1992–2014 (based on data provided by Naoshima Town, Fukutake
Zaidan)
With the SIAF a new form of special interest tourism has emerged. Organization of
the festival relies on large numbers of volunteers, for financial reasons as well as lack
of population on many of the smaller islands. A non profit organization (NPO) was
established to handle the volunteers arriving from all over the country, attracted by the
possibility to come in close contact with art works, artists and islanders.
5.3 Effects on the Local Economy
Most remote islands in Japan suffer from population decline, and Naoshima is no
exception. From over 7842 in 1958, population has decreased to 3135 in 2014.
However, the decline results mainly from fluctuation of staff at the factory. Between
2010 and 2015 population increased in some districts, especially around Miyanoura
and in Honmura, where most of the accommodation and restaurants are concen-
trated (Naoshima Town 2016). By age, between 2005 and 2010, 30% of
in-migrants were in their 20s and another 30% in their 30s,6 showing that the
increase in tourists has attracted new, younger inhabitants too.
Through tourism development the economic structure has shifted towards the
service sector. Declines in manufacturing where followed by transport and commerce
as population declined and fewer products needed to be transported. On the other
hand, new businesses like restaurants, souvenir shops, bicycle rentals and accom-
modation are spreading. For example, according to the Economic Census for
Business Activities (Statistics Bureau of Japan 2012), the number of accommodation
facilities has increased from 14 to 23 between 2009 and 2012. Among these, workers
6
Based on the Population Census, Statistics Bureau of Japan 2010.
at the Benesse hotels increased from 55 in 1999 to 193 in 2009. It has been estimated
that the two organisations under Benesse’s umbrella that manage museums and
hotels employ together about 300 persons, of which two thirds work on a part-time
basis (Shibata 2012: 43, 49). As a result, Naoshima’s economy remains split between
three large companies and an increasing number of small-scale businesses. Although
Mitsubishi Materials is still an important employer on the island and in Kagawa
Prefecture as a whole, employment is shifting from permanent, well paid factory jobs
for male workers to low wage, seasonal and part-time jobs in service industries. The
tourism sector itself shows a similar dual structure between Benesse’s high quality,
high price museums and hotels and a multitude of cheap, low-service facilities. In the
Southern part of the island, Benesse House, Chichu Art Museum, Park and Beach
Hotels and some smaller facilities are situated on land owned by Benesse and offer a
well managed and luxurious space for tourists. In the middle, in Honmura and
Miyanoura, art tourism and daily life overlap, offering many chances for locals and
in-migrants to run their own business. The Northern part, finally, is still dominated by
the factory and its facilities.
5.4 Research Review and Methodology
Most research published on Naoshima retells the success story of long-term

development as an art site in cooperation between the local government and the
private sector (Nagahata and Edahiro 2010). The involvement of local residents has
also received positive reviews (Ihara 2007; Miyamoto 2012), although Kanaya
(2014) remarks that the private sectors’ leading role in the organization of the SIAF
has led to dissatisfaction among some residents. Shibata (2012) offers a detailed
analysis of economic change on the island, including calculations of jobs created
through BASN. Practical issues like transport management on the island and limited
economic benefits have been pointed out as problems (Takeda et al. 2011). Only
limited research has been carried out on the profile of tourists (Yamamoto et al.
2014) and in-migrants (Hara and Konishi 2010). For the SIAF, reports by the
organizing committee and the volunteer network NPO give some data on tourists
and volunteers (Setouchi kokusai geijutsusai jikkoiinkai 2013; Tokutei hieiri kat-
sudo hojin koebitai nettowaku 2013).
This chapter is based on surveys of tourists and tourism businesses on Naoshima
and volunteers participating in the SIAF 2013.7 Additionally, interviews were
7
Between Nov. 24–25 2012, 241 Japanese questionnaires and 14 in English where collected
through direct questioning of departing tourists at the ferry terminal on Naoshima. 40 question-
naires from stakeholders in tourism business were collected through direct visits to facilities in the
same period. For the volunteer survey, one of the authors participated in volunteer work in 2013
for 12 days on nine islands. During this period, volunteers were asked to cooperate in the survey
and later contacted for an online questionnaire. Between Sept. 1, 2014 and Oct. 15, 62 responses
were received.
conducted with different organizations involved in the management of art tourism.

Research was conducted over two years as part of different projects; results were
combined to examine the three stages of involvement in art tourism as outlined in
section one.
5.5 Tourists to Naoshima: Art Specialists or “Normal”

Tourists?
No details about tourists to Naoshima are available, but characteristics of visitors to

the SIAF 2013 as a whole have been published by the organizers (Setouchi kokusai
geijutsusai jikkoiinkai 2013: 15–18). According to this survey of 17,279 tourists,
two thirds are female, half of them are in their 20s and 30s, and one third from the
metropolitan areas of Kansai and Kanto; one third had also visited the festival in
2010.
Among the 255 respondents of the survey conducted by the authors on
Naoshima, 67.1% were female visitors. With 55.3% of respondents in their 20s and
18.8% in their 30s, 56.9% travelling with friends and two thirds arriving from the
urban areas of Kanto, Chubu and Kansai, respondents show distinctions from other
tourist destinations inJapan. Among tourists in Kagawa Prefecture as a whole, for
example, the percentage of visitors in their 40s and 60s is much higher (Kagawaken
2015). Naoshima, like the SIAF, is obviously popular among young women and
attracts even more visitors from metropolitan areas than thefestival. Their main
source of information (65.9%) is personal advice from friends, showing the
importance of peer group networks in tourism.
In a survey of visitors to the neighboring island of Teshima during the SIAF
2013, it was pointed out that to see artworks was not only the main motivation to
visit; tourists also showed a strong general interest in art (Yamamoto et al. 2014).
From the survey conducted by the authors, a slightly different profile emerged.
While visitors mainly want to enjoy landscape and local foods and products, art is
ranked only in sixth place among the things considered important when travelling
in general. Compared to a survey conducted by the author in Miyajima Island
(Funck 2013), the most popular tourism site in the Seto Inland Sea, tourists to
Naoshima emphasize relaxation, spending time with friends and family, new
experience and contact with nature stronger than visitors to Miyajima (Table 5.1).
However, for the visit to Naoshima, ‘Art’ is given by 60.4% as the main reason,
far above “wanted to visit an island” (5.1%), “architecture” (2.7%) and other rea-
sons. Asked about their impression of Naoshima, “island of art” ranked first, fol-
lowed by “beautiful” and “island of the Seto Inland Sea”. On the other hand,
“delicious food”, “good transportation” and “traditional/historic” received low
rankings. Although the survey was conducted during a long weekend in November,
when many tourists visited the island, less than 40% perceived it as “crowded”,
probably because visitors spread out between the different art locations. The Chichu
Table 5.1 Please tell us what is important for you when you travel (source author’s own survey
conducted on Naoshima in 2012, on Miyajima in 2010)
Average; 5 = strongly agree 1 = strongly disagree) Naoshima Miyajima
To enjoy landscape 4.56 4.62
To enjoy local foods and products 4.39 4.49
To relax and recover from daily stress 4.29 3.96
To spend time with friends or partner 4.18 4.08
To experience something new 4.17 4.10
To come in contact with nature 4.11 4.05
To enjoy art 4.11 –
To see historical and traditional buildings 4.08 4.35
To enjoy local history and culture 3.91 4.22
To spend time with family and children 3.89 3.74
More than once a week More than once a month More than once a year Never No response
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Go to a museum in the place where you live
Go to a museum at a travel destination
Read professional art and architecture magazines
Watch art and architecture TV shows

View art and architecture information on the
internet
Check information on art festivals and art
exhibitions
Fig. 5.2 Please tell us how often you engage in each activity (source author’s own survey on
Naoshima 2012)
Art Museum was by far the most popular attraction, mentioned by 36% in an
open-ended question about the most impressive place visited. This was followed by
only 15% for the Art House Project. Like the increase in tourists numbers in 2004
after its’ opening, this proves that the Chichu Art Museum has had a strong impact
on tourism to Naoshima.
Asked to choose between several options concerning future visits or a possible
move to Naoshima, 67.1% expressed their willingness to visit Naoshima again, but
only 5.5% might consider moving there; 18.8% couldn’t make up their mind and
7.5% said they would probably not visit again at all. Finally, while around 40% of
tourists watch programs on art and architecture on TV or search for information on
the Internet about once a month, they rarely visit museums at home or during travel
(Fig. 5.2).
Tourists to Naoshima therefore show some aspects of travellers from the “culture
class” in their emphasis on experience and contact with nature (Florida 2002: 168).
They cannot, however, be considered art specialists or ardent art fans. Contact with
art in generally is not a strong travel motivation for them, but Naoshima as desti-
nation is clearly defined by art. Architecture, on the other hand, arises little interest.
The Chichu Art Museum forms the core of Naoshima tourism. However, it seems it
is chosen because it houses a famous Monet picture, rather than due to its unique
architectural features.
5.6 Volunteer Tourists at the SIAF
The expansion from the BASN to the tri-annual SIAF has created a new form of
tourism to Naoshima and the surrounding islands. The SIAF was first conducted in
2010, followed by an enlarged version spreading through three seasons and 12
islands in 2013; the third event is underway in 2016. Both events received an
estimated one million visitors. Management of the festival relies on volunteers, and
although local industries, governments and citizens are actively engaged, many
arrive as tourists from other areas of Japan. This form of art volunteer tourism was
first developed at the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennial in Niigata Prefecture, which is
produced by the same art gallery as the SIAF. Here, the active engagement of
volunteers, especially art students from the Kanto metropolitan area, was one of the
factors contributing to positive evaluations of the festival as a tool for regional
revitalization (Klien 2010). An NPO called Kohebitai (little snake squad) was set up
to coordinate and manage volunteers. This system was imitated at the SIAF, where
the Koebitai (little shrimp squad) Network started in 2009 and was registered as
NPO in 2012. During the SIAF 2013, the NPO was in charge of managing art
works, organizing events, selling official festival goods, running cafes and pro-
viding guides. As some artworks are installed constantly and events are hold
continually, the NPO is active between the festivals too, leading to a constant if
small stream of volunteer tourists.
According to the annual report of Koebitai, during the 2013 SIAF, 1248 vol-
unteers registered with the organization and provided 7246 days of activity. 73.1%
were female and the average age was 31.9 years—a profile similar to the tourists.
42.9% came from Kagawa Prefecture itself and 15.7% from neighbouring Okayama
Prefecture. The Kanto and Kansai metropolitan areas accounted for 28%, showing
that art volunteer tourism is popular among urbanites. Simple lodging was provided
in a temple in Takamatsu City, where volunteers from outside spent an overall of
2609 nights (Tokutei hieiri katsudo hojin koebitai nettowaku 2013). During the
festival, volunteers, including those from local organizations and companies, pro-
vided an important part of the workforce necessary to conduct such a large scale
event on small islands with shrinking and aging populations. Each morning, they
received instructions at Takamatsu port, departed to the islands assigned to them for
the day and came back in the evening. Travel fees to the islands are covered by the
NPO, but volunteers have to provide their own food. Overall, volunteers accounted
for 30.7% of staff on weekends and 18.9% during the week (Setouchi kokusai
geijutsusai jikkoiinkai 2013: 53).8
In a questionnaire of volunteers conducted by one of the authors in 2014, the
percentage of male respondents was higher than among the overall number given
by the Koebitai Network. On the other hand, age structure was similar with 61% in
their 20s and 30s. Volunteers from this sample show a high level of education and a
stable economic situation with 64.5% of respondents working in a regular job and
the same percentage having graduated from university.9 Two thirds of them had
experience with other forms of volunteer work in daily life as well as at events or in
disaster relief. Compared to the tourists described in section four, they also engage
in art related activities more often. 41.9% visit art museums at home once a month,
and 40.3% do so at travel destinations; 75.8% read art or architecture magazines
more than once a year compared to only half of the tourists.
Respondents cited the possibility to experience something new (19.4%), to come
in contact with art works (15.9%) and to visit islands (15%) as their main motives to
volunteer at the SIAF. Through their experience at the festival, they enjoyed the
islands (17.6%), exchange with other people (15.1%), a general feeling of satis-
faction (13.6%) and new friends (13.3%); only 11.8% mentioned that their
understanding of art had deepened. More than 90% stated that they would like to
volunteer again and recommend it to their friends too.
It can be concluded that a high level of education, cultural interest, social
engagement and openness to new experiences characterize the volunteer tourists.
However, they gain satisfaction from volunteering at the SIAF through place (is-
lands), encounters and activities rather than through art. Suggestion for improve-
ment of the management of SIAF given in an open-ended question included items
connected to tourism infrastructure (11 suggestions: improved transportation,
restaurants and shops), volunteer management (8: improve the handling of money,
create manuals), PR (7), stronger involvement of local residents (6), easier to
understand artworks (4) and others.
From the organizational side, providing a sufficient workforce for the festival has
been the main priority so far. However, during an interview with the leader of the
Koebitai Network, she emphasized that the organization strives to provide volun-
teers with experience on several islands and tasks according to their strengths and
possibilities. She pointed out that volunteers should enjoy themselves and that their
word of mouth is an important source of information for future volunteers and
tourists. On the other hand, staff at the prefectural government office in charge of
the SIAF admitted that so far, their main focus was on how to gather sufficient
numbers of volunteers and how to dispatch them to the islands further away. They
hadn’t thought of volunteers as tourists, and they would rely on the Koebitai
8
This number includes Koebitai volunteers as well as those from local companies and organisa-
tions; balance varies depending on season and day of week.
9
According to the Japan Population Census (2010), nationwide, the latter percentage stood at 28%
among the overall population over 15 years old.
Network for ideas to promote the tourism aspect of volunteering.10 Since personal
at government offices in Japan switches positions every two or three years, most
staff will only experience one SIAF. In contrast, because Koebitai Network has
worked solely on volunteer activities at the SIAF and in between the tri-annual
event, it has accumulated more professional knowledge than the administration and
is expected to play a central role in promoting volunteer tourism.
5.7 Tourism Entrepreneurs in Naoshima: Lifestyle

Migrants?
As mentioned in section three, the growth of the BASN has led to an increase in
tourist facilities, especially accommodation and restaurants. While the first simple
Japanese inns called minshuku where started by long-term inhabitants in some of
the old houses of the Honmura area, recently a variety of bed and breakfast style
accommodation, cafes and restaurants that also offer rental cycles or souvenirs have
sprung up throughout the island, many of them started by in-migrants from other
areas of Japan. In one case, students from a university on Shikoku Island started a
cafe as a social experiment to learn about regional revitalization and practice
management skills (Furukawa 2011). In another, a young woman from the Kanto
area was drawn to the island by the possibility to run a cafe and live in close
connection to art (Hara and Konishi 2010).
To examine these changes in the tourism sector and the involvement of entre-
preneurs in BASN as well as their interest in art, a survey of the tourism industry
was conducted during the same period as the tourist survey on Naoshima. At the
time of the survey, 76 facilities (accommodation, restaurants, shops) were registered
on Naoshima’s official tourist map. Of these, 45 were visited, but five declined to
answer, leaving 40 valid responses, among them 16 restaurants and 10 accom-
modation facilities. 14 were located in the main village of Miyanoura, 17 in
Honmura and the rest in other areas of the island.
Like the tourists, 70% of respondents were female. The age structure, however,
was quite different from the tourists with 37.5% in their 60s and 27.5% in their 50s.
Based on age, origin and length of live on Naoshima, two distinct groups emerge
among respondents. The first consists of elderly long-term residents. 52.5% of
respondents have lived on the island since before 1980 and 45% originate from
Naoshima. The second, smaller group is made up from young in-migrants from
other areas of Japan. 10% of the sample has arrived on the island between 2000 and
2009, and 17.5% after 2010. Half of the in-migrants are younger than 40 years old.
10
Both interviews were conducted Dec. 1, 2014 in Takamatsu City, Kagawa Prefecture, at the
office of Koebitai Network and at Kagawa Prefecture Government SIAF Promotion Office.
Fig. 5.3 A simple accommodation facility in Japanese style (minshuku) using an old house in
Honmura village, run by a local resident (photo by author, 2006)
This dual structure is reflected in the year when facilities started operations.
Overall, one quarter of facilities have been in business since before 1992, when the
first museum opened. 52.5% started business after the opening of the Chichu
Musuem: 30% between 2005 and 2009 and 22.5% after 2010. Among facilities that
entered business before and in 2004, 60% are run by people born on Naoshima;
after 2004, this percentage decreases to 23.8%, meaning in-migrants take the ini-
tiative in opening new tourism enterprises. Also, half of the respondents at newer
facilities were under the age of 40. There is a tendency that new businesses are set
up in new buildings outside the villages, whereas long-term inhabitants reuse
buildings in the center of existing settlements (Figs. 5.3, 5.4). Also, facilities
opened after 2004 and those operated by in-migrants are more frequent in the
Honmura area. This suggests that the focus of tourism development has shifted
from the main settlement of Miyanoura to Honmura, which is located closer to the
BASN and offers tourists the additional charm of a village with traditional build-
ings. Finally, 70% of respondents expressed a strong wish to continue living on
Naoshima; only 5% said they would prefer to move away.
In general, respondents from the tourism industry showed less interest in art than
tourists. About half of them visit a museum at home or on a trip about once a year.
In-migrants were slightly more interested in visiting museums at home, which in
this case means Naoshima. Only TV programs attract the attention of one third of
Fig. 5.4 A new accommodation facility in the outskirts of Honmura village, run by a young
couple who moved to Naoshima recently (photo by author, 2012)
respondents once a year and one third once a month. However, half of them are
involved in the BASN as volunteer guides, helpers at the SIAF or through other
activities.
Concerning advantages and problems of tourism, advantages like the fact that
the island has become livelier (80%) and that there is exchange with tourists (45%)
outweigh the negative impacts, which are an increase in garbage (43%) and a
worsening of security and transport (30% each). The latter problem arises because
tourists use the same buses as local inhabitants on some routes.
Overall, 70% hope for further increase in tourist numbers, but only 40% wished
for more international tourists.
5.8 Conclusion
After many years of small-scale development as an art site, tourist numbers in

Naoshima increased significantly after introducing a site that appeals to mass
tourists, the Chichu Art Museum. The SIAF has brought an additional boost in
numbers every three years. After crossing the threshold of about 100.000 visitors a
year in 2004, numbers and types of tourism facilities increased, supported by
in-migration of young people from other parts of Japan. This has lead to a diver-
sification of the tourism space. However, tourism development still heavily relies
on the engagement of one company (Benesse).
As a result, the island incorporates three different zones—the industrial zone in
the North, a mixed zone of culture, tourism and daily life in the middle and the
exclusive art zone created by Benesse in the South. It is the middle area that offers
chances for new businesses. They cater for tourists that are drawn to the island by
BASN, but can’t or won’t afford the expensive services inside the Benesse zone. As
such, Naoshima can be considered a successful site of revitalization, as the core
development has led to spin-offs all across the island. On the other hand, the
exclusive use of a National Park area by one company can also be criticized as the
privatization of public space.
If we look at the three stages of involvement by outsiders separately, tourists, as
the first stage, are distinctive from other tourist destinations and also from the
general population structure of Japan with its high percentage of elder residents.
Naoshima is visited by many young women from urban areas, who place a strong
emphasis on relaxation and experience. However, they are not necessarily ardent art
fans. Further research could elaborate the combination of pull factors to Naoshima,
especially the role of art and the attraction as an island.
For volunteer tourists, on the other hand, art is only one motive among others
when they decide to help during the SIAF; the possibility to work on an island is
equally attractive. Life on the islands and the contact with visitors, other volunteers
and islanders are their main reward. Since the artworks and events connected to the
SIAF require a constant stream of volunteers, place attraction will be an important
factor to ensure the sustainability of the volunteer network. Volunteers act as
multipliers as they recommend the Set Inland Sea to their friends; they also spend
some money during their stay. However, to create more economic chances through
SIAF, the reliance on volunteers needs to be reduced in the long run. To secure
sufficient numbers of helpers, Koebitai has started to pay a small salary for some
tasks in the period between the festivals; this could become a first step for migrants
who want to move to one of the islands.
Finally, BANS and SIAF have effectively worked as a trigger to attract new and
young residents to Naoshima and the other islands. Lifestyle migration has been
reported for other cases in Japan, mainly to Okinawa and to Yakushima island
(d’Hauteserre and Funck 2016) and has attracted media attention in recent years,
but it is a phenomen not easy to grasp statistically. Klien (2016: 105) reports a
variety of reasons for relocation from interviews with lifestyle migrants across
Japan. She identifies three common features. Migrants to rural areas like to combine
rural and urban elements, they aim for a lifestyle that unites work, leisure and
family and they emphasize a simple and sharing lifestyle rather than wealth.
Naoshima, though a small island, offers urban elements like well designed public
facilities and public transport. Encounters with tourists from a similar age group as
the in-migrants provide incentives and prevent boredom and most tourist facilities
are small-scale independent family run businesses. Among the many islands and
mountain valleys competing for migrants across Japan, Naoshima seems to have an
advantage. However, the uneven nature of tourism demand, which peaks every
three years during the SIAF, makes stable business a difficult task.
In this chapter, we could verify three stages of involvement with Naoshima and
surrounding islands by outsiders. For tourists and volunteers, it became apparent
that art is not the only pull factor; the islands offer experiences, relaxation and
encounter. While there have been media reports about volunteers moving to the
islands they worked on and research has pointed out that tourists moved on to run a
business on Naoshima island (Hara and Konishi 2010), further research is necessary
to clarify the connection between the three stages of involvements.
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Author Biographies
Carolin Funck obtained her Ph.D. from the Albert-Ludwigs University, Freiburg. She is professor
for human geography at Hiroshima University (Japan), Graduate School of Integrated Arts and
Sciences. Her research focuses on the development of tourism in Japan, sustainable island tourism
and the rejuvenation of mature tourist destinations; machizukuri and citizen participation are her
second theme of interest. She is the author of Tourismus und Peripherie in Japan and co-author of
Japanese Tourism.
Nan Chang has been a graduate student at the Graduate School of Integrated Arts and Sciences,
Hiroshima University, addressing in her research the relationship between tourism and local
development. She is now working for IBM Japan.
Chapter 6
Second Home Tourism: Social
and Economic Change in Developing
Countries like South Africa
Anette Hay
6.1 Introduction
Following the end of apartheid in the 1990s the rural landscape in South Africa has
undergone tremendous socio-economic and spatial change. The rural landscape
however, was characterised by socio-economic and spatial changes since the pre-
vious century by rural economic restructuring and concomitant depopulation which
lead to the availability of many rural properties for potential second home owners
(Müller and Hoogendoorn 2013). Second home development as an element of
social, and general rural change in the countryside can be associated with a
transformation of the countryside into what is described as a more post-productive
state or consumption landscape (Hall and Müller 2004).
The geographies of rural areas in both developed and developing contexts have
undergone dramatic socio-economic and spatial change as well as restructuring
owing to a variety of political, economic, environmental and social sub-forces
(Gallent and Tewdwr-Jones 2000). During the 1990s, studies have shown how
particular types of rural locations are selectively restructured in distinctive and
varying ways by emerging societal processes—for instance, the growing impor-
tance of processes such as post-productivism and shifting agricultural regimes
(Halfacree and Rivera 2012). These post-productivist countrysides emerge as
involving entities, which reflect the breakdown of an almost absolute productivist
past (Halfacree and Rivera 2012). Moreover, Ingle (2010) has recently proposed
that post-productivism has gathered sufficient momentum as a process to warrant
scholarly attention in the developing world context where second homes and linked
tourism activities are playing an important role in this trend.
A. Hay (&)
Geography Education and Environmental Education, School of Natural Sciences
and Technology for Education, Faculty of Education Sciences, Potchefstroom Campus,
North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
e-mail: anette.hay@nwu.ac.za

