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WHY
CONSERVATIVES
ALWAYS
LOSE
by Henry F. HildebrandtWHY CONSERVATIVES
ALWAYS LOSE
“A cannot be A and not-A at the same
time.” Aristotle
‘There are few things that shock and upset
‘many responsible Americans, Liberals and Con-
servatives alike, as the statement that one does
not vote. Both regard this asa sort of civic sloth-
fulness — a perverse abandonment of civil
responsibility — or as an immature refusal to ac-
cept the duties incumbent upon all citizens of
this great Republic. How, both wonder, ean
there be government of the people, by the peo-
ple, for the people, if the people do not vote?
‘While both the Liberal and the Conservative
deplore what appears to be a clear ease of irre-
sponsibility, they do not look upon this offense
in the same light, The Liberal has faced this
problem often. He knows it is almost always a
result of ignorance so the remedy is close at
hand. What is required is education and a bet-
ter understanding of the benefits to be obtained
by partisan support of political leaders and the
party.
Liberals understand the dynamics of the
‘democratic process so citizen “apathy” or dis-
content is a simple matter easily solved by an
extension of the franchise and a new redistribu-
of national wealth. This approach, as the
record clearly shows in every country where
Democracy has been tried, has produced an
enviable record of election and re-election for
Liberal candidates year after year. All that is
necessary is to ereate a “dependence effect.”
Dependence upon the party and government.
‘The Conservative has not analyzed the dy:
namies of Democracy. More conscious is he of
the American tradition of freedom and respon-
sible citizenship. He regards himself as the de-
fender of the hearthfires of American liberty
He sees himself as the vigilant defender of lib-
erty, the market system, and the American
tradition of self-reliance. Perhaps he is. But he
ddoes not see that he is also a rearguard warrior,
beating as futilely as King Canute against the
waves of Democracy that ebb and flow ever
higher around his undermanned barricades.
ErieHe, too, recognizes that in most cases
deplorable failure of citizens to exercise their
franchise is a result of ignorance or apathy. But
he is not in the same position as the Liberal. He
cannot “educate” with an offer to redistribute
the income and wealth of the nation.
Wealth in a modern industrial nation is not
the same, either in form or function, as it was in
feudal Europe or in the storied days of the Ara
bian Nights. Wealth is industrial capital invest-
ment. It is in production. Tt has a limited life
span. Nor ean it be hidden in some magic cave.
Redistribution of wealth, the Conservative
rightly perceives, means the destruction of in-
dustrial society. He has only to look at England
or Italy to see his worst fears confirmed.
‘Thus, he is not merely annoyed; he is upset
when he discovers men who refuse to vote, not
‘out of ignorance but on principle. The Conser-
vative has reconciled himself to ignorance and
‘non-voting and under the cireumstanees he ean
forgive the undereducated. A refusal to vote by
knowledgeable people is a different matter.
Lurking in his mind is the suspicion that such
irresponsible behaviour will bring defeat to a
‘cause both he and his unfaithful allies hold
dear. He may, in fact, be right.
But his outrage does not enlighten him.
How can it be that seemingly responsible men
who expend themselves unceasingly in defend-
ing his own highest values and the free market
‘system that makes modern civilization possible
bbe so blind to the dangers created by their own
intransigence and the consequences that must
follow from abandoning the field of battle? As
stated before, the Conservative is a rearguard
warrior and he feels very keenly every defec-
tion within the ranks. The thought is irrelevant
but how many battles does the rearguard win?
Is not its existence an open admission that
defeat has already occurred?
Occasionally such doubts trouble the Conser
vvative conscience. Invariably they are quickly
suppressed. To expose them to serutiny would
require that he examine anew his own beliefs
about the ideals and goals of Democracy, the dy-
namies of the democratic process, the nature of
‘man and, ultimately, the moral code necessary
{for the existence of Man. To pursue ruthlessly
these questions to their ultimate conclusions
‘would be catastrophie for the Conservative psy-
che, It would enmesh him in a moral dilemma for
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