KITCHI, Rob & TATE, Nicolas J.

Conducting Research in Human Geography:

Theory, Methodology and Practice. Essex: Pearson, 2000. 330 p.

! .

CHAPTER 1
Thinking about research
L. :.

1.1 What is research?

This chapter covers 1.2 Why do research?
1.3 What's unique about geographic research?
1.4 What choice ot approaches have you got?
1.5 Which approach is best?
1.6 Summary
1.7 Questions tor reflection

..
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and stirnulating, can be intensely frustrating, confus-
k.J. 1 ..What is research?, ing and messy. Many first-time researchers run into
t..._.;,:::;,:_::,,:,_~;¡ .-.;.::-.",.. ::.';..-,;.;..;:.~:,~::';-':.-:":_;;":":_"::'';, .•..• , ..
all sorts of problems: they do not know where to
begin; .they do not know how to design an effective
Research is the process of enquiry and discovery.
research strategy or the options available to them;
Every time you seek the answer to a question you
they do not know which method of data generation
\ are undertaking a small piece of research. For the or analysis js best or the full range of options avail-
human geographer, research is the process of trying
able; they are unsure as to how to interpret or write
to gain a better understanding of the relationships
up their fíndings. To make things more complex,
between humans, space, place and the environment.
research is rarely just a process of generating data,
The human geography researcher, by carefully gener-
analysing and interpreting the results. By putting for-
ating and analysing evidence, and reflecting upon
ward answers to research questions you are engaging
and evaluating the significance of tbe ñndings, aims
in the process of debate about what can be known
to put forward an interpretation that advances our
and how lhings are known. As such, you are engaging
understanding of our interactions with the world. This
book is about how to undertake successful research with philosophy.
As we will see, there are many ways of approach-
and aims to provide sound, practical advice and ideas
ing each particular question and the research process
that will help you become a confident, capable human
is not divorced from theory. Theory, melhodology
geographer. and practice are intimately and tightly bound. Your
Although a research project might at fírst seem
beliefs as a person are going to affect the approach
daunting, it should be remembered that we are all
you take to study and also the conclusions you might
capable of conducting research. Many research skills
draw - if every question only had one definitive
are commonplace such as the ability to ask questions,
answer, then there would be no debates, no different
to listen and to record the answers. The secret of
political parties, and libraries would contain far fewer
successful research is to develop and harness those
books! However, we do a11 have different beliefs
skills in a productive manner using careful planning
conceming how research should be undertaken and
and design. As long as you plan your research care-
the exact nature of a problem and, as a result, our
fully, almost any problern can be approached and
understanding of the world, the people, creatures and
answered in a sensible way. This is not to say that
plants which inhabit it, is constantly changing and
there is a 'magic formula' that makes research easy.
evolving as more and more studies are undertaken.
Undertaking a research project, although challenging

Thinking about research
The aim of this book is to rnake the process of con-
ducting research easier and more rewarding by guid-
mg you through the research process from the choice
of a research topic to the presentation of your results.
1.2 Why do research?
Given that research is not always easy, why should you
want.to undertake it? What ISyour motivation? Research
provides us with a picture of specific aspects of the
world. By undertaking a piece of research you are
helping to contribute to world knowledge. You might
feel that your research project \ViII do little for the
world other than help you pass your course. However
student projects have contributed to policy issues and
at the very least make clear to the groups being
researched or assoc13ted agencies that there might be
a need for greater understanding of an issue. Perhaps
more Importantly, the undertaking of a study as part
of a course wI!1 help later in the workplace where
you might be expected to collate, analyse and inter-
pret .daca, often at short notice. Such research skills
are mcreasmgly important in the workplace. For
professlonal researchers the reasons for undertakinu
research usually centre upon five main motivation~
(see Box 1.1).
Human geographers undertake research for aH the
r~ons presented in Box 1.1, often in combination
wllh each olher. It is possible, for example, to link
four togelher. In a large study you migbt start wilh
sorne elploratory investigations to determine which
vanables or factors are importan!. Next, you might
try to describe lhe phenomena and how lhey are
related. You ffilgbt foHow this by seeking to explain
what caused the phenomena, using lhis information
to make .a prediction about· future outcomes. For
example, If we were interested in why people migrate
t? new,. relatively unknown areas,' the four could be
linked m the foUowing way: '.
Explore possible reasons why people might want
to move (Pc:maps lhese might include improvernent
?f econoffilc status, quality of life, better school-
mg and olher services, family and relatives).
Descnbe lhe pattems of migration in an area
based upon the factors found during exploration.
Explam lhe patterns of migration identified when
describing lhe exploratory factors.
Predict possible future migrations based upon the
explanation of current pattems of migration:
Box 1.1 Reasonslor undertakinga study
I Exploration
• To investigarelirtle-understoodphenomena
• To identify/discover importantvariables
.• To generare questions for further research
2 Explanation
To explainwhy foreescrearedthe phenomenon
10 question
To identify why the phenomenonis shaped as
it rs
Description
• To documentand characterisethe phenomenon
of interest
4 Understanding
• Tocomprehend and understandprocess, inter-
acuon, phenomenonand people
Prediction
To predictfutureoulcomesfor Ihephenomenon
To forecastIhe events and behavioursresultino
-_. ment', 'worId' and 'interaction'. Defining what geo-
from Ihe phenomenon . ,
Source: Adapted afler Marshall
and Rossman 1995:78.
Given .these reasons for conducting research,' you
may shIl be lacking m motivation. Jt may be lhe case
lhat you are uninterested in conducting research, a
task Ihat you have to fulfil only as par! of a course.
If Ihls IS lhe case lhen your motivation should be
driven by a desire to do as well as possible, and to
~ about how lhe skills developed might help you
gam employrnent on completion of lhe course. One
way .to try and generate sorne enlhusiasm for con-
ductmg a project is to research a topic wbich you find
mteres~g (see Section 2.2). Ibis does not mean that
the tOpl~ should b.e of personal relevance, onIy lhat
y?U ~ mterested IDunderstanding a phenomenon or
sltuahon better. If you still find yourself unmotivated
lhen Blaxter et al. (1996: 13) sugaest Ihat you miaht
find sorne inspiration by: o o
.a:~_-.
• ~hanging your research project to a more interest-
.:.;..
IDg tOplC;
• focusing. on lhe skills you will develop through
undertaking the proj!,!ct;
incorporating wilhin lhe research sorne knowledge
acqwsIl!on of relevance to yoU;
seeing Ihe research project as part of a larger activ-
Ity, which will have knock -on benefits for your
course and future career.
~_.~.. -.- .... -._---_._--_._~~'-'-- - _-- .. _
1.3 What's unique about geographic
research?
As this book is designed to help you conduet research
in human geography, what is peculiar to research
from a geographical perspective? What separa tes
human geography from the other social sciences?
Defining geography is a task fraught with difficulty.
For decades, geographers have been struggling with
their identity, with no clear consensus as to what
geogrnphers are, what geographers do, and haw they
should study the world. We have tried, over a number
of years, to get our own students to think about what
geography, and in particular human geography, is and
what it concems. When asked, mos! students will
either stare back blankly or have a stab at sornething
which usually includes lhe words 'people', 'environ-
graphers do can be even more difficult. To help our
students, we ask them to consider the foUowing party
scenario outlined by Peter Gould (1985):
Party-gaer. What do you do for a living?
Geagraphy reveller: 1 leach geography at the
University.
Party-gaer. Oh. What do geographers
do exactly?
Next, we ask lhe students to take tbe role of lhe geo-
graphy reveller and to give an answer. After, we ask
lhem to surnmarise what lhey think the party-gaer
previously suspected a geographer might do. Judging
from the responses we have received, lhe latter task
is often lhe easier to complete. The terms 'geography'
and 'geographers' seem to defy easy definition. Indeed,
Holt-Jensen (1988) reports that lhe general public
hold three cornmon misconceptions regarding what
geography is and what geographers do. First, to many
people, geography is Ihe encyclopaedie coUection
of knowledge relating to places and geograpbic facts
(e.g., longes! river, biggest town). Second, many people
consider geography to be anything relating to rnaps,
wilh geographers as lhe cartographers and collectors
.. of information for lhese maps. Third, many people
consider geography to be about writing travel des-
criptions at both lhe local and global scale. So, if
tbese conceptions are wrong, what is geography and
what do geographers do?
As stated, lhere is no clear consensus amongst
professional geographers as to what constitutes lheir
discipline. A number of difIerent definitions of geo-
graphy can be found depending upon where you look.
What's unique about geographic research? 3
These definitions do, however, all generally revolve
around the same thernes: place, space, people, envir-
onment (see Box 1.2). Haggett (1990) suggests that
geography is diffieult to define because of its histor-
ical developrnent as an atea of study. Indeed, he con-
tends that geography's identity crisis is a result of its
puzzling position within the organisation of know-
ledge, straddling the social and natural sciences. This
is a result of the history of geographic thought, which
ean be traced back to classical Greek scholars who
viewed numanity as an integral par! of nature, Geo-
graphy thus consisted of a deseription of both ani-
mate and inanimate objects. By the time geography
became a university subject in the late nineteenth
century, academic studies had already been divided
into lhe narural and physical sciences on the one hand,
and lhe humanities and social sciences on the other.
Geography, with its natural and social constituents,
had ¡O be slotted into this existing inappropriate struc-
ture. The fitting of geography into the traditional
academic organisation has proved uncomfortable and
has caused a search for an identity lhat fits more snugly.
Johnston (1985) thus suggests lhat geographers have
sought to constantly refine and redefine their discipline
in order to demonstrate its intellectual worth. Indeed,
Livingstone (1992) contends lhat geography is elusive
to define because it changes as society changes -
geography as a practice has changed tbroughout his-
tory, wilh different people still attaching salience to
difIerent interpretations:
Geography... has meant different things 10 differentpeople ;,
at different times and in different places. ~
In olher words, lhere are many difIerent geograpbies,
sorne new, sorne old. All have slightly difIerent
I
emphases and sorne are more popular !han olhers. As
such, lhe variability of definition in Box 1.2 is due to
lhe way lhat Ihe definers cast geography. For example,
Hartshorne (1959) saw geography as an idiographic
science (lhat is, its main emphasis is description)
whereas Yeates (1968) saw geography as a nomothetic
science (!hat is, its main emphasis is explanation and
law-giving). Unwin (1992) suggests !hat definitions
also vary depending on whelher we try to define geo-
graphy as simply 'what geographers do' (academic),
as 'what geographers study' (vernacular), or in terms
of its methodology or techniques. WhilsÚt is difficult
to pin down a clear definiti0ll> it is clear !hat at pre-
sent, lhe totality of geographical research and expert-
ise is diverse, covering bolh lhe natural and social
sciences, and lhe interaction of lhe two (rable l.l).
 Whal choice 01 approaches have you gol? 5
Thinking aboul research