98 A. Hay
Internationally, second home scholars have researched the middle classes,

focusing on countries such as Sweden and New Zealand (Hall and Müller 2004;
Müller et al. 2004; Müller 2011) and the upper classes in the United Kingdom
(Gallent and Twedwr-Jones 2001; Gallent et al. 2005; Gallent 2007). Even in
developing countries, scholarly reflection on second homes mostly focus on White,
rich and mobile second home owners (Hoogendoorn 2010), which represents only a
section of the second home owners of a country. Hoogendoorn therefore states that
“second home research in South Africa on people with lower incomes as second
home owners is almost completely absent” (Hoogendoorn 2010: 4).
Against the background of these facts and concerns the question is raised
whether second home tourism in South Africa can be considered as a resilience
strategy in adapting to a changing world? To take second home tourism out of the
equation in a rural area such as Rosendal could possibly jeopardize the sustain-
ability of non-formal development.
This chapter analyses the socio-economic and spatial changes in the global
South with the second home tourism sector as main driver for creating a sustainable
rural environment. The above question/issue is developed through four sections of
analysis and discussions. The first section gives an orientation of the empirical
realities of the Rosendal area and the methodology used. Interpretivism as
meta-theory and mixed method research as methodological paradigm are justified
(Denzin and Lincoln 2011). Section Two provides an overview of the theoretical
framework on post-productivist countrysides where recent population trends
accelerate the differentiation of the countryside leading to changing ruralities and
changing landscapes. The third section gives an overview on the empirical findings
of the Rosendal case study (Hay 2014). Fourthly, the chapter concludes with
suggestions of new avenues from second home tourism counteracting the chal-
lenges influenced rural tourism in South Africa.
6.2 Research Orientation and Design
The chapter draws substantially on the empirical realities of Rosendal and its
surrounding hinterland located in the Eastern Free State, one of South Africa’s
agricultural heartlands (Fig. 6.1). This town has developed since the 1960s from an
ailing town servicing the surrounding agricultural community to a popular second
homes destination to the late 1990s.
In South Africa and other countries of the developing world, the challenge lies in
the inhibiting factor that second homes data are seldom, if ever, included in the
census record, along with the fact that the quality of census data can be questioned
(Hoogendoorn and Visser 2012). As a result, second home research in South Africa
requires investigators to employ innovative, pragmatic approaches to construct their
own databases to investigate second home development. Researchers sometimes
refer to mixed-methods as a ‘pragmatic’ approach as during the design of research,
data collection, and data analysis it is impossible to operate in either an exclusively
6 Second Home Tourism: Social and Economic Change … 99
Fig. 6.1 Rosendal in South Africa. Source Compiled by Job (2014)
theory or data-driven fashion (Denzin 2010). Moreover, pragmatism means being

adaptable, energising and creative in the gathering of relevant information.
Therefore, this investigation relies on a mixing of methodologies, with the focus on
qualitative research. In this way, an attempt was made to understand participants’
perceptions from their life worlds and frames of reference (Denzin and Lincoln
2011). An in-depth case study design was regarded as suitable for the study, because
it could provide some sort of platform and agenda for future studies in second home
research. Moreover, case studies within the Interpretivist paradigm have received
relatively little attention from social scientists, especially for geographers and
therefore it was argued that this is new territory for second home research in South
Africa. Empirical data were gathered over several months during 2010–2013
(June/July 2010; December 2010, January 2011; December 2012; January 2013).
100 A. Hay
The second home owners were identified through the rates base address listings
of the Dihlabeng municipality within which Rosendal is located. If a home owner’s
tax and services accounts were sent out to an area other than the Dihlabeng
municipal area in which the property was located, the owner was identified as a
likely second home owner. However, many of the addresses were outdated and
therefore an additional technique, snowball sampling, had to be use where some
municipal officials and residents of Rosendal assisted with telephone numbers and
e-mail addresses of second home owners.
Data gathering instruments for the compilation of this case study included
interviews with local rural residents, district-council members, entrepreneurs,
property agents, art-gallery managers, community representatives from both the
Black and White constituencies and businessmen in Rosendal and Mautse, as well
as detailed (a structured questionnaire) and informal interviews conducted with
second home owners in Rosendal town, Mautse and the farming community.
In Rosendal town, a total of 37 s home owners, accounting for nearly thirty three
percent of all formal residential housing units (150 units), were identified of which
27 participated in the study (Units refer to house or informal dwelling. The owner
Fig. 6.2 Locations of second home owners/farm owners included in the case study. Source Job
2014
of such a unit was interviewed). In Mautse, a total of 40 s home owners partici-

pated. The total of second home owners in Mautse is estimated at 100, although no
official data exists. Mautse has more or less 8000 inhabitants (Interviewee 1). Ten
second home farmers of an estimated 36 farm owners in the Rosendal area were
also identified through snowball sampling, of which seven participated. In total,
seventy-four (27 + 40 + 7 = 74) people participated in the interviews. Figure 6.2
shows the area of all the second home owners and farm owners who participated in
the study.
6.3 Conceptual Theoretical Framework
The phenomenon of owning a second home has been on the research agenda for a
considerable time (18th century), particularly in developed countries (Hall and
Müller 2004; Müller 2011). Moreover, second homes have a long history: the
affluent people of ancient Rome for example, had their country villas in the sur-
roundings of the empire’s capital, the Russian tsars had their winter palaces and the
18th century Parisians had their maisons de plaisance (Clout 2005). The geography
of rural areas (Müller 2011; Halfacree and Rivera 2012) has undergone major and,
some argue, fundamental changes over the past half century (Hoogendoorn 2011 in
South Africa). For many destinations, particularly in more marginal areas, second
homes are a major contributor to regional economies, while they may also represent
a significant heritage resource because of their use of vernacular architecture and
the on-going use of buildings that may otherwise have fallen into disrepair (Hall
and Müller 2004).
Second homes fall into a variety of research fields (Williams and Hall 2000).
Internationally, second homes are viewed as an important part of urban tourism and
a leisurely lifestyle. New forms and patterns of production and consumption enable
an increasing number of households to spend time away from primary living areas
and traditional workplaces in areas with high amenity values (Hall and Müller
2004). Despite these tendencies, second homes have not been highlighted in social
science research particularly (Müller 2011). Nevertheless, the concept ‘rural’ has
seldom been addressed in second home research, and second homes do not play a
major role in rural studies, despite their role in community change and consumption
of the countryside (Müller 2011). However, active research in the geography of
second home development was pioneered by the work of Wolfe (1977) in rural
Canada, with substantial early research also being undertaken in the United States
(see Ragatz 1970). Continental Europe also witnessed a significant amount of early
research (see Clout 2005) as did Australia (see Robertson 1977). With the publi-
cation of Coppock’s (1977) seminal edited text, Second Homes: Curse or Blessing?
the second home phenomenon became a major international research topic for those
researchers investigating the tourism and migration nexus, and therefore provided a
benchmark for second home research.
102 A. Hay
In South Africa, Visser (see for example, Visser 2003, 2004a, b, 2006) and
Hoogendoorn (2010, 2011) provide the main contours of the local second home
debates. In general, Hoogendoorn and Visser’s research has focused on how the
presence of second homes and second home owners, as well as their consequent
tourism induced expenditure patterns and associated economic linkages, assist (or
not) in employment creation and broader economic development. Moreover,
Hoogendoorn (2010) found that agricultural production is no longer the main focus,
instead it is consumed for its amenities and imagined rural lifestyle. The new
consumers, also described by Walford (2004) as outsiders, often have an idealised
image of the countryside. Conflict may arise between outsiders (new consumers)
and insiders (traditional local population) over rural resource use (Fountain and Hall
2002) with possible implications in a changing landscape—a so-called differenti-
ated countryside.
In recent years, the idea of a differentiated ‘post-productivist’ countryside has
gained ground among rural researchers in both the European Union and other
advanced economies (Wilson 2010). Post-productivism implies that modern agri-
cultural communities have changed in such a way that they are no longer primarily
concerned with the production of food and fibre—labeled as the so-called ‘pro-
ductivist era’—but comprises a variety of functions with an emphasis on food
quality, environmental conservation and a move away from state-sponsored pro-
duction subsidies that have encouraged agricultural intensification (Cloke et al.
2006). The countryside is no longer seen as a food factory but rather as a place for
leisure and residence; it services the external demands of urban residents (Marsden
2010). This involves a redefinition of the countryside, from a productive space to a
series of spaces of production and consumption, involving the use of the countryside
for the achievement of lifestyle choices and leisure practices (Holloway 2000).
If second homes can be seen as a contributor towards post-productivist coun-
trysides, then recent discussions surrounding the notion of ‘deagrarianisation’ in the
South (e.g. Rigg 2001; Bryceson 2002) show definite similarities with debates on
the shift towards post-productivism in the North. According to Wilson (2001) little
discussion has taken place on whether a shift towards post-productivist agricultural
regimes can be observed in a developing world context. However, according to
Wilson (2001) and other scholars (Bryceson 2002; Hoogendoorn 2010) it is pos-
sible to use the theory of ‘post-productivism’ in the context of the South. Wilson
and Rigg (2003) suggest that the concept needs to be adapted and developed to
address conditions outside the developed world, possibly by embedding it within
theoretical discussions surrounding the Southern-based concept of ‘deagrarianisa-
tion’. They also emphasise that the theoretical notion of ‘multifunctional agricul-
tural regimes’ may be more appropriate to describe the possible ‘endpoint’ of
contemporary agricultural change. However, Mather et al. (2006) disagree by
stating that it perpetuates identification with agriculture alone. They further contend
that it would continue to ignore other rural land uses (e.g. forestry) at a time when
sectoral barriers are being dismantled. Also, multi-functionality does not convey the
sense of a shift in emphasis away from material production that is argued to be the
essential characteristic of post-productivism (Mather et al. 2006).
In South Africa, however, it is possible to ‘measure’ the shift to

post-productivism on the basis of various indicators suggested by Wilson and Rigg
(2003). Following the publications on the Revised Industrial Policy Plan (RSA,
March 2010) and other policies, concerning agriculture, a considerable consensus
has developed in the policies and the academic debates about rural change.
Progression to a more integrated approach to rural areas, and to the regional
economies and the spaces in which they are increasingly embedded, has been
addressed (Atkinson 2007). However, the focus is still on sustainable development
and the redress of inequalities. Thus, the current dynamic processes of rural
restructuring (for instance land reform in South Africa) occurring in the
post-productivist countryside are, under present conditions, far from harmonious or
integrated (Marsden 2010, in England; Atkinson 2007, in South Africa). Moreover,
successful recent local integrated rural development initiatives have been excep-
tions rather than the norm (e.g. organic farming in Western and Eastern Cape and
Limpopo Provinces) (Hay 2014).
Apart from governmental policies on rural development initiatives concerning
agriculture, rural spaces became recently more differentiated in certain towns and
villages, along the South African coastline and increasingly in the interior
(Hoogendoorn 2010). Indeed, according to Spocter (2013), rural gated develop-
ments where features of security and a sense of belonging in an idyllic rural setting
have grown significantly as a result of consumption-led migration. However, this
development is sometimes associated with a transformation of the countryside into
a consumption landscape (Marsden 2010) where it is consumed for its amenities, its
housing environments and an imagined rural lifestyle (e.g. non-farm activities—
hiking, fly-fishing, 4 4 trails etc).
Will changing ruralities and changing landscapes bring about a differentiated
countryside? It seems plausible, because it is a major feature of rural spatial change
(Marsden 2010). More generally, it is a rural community where the certainties of
agricultural production as the traditional ‘rural hub’ are giving way to a much more
polyvalent rural scene and regulatory structure. As Halfacree (2007: 131) states: ‘a
rural locality may have an agricultural backdrop but its key spatial practices are
consumption-orientated: leisure, residence, counter-urbanisation, dwelling, con-
templation.’ Post-productivism in the Rosendal case study, as a rural locality,
develops through diversification processes towards tourism, in which second home
development is the key focus area (Hay 2014).
6.4 Overview of the Empirical Findings
This section aims to outline the empirical findings together with a short discussion
on each aspect, namely the socio-economic profiles, social and economic impacts
and post-productivist indicators applicable to Rosendal.
104 A. Hay
6.4.1 Socio-economic Profiles of Second Home Owners

in the Rosendal Case Study
All second home participants in Rosendal town (formerly a White area) are White,
while in Mautse township (the former Black local authority) all participants are
Black. This study area profile with its clear separation of race and location therefore
does not link up with the main desegregation narrative of the ‘post-apartheid’ era (cf.
Hoogendoorn 2010). Most of the second home participants are male (69%) and less
participants are married (46%). The languages spoken include Sotho (49%),
Afrikaans (37%) and English (15%) (see Table 6.1). Given that Mautse consists of
roughly 8000 residents, this is in line with the language profile of the area, because
Mautse residents speak mostly South Sotho and Rosendal town residents Afrikaans
and English. Another personal characteristic concerning the profile of second home
owners is that a large cohort (50%) of the participants indicated that they have passed
school Grade 12 together with annual earnings of less than R100,000 (= US$ 7350)
(51%)—this mainly represents the owners in Mautse (54% of the participants). This
indicates that people without higher education qualifications and higher levels of
disposable income can also own or develop a second home (Table 6.1).
With regard to the familial status and ages of the second home household
members, it is evident that these households are predominantly established family
units mainly comprising of adults between 30 and 50 years of age (42%)
(Table 6.1). However, a substantial proportion of second home owners (32%) in this
investigation actually purchased a property for familial connections (Table 6.2),
because of family who also owned a property in town or surrounding area.
It is generally argued that second home owners seek out properties relatively
close to their permanent place of residence so that they can balance the work and
leisure time effectively (Chaplin 2001). This claim corresponds with the Rosendal
case study where 51% of the second home owners (mostly white participants)
indicated that they resided within 300–400 km of Rosendal and also indicated their
primary place of residence (58%) as Gauteng (Table 6.2 and Fig. 6.1).
A further spatial and economic characteristic is the varying purchase dates of
second homes in Rosendal town. More than half of the second home owner group
(58%) bought or received their properties before 2006. The rest of the second home
owners (38%) bought or received their properties after 2006 (Table 6.2). Four
percent did not respond regarding the year of purchase. It is evident from the data
that second home developments only became an important factor influencing the
environment of the area, especially Mautse, since the demise of apartheid in 1994
when the government provided free housing to disadvantage people (Hay 2014).
A last point concerning the spatial and economic characteristics is that 35% of
the participants indicated that they bought the property for its aesthetic value and to
escape from city life (Table 6.2). This percentage is directly aligned with the
percentage of the former-White second home owners from Rosendal town and
second home farmers (27/74 participants = 36%). This is in line with Florida’s
study (2010: 86) which refers to the ‘natural beauty, the aesthetic context and the
Table 6.1 Demographic characteristics of second home owners in Rosendal area (N = 74:
Mautse—40; Rosendal—27; Farms—7)
Profession N %
Professional 38 51.4
Managerial and administrative 8 10.8
Clerical 1 1.4
Artisans and production workers 8 10.8
Workers in transport, information and 4 5.4
telecommunication technology
Farming/forestry/fisheries 1 1.4
Pensioner 1 1.4
Farmworkers/domestic workers/informal 9 12.2
workers/mine workers
Self employed 2 2.7
Sport, recreation and culture related workers 1 1.4
Authors, journalists and linguists 1 1.4
Gender Male 51 68.9
Female 22 29.7
Did not respond 1 1.4
Marital status Married 34 45.9
Single 21 28.4
Cohabiting 11 14.9
Divorced 7 9.5
Separated 1 1.4
Home language Afrikaans 27 36.5
South Sotho 36 48.6
English 11 14.9
Academic qualifications Less than Grade 12 29 39.2
Grade 12 8 10.8
Diploma 8 10.8
Bachelor’s Degree 10 13.5
Honours Degree 5 6.8
Master’s Degree 10 13.5
Doctoral Degree 2 2.7
Other 2 2.7
Personal annual income (1 ZAR = 0.073 USD)
<R100,000 38 51.4
R100,001–R200,000 5 6.8
R200,001–R300,000 2 2.7
R300,001–R400,000 5 6.8
R400,001–R600,000 5 6.8
R600,001–R1,000,000 7 9.5
R1,000,001–R2,000,000 6 8.1
>R2,000,000 2 2.7
(continued)
106 A. Hay

Ages of household members <6 2 2.7
of participants 7–12 1 1.4
13–18 1 1.4
19–30 10 13.5
31–40 14 18.9
41–50 17 23
51–60 6 8.1
>60 8 10.8
openness of the area’ as a reason for people to develop a solid emotional attachment
to a specific place.
A further reason for purchasing property, as indicated by the participants, is family
relations/ties (32%) (Table 6.2). This claim relates to Masetle’s findings (Hoogendoorn
2011) which indicate that family relations are the most important reason for buying a
second home in a developing world context. The family factor becomes a pull-motive
where second home owners strengthen family ties through varied activities or rituals.
These rituals are symbolic group activities or procedures prepared in a natural way by
families to guide and facilitate social and individual change (cf. Ngoma 2003). A ritual
ceremony brings people and all elements of the universe (living and non-living) toge-
ther. The slaughtering of animals (cattle or goats), together with drinking traditional
home-made beer afterwards, concludes the ritual.
The investigation revealed that traditional second home ownership, as it exists in
developed countries, is also prevalent in Rosendal. More importantly, the study
showed from the empirical data that a new dimension of second home ownership
exists in Rosendal, namely ownership by lower income groups. Further, it is argued
that reasons for buying/being allocated a second home differed according to dif-
ferent income levels. Lower income earners indicated family as the most important
reason for utilising a second home, while the middle and higher income earners
indicated the escape factor as the most important reason for buying a second home.
The ‘voluntary escape’, as an impact Rosendal has on second home owners, is
detected from participants’ narratives. Many participants talked about the stress
they felt in the city and the pressure on them to achieve and perform (cf. Chaplin
2001). They also mentioned that time was restrictive for themselves and their
friends: “I want to come away from the ‘rat race’!” (Interviewee 2).
6.4.2 Social and Economic Impacts of Second Home

Owners in the Rosendal Case Study
This section demonstrates that second homes may hold a range of positive and
negative implications for the Rosendal region. In terms of the positive effects, the
following five themes developed through the investigation period:
Table 6.2 The spatial and economic distribution of second home owners in Rosendal area
(N = 74)
Place of permanent residence N %
Free state 24 32.4
Gauteng 43 58.1
North West 3 4.1
Eastern Cape 2 2.7
KwaZulu Natal 1 1.4
Mpumalanga 1 1.4
Distance between second and permanent <100 km 14 18.9
property 101–200 km 3 4.1
201–300 km 11 14.9
301–400 km 38 51.4
401–500 km 1 1.4
501–600 km 1 1.4
>600 km 4 5.4
Year purchased <1985 3 4.1
1986–1990 6 8.1
1991–1995 6 8.1
1996–2000 11 14.9
2001–2005 17 23.0
2006–2010 28 37.8
Reason for buying second property For children to go to school 5 6.8
To retire 3 4.1
Less crime 2 2.7
Didn’t buy it—inherited 2 2.7
Received the property/from 3 4.1
municipality/RDP
Love the rural 12 16.2
area/quiet/space/scenery/clean air
Investment/property fairly cheap 1 1.4
Weekend retreat/escape/get out of city 14 18.9
Parents/family live here/where I grew 24 32.4
up
Other 8 10.8
• Supportive character of second home owners.

• Financial contribution of second home owners to the local municipality.
• Involvement in different activities.
• Generation of new ideas.
• Engaged with locals.
108 A. Hay
Firstly, the supportive character is demonstrated when second home owners

buying basic foodstuff and household goods and therefore generating an income
stream for the Rosendal region. The contribution that second homes make to the
town is not only supportive of the local economy but supportive of how permanent
residents develop their livelihood strategies (Hay 2014). In the poor former Black
area of Rosendal, second home support in this part of town was closely related to
retaining family and friendship bonds (Hay and Visser 2014).
Secondly, the financial contribution of second home owners to the local mu-
nicipality through rates and taxes also became clear, as well as the good selling
prices of properties, should a local resident wish to relocate. During an interview
with a municipal worker (Interviewee 1) she stated that “the tax payments of second
home owners help to maintain much needed services in town.” An important
deduction is that the income generated through taxes and rates does not necessarily
all come to Rosendal, nor does it fully benefit the poorer community in the study
area (Hay 2014). In addition to the financial contribution second home owners
make to the local municipality, the white second home owners are dependent upon
hired assistance to maintain their homes. Employment is therefore created in and
around the second homes. Locally hired assistants mostly work at the homes during
weeks/days that the owners are not there and provide security through their pres-
ence at these premises. Permanent locals, such as elderly persons, tend to manage
the domestic workers and gardeners on behalf of some of the second home owners
and a network of reliable employment is created in the process (Hay 2014).
Thirdly, the involvement in different activities by second home owners leads to
the development of many leisure activities such as restaurants and taverns. In this
regard Müller (2011) highlights the important contribution that second home
tourism can make to the broader tourism industry, especially in rural areas.
According to Hoogendoorn (2011), it has facilitated the expansion of domestic
tourism to previously neglected rural regions.
Fourthly, the generation of new ideas, especially by members of the ‘creative
class’ (cohort of like-minded people including artists, coffee-shop and guest house
owners), which helps the community via skills training programmes became evi-
dent. Interviewee 2 made the following remark: “I became involved with other local
residents and friends in capacitating activities in Mautse. We taught women in
Mautse different skills, so that they take responsibility for themselves, for instance
the beer project. They collect beer caps and cover it with different material and then
make ornaments which they sell.” They were also taught to crochet tablecloths as
part of the job creation project. Another resident (Interviewee 3) loves being
involved in community projects (cf. Florida 2005). He thought of “teaching
unemployed people to paint or make any other art form and exhibit their work in an
outside theatre near Mautse.” A Mautse resident (Interviewee 4) emphasised the
importance of skills development with the following remark: “We are in the process
to start a huge organic tunnel project funded by the government (IDP 2012-2017).
We hope to provide jobs for many people, because as you know many people here
in Mautse are unemployed.”
Fifthly it was found that second home owners engaged with locals and visited
them regularly. The empirical data revealed that second home owners mostly
socialise with friends and relatives who visit them at their second home, as well as
former second home owners that have permanently relocated to the second home
destination. It was also found that the greatest social engagements are among
second home owners themselves where cohorts of gay and lesbian owners form one
of the principle divisions (Interviewee 5).
Second home owners also induce perceived negative impacts on Rosendal
namely:
• Social effects of second home ownership on the town’s character and identity.
• Influence on property prices and contribution to displacement.
• Urban and farming values challenging rural values.
• Irregular employment of local residents.
Firstly, the social effects of second home ownership on the town’s character and
identity may be problematic, because a traditional agricultural farming environment
like Rosendal, moves to become a space of a combination of modern urban values,
especially over weekends and holidays, and traditional rural values more or less
exclusively dominating during a more traditional mid-week. In this regard
Interviewee 2 indicated: “It is difficult to say, but I think the character changes when
second home owners and their friends come to Rosendal to watch the ‘shows’ at the
Rosendal theatre during weekends, and bring their urban values along. In the week
is it very quiet here and it remains a rural community”. In Mautse the impact second
home owners make is especially evident at month-end and during the festive sea-
son. Here it must be pointed out that some of the farmworkers bring along their
traditional, conservative, farm norms and values with them. In this regard one
participant mentioned that “[…] it is important for us to carry forward our tradi-
tions, you know, the initiation of our young children” (Interviewee 4).
Secondly, second home owners in Rosendal town have a definite influence on
property prices and contribute to displacement. In Mautse, however, the situation is
vastly different, because a normal free market property environment does not exist.
In the years following 1994, the Government gave many plots to disadvantaged
people in South Africa. The Dihlabeng municipality, of which Mautse is a part,
received a thousand plots for free. Even here the situation may, however, also be
viewed as a form of displacement, because of incorrect allocation of RDP
(Reconstruction and Development Project) houses (Hay 2014). However, in most
cases, the poorest people and most needy residents did not receive the plots, as one
interviewee reported: ‘If you knew someone in the municipality or members on the
Council Board, you received a free plot (Interviewee 1). She further noted that it
was ‘first come, first served!’ Therefore, many second home owners in Mautse got
hold of property, through favours and the help of people in higher ranking positions
(Interviewee 4).
110 A. Hay
Thirdly, the urban and farming values that are challenging rural values may
contribute to value conflict. It was found that sexuality is viewed from often
opposing perspectives. Furthermore second home owners seem to have different
financial values from local residents, and spirituality is practiced in different and
unique ways. Many elderly local residents are more conservative whereas the
values of residents from the creative class are more aligned with the progressive
perspectives of second home owners.
Fourthly, the wage levels that differ between local residents and second home
owners may add to conflict. Most second home owners generate higher income
streams than local residents who are mostly retired. In this regard some second
home owners choose to pay higher salaries to their domestic workers, because they
provide security for the homes with their presence.
Lastly, the irregular employment of local residents is also a feature that may be
viewed in a negative light: some second home owners are not really dependent
upon hired assistance, and utilise the assistance only when they are in town.
6.4.3 Rosendal Area Assessed Against the Indicators

of a Post-productivist Countryside
Wilson and Rigg (2003) suggested six indicators according to which countrysides
can be identified as being in the era of post-productivism. These were utilised to
obtain a sense of where the study area finds itself in the process—and also to make
a judgement about whether these indicators of the developed North are relevant to
the developing South. The role of second home ownership in the move to a possible
post-productivist environment was scrutinised throughout, as this is the particular
focus of this section—as against the earlier era of productivism with its nearly
exclusive focus on agricultural production. Although other researchers also iden-
tified dimensions of post-productivism (Evans et al. 2002; Wilson 2010), this
investigation utilised the authoritative indicators suggested by Wilson and Rigg
(2003).
Their six indicators are:
• Counter-urbanisation—this is where urbanisation is reversed, and city-dwellers
seek out rural spaces for a quality life.
• Consumption of the countryside—this implies that urban (and rural) people are
enjoying (leisure) activities in the countryside on a constant basis.
• On-farm diversification activities—farmers have started to include leisure
activities as part of their income. These could be nature-related or activity-based
or a combination of both.
• Organic farming—a return to organic practices in food production is seen in
countrysides, as opposed to artificial farming practices.
• Policy change—policies regarding rural spaces and rural municipalities are

changing in favour of stimulating leisure activities and improved community
development.
• The inclusion of non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) at the core of
policy-making—these organisations dealing with rural spaces receive more
prominence in policy development, and are included as stakeholders to promote
rural development.
Some of the indicators have been found to be highly relevant in this case study
of the South, but others have been largely irrelevant.
The highly relevant indicators, those that have been found to be present to a
noticeable extent, are counter-urbanisation, on-farm (and in-town) diversification
and production-consumption. Despite the frequent occurrence of these indicators,
some of them demonstrated some nuances not prevalent in the developed North: in
terms of counter-urbanisation it was clear that lower-income groups can own a
second property, but they do not necessarily come from cities. Instead some
members of this group are based on farms elsewhere in the country. The
lower-income owners from cities support family who are living in their second
homes. Rosendal also still exhibits a mix of urban (over weekends and during
holidays) and rural (during the week) values—which suggests that
counter-urbanisation is still balanced by strong rural characteristics. On-farm
diversification was found to be present in the area, but this was extended in this
study to also include in-town diversification of land use, both of which imply
multi-functional use of land. In terms of production-consumption it was found that
primary agriculture is still growing, though at a slower rate, but that the secondary
and tertiary sectors have grown dramatically. Second home ownership has con-
tributed significantly to this growth by consuming these new products in the
countryside, although the impact of second home owners in the Rosendal area may
have been less than, for instance, a more commercialised rural town such as Clarens
(Hoogendoorn 2010).
Two indicators that can be applied in an average manner are policy change and
the inclusion of non-governmental organisations at the core of policy-making.
These were found to be only partially applicable: new policies have been developed
in line with post-productivism but the implementation thereof leaves much to be
desired. In the same way non-governmental organisations are included in all policy
documents—but in practice critical groupings outside of governmental organisa-
tions, such as second home owners, are largely ignored in local economic devel-
opment efforts (Hoogendoorn and Visser 2012).
The indicator that is nearly absent in the current case study is the development of
organic farming. Although small patches of excellence exist in the Rosendal area,
these are nearly insignificant in terms of the global movement towards organic
farming. Second home owners play a definite role here, but in the bigger picture it
makes an insignificant contribution to the post-productivist countryside.
It appears that there are definite signs that, in some respects, the Rosendal area is
moving towards a post-productivist countryside. In other respects, however, little to
112 A. Hay
moderate progress has been made. Wilson and Riggs’ indicators of 2003 are in
many ways applicable to the developing South—but certain permutations occur that
are not found in the developed North. In certain ways some of the indicators are not
(yet) applicable because of the relative slow pace of development in the developing
South.
6.5 Conclusion
Rosendal as rural area has undergone dramatic transformation over the last two
decades. In large part these changes can be linked to the second home tourism
sector particular for weekend and month-end visitors. Second home ownership in a
rural area of a developing country seems to have particular characteristics, over and
above the generic characteristics identified in developed countries. One such par-
ticular (and peculiar) characteristic is that the South African government became a
role player in distributing plots and RDP-houses to a number of lower income
earners. Second home ownership has thus been opened to nearly all groupings in a
creative and interventionist way—which calls for a completely new look at how
second homes and their socio-economic impacts are viewed in a developing world.
This investigation found a number of positive and negative social and economic
impacts of second homes in the Rosendal area case study. The lasting impression,
however, is that second homes and ownership bring much more social capital to the
countryside—but it remains crucial to be managed in a way that the reasons why
second home owners escape or are drawn to the area, remain intact.
The Rosendal area has benefited greatly from the influx of second home owners,
especially over the past two decades. Its character has evolved on the way to a
differentiated and post-productivist countryside but is still embedded in a produc-
tivist rurality that will continue to draw people to the area in the future. The
contribution of second home owners as tourists cannot be overlooked in sustaining
non-formal development such as in Rosendal.
To conclude, second home tourism can be considered as a resilience strategy in
adapting to a changing world to counteract the negative forces like unemployment,
crime and poor service rendering.
Interviews
Interviewee 1: Municipal worker in Rosendal, interviewed during December 2012.
Interviewee 2: Business owner—previously a second home owner—working from
her home, interviewed during December 2010.
Interviewee 3: Local resident—well-known artist, interviewed during June 2010.
Interviewee 4: Local resident in Mautse, interviewed during December 2011.
Interviewee 5: Local resident—artist/sculptor of Rosendal, interviewed during
December 2011.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank Luke Sandham (NWU), Johnnie Hay (NWU) and
Gustav Visser (US) for their valuable comments on an earlier version of this chapter. The usual
disclaimers apply.
Note The town of Rosendal remains divided into two distinctive areas: the former White group
area of Rosendal and its accompanying former Black township Mautse. For ease of writing, I refer
to Rosendal, but where analytically important, I make distinction between them. The chapter rely
on a Ph.D. investigation done in 2014.
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Author Biography
Anette Hay is a lecturer and a researcher in the School of Natural Sciences and Technology for
Education at the North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa and in the research niche
Environmental Education for Sustainable Development. She earlier was a secondary school
teacher for 14 years in a rural town, where she took part in research and investigated socio-cultural
and socio-economic features of second home owners and its resultant impacts on surrounding
communities. She subsequently moved to the North-West University where she is currently a
lecturer with an interest in environmental education and sustainable development and a focus on
implementation of different teaching and learning strategies in the subject Geography.
Chapter 7
Tourism Development Cooperation
in a Changing Economic Environment—
Impacts and Challenges in Lao P.D.R
Diana Marquardt
7.1 Introduction
After the second Indochina war, Vietnam backed communist Pathet Lao movement
gradually seized sole political power in Laos and in December 1975 socialist Lao
People’s Democratic Republic was proclaimed. And while the new government
established a stable political regime, the country’s economic situation remained a
challenge: after two decades of civil war, Laos was largely devastated and also the
era of command economy did not entail growth but was rather marked by stag-
nation, an increasing budget deficit and high levels of inflation (Rosser 2006: 27ff).
In this period, Laotian economy was heavily dependent on Soviet Union’s and
Vietnam’s financial aid (Rosser 2006: 30). But in 1986 Soviet Union discontinued
its’ support to socialist regimes (Rehbein 2016: 116) and situation changed fun-
damentally: withdrawal of the main donor and failure of central planning system
provoked first in Vietnam and then in Laos a rethinking of the economic strategy. In
the aftermath, Laotian government launched a program, which introduced a
series of market-oriented reforms (Rigg 2005: 21ff) and opened up to the global
community.
Looking for new financial resources, the country also asked international
organizations for support (Rehbein 2016: 116). Bilateral and multilateral donors,
esp. World Bank and Asian Development Bank (ADB), appreciated the economic
transformation and—while pressuring for further market-oriented reforms—willingly
assisted with substantial aid. This support guaranteed survival of the Laotian state
D. Marquardt (&)
Faculty of Society and Economics, Rhine-Waal University of Applied Sciences,
Marie-Curie-Straße 1, 47533 Kleve, Germany
e-mail: diana.marquardt@hochschule-rhein-waal.de

