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INTRODUCTION
109
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110 HOGAN & ASTONE
and class groups as well as different for those of the two sexes. The meaning and
mechanisms of these differences are easier to discern when the focus is on
individuals viewed in their social and institutional contexts, and on the multi
dimensional character of the life course.
Although we acknowledge the importance of the biological and psycholog
ical dimensions of the transition to adulthood, page limitations prevent us from
reviewing that literature in detail. Useful reviews of these aspects of the
transition to adulthood are available in Adelson (1980). In what follows we
selectively review research on the demographic transitions that make up the
transition to adulthood. We emphasize the research's shortcomings in the hope
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Age-Grading of Transitions
Transitions are age-graded if exposure to the risk of a transition begins at birth,
or some other specified age, and the rate of transition depends on the length of
time in the exposed state. The extent of age-grading varies across individuals
depending on their biological heritage and the cultural and social environment
in which they are growing up (Featherman & Lerner 1985 ).This means that the
pace of biological, psychological, and social development may differ between
individuals, and there need be no uniformity in the ordering in which de
velopmental stages on the different dimensions occur. Thus, the lives of young
people are made up of various pathways to adulthood, producing differences in
112 HOGAN & ASTONE
the aging process for each individual (Featherman 1985, Featherman & Lerner
1985, Riley 1985).
Duration Dependence
In the case of positive duration dependence, the rate of moving from one state to
the next increases as an individual spends more time in an origin state, acquiring
the skills or resources needed to move on to the next developmental state. The
most common examples of positive duration dependence involve psychological
or social transitions that are based on the biological changes associated with
adolescence. For example, young black women who are virgins are in
creasingly likely to initiate sexual activity during each succeeding month as
they grow older (Hogan & Kitagawa 1985; also see Presser 1978). Rapid
initiation of sexual activity may result from the persuasive skills of a dating
partner (who at successive ages is increasingly likely to be a nonvirgin), the
reduced parental supervision and more permissive living situations associated
with later adolescence, and an increased desire on the part of the teenager to
become sexually active like her peers (Antonovoski et al 1980, Bolton 1980,
Chilman 1979, Coleman 1980, Collins 1974, Miller & Simon 1980).
Negative duration dependence indicates that a particular transition becomes
less likely as more time is spent in the origin state. For example, the reversibil
ity of a transition may become less likely as individuals become more practiced
in the skills or roles entailed in the destination state, as with departure from the
parental home and establishment of an independent residence. Intermediate
transition states (such as student dormitories or military barracks) may provide
TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD 113
an institutional framework for this learning process (Goldscheider & DeV anzo
1986). There has been considerable interest in part-time employment while in
school as a mechanism for socializing students for full-time employment (Shore
1972), although the types of jobs commonly held by teens seem to minimize
such effects (Greenberger & Steinberg 1981, Steinberg 1982, Stephenson
1979).
The analyst must be cautious in attempting to measure duration dependence
of rates. Some transitions may not display positive or negative duration depen
dence at all ages. This situation occurs when the transition is biologically based,
with some individuals never exposed to risk. For example, the rate of first
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related to each other in the lives of individuals, and these inferences are drawn
from comparisons across individuals in the currently stable situation. They
argue that this procedure makes little sense in the case of variables that occur
only once in an individual's life and which are invariant thereafter (and cannot
be mutually adjusting). They propose analyzing the educational attainment
process by examining segments of single and married life separately. However,
such a procedure does not suggest the nature of the overall relationship between
the two variables insofar as it seems to distort the delaying effect of additional
schooling on marriage (Clarridge 1985). A related problem arises in that the
temporal sequencing of two events need not indicate their causal relationship at
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the individual level since one transition may be triggered by the anticipated
occurrence of the other (Marini 1984c).