Box 1.2 Defining'geography

Mackinder (/887: /43):
'I propose therefore ro define geography as the seicnce
whose main function is ro trace the interaetion of man
[sie- see Box t.l5] in society and so much ofhis envir-
onmenr rhat varies locally,'
Hartshorne (1959: 21):
'Geography is concemed to provide accurate, orderly,
and rational description and interpretation of the variable
eharacters of the Earth s surface.'
The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1964: 51Ij:
'Geography, n. Science of the earth 's surface, form,
physical features, natural and political divisions, climate,
productions, population, etc, (ma/hema/ieal.ph).sieal
and políticol, -, the seienee in these aspeets); subject
matter of -; features, arrangement, of place; treatise or
manual of-.'
leales (1968: 1):
'Geography can be regarded as a science concerned wirh
the rational development, and testing, of theories that
explain and predier me spatial distribution and location
Haggeit (J990j:
'Geographers are concemed with three kinds of analysis:
Spatial (location): numbers, characteristics, activities
and distributions.
Ecological: the relationship between humans and
environment.
Regional: the combination of the first two thernes in
areal differentiation.'
Geography fVÍJrkingGroup's Interim Repon (1990):
'Geography explores the relationship bctween the earth
and its peoples through the study of place, space, and
environment. Geographers ask questions whereand
what; also how and why. .
The study of place seeks to describe and 'understand
not only the location of the physical and human fea-
tures of the Earth, but also rhe processes, systerns,
and interrelationships that create or influence those
features,
The study of space seeks to explore the relationships
e
between places and patterns of activity arising from
the use people rnake of the physical settings where
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of various characterisrics on the surface of the earth.' they live and work. o
~
u
The study of the environment embraces both its O
Dunford (1981: 85):
'Geography is the study of spatial forms and structures pro-
physical and human dimensions. Thus it addresses
lhe resources, sometimes scarce and fragile, rhat Ihe "..
.~
duced historically and specified by modes of production.' u
Eartb provides and on which all life depends; lhe E
Haggell (1981: 133): impact on rhose resources of human activities; and -(
....
'[Geography is] lhe study of lhe Earrh's surface as lhe wider social, economic, politica1 and cultural conse- . o
space within which the human population lives.' quences of the interrelationship between the two.' .§
:u
'0
Johnslon (1985: 6): Gale (1992: 21):
g
'Literally defined as "ear!h description", geography is 'Geography, for me, is about how we view rhe world, .(
widely accepred as a discipline that provides "knowledge how we see people in places.'
-g
abour rhe earrh as rhe home of humankind".' ..1!
"
-g_
e
00
o
In this book, we are concemed wi th conducting r!~~i. $'* ..?f?,~~!g~J¡*:r.ml'f~~~~~~~
':,-·:lA_;,·What
choi~iotapp~ach!!s,haile ~~o
..;' o"
research in human geography, However, defining human
geography is as fraught with,difliculties as is defining
geography in general. Definitions vary for aH tbose
;:~t~'~:~~~~~i,¿l~~;f:S;'ii:;¡~~:f:~(~~~*.~,~i
reasons stated ahove, For our purposes, we have talcen Philosophy airns al rhe logical clarificabon of thoughts, ... ,.,
human geography to refer to the sludy o[ society in Wirhoul philosophy rhoughts are, as it were, c10udy and ;., -g_
re/ation lO space and place. As such, it ineludes all indistinct: its task is to malee them c1ear and lO give rhem ""~ ~o""
elements, bar physical geography, tbat are listed in sharp boundaries. .g
..~ "..
00
Table 1.1. We have made tbe distinction between (Wittgenstein, 1921, quoted in Ragurman, 1994) Q. e ._
::;:-- E o
physical and human geography for two reasons: first, o
Many geographers doubt lhat philosophical issues are actu-
" " :t '"
00
to keep tbe book manageable; and second, because in 00
ally relevant to geographic research. [However] no research '-
general the study of people and human-made objects
(geographic or otherwise) talces place in a philosophical
o ~
..,
requires different research techniques from the study
~:,.'';
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vacuum. Even if it is not explicitly articulated all research Q.

of natural phenomena. Indeed sorne would argue !hat
there are clear philosophical and methodological differ-
e¡¡ces between human and physical geography research.
is guided by a set of philosophical bcliefs. These beliefs ~ '"'"
influence or motivate rhe selection of topies for rescarch, rhe ...;
selection of mcthods for rescarch, and the manner in which
~
~
 Thinking about research What choice 01 approaches have you gol? 7