118 D. Marquardt
(Rosser 2006: 36) and since then international ODA (official development assistance)
is a crucial source of development finance, esp. in the social sector (Ministry of
Planning and Investment of Lao PDR 2016: 68).
Economic restructuring also initiated some comprehensive transition processes
in Laos: first and foremost transition from command to market economy, but also
transition from subsistence to market economy (Rigg 2005: 12) as well as gradual
transition from an agrarian to a non-agrarian economy, which also includes trans-
formation into a tourism destination.
All these processes are financially and technically supported by international
donors. With regard to the travel sector, they promote the implementation of sus-
tainable pro-poor forms of tourism because this business sector is considered a
means to contribute to broad-based employment creation and poverty reduction in
developing countries. Development organizations also fund inclusive tourism
projects, whereby “inclusive tourism” or “inclusive business in tourism” is defined
in this context as „tourism that increases business linkages between people from
low-income communities and tourism industry actors for long-lasting mutual
benefit” (Tewes-Gradl et al. 2014: 5). This term describes a for both sides beneficial
economic cooperation between companies and poor people, who are included as
employee, entrepreneur, supplier or vendor.
But up to now not much information is available about all these schemes,
especially about their results, beneficial impacts and sustainability (Beyer et al.
2007: 31, Ashley and Mitchell 2010: 4f). Furthermore, challenges and problems
associated with realization of these programs are not known. Basing on an analysis
of bi- and multilateral tourism projects in Laos (Marquardt 2010), this paper aims to
fill this gap and provides information about their pro-poor impacts and constraints
associated with their implementation.
In order to gather the data needed, two different qualitative methods were
applied:
• semi-structured in-depth interviews (Veal 2011: 239f) with tourism and devel-
opment experts in Laos to get detailed information about the projects and
specific implementation circumstances.
• several weeks of participant observation in Laotian tourism projects for data
collection on day-to-day work and challenges the staff encounters. This method
generally offers “tourism researchers the experience and insight needed to make
valid statements based on locally produced (i.e. emic) knowledge” (Ribeiro and
Foemmel 2012: 384). In a country like Laos where critical statements are not
openly communicated, such observations provide very important information
about problems in the field and built a basis for the recommendations on further
enhancement of development cooperation.
Based on the findings, this paper also presents and analyses recent approaches,
which aim at increasing effectiveness and sustainability of the development
cooperation.
7 Tourism Development Cooperation in a Changing Economic … 119
7.2 Economic and Social Development in Laos
Laos is a remote mountainous country with a multi-ethnic population. Since 1975,

the country is governed by a one-party system. And while the state’s policy is still
under rigid control of socialist Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, economy was
liberalized in 1986. In the era of the so-called “New Economic Mechanisms”
government introduced numerous measures to foster transition from command to
market economy, e.g. privatization of state-owned industries, enabling foreign
direct investment, exchange rate reforms and opening the borders for international
trade (Rigg 2005: 21ff). In order to enhance integration into regional economy, the
state also joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and heavily
invested in its’ border and transport infrastructure. As a result, Laos now lies in the
center of South East Asian transnational trade and transport corridors.
This transformation entailed a continuous high economic growth: the annual
GDP increment is constantly high and ranged in the last five years from 7.5 to 8.5%
(World Bank Lao PDR Country Office 2015). Economic advancement was
accompanied by a considerable progress in human development: with reference to
the international poverty line (1.25 $ PPP/per day), the poverty rate has declined by
one third from 1992/93–2007/08 (Government of Laos & United Nations 2013:
p. 21). Accordingly, also some social indicators improved significantly from 1980
to 2014: life expectancy at birth increased from 49.1 to 66.2 years, net primary
enrolment rate rose and expected years of schooling augmented from 6.3 to
10.6 years (UNDP n.d.). But despite these improvements, Laos is nevertheless
classified as Least Developed Country: still 30% of the population lives below the
international poverty line (UNDP 2015: 240), a gender gap is still prevalent
(Government of Laos & United Nations 2013: 72) and access to health and edu-
cation infrastructure is yet limited. Latest data (2008–2013) shows that still 44% of
the children under five years are stunted and infant as well as maternal mortality
ratios are still the highest in the region (WHO 2015). Furthermore, quality of
education is still a critical issue. This is demonstrated by unaltered high repetition
and drop-out rates at school (World Bank 2014: 53). But also low functional adult
literacy is an area of concern: a global literacy assessment highlights that those
Laotians who are formally literate lack even basic reading and numeracy skills.
Adults in Laos had the poorest literacy skills among the persons tested. About 60%
were not able to pass the chapter that tested reading comprehension and ability to
decipher text, compared to less than 10% in neighboring Vietnam and Yunnan
Province (World Bank 2013: XII). Moreover, Laotians underperform at all edu-
cational levels compared to other countries (World Bank 2013: XII). And yet, large
regional disparities exist between the prosperous western regions and the remote
upland provinces in the South-East and North of Laos, where poverty rates are still
high. Data suggests that in these disadvantaged rural areas, which are mostly
inhabited by ethnic minorities, inequality and poverty severity even deepens
(Government of Laos & United Nations 2013: 180).
120 D. Marquardt
Laotian economy is still struggling with typical problems of a developing

country: a lack of infrastructure, a weak manufacturing sector and a predominance
of the primary sector (World Bank 2014): 70% of the labor force is working in the
agricultural sector (World Bank 2014: 20), mostly as subsistence farmers and their
productivity is quite low. There is a strong dependence, even an overreliance, on the
natural resources sector (mining, hydropower and timber) (World Bank 2014: 11),
which is mostly financed by international direct investment. These industries fuel
economic growth and generate most of foreign exchange income: major export
goods are minerals with an income of 1325 Mio. US$, (rank 1) and electricity (586
Mio US$, rank 3) (Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR 2015,
p. 18). But to date they have not been sufficiently harnessed for poverty reduction
and creation of decent employment opportunities (UN Laos n.d:I). Their contri-
bution to broad-based pro-poor growth is therefore quite limited and there is a
danger of “risking a situation of ‘jobless growth’” (Government of Laos & United
Nations 2013, p. 18). Furthermore, natural resources sector is also the main driver
for massive deforestation and loss of biodiversity in the country (Government of
Laos & United Nations 2013: 140).
Like a lot of developing countries, Laos suffers also from good governance
issues and a lack of domestic investment capital. It is a highly indebted country and
dependent on foreign assets, e.g. net ODA and official aid reached 700 Mio. US$ in
2012 (Government of Laos & United Nations 2013: 166) and accounted 2011–2015
for ca. 25% of all investments (Ministry of Planning and Investment of Lao PDR
2011: 85). And according to Sims (2016: 202) and the Ministry of Planning and
Investment of Lao PDR (2016: 68), Laos will remain dependent on ODA for a lot
of years to come.
7.3 Transition of Laos to a Tourism Destination
With seizure of power by Pathet Lao economic ties to the western world were cut
and the country’s borders were closed for tourists. But in the course of economic
restructuring in the early 1990ths, Laos progressively relaxed the travel regulations
and reopened its borders for international visitors: Laos’ gradual transition to a
tourism destination began.
Since then, the number of international arrivals continuously rose with an
average growth rate of 18% in the last two decades (1994–2014) (Ministry of
Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR 2015: 5). Besides 2.07 Mio.
domestic tourists (Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR 2015:
17), who are mostly visiting friends/relatives and religious festivals, Laos could
welcome 4.1 Mio. international visitors in 2014 (Table 7.1) (Ministry of
Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR 2015: 5).
Today, tourism is a major business sector, which is ranked as second most
important foreign exchange source with revenues of 641 Mio. US$ in 2014
(Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR 2015: 18). Its’ total
Table 7.1 Arrivals and revenue from tourism in Laos by category, 2014
Category No. of tourist Average Average expenditure Revenue
arrivals length of stay per person per day from tourism
(persons) (days) (US$) (US$)
Total 4158.719 4.9 49.4 641,636.543
International 568.844 7.9 73.3 329,400.495
tourists
Regional 3589.875 312,236.048
tourists*
Thai 963.157 3 52 150,252.492
(passport)
Thai (border 1080.604 1 20 21,612.080
pass)
Vietnam 1016.218 3 30 91,459.620
(Passport)
Vietnam (day 92.114 1 12 1105.368
tripper)
China 298.666 3 50 44,799.900
(passport)
China (day 123.774 1 15 1856.610
tripper)
Cambodia 12.383 3 30 1114.470
(passport)
Cambodia 2.959 1 12 35.508
(border pass)
*Laotian statistics register visitors from Myanmar (2014: 2.157 visitors) as international tourists
Source Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR (2015)
contribution to GDP (including wider investment, supply chain effects and induced
income impacts) added up to 14.7% (Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism
of Lao PDR 2015: 3). And the sector plays a crucial role with regard to job creation:
in 2014 12.8% of total employment (396.000 direct and indirect jobs) can be
attributed to travel industry (World Travel and Tourism Council 2015).
51% of the total revenues are generated by international tourists, although they
only account for 14% of the arrivals (Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism
of Lao PDR 2015: 7). Majority of international guests (86%, i.e. 3.59 Mio.,
Tab. 6.1) are regional visitors from adjacent countries (mainly Thailand, Vietnam
and China). They have a low per diem spending pattern and their average length of
stay is quite low (Table 6.1). This can be explained by the fact, that most of them
are in transit or they do only short cross-border trips (Ministry of Information,
Culture and Tourism 2015).
Main interests of all international travelers are nature (70%), culture (79%) and
the visit of religious monuments (61%) (Mekong Tourism Coordinating Office
2015: 23) and Laos generally offers a high potential for these tourism activities.
With regard to culture, a rich variety of ancient monuments and the UNESCO
world heritage sites (former royal capital Luang Prabang and Vat Phou Khmer
122 D. Marquardt
temple) attract many visitors. Besides that, tourists are fascinated by the traditional
culture and the ethnic minorities who live a quite simple life in remote mountain
villages and still practice their ancient rites and folkways. Laos has also a rich
natural potential for tourism. Although unsustainable resource extraction and
agricultural expansion are causing ecosystem degradation and an alarming defor-
estation rate of 1.4% p/a (Government of Laos & United Nations 2013: 136), the
country still offers its’ visitors vast pristine forests, multifaceted natural landscapes
and twenty natural protected areas (Government of Laos & United Nations 2013),
which have potential for eco-, nature and adventure tourism activities.
This unique combination of traditional culture and nature as well as the image of
Laos as a country with a relaxed off-the-beaten track atmosphere make it a popular
emerging travel destination.
7.3.1 Problems with Tourism Development
The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) is one of the fastest growing tourism
regions in the world (Asian Development Bank 2012: 1). Also Laos benefitted from
this boom and could increase its arrivals significantly, but this rapid expansion of
tourism also created some problems and negative side-effects.
Generally, tourism and respective infrastructure only concentrate on some cen-
ters: especially on Vientiane (capital and province), followed by Savannakhet,
Champassak and Khammouane (Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of
Lao PDR 2015). This implies that its’ benefits and receipts are very unequally
distributed. Strong growth of arrivals led in these main destinations to a quite
unregulated development as capacity of authorities to steer this new industry in a
sustainable direction is weak. And the further the unplanned development evolved,
the more negative impacts became obvious.
Ecological problems arose regarding the increased amount of litter and sewage
produced by the tourists. Due to insufficient treatment facilities, waste and effluents
cannot be adequately treated, e.g. in Luang Prabang (UNESCO 2004), Luang
Namtha (Schipani 2008) and Vang Vieng, (Asian Development Bank 2009), which
can create serious health problems. Also negative socio-cultural impacts can be
noted like offensive behavior of drugs and alcohol consuming backpackers (Rogers
2009), sales of cultural artefacts (Creutz 2010) or dissolution of traditional way of
life in tourism centers. For example, in Luang Prabang, locals leave the city and sell
their houses to investors who convert them into restaurants, hotels etc. (Gujadhur
and Rogers 2008; Suntikul 2011). So, the historical center is gradually transformed
to a tourist enclave. And in this commodified space, the inhabitants’ every day
activities become more and more a performance for tourists (Suntikul 2011).
Generally, there is the feeling that authenticity of the place gets lost (UNESCO
2004). There are also reports about the disturbance of religious life, e.g. disre-
spectful behavior of visitors during holy ceremonies (like the almsgiving ritual) or
intrusion into sacred temples to take a snapshot (Suntikul 2009).
A lot of these problems can be ascribed to the low planning and management
capacity of authorities and the weak institutional framework:
The capacity of governments and the tourism industry to protect their environmental and
cultural heritage from potential damage caused by this rapid growth are weak, posing
significant risks for the sustainability of the sector (Asian Development Bank 2009: 6).
Administration on national, provincial and district level generally has not much
knowledge about sustainable tourism development and has only limited ability to
act due to serious budget and staff constraints. It can just fulfill the most exigent
tasks. Complex management duties including monitoring and regulation of the
industry can only be tackled with support of foreign consultants and additional
ODA funds.
The underlying reason for these deficits is the lack of professional education and
training institutions. While tourism education is widely offered in Laos, it is gen-
erally considered ineffective in delivering good quality learning (Semone 2012).
Sector-wide analysis shows that tourism training only provides very basic knowl-
edge (Lao National Tourism Administration 2009a: 44), but fails to pass on par-
ticular expertise and hands-on experiences. Shortage of Lao language instructional
material and professional teaching personnel add to the problems (Semone 2012).
As a consequence, there is a huge shortage of qualified workforce in the industry,
not only with regard to experts and executive officers on planning and management
level in tourism authorities. Also enterprises complain about insufficient tourism
and language knowledge. Existing staff is deficient in on-the job skills, problem
solving abilities and motivation (Semone 2012).
Other shortcomings the experts see are inadequate supply of basic touristic
infrastructure (information centers, trails, sanitary facilities etc.), lack of attractive
innovative products and low quality standards in hospitality enterprises (Marquardt
2010). These problems reduce tourists’ length of stay, spending and yield, resulting
in average receipts per visitor of $154, the lowest in the GMS (Asian Development
Bank 2014b). Most of the Laotian tourism suppliers are small and medium
family-owned enterprises (Semone 2012). This is positive with regard to local
ownership. But after decades of planned economy, these private companies show a
lack of business know-how and professionalism.
Furthermore, these enterprises operate in a difficult environment of emerging
market-based dynamics and long existing socialist structures. The state continues to
exercise strong influence in the economy and acts as regulator as well as investor in
the supply of tourism services (World Bank 2014: 42). This ambiguous role causes
good governance issues like “discretionary and opaque decision-making and reg-
ulation” (ADB 2010: 4; World Bank 2014). In this environment, private tourism
companies, especially SMEs, have to fight with a lot of problems and they only get
very little financial and technical support from their socialist government (Rogers
2009). In the Doing Business assessment, which researches global investment
climate for private businesses (e.g. business regulations, protection of property
rights), Laos ranked rather at the bottom (rank 134 of 189) (World Bank 2016).
Generally, starting a business is very complicated and takes a long time (World
124 D. Marquardt
Bank 2016). Other reported constraints for SMEs are poor access to finance as well
as excessive bureaucracy and control (Government of Laos & United Nations 2013:
41). So instead of promoting tourism businesses, they are heavily regulated through
a complex net of taxation, licensing and permits, much of which is redundant.
Compilation of documents needed is costly and time-consuming, which discour-
ages investment (World Bank 2014). Moreover, this is connected to rent-seeking
opportunities for low-paid government officers and results in additional workload
for authorities or in—as the World Bank states: “simply pushing paper from one
desk to another” (World Bank 2014: 43). Also, the legal framework is quite unclear:
the law on tourism generally allows private firms to operate in that sector, but many
provisions remain unimplemented (World Bank 2014). And while environment for
SMEs is still quite challenging, government readily opened tourism industry for
multinational corporations. More and more international companies now take
advantage of this opportunity and buy up existing facilities or invest in huge new
tourism projects.
As a consequence, in tourism centers foreign ownership of tourism facilities is
increasing e.g. in Luang Prabang (UNCTAD 2014; Sims and Winter 2016). The
state strongly supports these investments as part of its’ economic integration
strategy, especially megaprojects are favoured like upgrading of Luang Prabang’s
airport infrastructure and “Vientiane New World”, an urban development project
with a large hotel complex.
These activities of international companies do not only harm the business of
small and medium tourism enterprises as they cannot compete with these powerful
corporations. There is also evidence that they induce displacement of former in-
habitants. People do not get an adequate compensation and are settled to poor
marginal land far from their working place (Sims 2016; Sims and Winter 2016).
This leaves them even more impoverished than before. Benefits of such tourism
projects (large hotel resorts, casinos, golf courses) mainly accrue to foreign com-
panies and domestic elites (Sims and Winter 2016).
7.4 Tourism Development Cooperation
According to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper tourism can contribute signif-
icantly to socio-economic development and poverty reduction in the country (Lao
People’s Democratic Republic 2004: 104). It has the potential to create jobs and
thus income, to foster economic development in remote rural regions and to
enhance conservation of natural and cultural heritage. Also more recent national
documents emphasize tourism’s important role for poverty alleviation, like the
Socio-Economic Development Plan 2011–2015, which says it should be promoted
as one important short and long-term development strategy (Ministry of Planning
and Investment of Lao PDR 2011: 124). Special emphasis should be laid on sus-
tainable tourism development and “on making Laos a ‘green tourism’ country”
(Ministry of Planning and Investment of Lao PDR 2011: 124).
In comparison to centrally-controlled capital-intensive sectors (hydropower,

mining) whose profits cash in on only elites, tourism is more labor-intensive and
favorable to employment and backward linkages (UNDP 2006). It can therefore
contribute to a more broad-based human development and a fairer distribution of
income than other industries. Additionally, it offers a lot of job opportunities to
people with limited or no skills. Against this background, government is keen to
promote Laos as travel destination and wants to increase the number of tourists
(Ministry of Planning Investment of Lao PDR 2011).
The process of transition to a global destination is accompanied by international
donors. Their work generally focuses on policy formulation, capacity building and
implementing sustainable projects in cooperation with Laotian authorities or local
institutions. The experts emphasized that the aim of ODA is not to support quan-
titative growth of the sector but to assure qualitative sustainable pro-poor devel-
opment of tourism and to help to mitigate negative social and ecological impacts
(Marquardt 2010). In order to reach these aims the following instruments are
applied (Marquardt 2010: 205):
• Technical Co-operation: it mainly focused on implementation of sustainable
alternative tourism projects in remote rural areas. These projects should con-
tribute to sustainable use of natural and cultural heritage while also generating
income for locals and therefore fighting poverty. In the initial stage, imple-
mentation of some projects, e.g. Nam Ha Ecotourism Project or GIZ Akha
Experience, also served the purpose to create a model for socially and envi-
ronmentally responsible tourism. They should be an archetype for future
developments and later on replicated in other parts of the country.
• Personnel Co-operation: it included consultancy services to support formulation
of a strategic framework for tourism (e.g. national tourism strategy, ecotourism
strategy) as well as placement of advisors for institutional strengthening and
capacity building in authorities. Their specific tasks were counselling and
training of local staff with regard to tourism planning and management, mar-
keting and product development
Generally, the interventions of all organizations concentrated on community
based tourism, pro-poor tourism, ecotourism or a mixture of these forms, which
were targeting international overseas tourists.
7.4.1 Challenges in Project Implementation
A country like Lao PDR is a quite complex environment for development coop-
eration and as a result of field research, several problems regarding project
implementation could be identified (Marquardt 2010).
The lack of qualified and highly committed personnel was one of the most
pressing issues in the projects. Laotian partners, i.e. the staff in national and
126 D. Marquardt
provincial administrations, had no expertise and experience in tourism planning and

management, not much strategic-conceptual understanding and also their job
motivation was ranked low by the interviewees. This had a negative influence on
the success of especially personnel cooperation. Generally, the projects worked at a
much lower standard than planned. Advisors had to invest significant time in basic
“on the job”-training of counterpart staff (e.g. on computer and language skills,
office management, tourism basics). This is a protracted process, which impeded
performing more complex tasks, like developing tourism strategies. Predefined
project outcomes could often not be achieved. Particularly, the lack of Laotian
counterparts was identified by most of the advisors as a significant impediment. As
already mentioned, capacity building of local staff is a central aspect of the advi-
sors’ placements. Laotian counterparts should assure long-term sustainability of the
projects as they should be qualified to continue the programs and to shape future
tourism development in a socially and ecologically responsible way.
These problems were boosted by high staff turnover as officers were regularly
transferred every five years to other departments that often have little or no relation
to tourism. This is a huge loss of know-how and thwarts the training endeavors;
local expertise could not sustainably be built up.
Furthermore, the weak institutional framework of the partner organizations
hinders project implementation: besides low capacity, the agencies also suffer from
budget and personnel constraints, unstructured method of working and a lack of
clear task assignment. Additional challenges are corruption of low-paid government
staff and absence from the office due to secondary employment in agriculture in
order to secure a reasonable living.
Some of the interviewees also identified planning deficits as an impediment,
especially insufficient depth of planning, too short project terms and no common
understanding of all stakeholders on tasks, rights and obligations in the projects.
Also cooperation with tourism economy was not properly considered in planning.
Inclusion of professional companies and establishment of viable linkages to tour
operators were neglected by most of the donor organizations (except for the
German organization Deutsche Gesellschaft für internationale Zusammenarbeit
GIZ). The projects’ market orientation was weak. As a consequence, demand for
the developed tours, their financial profitability and thus their sustainability was
low. This problem was exacerbated by the fact that communistic administration,
who is the Laotian partner in most of the projects, is reluctant to collaborate with
private enterprises. They are rather regulated than promoted and accepted as
partner.
Many of the above-mentioned problems could be solved, if the state would
create a favorable legal, institutional and economic framework for tourism. And
while national policies emphasize the importance of the sector, government does
not show many efforts to support it. It rather demonstrates a ‘recipient attitude’ and
does not invest much. This manifests itself e.g. in chronic budget and staff con-
straints at tourism administrations. Several experts also criticized the lack of
political commitment for the projects and sustainable tourism in general. The
market segment has to compete with other land-use forms like mining and
hydropower projects or large scale plantations and often loses this rivalry. So, for
example, the ecotourism project in the Nam Ha National Park is endangered by land
clearance and conversion of pristine forests into rubber plantations. Government
shows not much interest in securing the project and some trekking routes already
had to be abandoned. The sustainability of ecotourism activities is questionable
(Schipani 2008).
7.4.2 Impacts and Ways Forward
It is important to consider that many efforts had to be invested in laying a foun-

dation for tourism development. This is a very complex and time-consuming
process. Foreign aid helped to establish a comprehensive exemplary strategic
framework with focus on sustainable tourism e.g. the tourism strategy and the
ecotourism strategy.
Although the advisors could due to the above-mentioned reasons often not fully
meet the aims of their placements, they provided basic knowledge about planning
and management processes. Development cooperation also effectively contributed
to the establishment and improvement of tourism infrastructure as well as diver-
sification of supply. And it created successful model projects for ecologically and
socially sustainable pro-poor tourism, like the Nam Ha Ecotourism project, which is
a best practice example with regard to its’ conceptual work, its’ participative dis-
tribution system of receipts and it’s monitoring system. These models for sus-
tainable (alternative) tourism are further replicated in other Laotian provinces
(Ministry of Information, Culture and Tourism of Lao PDR, n.d.).
Furthermore, ODA helped to improve the general tourism environment. Thus the
travel economy in the country was stimulated and the number of arrivals increased.
In major destinations an economic upswing and multiplier effects in other trade
branches (transport, food etc.) could be noticed. But these common effects are
difficult to quantify (Marquardt 2010).
Looking at concrete impacts regarding poverty reduction at regional and local
level, balance of ODA is mixed. Generally, pro-poor benefits of the projects depend
on implementation specifics, size of sector and linkages to the market. Due to lack
of cooperation with tourism businesses and concentration on alternative niche
products like ecotourism and community based tourism (CBT), some projects could
not attract a considerable number of visitors. In many cases, the initiated tourism
activities could accrue some additional income but not substantial revenues.
Therefore, they had a low economic sustainability and thus marginal relevance for
the target group, i.e. the poor. There is also evidence that in some cases generated
income did not accrue to the poorest population strata (Phommavong and Müller
2014). So living situation of the poor could not considerably improved (Marquardt
2010). Similar results are also obtained by a recent evaluation of the ABD Mekong
Tourism Development Project (2003–2008), the biggest tourism project in the re-
gion. It concludes that while activities aiming at improving skills and management
128 D. Marquardt
capacity were successful and more people are engaging in tourism than in com-
parison to the control group, direct economic impact of the interventions, e.g.
higher income for the target group, cannot be verified. Impact regarding poverty
reduction was considered to be low (Asian Development Bank 2014a: 37).
This means that even though development cooperation invested a lot of work
and time, aid did not reach the poor to a satisfying degree and that benefits of
tourism in this phase were still concentrated on only some destinations. On the
donors’ side, this can partly be attributed to a too strong focus on alternative
approaches for an international clientele. This disregards the fact that with opening
the borders, Laos became the center of mainland South-East Asia. Facilitated by
GMS transport agreements and transnational highways, travelling to or through
Laos is now easy for regional tourists.
And while alternative tourism to rural areas was supported by the donors, there
was no management of conventional regional cross-border and transit tourism.
Neglect of this enormously increasing segment implicated that its economic
potential remained untapped, while its negative effects became more and more
apparent: spread of communicable diseases, environmental impacts like pollution,
human trafficking (Sims 2016) and prostitution. There is also concern about
growing child sex tourism: as law enforcement heightens in neighboring countries
e.g. Thailand, some experts suppose that Laos may emerge as a new destination for
travelling child sex offenders (World Vision Australia 2014: 29).
As a conclusion it can be stated that tourism development co-operation in this
phase needed on the one hand to strengthen its sustainability and its’ pro-poor
benefits and on the other hand had to include mainstream tourism in its’ programs
in order to assure a broad-based development and to fight its’ negative impacts.
7.5 New Approaches
When these problems became obvious, development organizations refocused their