In sum, adulthood in America, as well as childhood and adolescence, is a
complex of social roles and psychological stages associated with age. The
transition to adulthood is a developmental process. In order to further our
understanding of this process, it will be helpful to adopt a perspective and to use
a methodology that allow the formulation and testing of hypotheses about this
process in its full complexity.
AGE STRATIFICATION
over the years (Kaestle & Vinovskis 1978). Age is a major basis for the
assignment to school grades, creating the conditions necessary for the forma
tion of adolescent groups that exert peer influences on individual behaviors
(Coleman 1961). Schools simultaneously have become more bureaucratized
organizations that are isolated from the community, complicating the job search
and placement of young people when schooling is completed.
Examples of age-graded institutions that affect age patterns of the transition
to adulthood are not restricted to schools. Non-career military service is
strongly age-graded; living arrangements and duty assignments for soldiers
reflect an organizational assumption that soldiers are unmarried. Colleges are
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Transition Norms
Neugarten and her associates (1965, 1973, 1976) have elaborated this
sociocultural perspective on aging, arguing that people's lives are ordered by
societal norms regarding age-appropriate behaviors, roles, and statuses. Each
society imposes its own schedule for the appropriate developmental process;
persons internalize normative timetables by which they can describe them
selves as early, on-time, or late with regard to familial and occupational events.
TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD 117
These timetables are embedded in each culture, structuring the ways in which
individuals conceive of development and plan and interpret their own life
course. Normative timetables vary by gender, reflecting pervasive cultural
differences in the age stratification of men and women.
Some researchers contend that there are cultura1Jy determined age norms that
specify appropriate ages for life transitions and age ranges outside of which
transitions are inappropriate. These contentions have been supported by sample
surveys in which middle-aged, middle-class Americans indicated their attitudes
about age-appropriate behavior (Neugarten et aI 1965). New surveys are
beginning to be done to update these findings (Passuth et aI 1984). It is
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man 1983). These changes in marital behaviors have outmoded models of the
family life course based on an idealized family in which all births occur within
marriage and the parental family remains intact until the youngest child leaves
home (Hogan 1984; Spanier et al 1979; Spanier & Glick 1980). Even among
middle-class white Americans, the degree of consensus about the ages pre
ferred for making key life transitions has declined over the past two decades,
while judgments about age-inappropriate behavior have persisted (Passuth et al
1984). It seems likely that unmarried motherhood has become a much more
acceptable path to adulthood among young blacks, as increased numbers grow
up in homes where the mother is the head of the household (Furstenberg et al
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HETEROGENEITY IN TRANSITIONS
Even within societies there may be different cultural expectations about what
constitutes the stages of youth-to-adult development for major subgroups. In
the United States major differences in the transition to adulthood exist between
males and females, racial and ethnic groups, and social classes, as well as for
groups experiencing the transition to adulthood at different times. Some of
these differences are due to factors of selection; for example, insufficient funds
can prevent high school graduates from attending college, or racial discrimina
tion can make it difficult for young blacks to find full-time employment after
finishing school. Other subgroup differences are due to socialization. For
example, public life (i.e. work and education) has traditionally been more
120 HOGAN & ASTONE
important for males than females, and differences in the patterns of transition
from full-time student, and to full-time worker, may be due to such sex role
socialization.
Much research to date has concentrated on the documentation of subgroup
differentials in the transition to adulthood. In order to expand our understanding
now, it is important to look at population-level factors that create and maintain
heterogeneity. Historical events and change, culture, and socioeconomic re
sources-all affect the transition to adulthood directly; they also create cir
cumstances in which the salience of transitions differs for different groups, and
levels of intentionality about transitions vary.