completed projects are subjected 10 evaluation, In short, whieh to base your own research and will provide the desianed to allow you to quickly contrast the differ- for testing, whereas the term 'empiricism' refers to
p/¡ilosophical isSIlCS permeate evel)' decision in gengmphy.
theoretieal context in which 10 justify your lindings. ent ;pproaches, but they should be used in conjunc- the school of thought just described, where facts
(Hill. 1981: 38. our emphases) For the purpose of this book we have tried to draw tion with the text and other recornmended reading, as are believed to speak for themselves and require little
out and simplify the dominant issues and debates they provide oversimplified. caricature accounts. theoretical explanation (May, 1993).
Since human beings started to record and observe the
eonceming how ro approach research in human geo-
world there have been differences in opinion· on how
graphy. The aim, however, is nor to provide a compre- 1.4.1 Empirical-analytical science Positivism
research should be conducted. Over the centuries,
hensive account of underlying philosophies, Rather
philosophers have argued about:
we. aim to provide a basic flavour of geographic Empiricism
Box 1.4 Positivism
Ideology: the underlying social or political rea- thought and to stimulate you ro explore (he theoret-
sons or purpose for seeking knowledge. ical nature of how to conduct research. To do this, we In a nurshell
Epistemology: how knowledge is derived or detail 12 different approaches thar have gained sorne Box 1.3 Empiricism Posirivists argue !hat by carefully and objectively
arrived at; the assumptions about how we can currency in geographic thought over the past 30 In a nutshell collecting data regarding social phenomena, we can
know the world (What can we know? How can we years. Sorne have received more support than others Empirieism refers lo the sehool of thought where determine laws te predict and explain human
but we leave it to you to decide which approaeh has facts are believed to speak for themselves and behaviour in terms of cause and etTect.
know it?).
the most personal appea!. lt must be appreciated that require little theoretieal explanation, Like empiricists, positivists rejeet normative and
Ontology: the set of specific assumprions under· metaphysical (relating to being) questions that
Iying a theory or system of ideas (what can be these approaches are a greal deal more complex than EmpirieislS hold thal seienee should only be con·
cerned with objeets in the world and seek faerual cannot be measured scientifically.
known). can be detailed in olle chapEer. To gain a deeper
conlent about them. Positivism ditTers from empiricism because it re·
Merlwd~ology: a coherent set of rules and procedo understanding of all the arguments, nuances and rela· quires propositions 10 be verified (Iogieal positivo
Normative questions coneerning the "alues and in·
ures which can be used to invesrigate a phenom· tionships between different positions, and to under· ism) or hypo!heses falsified (critical rationalism)
tentions of people are excluded from srudy as it is
-enon or situation (within the framework dicrated stand the history and development of each approach, rather thanjust simply presenting findings.
c1airned w. cannot scienlifically measure them.
by epistemologieal and ontologieal ideas). you ought to refer to sorne ofthe texts recornmended A souree of primary data is closed·question queso Sources of prirnary data are closed·question queso
in the Further reading seetion at the end of !bis chapo tionnaices (see Chapter 3). tionnaires and surveys (see Chapter·3) ..
Human geographers have been involved in sueh ter. Jt mus! be noted that, within this discussion,
debates ami. as a result, there are a numbe¡: of schools whilst we try to give a respectful and objeetive assess· Example sludy o/ poverry . Example study 01poverry .
of thought on the best way to approach the relation· ment of each school of though~ we are not completely FaelS about poverty would·be eollected and presented Poverty is explained through testing a hypolhesis by
for interpretation by the reader (e.g., indices of POyo collecting and scientifically testing data relaled to
ship between soeiety, space, place and environment. impartia!.
erty - social welfare recipient, housing tenure, etc.). poverty (e.g., statistically testing whether poverty is a
Indeed, Cloke et al. (1992) argue that contemporary Unwin (1992) uses Habermas's taxonomy of the
function of educational attaioment).
human geography is extremely diverse, both in the different types of scienee to structure his discussion
topics investigated (as we have seen in Table 1.1) and of approaches within geography, and we foUow his
in the diversity of approaches and methods of enquiry. lead. Habermas (1978) divided science into three Empiricism is based around the notion that science
The arguments for and against each approach are different varieties: empirica!-anaJytical, historiea!- can ooly be concerned with empirieal questions. Comte (1798-185i) established tbe concept of posit·
ofien quite complex:, using carefully selected and what hermeneutic and eritical These differ fundamentally Empirical questions conceen how !hings are in real· ivism as a reaction against the 'negative philosophy'
ofien seems like ambiguous and over·complicated from each other in a number of respects in relation to ity, where reality is defined as tbe world which can of pre·revolution France. Comte argued !hat the laner
language. Indeed, Ragurman (1994: 244) argues that how knowledge and human action is mediated. He be sensed (see Ayer, 1969). Empiricists hold tbat sci· tradition was speculative in nature and was based
the net effect of complex philosophical debates upon suggests (hat knowledge wi!hin each type is mediated ence should ooly be concerned wi!h objects in !he upon emotion and romantic notions of considering
the student is 'ofien a lot of apprehension, diseno through a series of interests (technical, practical and world and should ooly seek factual contenl As such, a1ternative utopias. As such, it was neither practical
chantrnent and an uneasy feeling of being lost in a emancipatory), developed wi!hin differing social media aU knowledge is derived from tbe evidence provided nor constructive because it did' not concern itself
philosophical wilderness'. (work, language and power), and expressed through by the senses and processed in an inductive fashion. with material objects and given circumstances (Holt.
. Whilst it is tempting to disrniss philosophy, or to different jorms (material production, cornmunication, Normative questions concerning' tbe values and Jensen, 1988). Just as !he empiricists argued that we
try and avoid it because it seeros diflicult, the reality and relations of domination and constraint) (Unwin, intentions of a subject(s) are e.~chided aS we cannot should not be engaging witb normative questions,
of conducting research is that you cannot avoid il. As 1992). Essentially, the approaches to science differ scientifically measure tbem. Holt·Jensen ([988: 87) positivists argued that we should avoid metaphys·
HiU (1981) discusses, your research aims to provide because of varying opinions on what purpose know· provides the following example to illustrate !he dif· ical questions as !hey are unscientifie, metaphysics
answers to questions. In doing so, you wiU be claim· ledge should serve and how it should be constructed ference between empirieal and normative questions. beina delined as that which lies outside, or is inde·
ing to know something about a particular situation or and represented (e.g., epistemology, ontology and meth· 'How are tbe available food resources distributed pendent of, our senses and relates to questions of
phenomenon, or even the world in general. AH sueh odology). We appreciate that this material is difficult between tbe inhabitants of the world?' is an empirical being. Unwin (1992) notes that Comte used !be term
claims raise ideological, epistemologieal, ontologieal and sorne confusion may arise because others have question. 'How should tbe available food resources 'positive' to refer to tbe actual, the certain, tbe exact,
and metbodologieal questions about why the study used alternative taxonomies to discuss approaches to be distributed between the inhabitants of !be world?' the. useful and !he relative ratber than the imaginary,
was conducted and whether sueh claims are war· research (for example, phenomenology, existential· is a normative question. As such, empiricist research the undecided, the imprecise, !he vain and tbe
ranted. Understanding philosophieal approaches is ism and idealism are afien discussed under the head· is merely a presentation of the facts as gathered and absolute. As such, Comte demanded the formulation
important for two reasons. First, it wiU help you ing 'humanistic approaches'). However, time invested determined by the objective researcher. It is importo of theories which could be tested and verified using
understand what other researchers have done and at this stage is time weU spent as it aUows your study ant not 10 confuse tbe terms empirica! and empiricism. a union of methods. Positivism thus differs frorn em·
why. Second, it wiU help you lind an approach on to be bener grounded in tbeory. Boxes 1.3-1.15 are The term 'empirical' refers 10 the collection of data piricism because it requires experience to be verified
:f-o
 Thinking about research
rather than just simply presented as fact (Johnston,
1986a). Corntes hope'was that positivism would pro-
vide sociery with knowledge so that speculation
could be avoided. In addition to providing laws for
nature, Comte believed that there were laws of
society and social relationships which, although more
cornplex, could be discovered using the same prin-
cipIes (i.e., sociology). Positivists thus argued that
by the careful and objective collection of data regard-
ing ro social phenomena, we could determine laws
to predict and explain human behaviour in terms of
cause and effect.
Although there are various versions of positivism,
contemporary positivism can, in the main, be divided
into two streams of thought: logical positivism based
upon verification, and critical rationalism based
upon falsification. Logical positivism was developed
by the Vienna school in the ~20s and was intended
to combine British empiricism ,,(lith traditional posit-
ivisrn (Holt-Jensen, 1988.). The Vienna school defined
precise scientific principIes and used formal logic to
verify theories and make statements of knowledge
based upon tbe axioms produced. The formal 1aws
constructed, in turn, led to the formation of new
questions to be verified against reality. In contrast
to Comte, the Vv:nna school accepted that sorne
statements could be verified without recourse to
experience. As such, logical positivism is based upon
a distinction between analytical statements and syn-
thetic statemeots. Gregory (1986a) describes analyt-
leal .tatements as a prion' propositions whose truth
was guaranteed by their internal definitions, e.g., tau-
tologies. These constituted the domain of the formal
sciences, logics and mathematics. In contrast, syn-
thetic statements are propositions whose truth still
had to be established empirically through testing tbe
verification ofhypotheses (see Section 2.4).
Critical rationalism was pul forward by Karl Pop-
per as an alternative to logical positivismo He argued
tbat tbe truth of a Iaw does not depend upon the num-
ber of times it is experimentally observed or verified,
bul rather on whether it can be falsified (Chalmers,
1982). Scientific validation should no! proceed along
the lines of providing confinnatory evidence bul
rather by identifying circurnstances which may lcad
to tbe rejection of the theory. If no situation can be
fouod where tbe law does not hold, then the law can
be said to be cOrToborated, although its validity has out' social and ethical questions and fails to reeognise
not been confirnled. Popper's approach has been cri-
ticised as being virtually impossible to implement
(Sayer, 1992) and has not been adopted by many
human geographers (Gregory, 1986b).
In geography, posmvism has been most closely
associated with the use of quantitative methodologies.
Until the early 1950s geographical studies had been
largely descriptive and regional in nature, and it was
at this point that geographers such as Schaefer (1953)
started to argue that research needed to become more
scientific in nature. Schaefer, for exarnple, advocated
the adoption of a logical positivist approach. Through-
out the late 1950s and 1960s geography underwent a
quantitative revolution as geographers sought to replace
description with explanation, individual understand-
ing with general laws, and interpretation with pre-
diction (Unwin, 1992). As such, central concerns
were space, quantification and theory building, and
throughout the 1960s there was increasing adoption
and usage of quantitative methodologies. Whilst a
number of geographers who advocated quantitative
methods were positivists, for many positivism was
implicit in their work rather than explieitIy recogn-
ised, and rnany studies were rnerely empirieal and
inductive (Gregory, 1986b). lt was not until Harvey's
(1969) seminal work Explanation in Geography that
geogr.aphers really startedto~ine.questions 9f~.
and why knowledge was produced. Subsequently, in
the 1970s Ihe implicit adoption of positivism carne
under attack and new modes of enquiry were devel-
oped as a reaction to its increasing use in geography.
However, it must be noted tbat quantitative methods
are not solely used by positivists and the use of such
metbods does no! make a piece of research positiv-
istic in nature. Rather it is the adoption of the under-
lying principIes of objectivity and formal logic.
Positivism has been criticised for a variety of
reasons, and from a number of quarters. Gregory
(1986a) divides these attacks inlo three main fronts.
Fírst, positivism has been criticised for its empiri-.
cism. Ir is argued that positivists underestimate the
complex relationship between tbeory and observa-
tions and in particular the difficulty iD separating the
effects of phenomena that are interrelated. Second,
positivism is eriticised for its exclusivity and the
assumption tbat methods of the natural sciences can
be effectively used to explain social phenomena. As
such, positivism fails to recognise tbat spatial pat-
terns and processes are bound up in economic, social
and poHtical structures (Cloke el al., 1992). In addi-
tion, it is argued that mathematicaJ language filters
tbat spatial patterns and processes are refleeted in,
and are reflections of, the perceptions, intentions and
aetions of human beings (Cloke el al., 1992). Third,
positivism is criticised for its·autonomy. Positivism's
arguments that science should be neutral, W\)ue-free
and objective have been widely rejected and it is
argued that positivism creates a false sense of objeet-
ivity by artificially separating the observer from the
observed (Cloke el al., 1992).
1.4.2 Historical-hermeneutic science
Behaviouralism
Box 1.5 Behaviouralism
In a nutshell
Behaviouralism acknowledges, explicitly or other-
wise, that human action is mediated through the
cognitive processing of information.
Behaviouralist seeks lo model spatial behaviour by
explainingspatíal choice and decision making through
the measurement of people's ability. to remember,
process and evaluate geographic information.
Sources of prirnary data are closed-question ques-
tionnaires (see Chapter 3) and specialised, psycho-
- 10gicallYbased tests of kno~le.!!ge (se.e Golledge
and Stimson, 1997). .-_.
Example study 01 poverty
Poverty is explained through the scientific testing of a
hypothesis which examines the behavioural decision
making of poor people and/o! people in positions oí
power (e.g., statistically testing whether poor people
have low levels of self-esteern, and if so, how this
relates to job-seeking behaviour).
Behavioural approaches (ofien misguidedly referred
to as perceptual approaches) are tbe variety of ap-
t proaches whicliacknowledge, explicitly or otherwise,
that human action' is mediated through the cognitive
processing of environmental information. Behavi-
ouralisrn was initially coneeived in 'psychology as a
reaction against the positivistic school of thought of
behaviourisrn, which views behaviour in terms of
stimulus-response, in which the cognitive processes
or consciousness has little par!. Behaviouralism,
a1tematively, assumes tbat actions are mediated by
cognitive processes. By the end of the 1960s many
geographers were starting to become dissatisfied with
the stereotyped, mechanistic and deterministic nature
of many of tbe quaótitatíve- modeJs being developed,
as they realised that not everyone behaved in the
spatially rational manner advocated by positivists. In
response, sorne geographers tumed to behaviouralism
- as an alternative.
What choice of approaches have you got?
Behavioural geography is based upon the belief
that the explanatory powers and understanding of
geographers can be increased by incorporating be-
havioural variables, along with others, within a
decision-making framework that seeks to compre-
hend and find reasons for overt spatial behaviour,
rather than describing the spatial manifestations of
behaviour itself (Golledge, 1981). It is argued that
superficial descriptions of the natural, human or built
environments are not enough, and for both an under-
standing and an explanation of geographic phenorn-
ena an insight into 'why' questions is needed so that
investigations become process-driven (Golledge and
Rushton, 1984). By the early 1970s behaviouralism
was increasingly being adopted by researchers to
study a number of different tbemes, and in recent
years behavioural studies can be found in work relat-
ing to retailing, migration, housing, industrial loca-
tion, travel, leisure and tourism, spatial behaviour,
disability, planning, geographic education and carto-
graphy. .Throughout the 1970s, however, it became
clear that behavioural geography was actually mani-
festing ·ÍtseWhr1:wo very different forms.On the one
hand, tbere were tbose who were concerned with
incorporating behavioural variables in spatial models,
analytical behaviouralism, and on the otber, those
who rejected spatia! analysis outright and were cQn-
cerned witb 'sense ofplace', values, morals and phe-
nomeoological inquiry (see next section). The net
result was that by tbe late 1970s, the field was beset
by internal division and conílict, and by tbe begin-
ning of tbe 1980s, behaviouralism, initially conceived
as a reaction to the excesses of conventional spatia!
science, was being depicted as merely a ¡ogical 'oot-
growth' of the commitrnent to positivism enshrined
in tbe quantitative revolution. .
Like positivism. before it, analytical behavioural-
ism was roundly criticised as mechanistic, dehuman-
isina and ignorant of the broader social and cultura!
con~ext in which decision makers operate. Analytical
behaviouralism tbus overemphasises empirieism and
methodology at the expense of worthwhile issues and
philosophical content. 11also acknowledges a dich~l-
omy between subject/object and fact/value, thus fall-
ing to 'conceive life in its wholeness' (Eyles, 1989).
As a result, behaviouralism was criticised for dehu-
manising and depersonalising the people and places
studiea, ignoring tbe contours of experience and sys-
tematieally detaching individuals from tbe social
contexts of their aetions. Other eritics are concemed
with the adoption of psychological theory and prac-
tices, arguing that the close links 10 cognition lead to
10 Thinking aboul research
problems of measurement, analysis and general isa-
tion. A related issue concerns rhe danger of psycho-
logism, rhe fallacy of explaining social phenomena
purely in terms of the mental characteristics of indi-
viduals. Sorne contend that by concentrating upon the
individual, behaviouralism is susceptible lo building
models inductively so that outcomes ean only be treated
as a sum of parts. lo addition. sorne geographers argue
that societal and institutional constraints are the dom-
inant faetors affecting spatial behaviour and therefore
behaviouralism has little utility. As a result, behavi-
ouralism reinforces the status quo by failing to study
the dominant issues and concentrating upon idealism
rather than materialism. Many of these attacks on
behaviouralism were doubly destructive because they
carne from disillusioned behavioural researchers them-
selves (e.g., Bunting and Guelke, 1979).
Geographers such as Golledge (1981).,'"ave vehe-
mently defended behaviouralism, suggesting tnat cri-
ticisms are based upon ·misunder:;tandings. Witb
Helen Couclelis (Couclelis and Golledge, 1983) he
has tried 10 refute the arguments that behaviouralism
was just an extension, or outgrowth, of positivismo
They argue that altbougb bom in tbe positivist tra-
dition and' reflecting sorne underlyiog principies,
behaviouralism has significantly progressed beyond
positivism. For example, tbey suggest tbat the critical
tenet of tbe non-existence of tbe unobservable was.
dropped, weakening reductionism and physicalist
interpretations of human behaviour. Spatial beha-
viour Ihus became differentiated !Tom behaviour in
space. Transactional andconstructivist positions were
also adopted from developmental psychology and
destroyed tbe tenet of tbe scientist as a passive
observer of objective reality. This, Ihey argue, has
hastened tbe demise of tbe positivist positions of
objectivism, Ihe non-scientific importance of values
and beliefs, and tbe separation of value and fact It is
tbus assumed Ihat tbe mind and world are in constant
dynamic interaction and Iberefore lhe a priori world
of Ibe positivist position is rejected.
Gol!edge, whilst acknowledging Ibe weakening
position ofbehaviouralism within contemporary debate,
argued wilb Kevin Cox (wbo had by lhis time moved
to a more critical position - see later) that beha-
vioural geography could avert becoming an irrelev-,
ance througb an evolution created by Ibe expansion
of relevan! variables and/or a switch from the empha-
sis upon Ibe individual as an isolated decision maker
to an individual as caugb! up in a 'web' of social
constraint (Cox and Golledge, 1981). Walmsley and
Lewis (1993) argue Ibat such evolutions have now
occurred. As such, many of the well-rehearsed argu-
ments used to condemn the behavioural approach are
viewed as being anachronistic, irrelevant and out-
dated, We will have 10 wait and see to determine
whether behavioural ideas are reintegrated into con-
temporary debates. However, it is probably fair to say
rhat, just like positivism, many studies are still beha-
vioural in nature. particularly in retail, consumer and
migration studies.
Phenomenology
Box 1.6 Phenomenology
In a nutshell
Phenomenology rejects the scientific, quantitative
approaches of positivism and behaviouralism.
Instead phenomenology suggests thal we concentrate
upon under.;ta.ndingrather than explaining the world.
The goal of phenomenology is to reconstruct the
worlds of individuals, their actions, and the mean-
ing of the phenomena in those worlds lO under-
stand individual behaviour, without drawing ,upon
supposed Iheones.
Saurces of pnmary data are in-depth inteniiews
'with people who have expenenced Ihe phenomena
in question (see ehapler 7).
Example study o[ poverty
To understand poverty it is suggested lbal we need to
reconstruct!he world ofpeople who are poor (e.g., we
need lO try and see lbe world tbrougb the eyes of poor
people). This mighl be attempted by talking to them
about their Jife experiences.
Tbe development of phenomenology is usually attrib-
uted to Husserl (1859-1938). Husserl argued Iba!
because positivists ignored the question, of their own
involvemenl in Ibe research process, they could not
fully know tbe world. To Husserl Ibe distinction
between objec! (world) and subject (humans) was
problematic_ He sougbl to overcome Ibis dualism and
to provide a powerful, rigorous and alternative phi-
losophy lO positivism so far lacking in humanist
Ibougbt (Cloke el al., 1992), Pbenomenology was
designed 'to disclose Ibe world as it shows itself
before scientific inquiry, as that which is pre-given
and presupposed by Ibe sciences. II seeks to disclose
the original way of being prior lo its objectification
by Ibe empirical sciences' (Pickles, 1985: 3). Here,
Pickles is suggesting Ibat lhe way we conduct science
influences our conclusions and tbat what we should
be seeking is not the rose-tinred view positivism
offers but the view before the scientific glasses are
put on. Pile (1993: 24) thus describes phenomeno-
logy as a 'people-centred form of knowledge based in
human awareness, experience and understanding ...
the study of, and conscious refíection on, the mean-
ing of being human, of being located in time and
space'. As such phenomenology is based upon three
assumptions: '[1] that people should be studied free
of any preconceived lheories of suppositions about
how they act, [2] The search for understanding or
appreciation of the nature of an act is the goal of
social science, rather than explanation. [3] that for
people the world exists only as a menlal construc-
lion, created in acts of intentionality. An e1ement is
brouzht into an. individual s world only when he or
she 'g¡ves il meaning because of sorne intention
towards it' (Johnston, 1986a: 62-63). Johnston (1986a)
further explains tbat Ihe goal of phenonienology is 10
reconstruct Ibe worlds of individuals, their actions,
and Ihe meaning of Ihe phenomena in those worlds
lo understand behaviour. In contrast to scientific ap-
proaches, which treat phenomena as extemal objects
which can be studied objectively, phenomenology
recognises subjectivity and demands lhat we reflect
on our own consciousness of lbings in our experience
lo come to a deeper understanding of the world
(Relph, 1981). As such, phenomenology seeks to dis-
close and elucidate what we experience and how we
experience i!.
For phenomenologists, we actively constitute the
knowledge to be had from objects in lhe world, ratber
!han just passively accessing and using them. Husserl
explains Iba! objects must be understood as objects
for human subjects; as objects Iba! hullÍan subjects
experiencelare conscious of; and as objects towards
which humans always intend to use or interact wilb
(Cloke el al., 1992). Phenomenologists Iben musl
strip away Ibe 'rose-tinled glasses' to really reveal tbe
true essences of objects to human subjects. As such,
phenomenology openly acknowledges metaphysics
and lhe need for reOeclion. Allbougb a reaction
against positivism, it should be realised Ihal Husserl
was also concemed wilb producing laws. In contras!
to positivism, however, Husserl's conceros were wilh
metaphysical laws that governed tbe workings of
,..;--
human spirit (lbe inner world of human being). Thus,
phenomenology is abou! not only understanding
behaviour, bul enriching life by increasing human
awareness (Johnston, 1986a).
Husserl's phenomenology has nol beeo success-
ful!y adopted by geographers because its emphasis on
Whal choice 01 approaches have you gOl? 11
pure reñection of essenees leads to methodological
difficulties (Unwin, 1992). As such, Husserl's phe-
nomenology is a personal transcendental exercise that
is refiective and leads to individual understanding
(Unwin, 1992). Instead Husserl 's argurnents have
been used most effectively to attack positivism as a
philosophy and it has been left to those succeeding
Husserl to soften his strict approach by forwarding
alternative phenomenologies that talk less of trying
to transcend the everyday and more about studying
the everyday meanings etched into the lifeworlds
of particular peoples, societies and cultures (Cloke
el al., 1992). Spiegelberg (in Johnston, 1986a) sug-
zests two methodologies to gain access to absolute
knowledge that resides in consciousness. The first is
imaginative self-transposal, wbich requires imagining
the world from the perspective of lhe other persoo
using clues ofhow 10 achieve Ihis !Tom first-hand per-
ception and other documentary evidence. The second
is cooperative encounter and exploration in which lhe
investiaator and subject embark on a joint explora-
tion of fue laner's lifeworld. Here, meaning and
knowledge are sougbl tbrough cornrnunication based
upon trusl and respec!. Notunsurprisingly, phenom-
enology is critícised for its reliance 00 lhe subject to
be able to communicate their interpretations and
meanings, and Ihe ability of lhe investigator to inter-
prel such cornmunications.
A number of geograpbers, such as Buttirner (1976),
Ley (1977), Relph (1976), Seamon (1979) and Tuan
(1974), have adopled variations of softer approaches
which are characterised by lheir search for meaning
(Ley, 1977). These geographers saw phenomenology
as a viable alternative 10 Ibe peopleless and dehuman-
ising positivistic and behavioural approaches being
adopted. Tuan (1971), for example, argued Ibat a
phenomenological approach combined wilh elements
of existenrialism can 'Iease out lhe "essences" of cer-
tain "geographical conceros" residing in lhe deepest
psychological, emotional and existential attachments
tbat al! human beings hold for Ibe spaces, places and
environments encircling them' (Cloke el al., 1992:
75). In essence, lhe approacb emphasises 'lbe social
construction of places, taking inlO accounl such aspects
as Ibeir emotional, aesthetic and syrnbolic appeal'
and seeks lO reflecl Ibe ties between iudividuals and
lhe environmenl (Unwin, 1992: 148). Smilb (1981)
suggests a phenomenological melhodology in which
material is galbered tbrough participanl observation
and througb reflecting and selecting observalions
and experiences galbered transactionally (tbrough
contacl wilb subjects). This produces an empalhetic