interventions and prioritized the following aspects: broad based training, fighting
negative impacts of mainstream tourism, strengthening the pro-poor approach and
support for SMEs.
One step to tackle the above-mentioned challenges was a revision of previous
capacity building programs: instead of selective on-the-job trainings in various
institutions, a broad based systematic training approach was needed which should
be developed together with tourism businesses. Basing on a needs analysis (Lao
National Tourism Administration 2009a), a human resource development strategy
for tourism (Lao National Tourism Administration 2009b) as well as training
programs including Training of Trainers (TOT) were developed. E.g. ADB
supported measures to build a pool of master trainers for SMEs and the public
sector (Asian Development Bank 2009).
Moreover, a training institute, the Lao National Institute of Tourism and
Hospitality (LANITH) was financed by Lux Development. Today, the institute with
offices in Vientiane and Luang Prabang offers two-years’ diploma courses for
secondary school graduates and a skills training program called “Passport to
Success” for persons already working in the industry. But implementation of this
ambitious project was constrained due to weak organizational arrangements and
low capacity of recruited personnel. A lot of efforts had to be invested to develop
the basic framework (institute, core team and training program). And so the project
“has grown overly self-serving in the course of its implementation” (Lux
Development 2012: 4), rather than fulfilling its envisaged aims like institutional
strengthening of existing tourism education and training providers. Again, like in
many previous projects, non-existent commitment of the government aggravated
the problems that were encountered in project implementation (Lux Development
2012).
Regarding the results, an evaluation concludes: “In four years, other than
through Passport to Success, it has made little impact on addressing the more
immediate needs of the acute skills shortages at all levels across the industry. The
impact, in terms of raising the quality of the human resource is only just beginning
to emerge and enjoys strong industry support” (Lux Development 2012: 5).
This case shows once again that donors have to consider far more thoroughly the
general conditions, i.e. low expertise of trainers, in the conception phase. It takes
time to build up institutions and capacity, so planning has to adapt a
long-term-perspective.
Accordingly, LANITH will now receive further support of Luxembourg and
Swiss governments to expand its activities and to advise other tourism training
institutes with regard to curriculum development, competency assessment, and
training of trainers. Furthermore, it shall establish mechanisms for affirmative action
for disadvantaged youths like counselling or pro-poor financing modalities, which
shall encourage participation in trainings and foster inclusive development of
tourism (Lux Development 2015).
But taking the enormous need with regard to training into account, some
organizations doubt that these initiatives are really sufficient to provide the industry
with enough skilled workers (Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit &
Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources 2015). They conclude that
more support is needed with regard to education for the sector, particularly courses
that provide a combination of training and work experience, (Gesellschaft für
Internationale Zusammenarbeit & Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural
Resources 2015).
Will this help? Research indicates that the skills problem goes much deeper and
is more severe. It cannot be solved by simply building new training facilities as
workforce in Laos lacks basic reading and numeracy skills (World Bank 2013: XII).
So, first of all more has to be invested in primary and secondary education.
Moreover, as a second step to improve impacts of ODA, donors now also work
on regulation of mainstream tourism, especially on protection of natural and cul-
tural resources in tourism centers. This done through financing zoning and man-
agement plans, e.g. Vang Vieng Master Plan (Hansen Partnership 2009) and
through supporting environmental measures in major destinations like the “Town
130 D. Marquardt
Waste Water Centralization and Treatment” project in Vang Vieng, which helped to
improve the existing drainage system (Asian Development Bank 2009) or the
scheme in Thakek, where the drainage will be upgraded and a solid waste transfer
station will be built (Asian Development Bank 2014b).
Besides regulating mainstream tourism, tapping its economic potential for
pro-poor development is another new key strategy. The regional tourists shall be
prompted to increase their length of stay and their local expenditures. One con-
ceptual pillar in this regard in the planned transformation of GMS highways to
tourism corridors. The GMS Tourism Sector Strategy therefore prioritizes elabo-
ration of thematic multi-country tour circuits (Mekong Tourism Coordinating Office
2015: 55). Additionally, thematic events shall be developed in secondary destina-
tions at the highways to expand product offerings and help to distribute tourism
benefits more widely. In Laos the following routes are chosen:
• Northern Heritage Trail from Lampang via Sayabouli, Luang Prabang, to Dien
Bien (Vietnam)/Viengxay (North-South Corridor).
• Route 8 through Central Laos (Nakorn Phanom to Ha Tinh, Vietnam).
• Route 9 from Mukdahan via to Hoi An (Vietnam) (East-West Corridor).
At these highways, sites with touristic potential are equipped with infrastructure
(trails, signage, visitor centers, shops, last-mile access to tourist attractions e.g.
paved ways, roads) to invite regional visitors for a stay. Accompanying measures
will be building capacity to improve destination management, to promote SMEs
and to prevent the negative impacts of tourism (Asian Development Bank 2009).
As projects have to adopt a stronger pro-poor focus, the program at the GMS
corridors also aim to replicate best practices from the PPT model projects. So ADB
supported nine provinces along the highways in establishing a model site with a
community-based tour and a local tourism supply-chain initiative (Asian
Development Bank 2009). These projects now also include partnerships between
communities and the private sector (Asian Development Bank 2009).
Inclusive value chain management is another way to boost pro-poor impact and
to include the poor into tourism business. But increase of local procurement is
difficult due to problems like “inadequate quality, reliability and volume of pro-
duce, exacerbated by poor transport, storage and communication facilities”
(UNCTAD 2014: VI). Up to now, the market linkages between tourism industry
and other economic sectors are weak. Consequently, 40% of the tourism receipts
leave the country in the form of tourism-related imports (ADB 2014b). The value
chain approach is promising. A cluster of UN agencies (UNCTAD, UNIDO ITC,
ILO, UNOPS) that want to bundle their sustainable trade initiatives and ADB
started respective initiatives to include poor small-scale producers in the tourism
business.
A good starting point for this is the handicrafts sector, which is traditionally a
strong and diversified art in Laos. Pro-poor benefits are very high as especially
women and ethnic minorities are benefitting, which are the most deprived groups.
The products are often sold at the popular night markets, where tourists love to buy
handmade souvenirs, e.g. textiles, wood carvings etc. Based on an analysis in

Luang Prabang, Ashley argues that the handicraft sector provides significant
income for semi-skilled and unskilled people (which are categorized as poor or
fairly poor). She estimates that 40% of the earnings (1.8 Mio US$) go to poor
people (Ashley 2006). Also ITC concludes that many of the Laotian craft producers
earn a reasonable income from tourism. They are often no longer considered to
belong to the poor, tourism helped to raise their income above the poverty line
(International Trade Centre 2014). But recently, a lot of cheap imported goods are
sold on the markets. The vendors, who increasingly come from China (Gujadhur
and Rogers 2008), are reluctant to purchase local handicrafts. They complain about
a limited product range that appeals to tourists due to a lack of innovation and new
designs, low quality and limited knowledge of consumer expectations. Furthermore,
local fabrics cannot compete on price with imported products (UNCTAD 2014).
In order to counteract this process and to strengthen backward linkages to local
production, the UN cluster realizes a new project from 2011 to 2017. It funds
advisory services to producers (silk/cotton craft), assists with organization of
associations and development of a label for locally produced handicrafts (ITC n.d).
This label, called ‘Handmade in Luang Prabang’, aims at increasing sales of local
products, predominantly textiles, and improving their quality. Just one year after
introduction, it was widely accepted: more than hundred traders and producers use
the label and 30,500 labels had been sold by the Handicraft Association. The traders
could record a 30% increase in income, which had positive effects on 1500 local
handicraft producers (International Trade Centre 2014). Adaption of the approach
in Champasak province is planned (ITC n.d.).
The project has also an agricultural component, which wants to bring farmers
and the tourism industry together. It includes technical assistance for organic
farmers and for meetings of peasants, chefs and restaurant owners to create a
network and exchange on expectations and needs. Besides that, the development of
a marketing organization is planned (ITC n.d.). This scheme already shows some
encouraging results: the participating farmers could record sales amounting US$
193,000 from July 2012–January 2013 for thirty varieties of vegetables (ITC n.d.).
Another approach to improve pro-poor benefits is creating an enabling envi-
ronment for small and medium Laotian tourism enterprises and supporting their
activities as they can significantly contribute to regional socio-economic develop-
ment and poverty reduction (Harrison and Schipani 2007).
Donors are therefore now promoting cooperation with economy and include
SMEs in various ways in their projects, e.g. ADB includes them in GMS tour
circuits, advises them in product development and provides them with
entrepreneurship training (Asian Development Bank 2009). Besides that, improving
the quality of domestic tourism and hospitality providers is a crucial issue to
enhance their competitiveness. One step in this direction is to develop a certificate
of compliance with quality and environmental standards for hotels and restaurants.
For example, UN cluster is working on a national certification scheme for food
safety, quality of services and environmental standards. The program includes
technical support and training for national counterparts (Lao National Tourism
132 D. Marquardt
Administration, Lao Hotels and Restaurants Association, Lao National Chamber of

Commerce and Industry, training institutions) for the design and introduction of a
voluntary national certification scheme (Swiss Confederation, UN CEB
Inter-Agency Cluster on Trade and Productive Capacity & Lao National Tourism
Administration, n.d.).
7.6 Conclusion
Tourism is of enormous significance for the Laotian economy. And it is a business

that—if implemented in an appropriate way—can also contribute to broad-based
socio-economic development and poverty alleviation in the country.
Due to the sector’s potential developmental effects, international organizations
support for more than fifteen years now sustainable pro-poor tourism projects. In
the past, the donors faced various challenges and problems during implementation
of these programs and impact of their work was not as high as envisioned. Research
indicates e.g. that there is considerable potential to improve pro-poor benefits of
these initiatives and of tourism in general.
Basically, constraints encountered can be predominantly attributed to the low
development status in Laos. This means for ODA that it seems more urgent to
primarily invest in education, business development and good governance to build a
basis for future (tourism) development. But this does not argue against simulta-
neous support of tourism because there is a strong need to tackle its’ negative
problems and to steer it in a sustainable direction.
But generally, development organizations can only act as facilitators in this
regard who help to create a framework and provide required expertise. It is the
government, which must be willing support responsible inclusive tourism devel-
opment and which has to create a favorable institutional, legal and economic
framework for it. But Laotian regime is not active in this regard. And while national
policies emphasize the need of sustainable development in the sector, government
shows on many occasions a lack of political commitment for it. This fundamentally
questions the whole work of development organizations.
In practice, the states’ interventions are often aimed at a fast and rather unsus-
tainable growth of tourism fueled by foreign direct investment, which can have
some serious consequences for domestic economy: As more and more multinational
corporations now invest in the Laotian tourism economy-a process strongly sup-
ported by the government—the ownership structure in tourism significantly alters
and Laotian SMEs are gradually forced out of the market.
At this point of time, it cannot be assessed whether and to what extent these
transnational investments will generate employment. But there is already strong
evidence that their net benefits most notably accrue to international companies and
domestic elites, while SMEs—which work under very restrictive and unfavorable
conditions-have to bear the negative consequences. These huge projects also cause
displacement and marginalize poor disadvantaged communities even more
(Sims 2016, p. 210) because these Laotians do not have the political power to resist
these state enacted measures.
So, tourism can generally be one tool (amongst several others!) for poverty
reduction in Laos and it can help to improve the living situation of poor people. But
this chance can only be seized, if government is committed to a fair and sustainable
socio-economic development for broad sections of the population and implements
respective policies.
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136 D. Marquardt
Author Biography
Diana Marquardt is a geographer with a master degree from RWTH Aachen University and a
Ph.D. from University of Göttingen, Germany. After gaining several years of professional
experience in the management of development projects esp. in India, she wrote her Ph.D. thesis
about tourism development cooperation in Laos. Besides that she worked for some years as
research assistant in scientific conference management at RWTH University. Her main areas of
research are sustainable tourism development, cultural tourism, tourism to developing countries
and poverty alleviation by tourism. Diana is currently Professor for Sustainable Tourism at
Rhine-Waal University of Applied Sciences and Head of the Degree Programme B.A. Sustainable
Tourism.
Chapter 8
Tourism Development in Riga:
Resident Attitudes Toward Tourism
Aija van der Steina and Maija Rozite
8.1 Introduction
The development of urban areas and their growing role has resulted in urban
tourism becoming one of the most significant types of tourism in the world
(Ashworth and Page 2011). It is one of the fastest growing economic sectors
(Pakaleva-Shapira 2007; Kagermeier 2012), as urban environments are amongst the
most significant of all tourist destinations (Edwards et al. 2008), and tourism is one
of the key dimensions of the urban environment (Kotus et al. 2015).
In turn, urban tourism research has recently begun to focus its attention on capital
cities as tourist destinations (Maitland and Ritchie 2007, 2009; Maitland and
Newman 2008), including the capitals Eastern and Central European countries which
opened up to international markets after the fall of the Iron Curtain. Riga, the capital
city of Latvia, belongs to the re-emerging capital cities group (Maitland and Ritchie
2009; Maitland 2010) and has experienced rapid tourism development over the last
decade (Rozite and Klepers 2012).
The apparent success of Riga’s tourism development has now opened new
opportunities and established the city as a desirable destination in Western
European demand markets. But the positive effects of tourism have been challenged
by various economic changes and cultural phenomena, putting significant pressure
on the native population of the capital city. It is essential then, for community
leaders to understand the attitudes of local residents in order to plan for successful
A. van der Steina (&)

Faculty of Business, Management and Economics, University of Latvia, Aspazijas Blvd. 5,
Riga LV-1050, Latvia
e-mail: Aija.vdSteina@lu.lv
M. Rozite
Tourism and Hospitality Department, Turiba University, Graudu iela 68,
Riga LV-1058, Latvia
e-mail: Maija.Rozite@turiba.lv

138 A. van der Steina and M. Rozite
and sustainable development (Gursoy et al. 2010). As acknowledged by Haywood

(1997), city resources are used by the local residents as well as guests, therefore, the
attitude of local citizens towards the effects of increased visitors to their community
can influence the sustainable development of any tourist destination.
The first study evaluating the impacts of tourism in Riga, was carried out in 1998
by Upchurch and Teivane (2000). The authors recommended that this type of study
be repeated periodically. Therefore, the aim of the present study, in part, was to
follow up on the 1998 research by determining changes, if any, in attitudes of the
current local population towards tourists, interaction with tourists and tourism
development in general within their city. Taking into account the fact that Riga has
already seen how its citizens feel about the abovementioned unexpected and neg-
ative impacts of tourism development, it is really important to ascertain and
understand the feelings and perceptions of the residents of Riga to ensure further
success in tourism development.
The chapter continues now by providing some background that outlines major
traits of tourism development in Riga. Within the framework of this research, both
the interaction of residents with tourists and the characteristic behaviours during
their interactions were evaluated and the residents’ viewpoint towards various
forms of tourism impact and tourism development in Riga was analysed. Thereafter
some theoretical points of reference are discussed. This is followed by a presen-
tation of the empirical study.
8.2 Tourism Development in Riga
Since regaining its independence (1991), the tourism industry in Latvia has become
a significant part of the service sector. The direct contribution of tourism and travel
to the GDP was 4.1% in 2015 (WTTC 2016). Riga as an international destination
was relatively unknown in the 1990s. After the fall of the USSR, it had homoge-
neous and under-developed tourism products mainly based on cultural heritage and
brief tours in Old Town (Rozite and Klepers 2012), limited accessibility and low
quality of services. Today, Riga has become more popular and its visibility as a
tourist destination in Eastern Europe and the Baltics has grown. The city offers
tourists not only a medieval Old Town, but also its Art Nouveau district with
attractive architecture, museums and events. In addition, the city offers creative
districts where you can experience the local lifestyle as well as shops and markets
with local produce outside the city’s central district. Attractions related to Soviet
heritage such as the Occupation Museum and the KGB Museum have become
popular sites. Riga, with its attractive central market, gastronomic events and high
quality restaurants has become one of the leading food tourism destinations in the
region. Recently, the city has cornered a niche in the business tourism sector by
specialising in various folk and classical art events and medium sized conferences.
The city’s ambience, facilities, service quality and relatively low prices have made
Riga a popular weekend break destination within Europe.
The majority of the tourism enterprises are concentrated in the capital city. The
dynamics of the tourism sector are well reflected by hotel and other tourist
8 Tourism Development in Riga: Resident Attitudes Toward Tourism 139
3000000 20
2516474
2500000
10
2000000
Numbers 1500000 0 %
1000000
425944 -10
500000
0 -20
1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Changes of GDP (%)

Number of overnights
Number of overnights by foreign guests
Fig. 8.1 Number of overnights in Riga and annual changes of GDP of Latvia 1995–2015
(CSB 2016)
accommodation indicators (Fig. 8.1). The number of foreign tourist overnights has
increased by roughly 600% over the last twenty years. The presence of international
tourists; a rise in tourism intensity; and the growing tourism impact are increasingly
being felt in a situation when the number of city residents has decreased by one fifth
(641,000 in 2015).
Tourism development in Riga is an integral part of the development of the
national economy and was characterised by an economic downturn in the first years
after the regaining of independence (1991–1994). It was later followed by a rapid
growth of GDP, which even reached 12.2% in 2006. Due to an increase in the
number of tourists, the hotel industry in Riga grew from 32 hotels in 1995 to 84
hotels in 2005 and 115 hotels in 2010, with an increase in the capacity, number of
visitors and tourist nights spent. Analysing tourism data, a rapid growth could be
observed in 2005 (+40% in overnight stays) after Latvia’s accession into the
European Union in 2004. The development of the tourism industry in Latvia, and in
Riga particularly, from the beginning of 1990 until 2009 was primarily influenced
by following factors: Latvia’s accession into the European Union and the Schengen
zone; the introduction of low cost airlines and the rapid development of the national
airline company “Air Baltic”. With the help of the National Tourism Organisation`s
marketing of Latvia, as well as marketing efforts for the city itself, the Riga brand
attracted many visitors.
8.3 Unexpected Consequences of Tourism Development
Tourism development in Riga has also brought with it several unexpected conse-
quences that have significantly affected how residents’ feel about tourism. One
example is the use of Riga as a popular location for stag parties and the problems
related to the behaviours of those attending these events. With the introduction of
low cost airlines (2005–2009) the number of stag party tourists from Great Britain
and other Western European countries increased rapidly. The behaviour of these
tourists under the influence of great amounts of alcohol, which is typical for stag
parties, was often unacceptable for the local residents. As stated by Thurnell-Read
(2011: 40), “the stag tour weekend is a group of males travelling to another city for
two or three days, where the evening and night-time activities are drinking and
collective drunkenness, visiting a range of drinking establishments and ending at a
night club or strip club.”
The problem was reflected in both local and foreign mass media. For example
“Britu tūristi slēdz derības par čurāšanu pie Mildas” [British tourists make dares on
pissing near Milda] (LV, 29.05.2010, “Latvian Warning for British stags”
(BBC news 05.08. 2009), “Daily Mail brīdina angļus par Latvijas skaistajām
krāpniecēm” [Daily Mail warns British tourists about pretty Latvian cheats]
(TVNET 10.07.2013). As a consequence, a special department dedicated to tourism
within the police department was created in Riga in 2009 to facilitate tourist
communication and to increase safety and security in the city (Gertners 2009).
Local residents started avoiding restaurants and bars in the Old Town, which
were popular among stag party tourists. Signs saying “only for locals” started
appearing on the windows of several establishments, which clearly showed the
negative attitude of local residents towards stag tourists. The image of Riga as a stag
party destination in the mass media of other countries negatively impacted the
image of Riga as a desirable tourist destination among other tourist segments. At the
same time, the Latvian Tourism Development Agency and the city of Riga stopped
all tourism marketing activities in Great Britain. Action taken by the city of Riga,
public opinion, and the global crisis as well as other new “cheap” destinations
significantly restricted the development of this type of tourism in Latvia. As indi-
cated by foreign tourist survey in 2014 (RTDB 2014), only 1.6% of tourists sur-
veyed mentioned stag parties as the main motivation for their trip to Riga. The local
mass media also reflected these changes as can be seen from the headlines of
various articles: “Mainās Rīgas tūristi: britu vecpuišus nomainījuši inteliģentie
krievi” [Change in Riga tourists: British stag party tourists replaced by cultured
Russians] (22.01.2014); “Pašvaldības policijas priekšnieks: Tūristi Rīgā kļūst
pieklājīgāki” [Municipal Police Chief: Tourists in Riga become more polite]
(26.09.2015).
8.4 The Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Tourism

in Riga
As stated by Hall (2010: 401), “the effects of crisis are likely to increase in both
frequency and in size as tourism is hypermobile and the global economy even more
interconnected”. Similar to other Eastern and Central European countries, Latvia
was severely affected by the economic crisis (Smeral 2009) which in 2009
plummeted the world into its deepest economic recession since the Second World
War (Smeral 2010).
In 2009, the GDP of Latvia fell by 14.3% (CSB 2016). The crisis also impacted
the tourism sector and the number of overnight stays in 2009 decreased by 24% in
comparison to the previous year (CSB 2016). The occupancy rate of hotels in Riga
decreased by 38.3%, prices fell by a third, and foreign tourist expenditures by 15%
(CSB 2016). This can be explained by massive changes in tourist behaviour
because with the decrease in purchasing power, tourism as a relative luxurious
product had to compete with “essential” consumer goods (Smeral 2009). The
number of hotel nights spent in Riga by domestic tourists decreased by 43%, and
foreign tourists by 17%, when comparing numbers from 2009 to 2008 (CSB 2016).
Although a serious drop in demand was forecasted in Europe in 2010
(Papatheodorou et al. 2010), Latvia, and Riga, recovered rapidly from the crisis and
the total number of domestic guest nights actually increased by 4% during that year
while guest nights by foreign visitors went up by 10% (CSB 2016). This could be
explained by the different impacts of the global crisis on the main target markets. At
the start of international tourism (1990–2004) the main target markets were
Lithuania, Estonia, Germany and Finland. Since 2006, the neighbouring market in
Russia played an important role in inbound tourism to Latvia, especially in Riga,
reaching a 19% share of all foreign tourists in 2013. The market share of Russian
tourists in Riga’s hotels, e.g. in 2014 was 39% (CSB 2016). In this context it should
be mentioned that the role of the tourism sector in the national economy was
highlighted at the national level recognising it as one of the more significant export
sectors.
The Latvian tourism sector rapidly and successfully recovered from the conse-
quences of the global economic crisis, but it was once again affected by the Russian
crisis in 2014. Riga’s hotels experienced a fall of 30% in occupancy rates during the
second half of 2014 (CSB 2016). This did not have as severe consequences as in
2009, since an increase in inbound tourism was soon achieved. This increase was
the result of active marketing campaigns launched towards the main target markets
in Western and Northern Europe. The introduction of the Euro played an important
role, leading to competitiveness and transparency in pricing. As acknowledged by
Santana-Gallego et al. (2016), the introduction of the Euro in new countries could
change European tourist flows including those to Latvia.
8.5 Theoretical Background
Up until the 1980s, urban tourism research was not studied as a separate focus, but
in the 1990s many books and articles on urban tourism were published. Particularly
significant were authors such as Ashworth and Tunbridge, Law, van der Burg, van
der Borg and van der Meer, Murphy etc. (Edwards et al. 2008). However, as
highlighted by Ashworth and Page (2011), relatively little attention was paid to
urban tourism from both scholars and the cities. Analysing the existing research, the
abovementioned authors divide urban tourism into 12 sub-themes, with impact