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Cohort Differentials
The social historical conditions that characterize birth cohorts critically affect
the context of the transition to adulthood because the age-stratification system
changes over time (Elder 1980). Research on this subject has proceeded by
matching the aggregate transition characteristics of birth cohorts to the social
and economic conditions they faced, in order to understand these effects
(Easterlin 1980, Evans 1983, Hogan 1981). Unfortunately, researchers with
data for multiple birth cohorts who have studied individual behaviors typically
have grouped populations arbitrarily into five-year or ten-year birth cohorts that
do not coincide with variations in cohort histories. Then they have engaged in
ad hoc speculations about cohort effects. Research on the transition to adult
hood would be improved significantly if analysts would estimate contextual
models of the effects of these cohort-level variables on the behaviors of
individuals.
Too often research on the transition to adulthood has analyzed a single birth
cohort, without considering how the unique histories of this cohort may differ
entiate its transition history. As Elder (1980) pointed out, Coleman (1961)
ignored the unusually high proportion of adolescents whose fathers were absent
when they were children (due to military service) in formulating his theory of
the adolescent society. Marini (1978a,b; 1984a,c) has been careful to compare
her follow-up sample of these Illinois adolescents to other studies of high school
students sampled in the late 1950s, but in interpreting her results she has largely
ignored the unique historical situation of this cohort. Surely sex differences in
the transition to adulthood may have changed for subsequent birth cohorts in
which women were more exposed to nontraditional sex role ideologies, had
mothers who were more likely to work, and who could be sexually active prior
to or within marriage with a much lower probability of a career interruption due
to an unplanned birth (Lipman-Blumen & Tickamyer 1974, Miller & Garrison
1982).
Such an ahistorical approach to the transition to adulthood has been
characteristic of much of the research in this area (Card & Wise 1978, Hofferth
TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD 121
& Moore 1979, Haggstrom & Associates 1981, Moore & Waite 1977, 1981,
Sewell & Hauser 1975). Of course, the study of a single birth cohort is one
useful method of controlling for contextual effects associated with birth cohort,
but such research may lead us to misunderstand the transition to adulthood if
care is not taken to locate fully the cohort studied in its unique historical
context. Analysts need to go beyond their statistical equations to speculate on
how the cultural and social historical context of the life course of the cohort
under study may have structured its transition to adulthood.
A useful illustration is the work of Elder (1975, 1981; Elder & Rockwell
1979) on the effects of the Great Depression on young people. He finds that
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these effects depended on the age of the subjects at the time the economic crisis
occurred, the extent of income loss experienced by their family, and the social
class position of their family. The impact of World War II on the transition to
adulthood differed by a person's age at the War and by whether military service
interrupted a single man's schooling or the career of a married man (Elder
1986). The salience of male wartime military service probably was greater for
the transitions of women who were married and had childcare responsibilities
when their husbands entered military service than for single women who were
forced to postpone marriage until after the war.
Socioeconomic Resources
Socioeconomic resources in families of origin also affect the transition to
adulthood, as may be seen by comparing individuals with similar cultural
origins and social histories. Marini ( l978a,b; 1984a,b,c) has convincingly
demonstrated the effects of parental education, occupation, number of siblings,
family income, and other characteristics of family background on the timing of
school completion, labor force entry, marriage, and parenthood, and on their
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Gender
Virtually all age-stratification systems differ by gender; the social allocation of
roles by age is always accompanied by the consideration of sex (Fry & Keith
1981). Murty (1978) has suggested that in industrial societies the move to the
adult female role, with its prescription of passivity and its emphasis on family,
is far less of a sharp transition with youth than the move to the adult male role.
The adult role complex combines roles that fall broadly in the two spheres of
work and family or public and private life. Traditional gender role ideology
accords primacy to the public life among males and the private life among
females. Sex differences abound within the role complexes of American adults
(Bayer 1969, Gilligan 1979, Hout & Morgan· 1975). Marini (1978a,b) argues,
for example, that although educational attainment affects both occupational
standing and marriage market position for both sexes, the mechanism by which
it affects social standing is different for the two sexes since the routes to status
attainment for the two sexes are different.