12 Thinking about research
understanding of behaviour (Johnston, 1986a). In
recent years there has been an increased interest in this
transactional approach (Aitken and Bjorklund, 1988;
Aitken, 1991). Transactionalism represents the view
that an understanding of person-in-environment con-
texts must take on board an appreciation of on-going
transactions between lhe person and the environment,
based upon botb past events and future expectations
(Aitken and Bjorklund, 1988).
Existentialism
Box 1.7 Existentialism
In a nutshell
Existentialismis basedon the notion that reality is
created by the free acts of human agents, for and
by themselves.
Whereas phenomenology is primarily concemed
with meaning, existentialismalso concerns values.
Existentialismfocusesupon how individualscome
to create and place meaning to their world and
how they subscribevalues to objects and to others.
Sources of primary data are in-depth interviews;
ethnography;and participantobservation(see Chap-
ter 7).
Example s/Udy o[poverty
Poverty is understood by trying to gain insight into
how people who are peor come to know, ascribe
meaning, and interaetwith the world (e.g., interview-
ing poor people about how they decide how much
money lOspend on different things).
Existentialism is based on !he notion Ihat reality is
created by !he free aclS of human agents, for and by
Ihemselves (Johnston, 1986a). Jt differs from phe-
nomenology by positing Ihat there are no general
essences, pure consciousness or ultimate knowledge,
and in ilS fundamental concem wi!h what Buttimer
(1974) describes as '!he quality of life in !he every-
day world'. As such, !here is no single essence of
humanity, but rather each individual creates and
forges Iheir own essence from existence. Whereas
phenomenology is primarily concemed with mean-
ing, existentialism also concerns values. lt focuses
upon how individuals come to create and place mean-
ing to their world and how !hey subscribe values to
objeclS and o!hers. A basic premise is that humans
are alienated and detached from non-human things,
and thus constantly seek to '''make things meaning-
fuI" so as to fil! !he "existential void" (the complete
lack of meaning) at the heart of the human condition'
(Cloke el al., 1992: 76). The researcher's job is to
seek to understand the process of making the world
meaningful as it is these processes by which we come
to know, and behave in, pIaces. Samuels (1978, 1981)
has been most vocal in a cal! for an existentialist
approach wi!hin human geography. This approach
effectively takes a historical perspective and 'endeav-
ours to reconstruct a landscape in the eyes of its
occupants, users, explorers and students in the light
of historical situations !hat condition, modify or
change relationships' (Samuels, 1981: 129). Samuels
suggests !hat in creating their own essence, or iden-
tity, individuals define themselves spatially through
building a relationship with the environment. Thus,
the landscape is a biography of !hat creation (John-
ston, 1986a).
"'"
Idealisnf
Box 1.8 Idealism
In a nutshell
Idealism posits tbat, ontologically,tbe real world
does not exist outside its observation and repres-
entation by the individual.
Whereasexistentialismfacusesuponrealityas being,
idealismviewsrealityas a construetionof!he mind.
Idealism seeks to explain pattems of bebaviour
through an understanding of the thoughts behind
them.
Sourees of primary data are in-depth interviews
and ethnography (see Chapter 7).
Example study o[poverty
Poverty is understood by trying 10 gain insigbt into
how peor people think aboul poverty and the world
they tivein (e.g., interviewpeor peopleon what it feels
like to be poor, wbytbey think !heyare poor, and how
they see themselves in relation 10 !herest of saciety).
Jdealism posits that Ihe real world does not exist out-
side its observation and representarion by Ihe individ-
ual (Johnston, I986a). Whereas existentialism focuses
upon reality as being, idealism views realicy as a con-
struction of the mind (Unwin, 1992). Thus, idealism
holds !hat !he world can only be known indirectly
through ideas witb knowledge based on subjective
experiences. As such, idealisrn seeks lo explain rational"
actions through an understanding of the thoughts
behind them (Guelke, 1974). In this context al!
knowledge is entirely subjective and used to develop
What choice 01 approaches have you got? 13
Dewey (1859-1952) and James (1842-1910), is con-
personal theories which serve to guide actions and
cerned wi!h !he construction of meaning through
allow the world to be negotiated and understood.
practical activity (Gregory, 1986c) attemp:ing to
Actions and the social world, therefore, are mediated
zround philosophical activity in the practicalities of
and created through knowledge rather than being
~veryday life (Smith, 1984). Pragmatism thus tries
sirnply conditioned (May, 1993). Ifwe wish to under-
to understand the world through the examination of
stand human decision making, idealists argue that we
practical problems, believing that studying a. par-
should be studying the decision makers and the per-
ticular real-world situation is important for providing
sonal theories that guide them (Johnston, 1986a).
both theoretical understanding and practical solu-
In order to study such personal theories idealists
tions (Frazier, 1981). Pragmatism rejects 'valué-free'
aim to recover the guiding mental constructs and
research, instead arguing that research should address,
ideas through empathetic understanding (Jackson and
and be used lo solve, problems. Pragmatists envisage
Smi!h, 1984). This is in contrast to behaviouralislS,
knowledge as an 'essentially fluid and intrinsically
who try to determine knowledge, perceptions and
fallible process of "self-correcting enquiry" (Gre-
attitudes to explain human decision making. Idealism
gory, 1986c: 366). Pragmatism is thus a theory of
differs from phenomenology in that it does not entirely
knowledge, experience and reality that maintains 'that
reject explanation but aims to secure an objec~ve
thought and knowledge are biologicalIy and socially
reconstruction of thought rather than a subjective
evolved modes of adaptation to and control over
description of 'lifeworlds' (Jackson and Smith, 1984).
experience and reality' (Thayer, in Iohnston, 1986~:
Guelke (1974,1981) has been!he main proponent of
60). Here, it is recognised that all knoWledge IS
idealistic studies wi!hin geography. He suggests !hat
evaluative of future experiences and !hat Ihinking
an idealist geography would study the mental activity
functions experimental!y in anticipation of future
which underlies human activity wilhin !he geographic
experiences and consequences of actions. Johnston
world and could provide the basis of a rejuvenated
(l986a) thus explains !hal society changes as beliefs
regional geography by grouping togelher people who
are actualised and Ihat individuals make choices
share similar world views. based upon meanings attached lo various possibi!ities
which are evalualed in terms of Iheir utility and use-
Pragmatism
fulness. Knowledge is thus achieved ~nIy"through
experience and a trial-and-error process of activity,
based upon altitudes and beliefs, as we search for the
Box 1.9 Pragmatism
'truth'. Thus pragmatism is based within experience
'io: In a nUlShell and is concemed 'with understanding and resolving
Pragmatism suggests !ha!, rather than foeus on
!he confliclS to which a fluid and uncertain world
individuals,attention should be paid to saciety and
gives rise' (Jackson and Smith, 1984: 72). As such,
to the interaetion of individuals within society.
Pragmatistsargue!hat understandingmust be infer- understanding must be inferred from behaviour and
red frnm behaviour and rooted in experienees, not rooted in experience, not knowledge.
knowledge. Pragmatisrn, in contrast 10 other humanistic ap-
By exploringtbe lives of people wi!hin a cornmu- proaches, suggests a focus on society and !he inter-
nity it is hoped !hat the nature of tbe beliefs and action of individuals wi!hin society - Rorty (1980)
attitudes whieh shape soeiety will be uncovered. suggests Ihat knowledge is merely an on-going con-
Sources of primary data are ethnography and par- versafion between us al!. Pragmatism avoids many
ticipant observation(see Chapter 7). irresolvable philosophical questioris 'by exarnining
instead both constitution and application of know-
Example s/Udy 01povero'
ledge in everyday life' (Cloke el al., 1992). Geogra-
Poverty is understood by observing how individuals
in soeiety interaet to produce conditions whieb sus- phers' interest in pragmatism sterns from !he work of
tain destitution(e.g., examining whether poor people Ihe Chicago sociologists Park and Burgess earher thts
. remain poor because !hey live in a eycle of erime, cenrury. They suggest !hat 'social interaction through
underedueation,low self-esteem, etc.). which attitudes and beliefs are leamed and developed
occurs in places ... [and] !he construcrion and recon-
;2:. struction of society - !he search for trulh ... - is a
spatially situated activity' (Johnston, 1986a: 61). These
,". Pragmatisrn, "ilose origins are predominately identified
sociologists in Ihe main used ethnographic techniques
,~; wi!h the NortbAmerican writers Peirce (1839-1914),
'Z:~:.