research being one of them. Traditionally tourism impact is studied in the context of
attitudes of local residents.
Over the past 30 years, there have been many studies on the impact of tourism
including the local perception of tourism impact (Almeida-García et al. 2015,
2016). The growing interest in these types of studies can be explained by the
awareness that tourism development has positive and negative effects at the local
level (ibid). Existing research regarding attitudes towards tourism by local citizens
has been summarised by various authors (Ross 1992; Pizam et al. 2000; Andriotis
and Vaughan 2003; Uriely et al. 2003; Harill 2004; Oviedo-Garcia et al. 2008;
Ward and Berno 2011; Yu et al. 2011; Almeida-García et al. 2015, 2016).
An analysis of the literature indicates that the evaluation of all the main tourism
impact aspects—economic impact, socio-cultural impact and environmental
impact—have been included in the assessment of residents attitudes right from the
first studies.
Almeida-García et al. (2016) provide a review of over 30 studies showing the
economic and socio-cultural impacts of tourism, starting with Sheldon and Var’s
research in Scotland in 1984; Var, Kendal and Tarakciogl’s research on Turkish
resorts in 1985; and more recent studies such as Andreck and Nyaupane’s on
Arizona in 2011; and Almeida-García et al. on Benalmaden, Spain in 2016.
Furthermore, the impact of tourism on the natural environment has been analysed in
over 20 studies including Liu and Var’s research on Hawaii in 1986.
The study of residents’ attitudes has been carried out for various destinations and
regions. However, an analysis of these studies reveal that the majority of them were
carried out in the islands, resorts and coastal towns of the Mediterranean region—
Cyprus, Crete, Greece, Turkey, Spain, or holiday islands and resorts of other
regions—Hawaii, Puerto Rico, Fiji Islands, Saint Lucia Island, Mauritius Island
(Almeida-García et al. 2015) and Swedish coastal destinations (Lundberg 2015).
Relatively few studies exist on the attitudes of urban residents on tourism. Ross
(1992) studied Australian cities; Snaith and Haley (1999) studied the city of York in
U.K.; Upchurch and Teivane (2000)—Riga residents’ attitudes; Harrill and Potts
(2003)—Charleston, NC, USA, and Wang et al. (2010) studied cities in the
Shangdog province.
Already early research such as those by Cooke (1982) and Loukissas (1983), has
all but concluded that a positive attitude of residents towards tourism is necessary
for the continued development of the tourism industry in the area. In turn, Allen
et al. (1988) have highlighted the necessity of monitoring residents’ attitudes to-
wards tourism and whether problems created by tourism have been resolved in
favour of the local community (Ross 1992: 13). Residents have their own opinions
of the tourism product and these opinions should be taken into account by the city’s
policy makers in planning and development of urban tourism (Bramwell 1998).
These types of studies allow planners and developers to identify issues, optimise
income, minimize problems and ensure future success (Andriotis and Vaughan
2003; Andriotis 2005).
Various factors have been considered in the gathering of data on local opinions.
Andriotis and Vaughan (2003) have divided these factors into three groups:
(1) external factors, i.e. the degree or stage of tourism development of the desti-
nation, tourism type, and seasonality; (2) internal factors such as distance that
residents live from tourism zones, involvement in tourism, economic and/or
employment dependency on tourism; and (3) socio-demographic factors like gen-
der, age, education, income. Issues such as economic and tourism development
levels; economic dependence on tourism; socio–demographic features; the extent of
interaction of local with the tourists; location in relation to tourist attractions; length
of residence and adherence to local traditions and culture have also been identified
by Uriely et al. (2003), as key factors in the attitudes of urban residents. Other
categories can be seen emerging from studies such as the different opinions of
residents attitudes depending on: socio-economic factors, spatial factors, and eco-
nomic dependency as mentioned by Harrill (2004). More recent research also adds
the type of tourism and seasonality to existing list (Vargas-Sánchez et al. 2009).
Two theories dominate the existing literature regarding the attitudes of local
residents. These are: Social exchange theory and social representations theory
(Andriotis and Vaughan 2003: 176). Social exchange theory explains that residents
want to interact with tourists if the benefits outweigh the costs. Those residents who
benefit from such an exchange support tourism, but those who find social exchange
problematic, oppose tourism development. It is one of the most frequently used
theories (Vargas-Sánchez et al. 2011). Social representations theory is based on the
fact that social representation can be defined as legends, knowledge, ideas and
thoughts about social objects including as well tourism. Representation is a
mechanism that people use to attempt to understand objects and events around
themselves and try to transform the unfamiliar into the familiar.
A year after Andriotis and Vaughan’s publication, Harrill (2004: 259) identified
three theories being used in this research: Community attachment, SET—social
exchange theory and growth machine theory. Community attachment theory
explains the attitude of locals towards tourism in relation to their attachment to their
community. Community attachment depends on the length of residence, family ties,
social status, number and density of residents. Inhabitants who are more attached to
their community have also more favourable attitude towards tourism development.
Growth machine theory is grounded in the findings of Moloth (1976) on the
dependence of the city development on the people having resources, being inter-
ested in its development and, consequently, growing into a political force. For these
influential people, the city becomes a ‘growth machine’, as by influencing the
development of the city they can further promote the increase in the price of their
property. According to the growth machine theory, those people gaining real
economic benefit from tourism will support its further development. Dyer et al.
(2007) used the theory of reasoned action (TRA). In accordance individuals are
rational, use the information available and weigh the possible consequences of their
actions before coming to a decision. Similar to SET, TRA states that inhabitants
support tourism development until the point the expected benefits outweigh the
costs of development.
Existing impact studies also use the widely known Doxey “irridex” model which
explains residents’ social attitudes depending on the development stage that is
expressed as euphoria in the beginning and becomes antagonistic later. Residents’
attitudes in Butler’s tourism area life cycle model (TALC) change depending on the
stage of tourism development, number and type of tourists (Andriotis and Vaughan
2003; Uriely et al. 2003; Harrill 2004; Vargas-Sánchez et al. 2015; Lundberg 2015).
While studying residents’ attitudes in Chinese cities, Wang et al. (2010) used Ap
and Crompton’s (1998) tourism impact index whereas Harrill and Potts (2003) used
the tourism impact attitude scale. It is necessary to underline the fact that
researchers have tried to find models or theories that help generalise data. However,
research also shows that results are sometimes contradictory and therefore, are not
applicable to all destinations (Almeida-García et al. 2015).
The majority of researchers have acknowledged that it’s necessary to analyse
residents’ attitudes also in relation to time and that “residents’ perception of tourism
impact should be constantly monitored and managed” (Stylidis et al. 2014: 270).
The tourism areas even in cities change over time and therefore the residents’
attitudes have to be studied periodically (Huh and Vogt 2008), for only then it is
possible to get a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the tourism—
residents’ attitudes relationship (Vargas-Sánchez et al. 2011).
8.6 Methods
Andriotis and Vaughan (2003) mention two main methods/approaches that are used in
the research of residents’ attitudes towards tourism. The first is guided by the
researcher’s desire to test and develop the theory; the second—to empirically/
statistically analyse and measure residents attitudes. This study uses the measurement
approach to evaluate the local residents attitudes and to compare the research results
with those of the previously conducted research (Upchurch and Teivane 2000).
The CAC (Cognitive, Affective, Conative) model was used to explore the res-
idents attitudes using three individual attitude components—cognitive, affective
and conative. The cognitive component explains how local residents describe
tourism impact on the physical attributes or features of the area in which they live.
The affective component explains how individuals express their cognitive percep-
tions into feelings of like or dislike. The conative component relates to the
action/reaction of the individual (Andriotis and Vaughan 2003: 173). All three
components were evaluated to analyse the attitude of Riga’s inhabitants.
The research was carried out through a survey of Riga residents during the
tourist season from March to October in 2012. Altogether, 696 randomly chosen
Riga residents from different neighbourhoods were surveyed. The sample was
created based on the number of Riga inhabitants as of 1st January 2012 (OCMA
2012) (N = 699203). Face to face interviews were carried out during the survey.
The semi-structured questionnaire consisted of 15 questions. Of the 15 ques-
tions, three refer to residents’ attitude towards tourism impact on economic
activities, urban environment, society and culture and were evaluated using a Likert
scale from 1 to 10. All told, there were 11 statements regarding the positive and
negative impact on economics; 12 statements regarding the impact of tourism on
the urban environment and infrastructure; and 13 statements regarding the impact
on culture and the society. The questionnaire also included questions regarding how
long the respondent has resided in Riga; the frequency of interaction with tourists;
involvement in tourism; attitude towards tourism development; and actions of
residents during their interaction with tourists. Other socio-demographic data were
included as well.
To determine if there are statistically significant differences in attitudes between
two or more groups, a non-parametric Kruskal-Wallis test was used. A series of
independent sample t-test were done in order to examine statistically significant
differences due to residents’ age, length of residency, and involvement in tourism.
8.7 Findings
Regarding the demographic composition of the surveyed population, it can be noted

that 57% of the respondents were female, 43% male. The average age of respon-
dents was 37 years. 47.3% of respondents were in the 16–30 age bracket and 8.2%
were over 61.36% of the respondents had higher education.
Additionally, 53.6% of the respondents had lived in Riga for 20 years or more
and 14.8% for up to 5 years. The survey included residents from all areas of the city
with 23.1% of respondents indicating Old Riga, or the centre of the city, as their
place of residence, which also has the most intensive tourist flow. It was noted that
16.7% of respondents indicated that they were connected to tourism as they or their
family members worked in the industry. Also, 18.1% of respondents indicated that
they interact with tourists very often or frequently, but 40.4% indicated that they
rarely or never interact with tourists.
Attitudes of the residents of Riga towards the impact of tourism on their city
were evaluated using 36 statements that describe various economic (Ec), environ-
mental (En) and socio-cultural (Sc) impact types. Table 8.1 reflects all impact items
in descending order. Altogether, the table includes 36 impact constructions.
Economic impact is characterised by seven positive (P) and four negative
(N) impact items. Impacts on the environment and urban environment are char-
acterised by seven positive and five negative impact constructions. Impacts on
culture and society are defined by five positive and eight negative statements,
respectively.
Taking into account tourism development in Riga, it is understandable that the
negative impact of the increased night life (mean = 8.2) has received the highest
rating. This could be explained as a result of stag party tourism development.
Overall, respondents have expressed a high approval of the positive impact of
tourism by giving a high rating to economic impacts, followed by socio-cultural
impacts. The lowest ratings were accorded to impact on the environment, including
the urban environment (Table 8.2). The relatively high evaluation of the positive
economic impact items can be explained not only by the fact that the locals
understand the economic benefits of tourism to the city but they also appreciate the
role of the tourism sector in the national economy during a recession.
The most highly rated positive impact constructs are from the economic impact
group such as how tourism influences the diversity of cafes, restaurant and shop
services (mean = 8.06). Impact items such as diversity in Riga’s cultural events, an
increase in the number of improved recreation areas and parks, renovation and
preservation of historical buildings, and more new jobs and employment oppor-
tunities were also rated highly (Table 8.1). The analysis indicated that residents
have taken note of the results of tourism development and have appreciated events
and improvements that have been carried out for tourism development that
simultaneously improve the quality of life of the locals. In fact, a comparison of
the mean response for negative impacts of tourism has found local perception of
negative impacts to be lower than the positive impacts in all three groups—
economic, socio-cultural, and environmental. As already mentioned, the highest
negative rating was for the development of the nightlife scene (mean = 8.2).
Tourism impact on increases in prices for goods and services is seen as the second
most negative impact (mean = 7.17). In terms of encouraging prostitution, residents
have also rated this negatively. It is surprising that things such as the commer-
cialisation of traditions (mean = 6.56) have been rated higher in terms of negative
impact than effects such as the stimulation of excessive drinking (mean = 6.43).
This could mean the locals feel that tourists and tourism are not the only cause for
certain some issues (for example increased use of alcohol).
Similar to the findings of other researchers, (Madrigal 1995; Martin 1996 cited in
Andriotis and Vaughan 2003; Vargas-Sanchez et al. 2011), this study found that the
locals themselves or those whose family members are involved in the tourism sector
have a more positive attitude towards tourism development as a whole. This group
of respondents have rated positive impacts of tourism such as: attracting invest-
ment, an increase in welfare, an increase in the diversity of cafes, restaurants, shops;
an increase in the quality of services; improvements in urban environment; stim-
ulation of renovation of cultural and historical sites; creation of well-equipped
recreation places and parks; development of commerce. A statistically significant
difference (t-test p-value < 0.05) was observed between the groups in the evalua-
tion of negative impacts only on issues related to an increase in environmental
pollution, tourism impact on local public life and peace, and tourism impact on
commercialisation of local traditions. These three negative impacts received a
higher negative rating from those respondents involved in the tourism sector than
from the rest of the respondents.
The most frequent statistically significant difference was observed between
groups in terms of their place of residence—in the city centre and those living
outside the city centre. The Old Town and the surrounding city centre are zones of
high tourist intensity and therefore those living there have more interaction with
tourists and tourism impact is high in their daily life. Improvement in the welfare of
local residents; enhancement of the urban environment; the construction of new
Table 8.1 Evaluation of tourism impact items by residents of Riga. High mean values indicate a
strong support for negative (N) or positive (P) assessment
Rank Impact P/N Impact items Mean SD
1 Sc N Develops city night-life scene 8.20 1.896
2 Ec P Stimulates business diversity (cafes, 8.06 1.785
restaurants, shops)
3 Sc P Stimulates diversity of cultural events 7.51 1.931
4 En P Renovation and preservation of historical 7.48 1.895
buildings
5 En P More and improved recreation places, parks 7.48 1.899
6 Ec P Creates new jobs and employment 7.40 2.163
opportunities
7 Sc P Promotes cultural exchange between 7.26 1.996
different cultural groups
8 Ec P Creates income for city and local people 7.25 2.298
9 Ec N Increase of prices for goods and services 7.17 2.146
10 Ec P Stimulates investment in the city 7.15 2.155
11 En P Improvement of city environment 7.10 2.047
12 Sc P Strengthens pride about the city 7.04 2.254
13 Ec P Enhance the quality of services 7.03 2.035
14 Sc N Encourages prostitution 7.03 2.390
15 Sc P Greater appreciation of local cultural heritage 6.92 2.840
16 Ec P Generates tax revenue 6.83 2.256
17 En P Retail products and services improve and 6.71 2.092
develop
18 Ec P Stimulates welfare 6.61 2.303
19 En P Improvement of city infrastructure (streets, 6.59 2.215
parking, etc.)
20 Sc N Commercialisation of traditions 6.56 2.378
21 Sc N Promotes excessive drinking in the city 6.43 2.605
22 Ec N Living in Riga becomes more expensive 6.41 2.361
23 Sc P Preserves the cultural identity of local 6.29 2.229
population
24 Ec N Increase of prices for housing 6.26 2.2702
25 En N More rubbish in the city 6.23 2.505
26 Sc N Stimulates begging in the streets 6.16 2.496
27 En P Stimulates new and modern architecture 5.93 2.392
28 Ec N Increasing need for funding or subsidies from 5.74 2.301
the municipality
29 Sc N Increased crime 5.60 2.476
30 En P Improvement of public transport 5.56 2.347
31 En N Pollution 5.53 2.625
32 Sc N Unwanted changes in everyday life and 5.39 2.458
peace
(continued)

Rank Impact P/N Impact items Mean SD
33 En N More traffic jams and a lack of parking places 5.22 2.439
34 En N Overcrowding - exceeding the city’s capacity 5.13 2.625
35 Sc N Growth of social inequality 5.00 2.229
36 En N Loss of the traditional city environment 4.47 2.471
Table 8.2 Evaluation of the positive and negative impacts of tourism by the residents of Riga
Tourism impact Positive impact Negative impact
(mean) (mean)
Economic impact 7.19 6.39
Socio-cultural impact 7.00 6.30
Environmental impact and impact on the urban 6.69 5.32
environment
modern buildings; the promotion of interaction among representatives of diverse

cultures; and the stimulation and increase in the diversity of cultural events, have all
been rated more highly by those living in the tourist zone than those living outside.
Those living in the city centre are more realistic and critical and have rated the
following impacts lower: creation of new work places and employment opportu-
nities; increases in income of local inhabitants; investment attraction and preser-
vation of local culture. They have evaluated tourism impact on the urban
environment more highly. More waste in the city, more traffic jams and lack of
parking places, environmental pollution, loss of the traditional urban landscape,
overcrowding, increases in prices and increases in municipal expenses have all been
rated significantly higher by those living in the city centre than those living outside.
The impact of tourism on prostitution and alcoholism were rated lower by those
living in the tourist zone than those living outside. This difference could be
explained by the fact that those living in the city centre experience these factors on a
daily basis and are able to assess the situation in a more realistic manner.
Statistically significant differences (t-test p-value < 0.05) were observed in the
evaluations among respondents of various age groups. The evaluation of seven
(7) impact items by young respondents (16–30 years) such as more developed
commercial services, promotion of and increased diversity of cultural events and
promoting a sense of pride about the city was lower. On the other hand, negative
impacts such as an increase in the amount of waste in the city, alcoholism, pros-
titution, and worsening levels of crime, were all rated significantly higher by the
young respondents.
Analysing the impact evaluation in terms of the length of residence in the city,
statistically significant differences were observed among two positive impacts—
tourism impact on the creation of new jobs and the impact of employment
opportunities and the impact on the renovation of cultural and historical sites. Those
residents who have lived in Riga for 6–20 years have rated the impact lower. On the
other hand, residents living in Riga from 6 to 20 years have evaluated the negative
impacts such as the loss of the traditional urban environment and promotion of
social inequality higher, than those who have been living in Riga for more than
20 years.
Approximately 85.5% of the respondents stated that overall, they fully support
tourism development in Riga; 11.8% were indifferent; and only 2% indicated that
they did not support tourism development. No statistically significant difference for
the support of tourism development was observed either in terms of age group or
place of residence. On the other hand, significant differences were seen in tourism
development support terms of involvement in the tourism sector. Those respondents
who were themselves involved or those who have family members involved in the
tourism sector expressed greater support for tourism development in Riga, which
can be explained by their vested economic interest.
Inhabitants were asked to answer the question “How do you evaluate your
interaction with tourists?” and four possible statements were offered. The highest
mean (mean = 7.14) was for the construction “it’s an opportunity to understand a
different culture and make contact”. Those living in the centre, those involved in
tourism and those, supporting tourism development, rated this statement higher.
The statement “The lesser the contact with tourists the better” (mean 3.47) and “I
avoid places where there are a lot of tourists” (mean = 3.99) received the lowest
evaluations indicating that locals do not avoid interaction with tourists. Those
inhabitants who supported tourism development gave these aspects an even lower
rating. Those living in the centre do not have the possibility of avoiding touristy
places and therefore their lower assessment is logical. No statistically significant
difference was observed in terms of age groups.
Analysing the actions of residents, the research indicates that 70.4% of residents
surveyed are open and welcoming and whenever tourists ask them something “they
try to answer to the best of their ability and capability”. Only 19.8% indicated that
they answer only when tourists address them in a language they understand. 9.4%
of respondents ignore any kind of questions from tourists as they chose one of the
following answers: “act as if I do not understand”, “ignore as a rule”, “ignore
because I do not speak a foreign language”, “ignore because I am shy”.
Statistically significant differences (Kruskal-Wallis test p < 0.05) in actions
were observed in terms of age groups. Younger respondents more often attempt to
help when tourists approach them (77.2% of the age group 16–30, 59% of age
group 61+). Older people more often indicated that they answer only when they are
addressed in a language they understand (29.8% in the age group 61+, 14.6% of the
age group 16–30). This aspect shows that knowledge of foreign languages plays an
important role in their interaction with tourists as lack of foreign language skills is
an obstacle to interaction.
When creating a hospitable urban environment for tourists, it is not only
important how hospitable the inhabitants are, but also how proactive they are in
their interaction with tourists. Tourist experience in tourism sites is always posi-
tively affected by the attitude of local residents expressed by questions like “Can I
help you?”
The question “Do you approach tourists yourself if you see that they are lost in
Riga or do not understand something?” was posed to evaluate the proactive nature
of residents. Only 11.6% indicated that they always do so and 31.6% said that they
do so sometimes. No statistically significant difference was observed either in terms
of age group or length of residence. Those involved in tourism are more proactive
and 56% indicated that they approach tourists whereas 58.4% of those not involved
in tourism indicated that they never approach tourists. The reaction of those living
in the centre of Riga is significant as 86.4% indicated they do not approach tourists
or do not wish to speak to them first. It could indicate that those living in the active
tourist zones are irritated by the presence of tourists. Although the local residents’
attitudes towards tourism development are positive, it is still not expressed by their
proactive actions during their interaction with tourists.
8.8 Conclusion
Riga’s new geo-political position has experienced all forms of transition economies
in a relatively short period of time (25 years). The nation’s transition from a cen-
tralised planned economy and economic liberalisation was furthered by tourism
development based on market economy principles. A nondescript city with an
inadequate service sector and poorly developed tourism product, Riga, has trans-
formed itself into a recognisable and competitive European tourism destination.
During the transition years, tourism in the city experienced both rapid growth and
decline under the impact of various internal and external factors. The city experi-
enced not just the positive impacts on the local economy, culture and environment,
but also the unexpected consequences (such as stag tourism) that negatively
impacted Riga’s image as a desirable destination and fuelled the resentment of the
local community towards tourists and tourism development. It should be noted that
the experience and knowledge gained on tourism development, destination man-
agement and marketing over the years has helped the city to successfully cope with
stag tourism as well as recover from the global economic crisis.
Several significant differences in the evaluation of relevant types of impacts from
urban tourism can be seen. In the study done by Upchurch and Teivane (2000), the
residents of Riga did not see economic benefits from tourism development as
relevant whereas, in the present research, the positive effect of economic impact is
apparent. In the 1998 study, the most relevant social impact was the statement that
tourism promotes hospitality and friendliness. This is apparent by the importance of
historic tradition during the soviet era and the significance of social and behavioural
aspects rather than the economic function of tourism being highly emphasized.
Also, as early as in the 1998 study, it was acknowledged that tourism development
had “a slightly negative impact upon local arts and handicrafts” (Upchurch and
Teivane 2000: 503). In 2012, the concerns of residents regarding the commer-
cialisation of the local culture and the loss of local identity had grown. In the first
study, they did not perceive tourism as the cause for an increase in alcoholism,
prostitution and pan-handling. This can be explained by the fact that during the
initial stages of tourism development, the number of foreign tourists was very low.
Today, more permanent residents of the city relate these problems to tourism
development than local causes. As with preceding studies, the impact of tourism on
the urban environment has been seen negatively in the present study. This is
underscored by the fact that the amount of waste and environmental pollution has
increased due to tourism development.
While an increase in employment levels and an increase in the standard of living
were seen as the most significant positive economic impacts in earlier research, the
most positive impact item found in more current research was the increase in the
variety of cafes, restaurants and shops. Aspects such as the increase in employment
levels, the creation of new work places and an increase in income of the city and its
inhabitants, were considered less important.
Overall, the attitudes expressed by the residents of Riga are positive and support
tourism development in the city. This agrees with the findings of Andriotis and
Vaugham (2003), that the majority of inhabitants have a positive attitude towards
tourism. It was also concluded that, relatively speaking, the positive impact
assessment outweighs the negative impact assessment (Vargas-Sanchez et al. 2011)
despite the acknowledgement that only a small number of residents are proactive,
helpful, and welcoming in their interaction with tourists.
As found in the conclusions of Harrill (2004) and Dyer et al. (2007), the current
research shows that the residents of Riga demonstrate an understanding of the
economic significance of tourism. They also have once more made clear their
feeling that the economic impact (both positive and negative) of tourism is more
important than its impact on the urban environment, infrastructure, culture and
society. The age of respondents was a less significant factor in the evaluation of
impact as a statistically significant difference was observed in only seven impact
types. Elderly residents evaluated the changes in the urban environment and pride
in their city more highly, which can be explained by greater life experience and the
possibility to compare what has changed in the city environment. The high negative
evaluation by youngsters for negative impacts such as an increase in waste, alco-
holism, prostitution and crime and therefore their attempts to link the social
problems of the city to tourism development, is interesting. The results of this
research correlate with some previous research results (King et al. 1993;
Tomljenovic and Faulkner 2000; Bujosa and Rossello 2007 cited in
Almeida-García et al. 2015). A statistically significant difference in the majority of
evaluations was observed between those residents living in the tourism zone and
those outside it. This coincides with the conclusions of the previous research
(Belisle and Hoy 1980, Sheldon and Var 1984, Weaver and Lawton 2001 cited in
Almeida-García et al. 2015; Vargas-Sanchez et al. 2011).
Differences worth noting are that Riga’s residents have expressed in this study
that they consider the development of the nightlife scene (stag tourism) to be the
most negative impact of tourism on their city. This justifies the concepts revealed by
a recent study (Vargas-Sánchez et al. 2009), that the type of tourists should be
considered when researching local attitudes.
The research questionnaire used in this study included closed-ended questions

and evaluation was performed for previously defined impacts and their forms of
expression. Recent qualitative research carried out by the authors (Rozite et al.
2016) using in-depth interview and critical encounter methods revealed other
impacts. For example, new impact items are being used regarding the effect of
tourism on the city’s infrastructure. The changes to the visual appearance of the city
are not always acceptable to the local population. As pointed out by
Paskaleva-Shapira (2007: 114), tourists also want to experience the local culture
and way of life. This means that the acceptance/support of local people for tourism
development by displaying a hospitable attitude and having a desire to share their
culture is an essential component for urban destinations to grow and develop their
tourism industry. Research using both quantitative and qualitative methods should
be continued in the future. It could be useful to use the protocols from this study as
a basis for future research.
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Author Biographies
Aija van der Steina is a researcher and lecturer of the Faculty of Business, Management and
Economics at the University of Latvia Aija previously worked at Faculty of International Tourism
of Turiba University (Latvia) as a head of Tourism Research Centre and lecturer in tourism and
hospitality marketing She also is a visiting lecturer at the Graduate Tourism Program National
Centre for Australian Studies of Monash University (Australia). Aija has a particular interest in
destination marketing and management, city tourism and tourism impact, migration and host-guest
relationships in tourism. She acquired industry experience through working together with different
tourism organisations at national, regional and local level.
Maija Rozite is a professor and Head of the Tourism and Hospitality Department at Turiba
University, Faculty of International Tourism Professor Rozite teaches degree courses in Tourism
and Hospitality Management, as well as Master study courses in Tourism Strategic Management.
Her research is focused on tourism geography, planning, urban tourism, and host-guest
relationships in tourism, with publications in the field of the tourism history and development
in Riga and various aspects of tourism development in the soviet period. Maija Rozite is
recognized as a tourism planning expert and provides expertise to local municipalities, as well as
regional and national institutions.
Chapter 9
Spatial Structure of Tourism in a City
After Transition: The Case of Warsaw,
Poland
Marta Derek
9.1 Introduction
Tourism and leisure are one of the most important factors that influence urban space
in today’s cities. This applies to large, polycentric urban areas, which are the
world’s biggest tourist destinations, as well as smaller cities, where tourism is one
of many activities that shape the urban space. For geographers one of the key
problems in studying urban tourism is to understand and explain how tourism is
arranged in space.
The aim of this chapter is to explore spatial organisation of tourism in Warsaw.
The city, which experienced an extensive damage during the Second World War,
followed by a 45-year period of socialism, has been developing in a market
economy only since 1990. This political and economic transition, symbolically
completed with a 2004 Poland’s EU accession, has had important implications for
tourism development and its spatial structure in Warsaw.
The chapter is inspired by the work of Pearce (1998) on the structure and
functions of tourist districts in Paris. Obviously, we do not want to compare
Warsaw to Paris in any way, but try to apply Pearce’s approach to the city after
transition. The study attempts to identify the main tourist places and spaces within
the city and to analyse their spatial and functional structure. We would like to
determine whether tourism in Warsaw is organised in precincts, or maybe there are
just tourist sites, which do not interrelate with each other and do not result in
emerging functional districts or precincts.
M. Derek (&)
University of Warsaw, 30 Krakowskie Przedmieście str., 00-927 Warsaw, Poland
e-mail: m.derek@uw.edu.pl

158 M. Derek
9.2 Spatial Organisation of Tourism in Cities
Establishing the spatial structure of tourism in cities is one of the fields of research
on urban tourism (Pearce 1998). Hayllar et al. (2008) argue that in most urban
destinations tourist visitation tends to be concentrated rather than dispersed. These
areas of concentration have been widely studied in tourism research. Although they
have been called differently: from districts (Stansfield and Rickert 1970; Getz 1993;
Pearce 1998), through zones (Weaver 1993), to tourist areas (Maitland and
Newman 2004, 2008), their general meaning is similar and refers to the areas of
concentration of tourist-related phenomena. Hayllar and Griffin (2005: 517) and
Hayllar et al. (2008: 9) propose to call such areas “precincts”, which they define as
“distinctive geographic areas within a larger urban area, characterised by a con-
centration of tourist-related land uses, activities and visitation, with fairly definable
boundaries. Such precincts generally possess a distinctive character by virtue of
their mixture of activities and land uses, such as restaurants, attractions and
nightlife, their physical or architectural fabric, especially the dominance of historic
buildings, or their connection to a particular cultural or ethnic group within the city.
Such characteristics also exist in combination” (Hayllar and Griffin 2005: 517;
Hayllar et al. 2008: 9). This definition clearly defines a precinct as an area that has
both functional and spatial linkages between tourism-oriented services. It should be
noted, however, that an important part of the attractions and services that constitute
a precinct serve to local residents as well. Restaurants, museums, parks and public
spaces are patronized by locals and tourists alike, so it would be difficult to discuss
the spatial organisation of tourism without taking into account the role of domestic
leisure.
Tourist areas within urban areas are studied by many scholars from different
perspectives. Some researchers focused on the distribution of tourism-related ser-
vices, such as accommodation, catering services or tourist attractions. This used to
be one of the most frequently used approach towards the supply of urban tourism in
the 1980s (Ashworth 1989; cited in Page 1995). Others proposed functional
models, which help to understand the relations between different tourist sectors, but
do not develop spatial patterns. In this case, one of the first models was the one by
Stansfield and Rickert (1970) on Recreational Business District (RBD), although
this was a resort, not a city, based concept. This was further developed by Getz
(1993) in his model of Central Business District (CBD). Another functional model
was proposed by Burtenshaw et al. (1991), showing the complex relationship
between groups of recreational users and categories of uses in the city. Finally,
spatial models are proposed, analysing the spatial structure of tourism in cities. This
approach, however, focuses mainly on the areas of concentration of tourism-related
phenomena, such as districts, precincts, etc. It is based on the assumption that the
most important elements of the city’s urban structure related to tourism are con-
centrated on a distinctive area (the historic centre of the city in most of the cases).
Pearce (1998), in his study of Paris, analysed structure and functioning of three
9 Spatial Structure of Tourism in a City After Transition … 159
tourist districts in Paris, focusing on spatial associations and functional linkages. He

noted that “Paris offers a range of tourist districts” and, further, “three have been
selected (…) on the basis of their importance as tourist destinations and differences
in their underlying structure” (Pearce 1998: 52). He concluded that in each case a
marked clustering of tourist-related services was evident and synergistic relation-
ships between the different sectors appeared. These phenomena regarded especially
the emergence of tourist-oriented shops and services in close proximity to major
attractions and linear concentration of similar businesses. Moreover, “the functional
association between major and other attractions was shown to be not as strong as
physical proximity alone might otherwise suggest” (Pearce 1998: 63).
Consequently, Pearce (1998) suggested that the linkages between the city’s major
attractions are more between the city’s major attractions than between the nuclei
and more immediately adjacent but less well known attractions.
The study of Pearce was undertaken in one of the world’s most visited urban
destinations. It is a part of a trend where studying tourist areas within the city has
focused so far on the established tourist destinations, tourist-historic cities in par-
ticular, where tourism has been one of the dominating activities, such as London
(Maitland and Newman 2004; Bull and Church 2001) and Paris (Pearce 1999;
Gravari-Barbas and Fagnoni 2013) regarding large cities or Groningen (Ashworth
and Tunbridge 2000) and Bruges (Lievois et al. 2002) regarding small and
medium-sized cities. In such cases tourism can be treated as one of the most
influential factors shaping urban space (at least in the core of a city). Little attention,
however, has been paid on cities after transition in Central and Eastern Europe
(CEE), where the spatial and functional organisation of tourism is different (one of
the few works that mention this problem is Kotus et al. 2015).
Although the term ‘transitions’ can refer to many different aspects and processes,
in Europe it has become synonymous with prescriptive forms of post-communist
restructuring processes (Hall 2004, 2008). The core of the European “transition
project” was transforming the former communist states of CEE into “Western
democracies” (Hall 2008). This process was essential not only for the economy and
politics of the CEE countries, but it also influenced its geographical space,
including cities. As Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) note, the spatial organisation
of socialist cities followed different principles and they had not been exposed to the
full force of free-market tourism (Ashworth and Tunbridge 2000). Since 1990 these
cities have been redeveloped in a totally different geopolitical context. Ashworth
and Tunbridge (2000: 7), trying to apply the tourist-historic city model to the CEE,
rightly suggest that a variant in detail of the more general models “bears the impress
of socialist urban development in its historic city but, through its novelty value, has
often been exposed to the full force of capitalist development of its tourist city in
the 1990s”. Warsaw is such a case. Although it was visited by domestic and
international (especially from other communist countries) tourists already during
communism, its development as a tourist destination greatly intensified after 1990,
trying to meet a growing tourist demand with its post-socialist supply. Nowadays,
although it is number one tourist destination in Poland in terms of tourist arrivals
160 M. Derek
(official statistics), it is not recognized as an important tourist destination on a

European scale. Moreover, an important part of the tourism sector is business
tourism, which is not very noticeable in the urban space. We could therefore expect
that the spatial structure of tourism will be different than in more significant tourist
destinations which have been developed without a socialist rupture.
9.3 Warsaw as a Tourist Destination
Warsaw is Poland’s major metropolis, with 1.744 million inhabitants (2015).