The organization of social institutions is of major importance in the study of
gender differences in occupational careers and the relationship of careers to
family life. Occupations in the United States are highly segregated by sex
(Baron & Bielby 1984, Bielby & Baron 1984). Wolf & Rosenfeld ( 1978) found
TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD 123
that occupations held primarily by women permit late entry and exit and reentry
in the labor force to a greater degree than do male occupations of similar
occupational status. Women who plan their labor force participation around
family goals may choose low-paying occupations that permit them to enter the
labor force after childbearing or to interrupt their labor force participation for
childbearing (Miller & Garrison 1982, Tittle 1981, Moen 1985). Because such
jobs rarely are embedded in career chains that lead to more skilled and better
paying jobs, the wages of women continue to lag long after their childbearing
responsibilities are completed (Sewell et al 1980). Furthermore, employers
may come to expect women employees to have erratic work histories, and this
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Transition Intentions
Considerable evidence suggests that the aspirations and plans of young people
have a significant impact on their transition to adulthood. Intentions very likely
play a major role in creating and maintaining some of the between-group
differences in the transition to adulthood. Educational aspirations have major
effects on the post-high school educational achievements of young persons
(Sewell & Hauser 1975). Educational aspirations and marriage plans are
consistently related, with a later age at marriage associated with higher educa
tional aspirations (Bayer 1969). Adolescent expectations about the timing of
school completion, labor force entry, independent residence, marriage, and
parenthood depend on family socioeconomic resources, parental expectations,
124 HOGAN & ASTONE
The best data on these connections is for the timing of marriage and parent
hood. A teenage pregnancy sometimes prompts a marriage to legitimate the
child, but marriages involving teenagers end more frequently than others in
separation and divorce (Furstenberg 1976, Moore & Caldwell 1976, Moore &
Hofferth 1978a,b). Among whites, marital instability is higher for women
marrying before age 19, regardless of age at first childbirth. Among blacks, an
early age at parenthood is associated with greater marital instability (Moore &
Waite 1981). Young women who become pregnant first at an early age have
higher rates of subsequent fertility and thus shorter intervals between births
(Bumpass et aI1978). During the late 1960s and early 1970s, early parenthood
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decreased educational attainment among all women, although the effects were
somewhat greater among whites (Moore & Waite 1977). Controlling for social
origins, researchers found that couples in the Detroit area during the 1960s who
were pregnant premaritally had economic attainments inferior to those of
couples who were not (Coombs et alI970). Welfare dependency is increased
and family income is reduced as a result of teenage motherhood (Card & Wise
1978, Hofferth & Moore 1979, Trussell 1976, Trussell & Menken 1978). Also,
parenthood before 18 decreases the perceived personal efficacy of young
women (McLaughlin & Micklin 1983).
Other research has examined the effects of discontinuties in schooling on
career achievements (Duncan et al 1972, Ornstein 1976), the effects of disorder
in public life transitions on the timing of parenthood (Rindfuss et al 1985), and
the effects of the ordering of school completion, first job, and marriage on
marital stability, and occupational and earnings attainments (Hogan 1980).
This research all demonstrates the importance of the temporal patterning of
early life transitions on the subsequent life history, although the relative
importance attached to the timing and the sequencing aspects of temporal
patterns varies, depending on the transitions studied and the outcomes of
interest. Thus, the transition to adulthood influences the adult life course
because it represents a critical juncture in personal life histories and connects
social origins with subsequent adult attainments and life satisfaction.
CONCLUSION
Inquiries into the transition to adulthood remain critically important for un
derstanding human development, the age-stratification system, and individual
life histories. The frequency of multiple transitions during adolescence and the
relatively good life-history data available make the transition to adulthood an
especially promising area of inquiry for methodologists interested in the link
ages between transition events. For these reasons, studies of the transition to
adulthood will remain of interest to many social scientists.
If research on the transition to adulthood is to fulfill its potential, a population
perspective must be taken, to correct the shortcomings of previous research. It
126 HOGAN & ASTONE
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