4 T{1inking about research
(see Chapter 7) such as participant observation to
explore the lives of local residents. Frazier (198 1)
reports that pragmatists use a scientific approach,
using a deductive-predictive approach where a
theory is forroulated and then tested, However, prag-
matists also refute replicability, acknowledging that
.retesting may lead to different answers which they
attribute to the problems of observing a situation and
changing social context. As such, beca use the worId
is constantIy changing, positions must be constantly
retested and re-evaluated. Jackson and Smith (1984)
repon that pragmatic research is also often p~rti-
cipatory in nature, to al!ow the nature of the behefs
and altitudes which shape society to be uncovered,
and to determine how they are being reconstructed
through application. As such, pragmatism is action-
orientated and user-orientated .•
1.4.3 Critical science
Marxist approaches
Box UD Marxism
In a nutshell
Marxists suggest tbat society is structured so as to
perpetuate tbe production of capital.
Marxists are concerned witb investigation of tbe
political and economic structures !hat underlie
and reproduce capitalist rnodes of production and
consumption.
To do this Marxists suggest !hatwe need to consider
how conditions nñght be under different social
conditions to highlight how society operates.
A source of primary data is observation (see Chap-
ter }), but Marxism also re-exarnines secondary.
data sources with analysis consisting of detenrun-
ing tbe dialectical (how one affects !he otber) rela-
tionshipbetween societal structures and individuals.
I and similarly were a reaction against the growth of
Example study o[ poverty
Poverty is explained through tbe exanúnation of how
poor people are exploited for capital gain (e.g., exarn-
ining whetherpoor people are poor because it is in tbe
. interests of capital to retain unskilled, low-wage jobs
rather !han distribute fully corporate pretit).
Simply stated, Marxism is a 'system of Ihought ...
which clairns Ihat Ihe state, through history, has been
a device for Ihe exploitation of the masses by a dom-
ioant class and that class struggle has been the main
agent of historical change' (Peet and Lyons, 1981:
207). As with the approaches so far discussed, there
are many different versions of Marxism. They al!
share, however, a critical approach to modem society
which aims not only to study, but also to change,
social processes. Marxist approaches seek to do this
by exposing the inherent injustices within present
social relations which they argue are Ihe result of the
economic bases of capitalism. They argue that social
relations are constrained within regulating capital-
ist structures. These structures exist as a means of
enforcing and reproducing wealth for a minority of
the population through the exploitatlon of labour.
Contemporary Westem society is thus characterised
by a capitalist 'mode of production' as the means
people employ to sustain themselves. Within this
mode there are inherent contradictions that need to be
exposed, so that unfair social relations enshrined in
Ihe class system can be ove¡;¡hrown.
Within a structuralist framéwork there are tbree
levels of anaJysis: '(I¡_tne level of appearances, or
Ihe superstructure; (2) the level of processes, or Ihe
infrastructure; ánd (3) the level of imperatives, or the
deep structure' (Johnston,. 1985: 220). Melhods of
analysis are dialectical in nature, examining from an
economic and political perspective Ihe processes of
change and dynamics within society, and exposing
Ihe three (hidden) levels of structures which regulate
Ihe uneven nature of society. Dialectics is a method
of seeking knowledge through a process of continu-
. ous questioning and answering, with one answer pro-
vidin.g the basis for a subsequent question (Unwin,
1992). By dialectically examining the transforma-
.tions in the mode of production, it is hoped !hat an
understanding of social change can be developed
through Ihe identification of historically determined
laws.
Marxist approaches within geography emerged at
approximately Ihe same time as humanistic approaches,
spatial science (positivism) within Ihe discipline ..
Whereas humanistic approaches criticised spatial sci-
ence because of its disrégard of human agency,
Marxists argued !hat it failed to recognise Ihe eco-
nomic and political constraints imposed upon spalial
paltems by the way in which society worked. Further,
they suggested that positivistic melhods restricted
analysis to how things actually seemed to be, rather
!han considering how they might be under different
social conditions (Cloke et aL, 1992). A Marxist
geography seeks 10 identify how social relations vary
over space and time in order 10 reproduce and sustain
Ihe modes of production and consumption, to sugges~
What choice of approaches have you gol? 15
alternative futures, and to offer political resistance the task of research 'is not simply to collect observa-
(Peet and Lyons, 1981). Whilst a 'pure' forro ofMarx- tions but to explain these within theoretical frame-
ism, historical materialisrn, gained favour in the late works which structure people's actions' (May, 1993:
1970s, by the early 1980s attention had moved to 7). Realists are, therefore. concemed with the invest-
other structuralist approaches such as Gidden 's struc- igation of the underIying mechanisms and struc-
turation tbeory and political economy. Both these tures of social relations, and with identifying the
approaches relaxed the emphasis upon structure to 'building blocks' of reality. Rather than studying the
íncorporate ideas of agency. Unwin (1992) eontends communication and interaction between people, real-
that structuralist approaches have most commonly been ism seeks the underIying mechanisms of policy and
applied to four main areas of geographical study: an practice that made these possible in the first place
historical geography of transition forro feudalism to (May, 1993). As such, realism is concemed with the
capitalism; urban geography; regional inequalities . identification of how something happens (causal
and industrial restructuring; and the Third World, mechanisms) and how extensive a phenomenon is
(empirical regularity) (Unwin, 1992). Realists want
Realism to find out 'what. produces changes, what makes
things happen, what allows or forces changes' (Sayer,
1985: 163). Unlike positivism which posits a cIosed
. Box 1.11 Realism system of discrete events tbat can be....!ested wilh
In a nutshell
specifie hypotheses, realism presents an atemative
Realists are concemed witb the investigationof tbe by 'assuming a stratified and di[erentiated worId
underlying rnechanisrns and structures of social made up of events, mechanisms and structures in an
relations, and identifying tbe 'building blocks' of open system where there are complex, reproducing
reality: and sometimes transforming interactions between .
Ratber tban studying tbe coaununication and inter- structure and agency whose recovery wiII provide
action between people, realisrn s~eks tbe underIy-
answers to questions posed about processes' (Cloke
ing mechanisms of policy and practice tbat rnade e/ al., 1992: 146). Realism, Ihen, does not deny human .
tbese possible in tbe tirst place. agency, although it does emphasise that behaviour is
Realism conceros tbe identification of how sorne-
constrained by economic processes (Johnston, 1991).
thing happens (causal rnechanisms) and how ex-
teosive a phenomenon is (empirical regularity). Ralher, individual s make decisions within an infra-
Realists want to tind out what produces changes, strueture !hat they are unaware of. As a result, Ihe
what makes tbings happen, what allows or forces infrastructure is both constraining and enabling; it
changes. restricts yet stimulates choice (Johnston, 1991).
Sources of primary data include a núx of quantit- . Sayer (1985, 1992) in particular has championed
ative (see Chapter 3) and qualitative (see Chapter the cause of realism within geography. He suggests
7) techniques. that geographers can engage wilh four different types
of realist study. Tbe first is abstract, theoretical
Example study 01poverty resea.rCh concemed with structures and mechanisms;
Poverty is understood by trying to deternúne its root
it concentrates on developing a theory Ihat might
causes through an exanúDation of !he rnechanisms
underlyinghowsociety operates (e.g., exanúne whetber explain circumstances or lead to possible scenarios.
poverty exists because of tbe uneven deveioprnent of The second is concrete, practical research focusilig
modemisation~ upon events and objects produced by structures and
mechanisms and thus seeks to expiain a circumstance
,,\.-. or scenario. Tbe third is empirical generalisations
~i.; .
:"i~ . Realism shares with positivism the aim of explana- concerned with the establishment of the regularity of
f . tion rather!han understanding. However, here the events. Tbe fourth is synthesis researr:h wilich combines
:ey·7' similarities end. Whilst realists believe that tbere is a al! of these types of research in order to explain entire .
? 'real' worId !hat exists independently of our senses, subsystems. Sayer also describes how realist researeh
f#.' perceptions and cognitions, in contrast to analyrical- can be undertaken al the local scale using iotensive
;ili,;,
empirical .approaches, realists argue !hat Ihe social research aimed at producing causal explanations, and
rJ!- world does not exist independentIy of knowledge and al !he regional scale using extensive research aimed at
~t·
!hat this knowledge, which is partial or incomplete, producing aescriptive generalisations. lntensive re-
~1 af'fects our behaviour (May, 1993). Tbey argue that .search consists of trying 10 determine tbe processes
¡
16 Thinking about research
and conditions both necessa/}' (object/subject needed
for a process or situation to arise, e.g., gunpowder has
the necessary casual power to explode) and contingent
(object/subject needed to activate or release causal
powers, e.g., gunpowder needs a spark) that underlie
the production of certain events or objects by study-
ing individual s in their contexts, using qualitative
methodologies such as interactive interviews and
ethnography (Cloke et al., 1992). Extensive research
consists of trying to determine the generality or com-
monality of characteristics and processes in relation
to a wider population using quantitative methodolo-
gies such as questionnaires. Although asking differ-
ent types of questions, using different methodologies,
both types of research are still seeking to explain the
phenomena in terms of the underlying mechanisms
and structures which dictate their pattern and formo
Posttnodernism
Box 1.12 Postmodernism
In a nurshell
Postmodernists argue lha!, so far, modernist meta-
narratives (al! the other approoches so far descríbed)
that seek universal truths by examining the associ-
atioos and relationships between people and plaees,
have failed to adequately account for differences
witbín society.
Postmodernísm is based upon the notian tbat there
is no one answer, that. no one discourse is superior
or dominant to another, and that no-one's voice
should be excluded from dialogue.
Postmodernísts argue that ther; is no one absolute
truth and that there ís no truth outside interpretation.
Postmodernism, rather lhan seeking 'trutb', offers
'readíngs' ralher !han 'observations', and 'inter-
pretalions' ralher than 'findings', and seeks inler-
lextual relations rather tban causalíty.
Primary analysis consists of deconstructing (teas-
ing apart) culture and societal practices.
Example study 01poverty
Poverty is understood by trying to deconstruct and
read the varíous ways in which poverty is constructed
and reproduced in society, and how poor people are
excluded from society (e.g., examine tbe ways in which
poor people are excluded from society through une-
qual power relations).
Brown (1995) suggests that postrnodernism is some-
thing everyone has heard of, but no-one can quite
explain. This is because, as Peet and Thrift (1989)
suggest, postmodernism is a confusing tcrrn which
represents a combination of different ideas. At one
level, postrnodernity refers to a new way of under-
standing the world. It is a revolt against the ration-
ality of modernism, and represents a fundamental
attack on contemporary philosophy (Dear, 1988). At
another level, postrnodernity refers to al; object o/
study - postrnodernity is the study of the temporal
and spatial organisation, and the complex interaction,
of economic, social, political and cultural processes
in the late twentieth century. In this framework, post-
modern culture is often presented as an alternative. to
modernist visions of society, which are presented as
fundamentally flawed and structurally weak (Poster,
1995). In this discussion, we only examine postrnod-
ernism as an approach.
So far, we have discussed approaches which are
based within modernity (e.g., positivism, Marxism).
Modemism concerns the search for a unified~rand
theory of society and social knowledge and seekt to
reveal universal truths and nieaning. Qear (I988)
argues that this has led to a variety of internally con-
sistent but mutually exclusive approaches. Postrnod-
ernism challenges modemist thinking by examining
epistemological independence and challenging 'truth
claims'. In essence, postmodemism is based upon the
notion Ihat there is no one answer, no one discourse
that is superior or dominant to anolher, and Ihat no- .
one's voice should be excluded from dialogue (Dear,
1988). Postrnodernists therefore argue Ihat Ihere is no
one absolute truth and that tbere is no truth outside
interpretation. As such, postrnodem approaches rep-
resent a shift from ways of knowing and issues of
trutb, to ways of being and issues of reality.
Postrnodem thinking is thus concerned wilh devel-
oping an attitude towards knowledge, melhods, the-
ories and communication, and posits Ihat we move
away from questions relating to tbe 'things actually
going on ... to questions abaut how we can find out
about, interpret and then report upon these things'
(Cloke el al., 1992). Here, 'tbe very possibility of .
acquiring knowledge or giving an account of tbe world
is called into question' (Lyon, 1994: 11). Witbin
pOSlrnodern approaches, organised, objective science
is replaced by a postscience which acknowledges the
position of scientist as agent and participant. Essen-
tially, tbere is a broad-gauged reconceptualisation of
how we experience and explain the world around us
which includes focusing attention upon alternative
discourses and meanings rather than goals, choices,
behaviour, attitudes and personality; Ihe dissolution
of disciplinary boundaries; and a re-emphasis on tbat
which has largely been ignored by modernist scholars
- narnely the excluded, marginal and repressed (Rosenall,
1992). Postrnodemism thus offers 'readings' rather
than 'observations', 'interpretations' rather than 'find-
ings', seeking intertextual relations rather than caus-
ality (Rosenau, 1992).
Postrnodemism has been criticised as being little
more than a form of critique - an intellectual, specu-
lative, 'self-seeking cynicism' (Lyon, 1994: 77) with
little substance. Critics argue that the dominant bases
of the modernist agenda - enquiry, discovery, innova-
tion, progress, internationalisation, self and economic
development - are, however, still the principies under-
lying Westem society and modemist approaches are
still most appropriate to study them (Berman, 1992).
As such, postrnodem critique should mereIy be used
to improve modemist methods, to make them more
robust and to widen their scope, not to replace them,
. Such a radicalised, modemist approach has been put
forward by both Habermas and Giddens. They both
treat modemity as an incomplete project, and like
postmodernísts challenge Ihe foUIÍdationatist approaches
to science but insist that a hermeneutic approach to
social science can still yield realistic results within a
more critical framework(Lyon, 1994). Olher approaches,
such as feminism, aIso try to reframe modemist Ihought
within a more emancipatory or reflexive framework
rather than move to a new postmodem position.
Poststructuralism
BQX 1.13 Poststructuralism
\
In a nutshell
Poststructuralísts argue lhat the relationship between
society and culture is mediated through language:
humans are configured and given cultural signific-
ance through language.
The way we Jive our lives within society, lhe con-
straints and empowermenl lhal operate, take effecl
in language.
PoststructuraJists propose lhat the way lO gaín an
understanding of the factors !hat shape our lives is
lO deconstruct the multiple messages being con-
veyed to us by the objects we encounter.
The primary mode of analysís is tbe deconstruc-
tion of language.
Example study 01poverty
Poverty is understood through examination and decon-
struction of exclusionary practices of !he society as
expressed throul!h cultural practíces and arliculated in
language (e.g., ~xamine tbe exlent to which cultural
norros and mvths feed inlo exclusionary processes
which seek to -marginalise poor people from material
wealth).
What choice 01 approaches have you gol? 17
PoststructuraIists argue that the relationship berween
society and space is mediated culturally through la n-
guage. In contrast to postrnodemism, much of the
focus is uoon the individual. and methodological and
epistemol~gical issues, rather than society and ~ul-
tural critique (Rosenau, 1992). For poststructuralIsts,
a human being is configured and given cultural sig-
niñcance through language (Poster, 1995). As such,
the way we live our lives within society, the constraints
and empowerment that opérate, take effect m language.
Therefore, if we are to understand the relationship
between space and society we. need to explore the
positioning of an individual in relation to language
and how the individual is conñgured by language.
Such an approach examines society by interpreting
and deconstructing cultural dissemination to gam
understanding. Peet and Thrift (1989: 23) explain that
poststructural work assl!...mes
e,
that meaninz is produced in language, and not reftected by
it: that meanins ís Mt fixed but is constantly on lhe move
. :. and tbat s~bjectivity does not imply a unified,. and
rational human subject but instead a kaleidoscope of differ-
ent discursive practices .... lhe kind of method needed to
oet al Ihese conceptions wiIl need 10 be very supple, able
~o capture the multiplicity of different rneanings without
reducing them lo lhe simplicity of a simple structure.
Researchers then -should focus on textuality, nar-'
rative discourse and language as these do not just
reflec; reality but actively construct and constitute
reality. As language precede.s us and e~c~eds us so
Ihat it is something into WhlCh we are 1mbated and
which governs our actions and thoughts, whe~ each
of us reads a tex!, views a landscape or a butldmg we
see and interpret tbem in different ways (Brown,
1995). Poststructuralists thus propose tbat the way
to gain an understanding of tbe SOCial, culru:al, ~oltt-
ical and economic factors tbat shape our hves IS to
deconstruct the multiple messages being conveyed
to us by the objects we encounter. Deconstruction is
a technique for 'teasing out the incoherencles, limlts
and unintentioned effects of a tex!'. (Cloke et al.,
1992: 192).
Feminism
Box 1.14 Feminism
In a nurshell
Feminism suggests thal science is dominated by,
and reflects the position of, meno Sorne feminist
geographers extend this specifically 10 white,
wealthy, Western meno
18 Thinking about research
Which approach is best? 19