According to official statistics based on overnight stays in registered accommoda-
tion it is the number one urban tourist destination in Poland, with 2.9 million
tourists in 2014, exceeding the next, Kraków, which reached 2 million tourists. The
average length of stay in Warsaw was only 1.6 night (compared to 2.1 in Kraków),
which is less than the European city average (Van den Berg et al. 1995; cited in
Pearce 1998). The share of foreign visitors was 37.5% (51% in Kraków). Every fifth
international traveller who reached Poland visited each of the city (the Central
Statistical Office of Poland, www.stat.gov.pl, 17.04.2016, 05.01.2017).
A survey conducted among tourists in front of 9 tourist attractions and near
several music clubs and bars on a sample of 3023 domestic and international
visitors (Ipsos 2014) revealed that as many as 34% of the visitors to Warsaw sleep
in the apartments of their friends and relatives, 24% choose hotels, 16%—hostels
and 15% hire private apartments. This data would mean that a large number of
tourists is not included in the official statistics, as those measure the tourist flow
only regarding official accommodation. Indeed, some estimations of a real number
of visitors to Warsaw suggest that the city was visited by 7.5–8.3 million tourists in
2014 (Ipsos 2015).1 The same survey proved that 35% of tourists were first-time
visitors (15% of domestic tourists and 80% of international visitors). The seven
leading activities of visitors to Warsaw were: visiting monuments, leisure, learning
about the culture, the history and the customs, visiting friends and relatives,
shopping, education and entertainment (Ipsos 2014).
Official data, based on numbers of entries to the main Warsaw’s attractions, shed
some light on their popularity (Table 9.1). It is difficult, however, to draw any
conclusions on tourism as such, as these attractions are also widely visited by the
residents of the city. As mentioned before, tourism and domestic leisure overlay in
urban space, and it is almost impossible to separate the two phenomena. This
1
In similar research the real number of tourists in Kraków was estimated for about 9.9 million
visitors (Borkowski et al. 2014). That would mean that Kraków is the tourist leader among Polish
cities, which seems to be more accurate than the conclusion we may draw basing only on the
official statistics.
Table 9.1 Number of entries to selected ticketed attractions of Warsaw in 2015

Attraction Number of
entriesa
The Copernicus Science Centre 1,153,850
(Centrum Nauki Kopernik)
Zoo 709,624
(ZOO)
Viewing terrace at the 30th floor of the Palace of Culture and Science 558,215
(taras widokowy na XXX piętrze Pałacu Kultury i Nauki)
The Warsaw Rising Museum 517,329
(Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego)
The Royal Castle 400,720
(Zamek Królewski)
The national football stadium “PGE Narodowy” 364,688
The National Museum 337,629
(Muzeum Narodowe)
POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews (POLIN Muzeum Historii 316,000
Żydów Polskich)
The Royal Łazienki Museumb 240,000
(Muzeum Łazienki Królewskie)
The Museum of King Jan III’s Palace at Wilanów (Muzeum Pałacu Króla 206,806
Jana III w Wilanowie)
Chopin’s Museum 85,404
(Muzeum Chopina)
The Old Town Heritage Interpretation Centre 37,006
(Centrum Interpretacji Zabytku)
a
In case of the museum the numbers reflect entries for the permanent exhibitions only (excluding
concerts, workshops, etc.)
b
The park, open for public, was visited by 2,100,000 people. This data includes entrance to all the
museum’s buildings
Source Information gathered from the institutions
remark includes the statistics—in all of the places listed in Table 9.1 it is not
possible to say what the share of tourists visiting them is. As suggested by
Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) the most numerous visitors to most museums and
historic monuments are local residents on repeat visits. Nevertheless, as they all
constitute tourist attractions admittedly, they contribute to spatial organisation of
tourism in the city.
Many of the most visited Warsaw’s attractions (Table 9.1) are new investments:
The Warsaw Rising Museum was opened in 2004, The Copernicus Science Centre
in 2010, the national stadium ‘PGE Narodowy’ in 2012, and POLIN Museum of the
History of Polish Jews in 2013 (permanent exhibition in 2014). Their popularity,
which revealed almost immediately after these sites had been opened, shows that in
a city after transition there is a hanger for new, modern and considered as
Western-like sites.
162 M. Derek
9.4 Tourism in the Spatial Structure of the City
The spatial structure of today’s Warsaw is very much influenced by the fact that
large parts of the city were destroyed during the Second World War. Some esti-
mations suggest that even up to 84% of the pre-war buildings from the left bank of
the Wisła River were destroyed (Majewski and Markiewicz 2012). A part of the city
located on the right bank, called Praga (an independent town which did not join
Warsaw until the late 18th century), survived the war, but has remained less
developed and poorer part of the city. Paradoxically, the main attractions of
Warsaw are not the buildings which remained and could be redeveloped, but the
ones which were rebuilt after being completely damaged (The Old Town, The
Royal Castle), constructed under the communist regime (The Palace of Culture and
Science) or after 1989 (The Warsaw Rising Museum, The Copernicus Science
Centre).
A great part of Warsaw’s most popular attractions are concentrated in the central
borough of the city (Śródmieście) (Fig. 9.1), especially along the north-south axis
(the so-called Royal Route). The axis joins the Royal Castle, which is adjacent to
the Old Town, with the King’s summer residence in Łazienki, and is about 3.5 km
long. It gathers a great number of historic buildings which host important institu-
tions, and represents a mix of land-uses, including residential, business, adminis-
trative, cultural and shopping functions. The Royal Route is patronized by tourists
especially in its Northern part (Krakowskie Przedmieście street and a northern part
of Nowy Świat street), which has been adopted for pedestrians by extending
sidewalks and limiting road traffic. Moreover, it is physically linked to the Old
Town, the distinguishable tourist precinct of the city, and the Castle Square, which
are also pedestrian areas, and tourists can benefit from a good accessibility between
these areas. Indeed, convenient pedestrian access between the attractions is crucial
for creating functional linkages between them (Krolikowski and Brown 2008).
Apart from the Old Town and the northern part of the Royal Route, a vast
majority of the attractions located in the central borough of the city are scattered
around the area. Regardless of the distance between them, they are not physically
linked. This refers even more to the attractions located outside of the centre.
Warsaw, a capital city, offers a range of different services and is an important centre
of political, economic and cultural interactions. The tourist dimension is placed
within this multifaceted urban structure. In addition, it is other land-uses, which
dominate the city, and tourism only complements the existing pattern of land-uses.
As a result, tourist places do not form compact tourist areas. Tourist main attrac-
tions are single sites and do not affect their surroundings in terms of further tourism
development. This phenomenon can be illustrated with the examples of two of the
most popular Warshavian attractions: the Copernicus Science Centre and the
Warsaw Rising Museum.
The Copernicus Science Centre (Centrum Nauki Kopernik), opened in 2010 on
the banks of the Wisła River in the district called Powiśle, is the most visited
attraction of Warsaw taking into account the entrance records (Table 9.1).
Fig. 9.1 Distribution of selected tourist attractions in Warsaw
This investment was a part of the project of the renewal of the riverfronts, by
reshaping their character towards public space with cultural, educational and artistic
functions (Derek and Dudek-Mańkowska 2015). The Centre is patronized mainly
by domestic visitors from outside Warsaw: according to a 2015 survey undertaken
by the Centre in Polish language, only 27.7% of individual visitors and 5.6% of
group visitors are from Warsaw, another 11 and 9.2%, respectively, from the
164 M. Derek
region, and the rest is from other regions of Poland(Centrum Nauki Kopernik—
Raport roczny 2015) (although new research undertaken by the Centre in foreign
languages in 2016 revealed that the share of foreigners visiting the site is about 7%).
Nonetheless, it has not shifted the district into the tourist district yet. Powiśle, the
first Warsaw’s industrial district, redeveloped as a residential one in the interwar
period. After the transition to a market economy in 1990 these attractive riverside
areas have begun to take their rightful place in the structure of the city. One of the
most important projects which reinforced this process was building the University
of Warsaw Library, opened in 1999. It has become an iconic building for the whole
Warsaw, and, thanks to the gardens on the roof, an important tourist attraction. The
project was supported by new infrastructural investments (e.g., a new local bridge
across the river opened in 2000, tunnelling an express road that led along the river
in 2001–2002, or opening a metro station in 2015), which have changed the image
of the district and resulted in appearing new housing estates and office buildings on
the area. Changes in land-uses of the district included emerging a set of new eating
establishments (there were 31 of them in 2012, Derek 2012), however no other
tourism-related services followed. The Copernicus Science Centre, with over 1
million visitors per year, does not influence further development of tourism function
in the district. It is a single site, which has largely contributed to the changes of the
district’s image and character, but, to date, has not resulted in any concentration of
other tourism-oriented land uses. This has happened although the area is widely
patronized by students (apart from the library there are other University’s buildings
in the district). In fact, physical upgrading of the district and construction of new
estates and in-fill buildings restrained the development of the university function,
and hence probably restricted the development of tourism- and leisure-related land
uses. Instead, spatial problems resulting from an insufficient number of parking
places (especially for coaches) occur. Although visitors are encouraged to use
public transport, conflicts between people who park their cars in the streets adjacent
to the Centre and local inhabitants living there have appeared.
Similar problems occur in case of Warsaw’s number one attraction according to
a 2014 survey with visitors (see below), the Warsaw Rising Museum. Opened in
2004, it is located in a former tram power station in the post-industrial borough,
Wola. New office buildings and housing estates reflect the massive redevelopment
of the borough, which has been labelled as ‘Wild West’ (Śleszyński 2004;
Górczyńska 2014). They might have restricted the spread of any potential
tourism-related services—the phenomenon that was observed by Pearce (1998) in
case of some sites in Paris. In the surrounding of new office buildings it is a single
tourist site in the area. Even a restaurant, significantly called “jakVIP” (in English
“a VIP-like”), which is located in the office building opposite the Museum, seems to
serve to business clientele rather than museum’s visitors. Again, one of the main
spatial problems is parking couches around the place. In front of the Museum,
visited by over 1400 people per day on average, there are only 5 parking places for
couches.
None of these two highly visited sites has influenced emerging a tourist precinct
around them. No clustering of tourism-related services can be observed, although in
Powiśle an important education function is visible. This, however, is not surprising.

First, both attractions are relatively new. Modern and new in this part of Europe
ways of exhibition which the two sites offered have attracted large numbers of
visitors, but other attractions around have not had time to appear yet. Second, they
were both installed on the areas under redevelopment, with no fully established
functions, with a set of different land-uses competing for surrounding areas.
Tourism was not the most competitive among them.
Although tourism-related services do not cluster around most of the main
Warshavian attractions (like the two mentioned above), and the attractions them-
selves do not cluster in one district, the international and domestic visitors survey
(Ipsos 2014) suggest they are functionally linked together by tourist flows. The
survey revealed that there are a few attractions which are widely visited by tourists.
The most often tourists visited the Warsaw Rising Museum (it was visited by 35%
of international respondents and 59% of Polish respondents). The Old Town
appeared to be Warsaw’s second biggest attraction according to the survey (60 and
37%, respectively). It was followed by the post-soviet Palace of Culture and
Science (21 and 32%), the Royal Łazienki museum and park (8 and 32%), the
Copernicus Science Centre (7 and 23%), the National Museum (7 and 15%), the
Royal Castle (10 and 11%), the Museum of King Jan III’s Palace at Wilanów (6 and
10%), and the national football stadium “PGE Narodowy” (2 and 12%) (Ipsos
2014).
9.5 The Old Town: The Tourist Precinct of Warsaw
Drawing on Hayllar et al. (2008) understanding of a tourist precinct it is possible to

distinguish one tourist precinct in Warsaw. Unlike a number of tourist sites, the
Warsaw’s Old Town is the area gathering a range of different services. Its paradox as
an attraction is that it is not old. Established in the 13th century, it was entirely
destroyed during the Second World War. Its reconstruction was initiated already in
1945. The Royal Castle, which is adjacent to the area, was rebuilt only in 1971–84.
The success of the reconstruction resulted in including the Old Town and the Royal
Castle on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1980 as “a unique European expe-
rience (which) contributed to the verification of conservation doctrines and prac-
tices”.2 The reconstruction, however, did not bring the building back as they looked
like just before the war, but took as a reference the first half of the 18th century
(Derek et al. 2013). Although this raises a question about the authenticity of this
heritage, nowadays it is one of the most important tourist attractions in Warsaw. It is
also perceived as an important attraction by the inhabitants of Warsaw. In a 2000
survey regarding the perception of different places in Warsaw the residents were
2
http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/30 (21.04.2016).
166 M. Derek
Fig. 9.2 Patterns of land use in Warsaw’s Old Town, April 2016. Source Fieldwork
asked to indicate places that could be recommended for visitors. The Old Town was
designated as such by almost a half of the respondents (Jałowiecki 2000).
The fieldwork carried out in April 2016 proved that the area is a compact centre
of tourist activities. 38% of all the services that were inventoried are eating
establishments (Fig. 9.2), half of which were restaurants. Although such facilities
rarely aid the definition and delimitation of areas of tourist activity because they
reflect the local distribution of residential and economically active populations in
various parts of the city (Ashworth and Tunbridge 2000), in this case they reflect
tourists’ demand rather than local usage patterns. The Association of Private
Businesses of the Warsaw’s Royal Route outright admits that these establishments
serve to visitors rather than locals, and that is one of the main reasons why they
operate mainly during the summer season between April and October.3 In Warsaw,
the Old Town is not a core area of today’s city. It is located aside from the main
traffic routes. Moreover, other research proved that most eating outlets which
congregate in the Old Town serve Polish cuisine. The area is more popular with
foreign than national tourists, and it is reasonable to expect that non-Polish visitors
are the main target group in many of these establishments, especially restaurants
(Derek 2017).
Almost a third of all services (31%) are souvenir shops, and the next 15% are
tourism-related services, such as museums, galleries, foreign exchange outlets or
accommodation services. The latter is, however, insignificant (one hostel and one
hostel-like place). There is not a single hotel located in the Old Town. Ashworth
and Tunbridge (2000) note that it is worth drawing attention to the ‘bed and
breakfast’ accommodation facility, suggesting that it strengthens the inner-city
functional association between tourist accommodation and historic attractions. In
the case of the Old Town it is not the ‘bed and breakfast’ that strengthens this
association, but private apartments, which create it. It is difficult to give the exact
number of the apartments that can be hired by tourists in the Old Town. Some
estimations suggest, however, that there were more than one hundred of them in
2010 (Solska 2010).
The results obtained from the spatial analysis of services in the Old Town
suggest that the area is a great cluster of tourism-related services and activities.
They concentrate around the Old Town Market and along the streets, which con-
stitute the trail leading from the Royal Castle to the New Town, an area dating the
15th century partially rebuilt after the war (Fig. 9.2). Interestingly, side streets, in
close proximity to the market, do not seem to be patronized by visitors. Such a
conclusion can be drawn not only on the lack of tourist-related services, but also on
the fact, that The Old Town Heritage Interpretation Centre, a museum presenting
the Old Town as a World Heritage Site, located a bit aside from the main route, is
visited only by some 37,000 people per year (Table 9.1). Comparing to the Royal
Castle, located 350 m away, with over 400,000 visits, we may therefore observe
that functional associations between the attractions of the area are not very strong.
This would be consistent with the conclusions that Pearce (1998) drew in the case
of Ile de la Cité in his study of Paris.
In the vast majority of the cases, services are located only at the street level. It is
the residential function, which is dominating at this area. The reconstruction of the
Old Town, undertaken during communism, aimed at building a model housing
estate of that time, with a mixed social structure, where university professors and
then-prominent persons were living door to door with the working class. When the
area was listed as UNESCO World Heritage, its functional dimension was indicated
as “a residential quarter and venue for important historical, social, and spiritual
events”4 (Author’s emphasis). Before the 1970s, when tourists appeared on the
3
http://www.stare-miasto.com/biuletyn/biuletyn2013-02.html (19.04.2016).
4
http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/30 (21.04.2016).
168 M. Derek
area, it gathered a set of craft workshops serving to locals (shoemakers, leather

workers, laundries, etc.) which disappeared afterwards (Solska 2010).
Nowadays we observe two opposite but intertwined trends. First, local inhabi-
tants established a NGO in 1992, whose one of the activities have become elimi-
nating tourists’ impact, i.e., they protested against new initiatives that could bring
more tourists or organizing rock concerts on the Castle Square. This reflects the
conflict between residential and tourist functions observed also in other European
cities (e.g., Barcelona or Berlin), including Central and Eastern Europe (e.g.,
Prague, see Hoffman and Musil 2009). Second, a number of flats in the Old Town
was sold to agencies renting them to tourists. This procedure is however restrained
because roughly a half of all flats in this area is municipal (Solska 2010). In
addition, massive privatization was taking place in Warsaw since the collapse of
socialist regime, but changes in the regulations introduced in 2011 considerably
diminished the number of flats sold to sitting tenants (Górczyńska 2015). As a
consequence, because an important part of local residents will not be able to pur-
chase their flats, further actions against tourism development in the Old Town will
probably continue in the coming years.
Despite the important residential function of the Old Town, tourism is more and
more crucial land use on this area. As Jansen-Verbeke and Lievois (1999) point out,
even if there are heritage buildings which have no direct tourist use at all (such as
residential function), they still add to the scenery and the historic setting of the city.
The agglomeration of tourist-oriented restaurants, souvenir shops, cafés and other
establishments, prove the area can be considered as a tourist precinct or a tourist
district. It definitely is the most tourism-related area in Warsaw.
9.6 Conclusion
One of the crucial problems in studying urban tourism is to understand and explain
how tourism is organised in space. This paper attempted to shed some light on this
problem using the case of a city after transition, Warsaw—Poland’s biggest city and
one of its main tourist destinations.
Generally, a spatial structure of tourism in Warsaw consists of one developed
tourist district and a collection of attractions which are scattered and, in a great part,
not physically linked with each other. Any agglomerative effects cannot be iden-
tified in close proximity to most of major attractions. We cannot observe spatial
clustering of tourism-related services around them. Although most of them are
concentrated in the central borough of the city, Śródmieście, there are no spatial
associations between them. Entrance records and the research conducted by Ipsos
(2014) suggest, however, that the city’s major attractions are functionally linked by
the tourist flow. The spatial structure of tourism in Warsaw reveals therefore not in
spatial associations and clustering, but in functional linkages. One exception is the
Old Town—the only tourist area that can be identified as a tourist precinct. It
gathers a range of different tourism-oriented functions, with a domination of eating
outlets and souvenir shops. Taking into account the pattern of land uses and a
tendency for spatial clustering, Warsaw’s Old Town may be compared to tourist
districts in other European cities. This may be a reason that in the Ipsos (2014)
survey of tourist demand it occurred to be the only attraction which was visited by
more international than domestic travelers.
The research shows that tourism in the post-transition Warsaw does not domi-
nate urban structures. It confirms an opinion suggested by Burtenshaw et al. (1991),
that the ‘tourist city’ covers only a small fraction of the area of the ‘residents’ city’.
In the multifunctional central Warsaw, with important shares of residential,
administrative and business functions, tourism occurs only in a few urban honey-
pots. Individual features constitute, however, the basic building blocks on which
urban tourism is founded (Pearce 2001). The only place where tourism is suc-
cessfully competing with the residential function is the Old Town. It is possible that
this situation will evolve, especially as some new investments in leisure infras-
tructure are being led, such as boulevards along the river in the district of Powiśle.
We may expect that together with the emergence of new and trendy areas for local
residents tourism will develop in other areas of the city.
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Author Biography
Marta Derek is a geographer, an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Geography and Regional
Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland. Her research and teaching interests include tourism and
local development, tourism planning and development, and tourism and regeneration, with a focus
on urban areas. Her current research projects focus on the ecosystem services concept in tourism
and recreation as well as gastronomy and the urban space.
Chapter 10
From Periphery and the Doubled National
Trails to the Cross-Border Thematic
Trails: New Cross-Border Tourism
in Poland
Marek Więckowski
10.1 Introduction
Conventionally borders are formal and visible delimitations of state spaces, power
and territorial ownerships. In the Polish case, borders are marginal spaces from the
social and economic points of view. They (borders and boundaries) depend upon
political decisions of the center of the country. During the socialist period, borders
were generally closed leaving very low possibilities of crossing them. Economic
development, including tourism, was very limited in borderlands and discouraged.
Because of the existing blockages, tourist space was developed only in a few border
localities. Near-border areas were attractive for tourists especially in the mountains,
but due to closed borders tourism infrastructure did not cross borders and the
industry remained domestic. Only a few attractions were accessible in border areas,
such as hiking trails and viewpoints at the border. Usually these spots could only be
reached from one side of the border (always without possibilities to cross the
border). Hence, doubled infrastructure, on each side of the border, was quite reg-
ular. In contrast to this historical account, cross-border socio-economic spaces have
now been created all over Europe, even in Central and Eastern Europe as the region
is undergoing various levels of integration as a result of the abolition of traditional
border functions.
The attraction of tourism in border areas is primarily based on “otherness”. The
differences resulting from the existence of a border between two or more separate
states in particular provides attractions, such as shopping (sometimes including
tax-free shopping facilities, ships), use of services (restaurants, accommodation),
M. Więckowski (&)
Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences,
Warsaw, Poland
e-mail: marekw@twarda.pan.pl

174 M. Więckowski
culture and events (museums, historical monuments, heritage), as well as interest in

additional elements including, in particular, the natural environment. Elements
attracting tourists can also include differences in prices and currency, different
products and services, culture, habits and holiday periods.
In Europe the abolition of borders creates cross-border space allowing an
increase in tourist flows and cross-border initiatives. The creation of tourist
attractions as well as information and marketing has been financially supported by
various EU-funds. Thus, along the Polish borders a new space for cross-border
tourism development has emerged.
The scope of this chapter goes beyond the territorial dimension of change in
order to encompass interaction in real space. The chapter analyzes cross-border
integration related to tourism, particularly regarding tourist flows, spatial organi-
zation, and other kinds of transboundary connections and interactions. Furthermore
a spatio-temporal approach is used to discuss models of cross-border integration.
10.2 Relations Between Tourism and Borders—