Box 1.14 (cont'd) traditional research approaches in three main ways. help you determine which approach is rnost suitable
Box 1.15 Sources 01 sexism within research
Feministssuggest rhat there needs te be renegotia- First, ir chaIlenges the formulation of theories by to your views. Graham (1997) suggests that three
Androcentricity: Viewingthe world from a male suggesting that traditional categories, definitions and good questions to ask relate to naturalism, realism
tion of the role and structure of instirutions and rhe
production of knowledge. perspecrive: e.g., when a test or other research concepts need to be rethought. Second, it examines and structure/agency. Other questions relate to the
insrrument is developed and tested on males, and [he validity ofmethods (and associated theories) used research strategy, the purpose of research, the pro-
There needs lObe a renegotiation of power rela-
tionswithinsocietyso thathowwecometo know the then assumed ro be suitable for use with females, for exarnining geographical issues. Third, ir questions duction of knowledge and the nature óf theories. In
Overgeneralisaüan; Whena sludydeals with only
world is more reflective of the people living in it. the basis by which issues are selected as worthy of general, these questions are highly interrelated. For
one sex but presents itself as generally applicable,
Sourcesof primary data includea mix of quantita- geographical enquiry. This reassessment of conduct- the purposes of this book we will discuss them sep-
tive(see Chapter 3) and qualitative(see Chapter 7) e.g., a study dealing solely with mothers which
makes staternents about parents, inz research has led to the formulation of a feminist arately and in brief. You should refer to the books
techniques,
Overspecijicity: When single-sex terrns are used methodology which is characterised by a search for a reeommended for further reading to gain a wider
Example study 01poverty when both sexes are involved:e.g., many uses of mutual understanding between researcher and resear- understanding of these issues. For reference, we have
'man' either by itself or as in 'chairman'. ched (Katz, 1994). This methodology focuses thought summarised Boxes 1.3-1.15 into Table 1.2.
Povertyis understood by trying to adopl more eman-
Gender insensivity: Ignoring sex as a possible upon four issues: ways of knOlfing; ways of asking;
cipalory and empoweringapproacheslhat allow poor variable.
people lo express experienceand knowledge(e.g.,ask ways of interpreting; ways of writing. Wilhin each of 1.5.1 Atlendant questions
DOllble stalldards: Evaluating, treating or meas- Ihese issues Ihe researcher is encouraged to reflect upon
poor people how Ihey think that society should be
reconfiguredinlo a morejusI system). uring identical behaviours, traits or situations by
lheir own position, as weU as Ihat of tbe researched,
different means for males and females: e.g., using Naturalist or anti-naturalist?
female-derived categories of social status for and to acknowledge and use these reflections to guide
males (or vice versa). Ibis may not be inappropri- Ihe various aspects of Ihe research process. In gen- ~am (1997) explains Ihat naturalism concerns the
Sinee tbe early 1980s tbere has been a slow growth ate in a particular study but nevertheless could eral, feminist researchers, ratber tban develo~ing new natu~ of research. A naturalist approach would sug-
in feminist approaches witbin human geography, lead to bias which should be acknowledged. techniques, use traditional metbods but wilhm a new.. gest tbat we can research the social ..world in much
aecompanied by feminist critique of geographical Sex appropriateness: A cornmonlyused and ac- frame of reference which aims to be more rellexive Ihe same way lhat we can research the natural world.
enquiry. These ·eritiques have attacked aH forms of cepted form of 'double standards': e.g., that child and representative of research subjects and consistent For example, we could adapt melhods used in bio-
geographical enquiry in two main way~. First, femin- rearing is necessarily a female activity.. wilh feminist goals. At present, feminist research is logy, €hemistry or physics and apply Ihem to human
Familism: A particular instanceof'gender insen- largely restricted to female scholars, allhough men are geography. Anti-naturalism, as the name implies,
ists have argued tbat geographical research largely
sivity'. Consists oftreating lhe family as tbe small- increasingly recognising and adopting feminist appro-
ignores lhe lives of women and tbe role of patri- suggests Ihat such an adaptation is invalido Essen-
est unit of analysis when it would be possible and
arcby in society. They seek to redress lhis balance appropriate to treat an individualas lhe unit. aches, and Ihe ideas and practices are being used to tially, tbe difference concerns tbe use of lhe scientific.
through specmc studies of lhe everyday lives of Sexual dichotomism: Anotherinstance of 'double
underpin research conceming olher oppressed groups method designed to measure empirical evidence and
women. Second, lhey have criticised tbe ways in standards': treating the sexesas two entirely differ- such as disabled peopIe and etbnic minorities. discover laws. Anti-naturalists argue tbat Ihe sci-
which research is conducted, arguing !hat knowledge ent distinct social groups ralher !han as groups entmc melhod is flawed because it seeks to explain
is predominantly produced by men and as a result wilh overIappingcharacteristics. lhe social worId through Ihe testing of laws. They
represents men's views of the world. They !hus argue suggest Ibat this fails to acknowledge non-empirieal
tbat how we come to know tbe world is structured Sources: Eichler 1988,Robson 1993: 64. evidence relating to lhoughts, desires and values. As
through tbe lenses of a 'male gaze'. Sorne would sug- such, fuer contend tbat lhe social worId is best
0nIy you can previdelhe philosopbicaiartsWers lha! wiIl have approach through Ibe seeking of understanding and
gest !hat this 'male gaze' is an implicit expression of
meaningand lastingvalueinyour future work as a geographer. interpretation, as humans do not foHow set rules
tbe dominant ideology, a form of eoncealment, aimed
in Ihe reassessment of how lo· investigate research (HiIl, 1981: 38)
at reproducing current power relations. As such,
questions. In particular, Ihey have advocated trying to
~~ and patterns. In our discussion, in general, natural-
academic research has implicitly (and sometimes ",. It would be a grave mistake for us to try to prescribe ists would be empiricists, positivists and analytical
understand tbe world through personal experience,
explicitly) worked to exclude and silence tbose in 'Y'!-:- any one of lhe approaches we have discussed as tbe
"": behaviouralists, and anti-naturalists everything else.
forwarded tbe renegotiation of power relations between ,;~, best for you or your researcb. As discussed earlier,
subordinate positions. Feminists suggest tbat tbe
researcher and researched seeking a more emancipat- ;~ we aU have our own beliefs about lhe Würld and tbe
predominance of patriarchy within society can be Inductive or deductive?
ory and empowering approach, and cballenged stich ~¡ right and wrong ways to do things, including under-
.observed by considering tbe range of senst practices
conventions as individual writing and writing style.
within current research (see Box LIS). Feminist geo-
Further, lhey have critiqued !he practices and sttuc-
.~,~.0.. taking research. The aim of!he discussion was to Associated witb Ibe naturalistlanti-naturalist debate
graphers have lhus adopted an epistemology which '- demonstrate tbe diversity of views in contemporary are questions concerniog tbe research strategy and
challenges conventional ways of knowing by question-
tures of academia as a whole, seeking to destabilise
current patriarchal institutions and institutional prac-
r.~.~.; human geography. It is for you to decide which melhodology used to generate data. Inductive and
~" school of tbought best reflects your beliefs in how a deductive reasoning coneero tbe logical processing of
ing!he concept of'trutb', validating 'alternative' sources
tices. Lilee Marxism, femioism is a political project ;1.#. question should be approached and answered. This is information and data into knowledge and how ~eory
of-knowledge such as autobiographical accounts and
but one which seeks to address patriarchy ralher Ihan
subjective experience, and acknowledging Ihe non- f;t not an easy task and may require a great deal of and practice are connected. At a basic level, using
class. As such, feminists seeks emancipatory goals . ,., refieetion. Whilst we have provided a Iist of different inductive reasoning means lhat lhe research comes
neutrality and power relations within research (Women
and social change for aH those in tbe research process :~' approaches, you should not treat Ihe list as a shop- before lhe Iheory. Here; theo.etical propositions are
in Geography Study Group, 1997).
Unhappy witb lhe primacy given to scientific melh-
(Women in Geography Study Group, 1997). '
qt: ping exercise. Do not, after reading each label, be aenerated from Ibe data by identifying regularities.
odology, feminist researcbers have been insttumental
The Women in Geograpby Study Group (1997) detail
Ihat feminist geography is involved in chaHenging
Ij. tempted just to select an approacb. Ratber, you AIternatively, using deductive reasoning means lbat
fij?.iL should think through a set of attendant questions to lhe Iheory comes before lhe research. Here, research
'fo.~~:.:.
 Which approach is best? 21