A Conceptual Framework
According to Timothy (1995) borders are lines between life as lived in one place
and life lived in another. For international travelers borders are symbols underlining
a process of transition, of going from one situation to another, from one state of
mind to another; from a daily life modus to a holiday or away-from-home modus,
or vice versa (Jafari 1987). Thus, there is a close relation between the crossing of
borders and a change of mind. The social and economic differences between
neighboring areas on either side of the border can also bring about the existence of
illegal traffic in goods and people. The crossing of different types of borders is often
an aspect of the tourist experience, be it an ethnic or a cultural border (Timothy
2002; Sofield 2006). Some people cross borders just so that they can claim that they
have been in a different country or a particular place (Timothy 2002). People even
collect countries—always a matter of border-crossing—as trophies or identity
markers.
Crossing a border is an element of curiosity and is based on “otherness”. The
creation of otherness is based on applying the principle that allows individuals to be
classified into two groups: them and us. Staszak (2008) also finds a hierarchy in
territorial constructions such as borders, where the two groups are created from one
and the other sides of the border. Moreover, a material and symbolic affectation is
added to linguistic, religious, ethical and other oppositions: “people think that they
owe their identity and superiority to those of their territory, and they ascribe to
others the faults of their respective territories” (Staszak 2008: 5). Picard and
Digiovine (2014) argue that while the otherness under consideration is “produced
10 From Periphery and the Doubled National Trails … 175
and maintained through processes of delineation, at the same time they [tourists]
intimately respond to a set of sensual and semiotic desires that structure the other”
(p. 2). One of those desires is to see, experience, taste or buy something exotic.
Despite the fact that the exoticism experienced by the first explorers has not existed
since the end of the 19th century (Segalen 2001), is the concept been used in many
countries as a major resource for tourism marketing purposes since the development
of mass tourism in the 1960s (Staszak 2008). Therefore, ordinary tourists can treat
the other side of the border as something exotic: a different culture (customs,
language and religion), different products with different prices, even different
landscapes. One of the increasingly significant segments in tourism is cultural
tourism, which is characterized by the tourist’s interest in being exposed to some
form of cultural otherness (Wood 1997).
Border areas have great potential for the development of tourism. According to
many studies, tourism has been developing very well in borderlands (e.g.,
Christaller 1955, 1963; Miossec 1977; Matznetter 1979; Essex and Gibb 1989;
Arreola and Curtis 1993; Galluser 1994; Timothy 2002; Wachowiak 2006;
Caccomo 2007; Więckowski 2010). Borders influence tourism development, while
at the same time are attractive to tourists (Timothy 1995) and create new possi-
bilities for innovations (Weidenfeld 2013). Borders have a strong effect on tourism.
The boundaries, separating different types of political and administrative units or
spatial development, influence the development of tourism through creating the
motivation and stimulus to take a decision to travel, which can be driven by the
development of tourist infrastructure, marketing and promotion, and regional
branding (Więckowski 2010). Borders, depending upon their character and the
function they perform, may constitute barriers to or filters of the development of
tourism; they may modify space and constitute elements of integration. In many
areas we can observe contrasting development on two sides of a border. Borders
influence the spatial development of tourism. Additionally tourism also has strong
effects on the border landscape (Timothy 2002).
The functions of borders are far from being static. They change over time and
their essence is characterised by opening and closing cycles: they constantly undergo
processes of “debordering” and “rebordering”. The appearance/disappearance of
borders and their opening/closure are expressed through changes in function
(Więckowski 2013). During the past half century, border studies have shifted from
dealing with borders strictly as boundary lines and barriers, to a more complex
understanding of borderlands as regions in which socio-spatial differences are
negotiated, where hybridized populations dwell, and where unique socio-economic
environments have evolved. The new, current, focus is on the underlying dynamism
of areas on both sides of the border, thus challenging the nature of those very borders
both real and perceived.
There is a differentiation depending upon the function of boundaries. In the case
of closed boundaries the differences influence significantly the potential for traf-
ficking and limit the mobility of people, i.e., cross-border traffic is very low. In the
case of open boundaries, the differences contribute to the development of trade and
176 M. Więckowski
tourism. It appears that tourist space is sensitive to changes in the location of

boundaries and in relation to the functions they perform. A new border (or the
closing of the existing one) across a given area may give rise to the disappearance
or functioning of separate spaces in neighboring countries (without mutual rela-
tions). In cases when borders disappear, both when they get shifted and when their
functions change towards openness, tourist space may develop, usually jointly, but
may also vanish due to the loss of an attractive location close to the border. For
example, because of disappearing price differences and a homogenization of offers
on both sides of the border. The disappearance of a border as a barrier causes an
increase in the flow of goods and people, and leads to a more important role of the
localities situated next to the border, which had marginal significance before. A new
zone of activity gives rise to linkages between two economic systems or two
regions. The broadening of the economic base due to the appearance of new factors
is also of importance.
Border opening processes, as part of European integration, have helped to link
integration between neighboring countries and cross-border cooperation. This can
be particularly helpful in the fields of nature protection and tourism development.
The establishment of borders can be a social and spatial process and play a sig-
nificant role in the functioning of the borderland. Through the European integration
project, the European Union’s internal borders have been opened up both physically
and symbolically, and cross‐border regions have become places for communication
and interaction. These processes opened new possibilities for the construction of a
cross‐border tourist destinations enabling the role of the tourism industry for fur-
thering regional identities and “borderless” regional images (Prokkola 2006, 2008).
The co‐operation processes in cross‐border regions share a narrative characterized
by liberal economic rationality.
Nilsson et al. (2010) have analyzed how regional identities are represented and
renegotiated in connection with the development of a cross‐border tourism desti-
nation. According to their research, political issues are downplayed in relation to
economic issues, even though, in the case of tourism, political issues like regional
identity are impossible to avoid. Gelbman and Timothy (2011) have shown that in
representing the potential of tourist attractions in international exclaves, most of the
elements are expressions of difference or contrast between the two
communities/nations, and only a few reveal collaboration.
Borders influence the development of specific kinds of tourism on the border-
lands. The forms of contemporary tourism on border-adjacent areas are constituted
primarily of shopping, gastronomic, leisure, health (medical), transit, various forms
of nature-oriented, cultural (including urban) and event-oriented tourism. Tourism
in the areas neighboring boundaries is primarily based on “otherness”. Within the
borderlands of various countries, especially in areas that involve mixing of different
cultures and religions, the cultural landscape, along with numerous historical
monuments and urban patterns can be another interesting feature in terms of
tourism.
10.3 Cross-Border Tourist Flow Between Poland

and Neighboring Countries
After WW II, as the consequence of political decisions and changes of boundaries,

large migration waves took place. This led to population dropping in border towns
dropped; changes in the settlement system, along with social and economic con-
nections; and, disruption to transport networks, which entailed increased isolation
of neighbouring areas. The regional centres in Poland, whose hierarchical rank
within the national system altered and whose market catchment areas changed
owing to the post-war shifts of boundaries, are:
• Przemyśl: a centre that was ruined by the new course of the boundary—it found
itself a dozen kilometres from the border-
• Rzeszów and Zielona Góra: the centres, which emerged owing to the new
border
• Szczecin: a centre, whose catchment area shrunk, and
• Olsztyn: a centre, whose catchment area expanded.
The consequences of these changes were also visible in tourism. Due to of the
creation of new boundaries, some areas have been cut across by the state bound-
aries, such as Warmia and Masuria, Białowieska Forest, Roztocze Hills. Others got
separated from their traditional customer markets. For example, the Sudety
Mountains, stopped being the primary destination for the inhabitants of Dresden
and Berlin. Similarly, Roztocze became out of reach for the inhabitants of Lwów
(Lviv). Other former destinations were purposefully depopulated in order to deepen
isolation, leading to the disappearance of formerly existing tourist destinations. This
dynamic can be seen around the upper basin of San River.
During the communist era (1945–1989), the Polish borders were completely
closed with the exception of some short periods, and even then with crossings
highly concentrated at a very small number of points. The tightly-closed Polish
borders effectively stopped the movement of people. This was part of a policy
entailing the discouragement of economic activity in wider border areas, and par-
ticularly in the official border zones—a factor that long hampered local
socio-economic development. In Poland during the socialist period, the closed
nature of frontiers created strong barriers hindering the flow of people to and from
border zones. Flows across the borders were at low levels and there were obstacles
to the development of tourist infrastructure.
After 1989, a process of “debordering” and the consequent transformation of
borderlands was observed. The geopolitical and socio-economic changes in
East-Central Europe, which began in the 1990s, brought about a radical change in
the function of boundaries, the status of border zones and the character of
cross-border relationships. The opening of borders resulted in a massive increase in
cross-border traffic, as well as the beginning of cross-border cooperation. The
process of opening up the borders (changing their functions) creates a new situation
178 M. Więckowski
and encourages the establishment of cross-border parks, green edges and envi-
ronmental networks, as well as the development of tourism.
In 2004, when Poland became a member of the European Union, and in 2007
when Poland entered the Schengen zone, its boundaries took on the status of two
main types. The boundaries with Germany, Czech Republic, Slovakia and
Lithuania, as well as almost entire sea boundary became part of the open internal
borders of the European Union and internal borders within the Schengen zone. The
boundaries with Belarus, Ukraine and the Kaliningrad district of Russia have
become the outer boundaries of the European Union and Schengen zone, and have
been tightened, although they remain much easier to cross than before 1989.
Since the beginning of the transformation period, four purposes underlying
transboundary mobility have been dominant in border areas: trade, shopping
tourism, transit and tourism based on natural assets. Leisure and health oriented
tourism resembles shopping tourism in being engaged in by wealthier persons (e.g.,
Germans going to Poland, especially to the Polish sea coast). One of the ubiquitous
forms of borderland tourism has been cross-border shopping, which in the Polish
case is concentrated on groceries, outlets, food products and general stores.
Opening up the boundaries constitutes a new stimulus for the development of the
borderlands. This can be seen in the creation of new attractions, needs and
capacities. Due to systemic transformations, a change in perception of the bor-
derlands has taken place as well. Tourism, and especially tourist traffic, is more
advanced than other effects of this integration. The Polish borderlands are char-
acterized by advantageous conditions for the development of tourism (Więckowski
2010). Więckowski noted that in Poland tourism within the borderlands constitutes
the following
• an element of integration, the abolition of myths and stereotypes, the lowering
of language and mental barriers, etc.,
• a source of income and improvement of life quality,
• a source of internal change (effective use of endogenous potential),
• a source of stimuli for change from the outside (inflow of tourists and EU and
domestic funds f),
• an essential element linking neighboring countries.
The share of tourists and single-day visitors from neighboring countries in the total
number of inward tourists in the Polish borderlands is very high. Day visitors from
neighboring countries constitute 91.5% of all such visitors. Tourists from neigh-
boring countries, spending at least one night in Poland, account for 66.1% of all
tourists—although in 1996 this figure was 79.7% (Więckowski 2010).
Nowadays, many factors must be taken into consideration with regard to
cross-border tourism development: cross-border tourist infrastructure, cross-border
tourist flows, agreed cross-border tourist information, and joint tourist offers and
marketing procedures, especially the joint promotion of one border region with one
common international name. One of the most visible signs of tourism development
in borderlands is the increase in volume of flows. This can be captured by the notion
of cross-border mobility, which can be understood as every crossing of the border
by people, irrespective of the destination and objective as well as the distance

covered. This notion is, therefore, broader than tourism. Yet, the very fact of
crossing the border is not always considered as tourism. For example, routine
activities, including shopping, as well as trade trips, made in order to sell products,
should not be treated as tourism, rather they are a form of cross-border consump-
tion. Cross-border tourism is an element of international tourism, and the trans-
boundary tourist space exists on both sides of the border and is accessible to
persons coming from the neighbouring country.
Transborder tourism may be understood in the broader perspective as encom-
passing all the forms of tourism, which can be undertaken on the territories of at
least two neighboring countries, or can be seen in a narrower perspective as a form
of tourism associated with specific assets and tourist infrastructure existing in
transborder areas. The necessary distinguishing element is the purpose for traveling
and for crossing the borders with neighboring countries since the primary objective
is to visit and get to know the area “on the other side” of the border.
Transborder tourism constitutes an element of international tourism, while the
transborder tourist space exists on both sides of the border and is accessible to
persons coming from the neighboring country. In this case tourists, tourist infras-
tructure, tourist attractions etc. must have a transborder character, that is, they must
transgress the boundary. Transborder tourism may therefore be understood as:
• all kinds of tourism that allow for the use of the assets on the territories of at
least two neighboring countries;
• forms of tourism associated with specific qualities and tourist infrastructure,
existing within the areas adjacent to the border (usually featuring specific
identity, complementarity, characteristic economic aspects, and price differen-
tials), in the perspective of crossing the border;
• tourism, with the goal of visiting and knowing the area “on the other side” of the
border;
• tourism, with the goal of undertaking travel in the setting of two neighboring
countries, with crossing of the border as the necessary distinguishing element.
An analysis of the structure of tourist traffic has been made to show the role of the
international tourists coming to Poland. Tourist traffic concentrates in the most
attractive localities. The magnitude and distribution of tourist movements confirm
that short-distance traffic dominates. The situation regarding international tourist
traffic is similar. Traffic originating from the country that is the nearest neighbor of a
given province dominates.
The analysis of traffic across the Polish borders between Poland and neighboring
countries indicates that:
• in the years 1980–2000 there was a dynamic increase of all flows across borders,
including an increase in the number of day visitors as well as tourists coming to
and from Poland. After the year 2000 there was initially a significant drop
during the first 2–3 years, and then afterwards the numbers of tourists and
visitors was rather stable with only minor changes between years following;
180 M. Więckowski
• the shares of Poles visiting neighboring countries was lower than the share of
foreigners coming to Poland (the single-day visitors to the neighbouring
countries constitute 87.5% of all such Polish visitors; tourists from Poland to the
neighbouring countries, spending at least one night abroad, account for 50% of
all Polish tourists going abroad; Więckowski 2008, 2010);
• imbalances in the tourist traffic and in the movement of visitors across each of
the borders and with each of the neighbors. In the majority of cases the traffic
towards Poland is bigger than traffic from Poland.
It is very difficult to demonstrate which of the elements of the development of
cross-mobility has a decisive significance. There exist numerous external and
internal elements, which influence the development and functioning of this kind of
mobility to different degrees. Specifically, these elements include: the degree of
openness of borders, the relations of prices and currency exchange rates, tourist
services on offer (both tourist attractions and the quality of service), fashion trends,
preferences, skills in introducing innovations, and the quality of human capital.
Tourists exploit an “otherness” in Poland, taking the opportunity within the
borderlands to visit another country, with another language, culture, and often also
religion. The “otherness” is also expressed through different land uses, other feasts
and holidays, other dishes (culinary tourism), products in shops (shopping tourism)
and tax-free shops on ships. Irrespective of the character of the borders between the
borderlands in two neighboring countries, there exist differences, expressed pri-
marily through different levels and magnitudes of tourist development, tourist
attractions and tourist traffic. The differences in the level of economic development,
in product and service quality and prices are conducive to exchange and the
undertaking of trips. The decisive element for the magnitude of tourist traffic across
the border is the existence of differences (including those of prices) and the exis-
tence of an emitting (sending) market, as well as the elimination of barriers—
mainly of a psychological nature. Population movements take place in all direc-
tions, but there are clear imbalances in this traffic. These reasons explain the
imbalance in the number of tourists crossing the Polish borders.
10.4 Cross-Border Tourist Integration Between Poland

and Its Neighboring Countries
The development of the new tourist space started after 1989 on both sides of the
borders, in some cases with the specific idea to attract the tourists from the neigh-
bouring country. In the European Union the borderlands have been an element of
modernisation and a target for plans for economic growth. They constitute a specific
locus of access to financial means. The development of tourist space and infras-
tructure has been supported through the European Union’s INTERREG programs.
Especially in the beginning of the process of transition, just crossing a border
was very attractive for people who had lived their entire life in one country.
Crossing a border became an option to visit a new country. There were also many
attractive elements luring tourist, as for example: shops, aquaparks, ski-resorts,
historical cities, castles and other heritage sites, as well as various events. Tourists
visited areas close to the border to consume sites and services that they had not been
able to visit previously in their own country. These elements were seen to be better,
completely new and relatively cheap.
Border crossing points are magnets for the development of tourism especially in
border towns, and when they mark the border crossing of important international
roads. One of the most ubiquitous forms of the borderland tourism is cross-border
shopping. Very good examples of border-crossing tourist points can be found along
the Polish-Slovak border. In 1990, the whole Polish-Slovak border had only five
crossing points. In the period from 1990 to 1995, six new transboundary roads were
constructed and six new border crossings opened (Więckowski 2002). Nowadays,
they are 16 transboundary roads to facilitate cross-border accessibility. Some of the
regions (e.g., Slovak part of the Tatras region and the western part of the Beskidy)
are improving existing roads and turning them into highways or expressways.
However, the mountain environment of the border region constrains roads to a
rather specific configuration, which tends to follow valleys. In 1999 another 22 new
tourist crossing points were established. Yet, only a small number are open during
the whole year. Seven of them are opened only in the summer season and others
remained open in particular season (October through March, or November through
May). This created a new seasonality to the permeability of borders. Additionally,
only a few of the road crossing points were opened for all nationalities, while a
majority opened only for Poles and Slovaks, and others for 32 chosen nationalities.
It was a pulsating reality of border openness and closeness, in time, in space and in
terms of nationality.
It is acknowledged nowadays, that the manner in which tourist services are
provided and tourist traffic is organized, as well as how it is promoted, are important
aspects influencing the attractiveness of tourist destinations. For integrating Europe,
transborder cooperation is developed, along with joint planning and the preparation
of development strategies. In addition, in the European Union the border areas, and
in particular tourist activities in these areas, have access to financial development
means (PHARE, INTERREG, European Territorial Cooperation).
Cross-border cooperation is one of the main ideas promoted in EU regional
policies and Euroregions have been quite successful in their efforts to receive
funding through various EU programs (Timothy and Saarinen 2013). The EU
Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region provides a unique framework and a vital
opportunity for the region. It has been supported by the Baltic Development Forum,
which has noted that the Baltic Sea Region is interlaced with numerous formal and
informal cross-border organizations and forums providing a multidimensional scale
for interactions (Więckowski and Cerić 2016). Many cross-border projects are
developed through the Euroregion concept, some of them dealing with cross-border
tourism.
Cross-border tourist regions surrounding border towns are created when the
border divides the towns. The process of opening the borders allows people to cross
182 M. Więckowski
the border more easily. The border towns are attractive to tourists due to their
location, the possibilities for transit, and also cultural heritage attractions worth
visiting in their own right. They attract tourists from other parts of the bordering
countries and from abroad. Additionally, the towns create their own tourist region
for residents. The development of tourist regions is more effective when the towns
are situated near the coastline or in the mountains (for instance, Świnoujście—
Ahlbeck on the Polish-German border).
Tourism and especially tourist traffic are above all elements in integration pro-
cesses, which can abolish myths and stereotypes and lower language and other
cultural barriers. Tourism is thus essential for linking neighboring countries and
within the EU tourism is a stimulus regarding external exchange via inflows of
tourists on the one hand, but also in terms of capital inflow from the EU—and
domestic funding schemes on the other hand. Initiatives promoting cooperation
with the aim of creating joint tourist products are visible in many cases. EU-funds
support this cross-border cooperation and the construction of new attractions. The
resulting cooperation and governance models also have an important symbolic
dimension. A cooperative approach to projects financially supported by EU funds is
a precondition for realizing the majority of new cross-border products. When
describing the situation, the concept of multi-layered bordering has been used in
order to synthesize the notions of this vertical layering. This has also been envis-
aged as the ‘thickness’ of different spatial scales (Herrschel 2011).
The construction of cross-border space in Poland is mainly geographical, but the
real construction of networks is composed of tourist flows as well as organizational
links, which depend on social and cultural interactions. All these elements create,
and draw a border and change cross-border space. Networking in the sea
cross-border area covers much more space than ten years ago. Since the local and
regional dimensions of borderland areas change and create new elements of inte-
gration, they serve as spaces of adoption, of innovation for the processes creating
the new cross-border identity, and for using the geographical and symbolic
borderland.
Integration processes are helping the creation of cross-border border regions.
These processes are not that quick or easy. The integration of tourist space is
developing in stages and depends on many factors. One of the most important
stages is the situation of tourist space before the opening of a border. The four main
stages in the cross-border integration of tourist space are: coexisting spaces, con-
nected spaces, open space and integrated space (Fig. 10.1).
Separated or coexisting spaces (a) are those where little cross-boundary inter-
action occurs or where a border is completely closed. In a case when near border
areas are attractive from the tourist point of view some examples of doubled tourist
infrastructure on each side of a border are created (only for domestic use).
Connected spaces (b) occur when initial contact may be made, although interaction
is still in its infancy. Open spaces (c) refer to transfrontier dealings and border
crossings that are limited by border policies and procedures. A tourist space from
the other side of a border can be open due to check-points, open connecting roads,
and organized trips. In this stage tourist cross-border flow appears. Integrated space
Fig. 10.1 Spatio-temporal model of cross-border tourism development in Poland. Source

Author’s proposition
184 M. Więckowski
(d) entails, as it sounds, open partnerships and collaboration, where the border has
lost the majority of its barrier effects. In this stage the tourist space is created on two
sides on a border, and a tangible cross-border tourist space is created. Important
elements are common cross-border promotion, planning and development.
10.5 Conclusions
Border areas in Poland have great potential for the development of tourism. During
the communist era (1945–1989) the Polish borders were completely closed with the
exception of some short periods, and even then with crossings highly concentrated
at a very small number of points. In Poland during the socialist period, the closed
nature of frontiers created strong barriers hindering the flow of people to and from
border zones. At this time, flows across the borders were at a low level and there
were obstacles to the development of tourist infrastructure.
After 1989, a process of “debordering” and the consequent transformation of
borderlands can be observed. Border opening processes as part of European inte-
gration have helped to link integration between neighboring countries and
cross-border cooperation. This can particularly be seen in the fields of nature
protection and tourism development. One of the most visible kinds of human
activity in the Polish borderlands after the end of the cold war was the rapid
development of tourism. One of the main effects of these changes was the increase
in tourist flow. The border opening process started the process of integration of
regions on the borders between Poland and other EU countries. Nowadays inte-
gration processes are mainly based on the use of space on both sides of the border.
This space could previously hardly be referred to as already developed transborder
regions. Instead, this has been created and the creation of these spaces can be
divided into four main stages of cross-border integration of tourist space (these are
separated spaces, coexisting spaces, open space, integrated space).
In the years from 1980 to 2000 there was a dynamic increase in all flows across
the boundaries. In the first two to three years after the year 2000, there was a
significant drop and afterwards tourist figures stabilized, although there were minor
ups and downs in the following years. There are imbalances in the tourist traffic and
the geographical movement of visitors across each of the boundaries with each of
the neighbors varies; in the majority of cases, the traffic towards Poland is bigger
than the traffic from Poland. The wealthier customers travel for consumption pur-
poses, for shopping and to get services, and also for sightseeing and other leisure
purposes. The reasons for travelling are however diverse, and frequently
multi-motivational.
The differences resulting from the existence of a border between two or more
separate states in particular provides a basis for shopping (sometimes including
tax-free shopping facilities or ships), use of services (restaurants, accommodation),
culture and events (museums, historical monuments, heritage), as well as interest in
other elements, such as the natural environment. Difference in prices, products and
services, culture, habits and holiday periods can also attract tourists. The increase in
the number of trips induced new tourist developments including the establishment
of totally new services and an expansion and development of existing ones.
Tourism in the areas neighboring the boundaries of Poland depends upon com-
plementarity (prices, offers), trade and other services, transit, and attractive culture
and nature. Numerous external and internal elements influence the development and
functioning of tourism including, in particular, the degree of openness of bound-
aries, relations of prices and currency exchange rates, tourist services available
(both tourist attractions and quality of service), fashion trends, preferences, skills in
introducing innovations, and quality of human capital.
The equalization of prices and of quality of service on both sides of the border,
and the disappearance of differences which we now observe, does not have to limit
the development of tourism. If adequate investments are made in the tourist sector
and to support the attractiveness of the area in the period of “prosperity”, further
growth should be possible. Then the border stops being the element attracting
tourists, while the role is taken over by other attraction, such as a landmark, cultural
event, local cuisine or other tourist infrastructure that is now accessible without any
further restrictions.
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Author Biography
Marek Więckowski is Professor at the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning of the Polish
Academy of Sciences. Previously he was chief of department at the Institute of Geography and
Spatial Organization PAN (2013–2014). Moreover, Marek is Vice-president of the Polish
Geographical Society and editor of Geographia Polonica. He is also a member of the IGU
Commission for the Geography of Tourism, Recreation and Global Change. His field of research is
political geography (frontiers and cross-border collaboration), geography of tourism, mobility,
geography of transport, regional development, and territorial marketing. In the years 2014–2017 he
was also director of the Scientific Center of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Paris.
Chapter 11
Ski Areas’ Competitiveness in the Light
of Climate Change: Comparative Analysis
in the Eastern Alps
Robert Steiger and Bruno Abegg
11.1 Introduction
Snow-based tourism, especially alpine ski tourism, was repeatedly identified as

particularly vulnerable to climatic changes. The dependency on climatic resources
is stronger than in any other form of tourism. Snow is an indispensable resource,
either natural or technically produced snow: without snow there is no skiing. This
clear dependency together with a high economic importance of ski tourism in many
rural mountainous areas make this the best studied tourism branch in the field of
climate change impacts (see Steiger et al. 2017 for a comprehensive literature
review).
The future of alpine ski tourism, however, is not only dependent on climate
change. Additional challenges include, for example, potential changes in skier
demand (due to demographics and changes in leisure behavior) and insufficient
profit ratios (due to high capital and operating costs). A series of factors—with
climate change being only one—will shape the future of ski tourism. Climate
change, though, will reinforce existing structural problems and thus contribute to
the transition of the ski tourism marketplace.
Climate change impact studies on ski tourism exist for many ski markets (e.g.,
Canada: Scott et al. 2003, 2007, 2017; US: Scott et al. 2008; Alps: Abegg et al.
2007; Japan: Fukushima et al. 2002; New Zealand: Hendrikx and Hreinsson 2012;
Australia: Hennessy et al. 2008). The comparison of results of these studies is
limited as they differ both in methodological approaches and the climate scenarios
R. Steiger (&)
Institute of Public Finance, University of Innsbruck, Universitätsstraße 15/4,
6020 Innsbruck, Austria
e-mail: robert.steiger@uibk.ac.at
B. Abegg
Institute of Geography, University of Innsbruck, Innrain 52f, 6020 Innsbruck, Austria
e-mail: bruno.abegg@uibk.ac.at