Thinking about research

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22 Thinking about research Which approach is best? 23

Value-free or action-orientated?

Ideology concems the purpose of research, of seek-

ing knowledge. Each approach has an underlying ideo-
logy. As we noted earlier, Habermas suggests that
approaches generally fall into three categories. He
suggests that each category has a different purpose.
Empirical-analytical research aims to explain the
geographical world. Historical-hermeneutic research
aims lo understand tbe geographical world of its
inhabitants.- Critical research aims to be emancipat-
ory, seeking to change tbe socio-politicalIandscape
for the better. Within the first two sets of approaches,
research generally c1aims to be valué-free. That is,
research is neutral, witb no specific political agenda.
experimental

-
Oesign It just seeks to know the answer to a question or
(derntion,
daWlC.lIicI\ provide solutions 10 technical problems. Instead, it is
left lo the readers of tbe research to draw their own
socio-political conclusions conceming tbe findings.
Action-orientated research refutes tbe notion of value·
free research, lnstead, action-orientated research seeks
explicitly to change the world eitber by addressing a
Yerlfic.ation
specific social or practical problem (e.g., pragmatism)
or through a political project aimed at changingsocial
relations (e.g., Marxism and feminism). Witbin this
framework, it is argued tbat research should have..
sorne wider purpose than just to add lo our knowledge
of tbe geographic world: it should aim to change ít
for tbe better.

Objective or situated?

lnductlYe Hypol/1eUc - deduc1iw The value·free/action-orientaled debate concerns

A B
whetber knowledge production should have a polit-
.2 Figure 1.1 Inductive and deductive research strategies ical/social purpose. A related issue concerns whetber
.~ (source: adapted Irom Holt-Jensen 1988). knowledge can be gained in an objective and neutral
e fashion. Botb analytical (naturalist) and humanistic
g (anti-naturalist) approaches adopt methodologies
is undertaken lo test tbe validity of a theory - whe- where the researcher is tbe expert, an objective
"á. '""
::1 tber a theory can be verified or falsified.For example: recorder and observer of tbe world who neutrally car-
5 .g ries out tbe study. Sorne commentators are now start-
.:;
....o
.~ 'C • Induction Produce data on tbe spread of a dis-
~ " ing to challenge tbis objectivÍty; suggesting tbat
'O '":::o ease and tben construct a theory knowledge is in fact situated. That is, knowledge is
s ~ which explains disease diffusion. not given, just tbere waiting lo be discovered. Rather,
ü
en ~ • Deduction Construct a tbeory on disease diffu- knowledge is constructed through how we investigate
sion and then generate data to test and examine tbe world. Here, research is seen as a
.~ whether tbe tbeory is valid. social activity that is affected botb by !he entbusiasm
S ~
~ "~ Inductive and deductive research strategies are elabor- and motivation of tbe researcher and by the context

'"
...;
..
'ü
....
ated in Figure 1.1. In general, altbough not always(e.g., in which tbe research takes. place: no matter how
imparfial tbe researcher feels tbey are, tbey come to
o empiricists), naturalists favour a deductive research
~ ~
c.. strategy. Anti-naturalists use a mix of inductive and tbe research with a certain amount of 'baggage' -
~ ~ deductive research strategies dependent on approach. preset ideas, tbeoretical persuasions, personal interests,

24 Thinking about research
etc. Sample (1996) argues further that although, in
theory, the research design is chosen ro address the
situation and questions under investigation, in reality
the research design often suits the interests or speci-
ality of the researcher. As such, research is researcher-
orientated, based around the desires and agendas of
the researcher rather than the subject(s) ofthe research.
As Susan Hanson (1992: 573) suggests:
your context - your location in the world - shapes your
view of the world and therefore what you see as important,
as IVorth knowmg; context shapes the theories/stories you
concoct of the world to describe and explain it. .. Know-
iedge is contingent on beliefs and I'alues.
. Highly related to the positioning of the researcher
tS the positioning of the research. Just as it is argued
that lenowledge production is situated within the
beliefs and values of the researcher, it is also sug-
gested that lenowledge is situated within cultural
ideologies. Cultural ideologies concern the general,
unwnnen laws concerning what is pennissible within
society. As such, it is now argued thal research does
not take place in a social void. JI takes place within
a social contexl and is frarned by societal expecta-
tlOns of whal can be researched and how il should be
researched. Society expects us to hold certain ethical
and moral standards when conducting research. This
means Ihal research is frarned wilhin those standards
lo gain acceptability. Further, there are stitt 'taboo'
subjects such as sex and death (see Section 2.5.4).
Research practice and focus are thus socially posi-
lioned. Ihis does nol mean thal we have to accept the
dOITIInant mode of positioning - we can try lo find
positions tbat we tbink are more just (altbough we
mtghl have difliculty in getting 'mainstrearn' society
lo accept our research findings).
The adoption of a feminisl approach by a number
of women academics. represents one particular ex-
ample of a group of scholarsseekincr lO challencre both
what should be studied and also ho:' research ~hould
be conducled. Whilst initiatty feminisl work was
received sceptically, the social posilioning of feminist
research is now slowly gaining social acceptance.
The~e challenges lo convention are, however, still
findmg resistance within geo¡;raphy, as the debates
between Mona Domosh (J 991 a, 1991 b) and David
Stoddart (1991), and Linda Peake (1994) and Peter
Gould (1994a, 1994b l, demonstrate. We can illustrate
the effects of Ihe researche,r's position and the posi-
IlOmng of the research with sorne hypothetical ex-
amples (see Box I.t 6).
Geography or geographies?
Related to the production and situatedness of know-
ledge are arguments concerning the nature of theories.
In the malO: approaches, whether they be naturalist or
anti-naturalist, seek to find an order within society.
As such, they seek to provide a unified, grand theory
of society and social knowledge and to reveal univer-
sal truths and meaning. In other words, they are try-
mg to find a theory that has a universal commonality
Such theones (e.g., Marxisml are called crrand nar-
ratives. These narratives suggest that t1~ere is one
geography, one universal 'truth'. Jn contrast to this
position, others would argue that the search for a
totalising theory, applicable in all cases is a mis-
guided venture. Rather il should be reco~ised that,
due lo the complexity of society and the individuality
of the people who constilute it, no one theory can
fully account for all social evenls, Furtber as know-
ledge is situated there are many possible g:ographies.
In general, II tS the poslmodern and feminist ap'
proaches that reJect the notion of crrand narratives
although it should be noted thal <>many feminis~
would ~t¡jl advocate a modemisl agenda, but one that
recogmses patriarchy.
Realism or anti-realism?
Graham (1997) explains that the realist/anti-realist
de?ale is quile. complex and concerns the queslion of
extstence: the Issue of validity in claimina that some-
thing exists. Realists argue tbat a 'real' :'orld exists
regardless of conceptions of it, tbat the world and the
people living in it have a material existence beyond
what we lhink about the world. This might seem like
cOITIlnon sense. Anti-realists (or metaphysical ideal-
tsts) contend thal the world exists only in the mind -
reality is conslituted in Íhoughl - and there is no
logical reason lo suggest thal il has material existence
beyond our thoughts. This idea might al first be more
difficult to accept. However, th; more you think
about this notion (and philosophers have spenl a
greal deal of time debating this issue) tbe more the
tdea does have sorne appeal. This debale is importanl
because tt concerns how we can gain knowledge of
the world. Can we only study how people come to
construcl tbeir world or is tbere a real world that we
come to lenow? Clearly, if you believe Ibat people
construct thelr own world then your research approach
will be different from Ihe approach you would adopt
If you belteved !hat a real world exists independently
ofpeople. In human geography, humanistic methods
'-
."',
Which approach is bes!? 25
Box 1.16 Case examples 01 the eHects 01 the researcher's position and the positioning
01 the research
Example 3: Feminist reseOl·c/¡alld gender
Exalllple J: Positivism and poverty Feminist researcbers generally adopt a socio-poli tical
A positivist researcher would claim to be neutral or corn-
stance that explicitly reeognises that the knowledge from
pleteiy objective, having no vested interest in the research.
their research is constructed and produced. They there-
Further. they would claim that their research takes up
fore recognise that their research is not neutral or object-
no social or political positioning. They are just trying to
ive but is framed within the personal context of the
explain certain conditions, allowing the data to speak for
researcher and the social context of the research environ-
themselves through statistical testing. In other words,
men!. In contrast to positivists and humanists, feminists
_ their lel'el of interpretation is limited in that it is con-
are much more likely to draw socio-political interpreta-
strained to just detailing what the statistical tests show.
tions based upon the evidence tbey have generated. As
They place no value judgements on the findings of lhe
such, their research has an implicit (and often explicit)
tests and instcad make new hypotheses as to why they
agenda aimed at feeding in to and changíng social rela-
achieved a particular result.These hypolheses then form
tions wilhin society. Here, lhey use a range of methods,
lhe basis for further studies to determine their validity.
particularly humanistic melhods, to explore the ways in
In relation to trying to explain poverty, a positivist might
which women are, and have been, oppressed through
statistically test the association between sorne measure
patriarchal relations.
of poverty (such as income) against sorne measure of
~ducational achievement (such as GCSE results). If the
Example 4: Participatory aetion research and disability
test found a significant relationship between lhe vari-
One particular example that disabled researchers bave
ables (measures) used, they would conclude lhat povert)'
been exploring, that recognises lhe social production and
is io sorne way related to educational achievement. They
positioning of social research, is participatory action
then might suggest why this might be the case. For
research (PAR) (see Barnes and Mercer, 1997; Kitchin,
e~ample, those with low educational attainment might be
in ¡iress). This melhod tries to renegotiate the power
constrained to low'skilled, low-paid, employrnent. This
relations in lhe research and to empower and give the
could form the basis for a new study that would test lhis.
researched much more say in research about tbem.
The researcher would make no value judgemeots on this
Oliver (1992), in relation to disability research, is parri-
finding or suggest social policy changes. cularly critical of current 'social relatioos of research
production' which he argues disenfranchises, disen-
Example 2: Humanistie approaehes and raee
chants and alienates the subjects of research, distancing
In cootrast to lhe positivist, a hlll1lanistic researcher tries
thern from the work of !he researcher. He argues that
to get much closer to the researched, seeking to build up
current professional expert models of research perpetu-
relariooship witb those being studied, to gain tbeir trust
ate the status quo ",ilh the researcher taken as the exper!,
and confidence. Like the positivists, many humanists
!he harbinger of specialised knowledge and tbe control-
would claim to be neutral and objeetive, with their
ler of the research process, and the research subjects
research having no social positioning. Whereas !he pos-
taken as subordinate. Such expert models disempower
itivist is trying to objectively study conditioos using
the research subjects, placing their knowledge into !he
empírical measures, humanists place more emphasis 00
hands of !he researcher to interpret and make reeom-
subjective experiences, values and opinions. For ex-
mendations on their behalf. PAR is an attempt ro address
ample, in relation to racism, ratber !han testing empírica!
tbe problems of representiveness and unequal power
measures which we might associate with racism, like the
arrangements between researcher and researched witbin
number of violent acts against black people and unem-
social research by futly integrating research subjects into
ployrnent in lhe dominant group, humanists would be
lhe research process (Wbyte, 1991). Here, tbe role oftbe
rnuch more interested in interviewing the attackers about
academic becomes enabler or facilitator: the academic
!he personal motivations behind such anacks, trying to
takes a supportive position and seeks to inform and
tease out tbe basis of racist violence. Again, the conclu-
impar! knowledge and skills to the research subjects.
sioos would largely consist of interpreting the findings
and setting up future research questions ratber than mak-
ing social policy recornmendations.
26 Thinking about research
Further reading 27
~:------------------------------------------------------------------------
are generalIy more anti-realist, although there can be Holt-Jensen, A. (1988) Geography: Histary and Con-
human geographers have changed their minds about W/rl' does philosopby malta when conducting a
considerable interplay with other' approaches. Again, cepts, 2nd edition. Paul Chapman, London.
how research should be conducted and also what the research project? ..
you are referred to other texts
focus of research should be. For example, in 1969 011jirs/ impressions, whieh particular philosoph- Johnston, R.J. (1986) Philosophy and Human
David Harvey published a book which adopted a pos- ical position towards research do you subscribe to Geography: An Introduction to Contemporary
Structure or agency?
itivistic stance, entitled Explanation in Geography; and II'hy? Approaches, 2nd edition. Edward Arnold, London.
but by 1973 when he published Social Justice in the Johnston, R.J. (1991) Geography and Ge~grapilers:
Changing rack slightly, another way to evaluate which Anelo-American Human Geography smee 1945,
CUy he had adopted the completely opposing posi-
approach most suits your víews is to consider your 4th°edition. Edward Arnold, London,
tion ofhistorical materialism! On a personal note, we
understanding of how society works (Graham, 1997). Further reading Johnston, R.J., Gregory, D. and Smith, D.M. (1992)
are constantly changing and fine-tuning our ideas as
The structure-agency debate within geography has The Dictionary of Human Geography, 3rd edition.
we read more and hear the views of others at confer-
been in progress since the late 1970s. It essentialIy
ences. Remember that research, as welI as being Bird, 1. (1993) The Changing Worlds of Geography: Blackwell, Oxford,
concerns the extent to which social actions are con-
about discovery and understanding, is a1so a self- A Critieal Guide lo Concepts and Methods, 2nd Ley, D. and Sarnuel, M. (1978) Humanistic Geo-
strained by social structures. At one end of the spec-
learning process where your ideas and thoughts edition. Clarendon Press, Oxford. . graphy. Croom Helm, London. ..
trurn, sorne approaches consider that social actions develop and continue to take shape.
Cloke, P., Philo, C. and Sadler, D. (! 992) Approaching L-·ivmgs tone,..JN (199~) The Geographical
o Iradition.
are highly structured and large1y outside the control
Human Geography: An Introduction to Contempor- Blackwell, Oxford,
of individua1s (e.g., Marxism). At lhe other end of the
art Theoretical Debates. Pau! Chapman, Landon. Unwin, T. (1992) The ~lace ofGeography. Longman,
spectrum, other approaches recognise individuals as
completely self-autonomous, free to act as lhey like . Gre;ory, D. (1981) Ideolagy. Science and Human Harlow. 1:" _ •

Geographv. Hutchinson, London. . Women in Geography Study Group (1997) reml/llst

(e.g., behaviouralism). Otherapproaches accept that
Harvey, M.É. and Holly, B.P. (eds) (1981) Themes in Geographies: Explorations in Diversity and Differ-
lhere is a play-off between structure and agency, rec-
After reading this chapter you should: Geographic Thought. Croom Helm, London. ence. Longman, Harlow.
ognising that individuals make their own decisions
but lhat these decisions are framed within broader understand what conducting research means;
Structures (e.g., politica1 economy - see Peet and have a basic understanding of different types of
Thrift, 1989). research;
have a basic understanding of different philosoph-
1.5.2 Choosing an approach ical approaches in geographical research;
be able to decide wruch approach best suiÍs your
Whilst choosing an approach is a difficu1t task, it is own beliefs.
important that you come to some sort of a basic deci-
In this chapter, we have explored the research process
sion before you start any research, as your choice
and lhe different ways to approach a problem or
will have great bearing upon how you approach your
question. You should now have a basic understand-
research topic. Work through the questions posed in
ing of different pbilosophical approaches available
tbis section, and go back through those approaches
to yoa You will need to think carefully about each _
detailed in the previous section. You might find that
philosophical appraach before considering how you
sorne of your answers poin! to one approach and oth-
migh! research your chasen topic. This is because
ers to different approaches. If this is the case do not
theory and practice are intimately entwined. Given
worry. There are many different variations of each
lhe importance of starting from a position of strength,
philosophy and to a certain degree you can mix -and-
we suggest !hat you work through the final section
match. At this point in youi careers, we suggest that
again, evaluating each position in relation to your
you do not fret .over the fine details but adopt an
own ideas and beliefs before moving on. In the next
approach which best matches your Views.AH pro fes-
chapter we explore the practicalities of planning your
sional human geographers have wrestled with pbilo-
proj ec! and how lo choose i topic, design a research
sopbical questions at some point in their careers and
strategy, link theory and methodology, and choose
many change their mind, or make. individual altera-
methods of data generation and analysis.
tions to suit their own unique, personal viewpoints.
As a novice researcher, it is anticipated that you will
have undertaken litt1e practica! research, and it is
only with experience !hat you will determine which
approach suits your views bes!. You should not be
afraid that once you have adopted a particular posi-
Why should you want to do research?
tion, you have to stick with your decision for the rest
How would you define geography and what geo-
of your researching days. Many worId-renowned
graphers do?