188 R. Steiger and B. Abegg
used. Furthermore, only some of the impact studies include snowmaking in their
models, an adaptation measure that can effectively improve snow reliability (Scott
et al. 2003).
More recently, it was tried to standardize methodological approaches to conduct
supra-regional and transnational studies. Dawson and Scott (2013) applied the
SkiSim1 model to investigate climate change impacts on ski areas in the US
Northeast; Hendrikx et al. (2013) compared the relative vulnerability of ski areas in
Australia and New Zealand; Scott et al. (2015) applied the SkiSim2 model to all 19
former Winter Olympic Games host regions. For the European Alps, one com-
prehensive study exists (Abegg et al. 2007), but the impact analysis is limited to
natural snow only. However, there are several regional studies incorporating
snowmaking (Southern Germany: Steiger 2013; Grisons/Switzerland: Abegg et al.
2013; Austria: Steiger and Abegg 2013; Northern Italy: Steiger and Stötter 2013).
Although the same snow model was used in all these applications (SkiSim2) some
model parameters (e.g., for snowmaking) and the climate scenarios used differed.
The first objective of this chapter is therefore to model and analyse the snow
reliability of 310 ski areas in the Eastern Alps using the same parameters. By doing
so, relative vulnerability of ski areas—in terms of snow reliability—can be
assessed.
Snow conditions and snow reliability are among the most important factors for
ski destination choice. The attractiveness of ski areas though consists of several
other factors, as market surveys and internet portals show (Österreich Werbung
2012; WKO 2014; www.skiresort.de). In a survey conducted in 55 ski areas across
the Alps with 41,864 respondents (Partel 2012), the top 5 factors relevant for
destination choice were: the size of the ski area and the variety of ski slopes,
followed by snow reliability, slope grooming, the accommodation and ski lift
comfort. To assess the attractiveness and competitiveness of ski areas in times of
climate change, it is thus important to not only model snow conditions but to
include additional factors.
In existing studies, this is usually not the case. Factors like ski area size, or
business indicators like skier days and turnover are not or only rarely mentioned,
e.g., within the qualitative interpretation of modeling results. The focus on snow
reliability and neglecting other important factors limits the assessment of the
industry’s future: For example, what does it mean when a certain share of ski areas
in a region is not snow reliable anymore? Will all these ski areas disappear and can
be assumed that overall supply declines proportionately? Rather not, as remaining
ski areas could take advantage of that situation and enlarge their offer and attract
new guests. For this reason, the second objective of this paper is to analyse addi-
tional factors like ski area size, comfort of transport facilities and snowmaking
coverage. This will constitute a step towards a broader base for interpretation of
snow-modelling results.
11 Ski Areas’ Competitiveness in the Light of Climate Change … 189
11.2 Methods
Our research area consists of 310 ski areas in the following regions: Grisons
(Switzerland); Allgäu and Upper Bavaria (Germany); Vorarlberg, Tyrol, Salzburg,
Lower and Upper Austria, Styria and Carinthia (Austria); and South Tyrol (Italy).
The following factors were included to assess the attractiveness of ski areas: ski
area size, comfort of transport facilities, snowmaking coverage and snow reliability.
For ski area size, the length of ski slopes (in km) was used as an indicator. The
comfort of transport facilities is represented by the share of ski lifts (t-bars). Both
indicators were derived from the online portal Bergfex (http://www.bergfex.at). It
should be noted that the length measurement of ski slopes was reworked in Austria
in 2013 leading to a shortening of total slope length in most ski areas. As this
update is on a voluntary basis, it might be the case that some ski areas still publish
slope lengths using the old method, overestimating their slope length.
Snow reliability was analysed using the indicators “snowmaking coverage” and
“number of snow reliable ski areas”. The former was derived from reports of
several regional associations and offices (see Table 11.1), the latter is based on the
number of potential skiing days per ski area modeled by SkiSim2 (see Steiger
2010).
The snow model simulates snow depth on a daily basis in 100 m bands with
daily minimum and maximum temperature and precipitation from weather stations.
Table 11.1 Share of t-bar lifts and share of ski slopes covered with snowmaking facilities
Region Share of t-bar lifts (%)a Snowmakingb
Share of ski Relative change 2006–2012
slopes with
snowmaking
(%)
2013 2006 2012 Rel. (%)
Grisons 60 21 37 +76
Bavarian Alpsc 67 13 18 +46
South Tyrold 33 75 80 +6
Vorarlberg 58 34 50 +47
Tyrol 52 60 90 +50
Salzburg 55 56 80 +43
Upper Austria 71 43 52 +21
Lower Austria 60 57 – –
Carinthia 73 73 90 +23
Styria 73 62 83 +34
a
Source Bergfex (2016)
b
Source Astat (2010), Bergbahnen Graubünden (2006, 2012), BLfU (2013), Lebensministerium
(2013), VDS (2013), Wieser (2006)
c
2007/08
d
2008
For this study 80 weather stations could be used in the research area. To account for
the altitudinal difference between the weather station and a 100 m band in the ski
area, temperature and precipitation need to be interpolated. High altitude stations
are used to calculate monthly temperature lapse rates for each weather station. It is
distinguished between dry and wet days to account for days with thermal inversion.
Precipitation is extrapolated with a gradient of 3%/100 m (Fliri 1975).
SkiSim2 is calibrated for each weather station aiming at minimizing the differ-
ence between modeled and observed cumulative snowfall and snow cover days
(days with snow depth 1 cm). Snowmaking is possible at temperatures −4 °C
and is calculated on an hourly basis by linearly interpolating daily minimum and
maximum temperature. Maximum snowmaking capacity per day is 10 cm repre-
senting state-of-the-art snowmaking systems (Steiger and Abegg 2013). Base-layer
snowmaking (Steiger and Mayer 2008) is conducted in the beginning of the season,
producing 40 cm of snow regardless of natural snowfalls and snow conditions. In
reality, subsequent improvement snowmaking is regulated by experiences of the
staff responsible for snowmaking with the aim to remain in operation until the
scheduled season closing (Steiger and Mayer 2008). In the model this scheduled
season closing was set to March 31. Real season closing differs between ski areas,
depending on their altitude and location, and is between mid-march in low altitude
ski areas in the alpine foothills and May 1 in high altitude non-glacier ski areas. Our
uniform date is thus a simplification being necessary for reasons of comparability.
However, March 31 represents the end of the peak season where about 90% of
turnover is generated (Steiger 2010). Improvement snowmaking is calibrated in
order to reach this defined season closing date in 90% of all seasons within a
30-year period, provided that climatic conditions are sufficient. This rule shall
represent the staff’s long-year experience, how much snow is required. Further
details on the snow model can be found in Steiger (2010, 2013), Steiger and Abegg
(2013) and Steiger and Stötter (2013).
For each ski area the closest weather station is chosen to best represent the
climatic conditions in the ski area. Snow reliability is analysed at the mean altitude
of each ski area (=mean of lowest and highest lift station, only including lift stations
with ski slope access).
Snow reliability is divided into three classes and is based on two indicators:
(1) the 100-day rule, where ski areas are considered snow reliable if a ski season of
at least 100 days (with a minimum snow depth of 30 cm) is reached in at least 7 out
of 10 seasons (Abegg 1996). (2) the Christmas rule, where ski areas are snow
reliable if snow depth is sufficient ( 30 cm) for operation during 14 days in the
Christmas/New Years school holidays in 7 out of 10 seasons (Steiger and Abegg
2013). The Christmas holiday period is very important for ski areas as a high share
of turnover is generated in these two weeks (e.g., 25% in Grisons, 30% in Tyrol)
(Abegg 1996; Steiger 2010). These two indicators provide three classes of snow
reliability: snow reliable ski areas fulfill the 100-day rule and the Christmas rule;
partly snow reliable ski areas only fulfill the 100-day rule; and the remaining ski
areas are defined as not snow reliable.
Arbitrary climate scenarios were used by increasing temperature in 0.5 °C

increments up to +4 °C compared to the reference period 1981–2010. In contrast to
using climate model data, this approach allows to relate snow reliability to a specific
temperature increase, improving communication with stakeholders. A 1 °C
warming can be expected by 2030, +2 °C by 2050 and +4 °C towards the end of
the century, although the latter is dependent on the greenhouse gas emissions in the
upcoming decades.
Modelling of indicators and data collection—except snowmaking coverage—
were conducted at the level of ski areas. Snowmaking coverage was only available
at a regional level (share of ski slopes equipped with snowmaking). The following
analysis and interpretation were conducted at the regional scale. Nevertheless, the
maps also allow further analysis on a sub-regional level. Due to the high snow-
making coverage in most of the regions, and the trend of further expansions of
snowmaking facilities, results for natural snow reliability are only shown for the
reference period. We limit our analysis to the 1 and 2 °C scenario, thus presenting a
future outlook approximately until the middle of the century.
11.3 Results
The size of the ski areas differs greatly between our study regions (Fig. 11.1). In
Grisons, there is a balanced mix of small, medium, large and very large ski areas,
with the latter being the only category that is seen as internationally visible and
competitive. The Bavarian Alps, Lower and Upper Austria and Styria have a high
share of small to medium ski areas, illustrating the limited topographic suitability
for ski slopes in these regions. Tyrol has the highest number of ski areas, with many
small but also with the highest number of very large ski areas. Generally, a con-
siderable disparity in ski areas size exists between the inner alpine regions and the
Prealps.
South Tyrol has by far the highest comfort of transport facilities, as measured by
the lowest share of t-bar lifts (Table 11.1). The share continuously declined from
71% in 1980 to 63% (1990), 58% (2000) (Astat 2013) and 33% (2013) (Bergfex
2016). Possible reasons could be the snow dependency of t-bar lift tracks and the
higher interannual snow variability south of the main alpine divide, leading to an
earlier replacement of t-bar lifts with floor-independent transport facilities. Styria,
Upper Austria and Carinthia have the highest share of t-bar lifts, comparable with
South Tyrol 30 years ago. This could be due to the high share of small ski areas
with less financial capacity to invest into expensive transport facilities.
The regions also differ greatly in the share of ski slopes equipped with snow-
making: snowmaking coverage is highest in Tyrol, South Tyrol, Carinthia, Salzburg
and Styria. The lowest snowmaking coverage is found in the Bavarian Alps, fol-
lowed by Grisons. In the latter region though, the extension of snowmaking cov-
erage was the highest between 2006 and 2012 (+76%). These differing values
cannot be fully explained with natural snow reliability. While in Grisons, natural
Fig. 11.1 Ski areas classified by size. Source Bergfex (2014); own illustration
snow reliability (fulfilling the 100-days and the Christmas rule) in the current
climate is given for 97% of ski areas (Abegg et al. 2013), this is the case for only
44% of ski areas in the Bavarian Alps (Steiger 2013). Natural snow reliability is
even worse in Lower and Upper Austria, Styria and Carinthia (Fig. 11.2). But, due
to better snowmaking coverage in these regions, natural snow reliability is only of
little importance. Similarly to ski area size, a clear difference in natural snow
reliability from the Prealps to the inner alpine regions can be seen. Including
snowmaking though in ski season modeling, leads to a markable increase of snow
reliability in the entire research area: almost all ski areas (301 out of 310) could be
made snow reliable in the reference period.
A warming of 1 °C would lead to a reduction of snow reliable ski areas to 281
(91%). Non and partly snow reliable ski areas are concentrated in the northern parts
of Salzburg, the Eastern Bavarian Alps and Upper Austria (Fig. 11.3). Mostly small
ski area fall in this category. 17 ski areas turn from snow reliable to party snow
reliable, eight become unreliable. One very large ski area in Tyrol turns from snow
reliable to party snow reliable.
A warming of 2 °C reduces the number of snow reliable ski areas to 214 (69% of
ski areas). Non snow-reliable ski areas are concentrated in Upper and Lower
Austria, Styria, Eastern Tyrol and the Bavarian Alps (Fig. 11.3). Again, small ski
areas are affected the most. 69 small ski areas lose snow reliability in the Christmas
holidays, 33 do not even fulfill the 100 days rule. 13 medium sized ski areas are
only partly snow reliable, another five are not snow reliable anymore. Two large
(Tyrol) and two very large ski areas (Tyrol and Styria) turn from snow reliable to
partly snow reliable, one large (Upper Austria) and one very large ski area (Tyrol)
are not snow reliable.
Fig. 11.2 Snow reliability of ski areas today (1981–2010) without (top) and with snowmaking
(bottom). Source Own research
The picture is very diverse with regions where the majority of ski areas would
turn non snow reliable in a 2 °C scenario, i.e., the northern and eastern parts of the
research area, and regions with mostly unchanged snow reliability, i.e., across the
main alpine divide. Thus the foothills of the Alps could lose most of today’s
existing ski areas, while the situation is less urgent in the center of the Alps.
However, if large and very large ski areas experience severe problems with snow
reliability as suggested by the model results, this could have a negative impact on
the image of an entire region.
In order to maintain a 100-day season, the amount of technically produced snow
needs to be increased substantially. In a 1 °C scenario, ski areas would need to
Fig. 11.3 Snow reliability of ski areas with snowmaking in a +1 °C (top) and +2 °C scenario
(bottom). Source Own research
increase snow production by a third in most of the regions (Table 11.2). With a
warming of 2 °C, average snow production almost doubles (88%) in the Bavarian
Alps and Upper Austria, while in Grisons the average increase is considerably
lower with 29%. Note that these simulated increases are rather underestimating real
increases, as we already assume a 100% snowmaking coverage in all ski areas in
the reference period, which is obviously not the case in reality (see Table 11.1).
Furthermore, these increases refer to the required snow volumes to maintain a
100-day season. In contrast to the snow reliability analysis, climatic limits of snow
production are not considered in this indicator.
Table 11.2 Change of snow demand

Scenario/Region 0.5 °C (%) 1.0 °C (%) 1.5 °C (%) 2.0 °C (%)
Bavarian Alps 15 34 55 88
Vorarlberg 14 29 46 74
Tyrol 10 23 39 60
Salzburg 13 29 48 72
Upper Austria 16 36 71 88
Lower Austria 14 36 48 66
Styria 14 31 51 72
Carinthia 12 25 41 60
Grisons 5 11 20 29
South Tyrol 9 19 35 54
11.4 Discussion
Considering more factors than just snow reliability, like ski area size, comfort of
transport facilities and snowmaking coverage, is a first step towards a broader
assessment of climate change impacts on the ski tourism industry. Data collection
though turned out to be difficult due to (1) a variety of different sources with (2) in
part contradictory information, and (3) differing units (e.g., snowmaking coverage
published in km of ski slopes, in hectares or in percent). The accuracy of some data
(e.g., length of ski slopes) is unknown and can be questioned. A challenge is also to
harmonize the data in terms of reporting periods. Some data are available on the
business level, but only for selected ski areas; other data is only available on a
regional aggregated level, although it is not always clear how the data was
aggregated. This complicates the preparation of consistent and regionally compa-
rable time series. Data compilation becomes even more challenging when looking
at economic data (e.g., skier days, investments, etc.). For this reason, we did not
include such economic and demand data. The market potential, accessibility and
winter dependency of destinations could also be insightful indicators.
Not all factors have the same relevance for all ski areas. Internationally renowned
ski areas target other tourist groups than small family ski areas. Consequently,
factors being important for international ski areas (e.g., size, comfort) might not be
that relevant for ski areas acting predominantly in a regional market. The results
show that especially smaller ski areas at the rim of the Alps are affected by climate
change. Due to the small size, these ski areas only have a small share of skier visits. It
could thus be concluded that their exit from the market would not lead to significant
overall losses. On the other hand, it should be considered that these ski areas have an
important function as rather inexpensive, easily accessible alternatives to large,
expensive ski areas in the inner alpine regions. This is an important aspect especially
for beginners and families with kids living in metropolitan areas in vicinity to the
alpine foothills (e.g., Munich, Vienna). If these ski areas would vanish, the larger ski
areas in the center of the Alps could lose some of their market potential as less people
go skiing due to higher entry barriers to this activity.
The last four winter seasons 2013/14–2016/17 were extraordinary warm and
snow deficient. It was evident that ski areas with state-of-the-art snowmaking
systems were more successful than ski areas with no or little snowmaking.
Nevertheless, too warm temperatures to produce snow in December threatened the
important Christmas period throughout the Alps. And although ski area managers
were satisfied with snow conditions (due to snowmaking) they also complained
about a decline of demand especially from day-visitors. Skier surveys in snow
deficient winter seasons showed that possible reasons for fewer skiing days are
anticipated bad snow conditions, lack of winter feeling in the source markets, but
also be non-snow related like time or financial constraints (Steiger et al. 2015). This
suggests that there is a number of aspects affecting the demand side still being
insufficiently understood (see e.g., Dawson et al. 2011; Pons-Pons et al. 2012; Rutty
et al. 2015a, b; Scott and Steiger 2013; Steiger 2012).
Experiences from past snow-deficient winter seasons and modeling results show
a considerable potential of snowmaking, but the technical and climatic limits are
also evident. In order to remain snow reliable, more snow needs to be produced in
shorter time windows being suitable for snowmaking, resulting in higher resource
consumption and costs. Apart from technical or climatic limits, the ecological and
economic impacts of snowmaking and the resource consumption need to be better
analysed (Pickering and Buckley 2010; Rixen et al. 2011; Abegg 2012).
The regions analyzed in this chapter show a greatly differing attractiveness for
skiers. It is likely that these differences become even more accentuated in the future.
Challenges originating from change—not restricted to climatic change but also
considering demographic change, etc.—will have regionally differing impacts.
Therefore, strategies and visions need to be tailored to regional or local conditions.
Currently, the main strategy in the less developed regions is trying to catch up,
although the framework conditions (e.g., financial, climatic, topographic, market
potential) are not always suitable for such a development path. A rethinking process
can hardly be seen. On the contrary: where ski areas are not profitable anymore, the
public domain grants subsidies or even takes over and operates these ski areas.
Bearing in mind a stagnating skier market and increasing deficits of public budgets,
this preservation of structures needs to be questioned. In light of climate change,
such strategies do not appear to be future-oriented.
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Author Biographies
Robert Steiger is Assistant Professor at the Institute of Public Finance at the University of
Innsbruck/Austria, with strong background in climate change impacts on tourism systems. He has
contributed to the National Climate Change Assessment Reports of Austria and Switzerland and
has research experience in the Alps, Canada and Scandinavia. His current research focus is
regional development and tourism, and transformation of tourism systems.
Bruno Abegg is Professor for Human Geography and head of the Alpine Tourism Geography
group at the University of Innsbruck/Austria. He is one of the pioneers in the field of climate change
and mountain tourism with 20+ years of experience. His research interest includes: weather—
climate—tourism, climate change and tourism (impacts, adaptation and mitigation), tourism—
energy, regional development, transformation of alpine destinations and trans-disciplinary research
approaches.
Index
A Cruise, 12, 13, 39–44, 50–54, 56

Adaptation, 2, 3, 5, 11, 12, 30, 51 Cruise company, 67, 68
Africa, 12 Cruise ships, 39, 41, 42, 48, 49, 52, 55
Agriculture, 6 Cultural impact, 82, 122, 142, 145
Alps, 5 Culture, 9, 14, 33
Architecture, 81, 82, 84, 88–90, 138
Art tourism, 13 D
Asia, 12 Destination, 2, 4, 6–9, 11, 13, 22, 24, 25, 31,
Attractions, 4, 9 41, 56
Austria, 188, 189, 191, 192, 194, 195 Development, 2, 4, 5, 10, 12–14, 25, 27, 28,
30, 34, 42
B Development cooperation, 13
Bavarian alps, 187, 191, 192, 194 Development path, 196
Borderlands, 173, 175–178, 180, 184 Donors, 13
Borders, 13, 14 Dynamics, 13, 23, 52
Boundaries, 3, 10, 27
Brazil, 39–42, 50, 52, 56 E
Business, 13, 21, 26, 29–31, 49 Economic development, 13, 27, 28
Economy, 2, 6, 7, 12–14, 32, 33, 39, 56
C Environment, 2–4, 13, 26, 32, 33, 41
Capital, 9, 39, 44, 53 Europe, 12, 43, 49
Caribbean, 40 Events, 3, 5–11, 23, 24, 31
Case study, 13 Evolution, 22, 25
Change, 2–5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13, 21–24, 28, 33,
39, 42, 43, 56 F
City, 4, 13, 14, 53 Farming, 13
Climate, 5, 11, 14, 22, 34 Festival, 81, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 120
Climate change, 4, 11, 14, 34 First nations, 26, 28, 32, 34
Community, 11, 12, 14, 22, 25–28, 30, 32, 33
Company, 11, 32, 40, 43, 44, 48, 52, 53 G
Consumption, 6, 8, 9, 14, 41 Global, 4, 7, 8, 11, 12, 25, 31, 34, 39–42, 44,
Cooperation, 13 49, 51, 52, 54–56
Country, 12, 13, 39, 49, 53, 56 Governance, 12, 21, 22, 24–26, 28, 29, 32, 33
Countryside, 13 Government, 7, 13, 22, 25, 26, 31, 33, 49, 52,
Crisis, 4, 7, 8, 10, 12, 14, 31, 44, 56 117, 123, 124, 126, 129, 132
Cross-border tourism, 14 Growth, 7, 12, 13, 23–25, 28, 29, 32, 42

Geographies of Tourism and Global Change, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-64325-0
202 Index
H N
Housing, 25, 27, 32, 33 Naoshima, 13, 81–88, 91, 93, 94
Nations, 27
I
Impacts, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14, 31, 51, 56, 97, 103, O
109, 118, 127–129, 138, 145, 146, 148, Olympic games, 9, 21, 31, 188
150, 151, 188, 196 Operators, 26, 33, 40, 44, 51, 52, 54, 56, 126
Infrastructure, 4–6, 11, 27, 41, 119, 122–124,
127, 130, 145, 151, 169, 173, 180 P
Inhabitants, 64, 81, 83, 85, 91, 93, 101, 122, Passengers, 39–43, 48, 50, 51, 53, 55, 56,
124, 137, 143, 144, 148, 149, 151, 164, 60–65, 68, 69, 71, 73–75
165, 168, 177 Places, 4, 9, 42, 51, 52, 101, 146, 149, 151,
In-migrants, 13, 81, 85, 91, 92, 94 157, 161, 164, 165, 176
Innovation, 5, 7–9, 12, 24, 30, 34, 131, 175, Planning, 3, 8, 13, 22, 25–27, 31, 32, 118, 120,
180, 182, 185 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 142, 181, 184
Integration, 7, 14, 23, 62, 119, 173–176, 178, Poland, 14, 159, 164, 173, 177–180, 182, 184,
182, 184 185
Interaction, 81, 138, 143, 145, 146, 149–151, Political, 4–8, 12, 13, 21, 24, 25, 27, 32, 39, 44,
162, 174, 176, 181, 182 71, 76, 97, 117, 126, 132, 143, 150, 157,
Investment, 7, 9, 12, 14, 44, 52, 54, 118–120, 162, 173, 175, 176
123, 124, 132, 146, 161, 163, 169, 195 Ports, 12, 41, 42, 52, 53, 59, 68, 69, 72, 76
Involvement, 43, 81, 82, 86, 87, 91, 94, 108, Post-productivism, 97, 102, 103, 110, 111
143, 145, 149 Potential, 5, 32, 56, 60, 62, 64, 65, 71, 73, 74,
Island, 13, 54, 81–83, 85–87, 89–91, 94 76, 122, 124, 130, 132, 175, 176, 187,
189, 195, 196
J Poverty, 13, 118, 119, 124, 128, 131
Japan, 13, 49, 81–85, 87, 89, 91, 94, 187 Poverty reduction, 13, 118, 120, 124, 127, 133
Prefecture, 81–84, 86, 87, 89
L Problems, 11, 29, 86, 93, 118, 120, 122, 123,
Land use, 32, 34, 102, 111, 158, 164, 168, 169, 126, 128, 130, 132, 139, 142, 151, 157,
180 164, 168, 187, 193
Laos, 13, 117–121, 128, 132 Production, 5, 8, 9, 55, 101–103, 110, 111,
Latvia, 13, 137–141 131, 194
Local, 7–9, 11, 14, 21, 26, 30, 31, 33, 53, Pro-poor tourism, 125, 127, 132
81–84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93, 100, 102, 103,
108–111, 123, 125–127, 130, 131, 137, Q
138, 140, 142, 144, 146, 149, 150, 158, Quality, 25, 26, 29, 33, 98, 119, 123, 129–131,
164, 166, 168, 177, 182 138, 146, 180, 185
Luang Prabang, 121, 122, 124, 129, 131
R
M Region, 6–8, 10, 54, 71–73, 119, 124, 127,
Market, 5, 7, 8, 11–14, 30, 39, 40, 42, 44, 49, 138, 142, 163, 173, 175, 176, 178, 181,
50, 55, 56, 60, 62, 64, 68, 71, 76, 84, 187, 192, 195
117, 119, 123, 126, 127, 130, 132, 137, Residents, 25, 26, 32, 100, 104, 108, 109,
138, 141, 157, 164, 167, 177, 187, 188, 137–140, 142–151, 161, 165, 182
195, 196 Residents’ attitudes, 142, 144, 150
Mediterranean, 13, 60, 63, 66–71, 73–76, 142 Resilience, 3, 12, 21–24, 28, 33, 34, 76, 98
Migrants, 13, 94 Resort, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 142
Municipality, 22, 25, 27–29, 33, 100, 108, 109 Riga, 13, 137–141, 145–147, 149, 151
Museum, 71, 84, 86, 88, 92, 138, 158, 161, Rural, 13, 81, 94, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 108,
162, 164, 165, 167, 184 110–112, 124, 128
Index 203
S Tourism impact, 1, 138, 139, 142, 144, 146,

Season, 8, 39, 50, 53, 75, 109, 144, 167, 181, 148
190, 193, 194 Tourism industry, 2, 6, 7, 29, 56, 91, 92, 108,
Second homes, 7, 97, 98, 101, 102, 106, 108, 124, 130, 131, 138, 139, 142, 176, 195
112 Tourism management, 3, 8, 22, 23, 25, 29, 86,
Services, 11, 25, 33, 44, 83, 94, 100, 102, 108, 87, 89, 90, 123, 126–128, 130
131, 146, 158, 159, 162, 165, 167, 174, Tourism organizations, 59
181, 184 Tourism system, 2, 5, 7, 9, 11
Seto Inland sea, 13, 82, 87 Tourist demand, 4, 159, 169
Ship building, 61 Tourist infrastructure, 175, 177–179, 182, 184
Ships, 40, 42, 51, 180 Tourists, 4, 13, 60, 81, 82, 86, 87, 89, 90, 121,
Shopping, 81, 160, 162, 173, 176, 178–181, 125, 138–141, 145, 149, 150, 161, 168,
184 175, 178, 179, 182
Ski area, 14, 188–190, 192, 194–196 Tourist space, 157, 173, 176, 179, 180, 182,
Skills, 91, 108, 119, 127, 129, 149, 180 184
Snow making, 14, 188–191, 196 Tourist traffic, 178–181, 184
Snow reliability, 14, 188–192, 194 Transition, 2, 4, 5, 8, 11–13, 24, 30, 118, 120,
Social, 5, 8, 21, 23, 52, 53, 56, 97, 106, 109, 125, 150, 157, 159, 164, 169, 174, 187
118, 119, 143, 149, 167, 177 Transport, 39–43, 53, 119, 164, 188, 191, 195
Socio-economic, 11, 13, 97, 98, 103, 124, 132, Tyrol, 187, 189, 191, 192
143, 173, 175, 177
South Africa, 13, 68, 97, 98, 101–103, 109 U
Strategy, 30, 81, 124, 127, 130, 196 Urban environment, 137, 145, 146, 149, 151
Styria, 187, 189, 191, 192 Urban tourism, 101, 141, 157, 158, 168
Supply, 8, 44, 63, 64, 68, 71, 121, 158, 188
Support, 8, 12, 21, 27, 29, 31, 42, 108, 111, V
117, 123, 125, 129, 131, 147, 149, 182, Vessels, 13, 40–42, 48, 49, 53, 55, 61, 65, 67,
185 69, 76
Sustainability, 3, 12, 21–24, 26–29, 31–34, 94, Vietnam, 117, 121
118, 126–128 Visitors, 13, 25, 81, 82, 87, 121, 139, 160,
Sustainable development, 12, 31, 103, 132, 138 163–167, 179
Volunteers, 81, 82, 86, 89, 90, 94
T
Territory, 26, 39–41, 51, 52, 99, 174 W
Tourism, 2, 4–9, 12, 14, 28, 31, 42 Warsaw, 5, 14, 157, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165,
Tourism development, 4, 6, 8, 9, 13, 14, 84, 85, 168, 169
92, 123, 124, 126–128, 132, 137–139, Whistler, 12, 21, 22, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33
142–146, 149, 150

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1 Tourism and Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

10 From Periphery and the Doubled National Trails to the Cross-

About the Editors

Alison M. Gill Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC,

Cruises companies for 2011–2012 and 2015–2016

Table 3.1 Movement of sea cruises in Santos Maritime Passenger

Table 9.1 Number of entries to selected ticketed attractions of Warsawin

It is common knowledge that the world is constantly changing and so is tourism.

D.K. Müller (&)

© Springer International Publishing AG 2018 1

acknowledges a continuously ongoing change, however not disrupting the balance.

1.2 Event-Driven Transition

As mentioned earlier a basic idea of stage models of development is the idea of

1.2.1 Environmental Events

1.2.2 War and Political Events

1.2.3 Economic Events and Innovations

Even on a global scale, early on tourism had been identiﬁed as an opportunity to

accomplish regional development and transitions of economies and communities.

1.2.4 Cultural Events and Heritage

1.3 Scale and Transition

As argued earlier, transitions are fundamental changes of systems. From a geo-

1.4 Outline of the Book

in cruise tourism and continually changing themselves to ensure growth. He argues,

Åkerlund, U. (2013). Buying a place abroad: Processes of recreational property acquisition.

Dieter K. Müller is Professor of Social and Economic Geography at the Department of

The concept of sustainability is well established in political rhetoric, but interpre-

A.M. Gill (&)

© Springer International Publishing AG 2018 21

events. Whilst discussions on the evolution of Whistler have been published

2.2 Key Constructs Underlying an Evolutionary

Resilience thinking provides a management approach based on recognizing the

geography interpretations of regional development, recognizes the importance of

2.3 Whistler’s Journey Towards Sustainability

The Resort Municipality of Whistler in British Columbia, Canada, located 120 km

municipal budget slashed. Sustainability issues were placed on the backburner as

2.4 Discussion: Evolutionary Resilience of Whistler’s

The adoption of sustainability as an overarching goal of the Resort Municipality of

2.4.1 Creating a New Pathway Towards a Sustainable

was based on estimates of environmental limits, while serving to maintain com-

subsequently served on the VANOC board of directors. In receiving a Freedom of

However, beyond individual entrepreneurial agency, collective human agency is

Whistler’s commitment to a sustainability path with the support of a ‘social license

2.4.2 A Post-Olympic Shock to the System—How Resilient

“There is little doubt that sustainable development represents an ambitious agenda

Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz

R.C.A. da Cruz (&)

© Springer International Publishing AG 2018 39

3.2 The Genesis of Maritime Cruises

3.3 The World Market of Cruises in the Context

According to Boyer (2003: 39), England has undergone all revolutions—agricul-

followed by an oligopoly market dominated by Americans, Norwegians, Germans,

In fact, more than simply the concentration of capital, oligopolization is also a

discarded its department related to

ownership with the family that

corporation that expanded, because of successive economic crises affecting different