forced migration   1

Forced migration depended upon relationships to the state (Hein 

1993),  particularly  the  modern  entity  of  the 
Dawn Chatty nation-state.
As  Richmond  (1994)  points  out  in  his 
Forced  migration  as  a  substantive  topic  is  a  Global Apartheid,  most  theories  concerning 
new field of academic scholarship. It was first  migration focus on voluntary migration. This 
delineated  in  Imposing Aid,  the  seminal  work  is  due  to  the  prevailing  assumption  among 
by  Barbara  Harrell-Bond  (1986)  and  in  the  many  researchers  that  economic  factors  pre-
establishment  of  a  center  for  the  study  of  dominate  in  determining  the  movement  of 
forced migration at the University of Oxford in  people on a global scale. Many writers explic-
1982. Two important survey works in the 1980s  itly state that they find the movements of polit-
and  1990s,  Hansen  and  Oliver-Smith  (1982)  ically  motivated  migrants,  or  refugees,  to  be 
and  Zolberg  et  al.  (1989)  contributed  to  the  too spontaneous and unpredictable for empiri-
expansion of this academic field of study. cal  study.  The  movements  and  flows  of  eco-
Prior to this period, there were some efforts  nomic  migrants,  however,  are  assumed  to  be 
to  tease  out  types  of  migration  and  set  up  more  regular  and  thus  amenable  to  analysis. 
typologies.  In  the  1920s  after  the  massive   Most  migration  is  of  people  from  poorer  to 
population  dispossessions  and  displacements  richer  areas  of  the  world.  The  separation  of 
following World War I, Fairchild (1925) distin- economic from political factor, however, is dif-
guished  invasion,  conquest,  and  colonization  ficult  to  make.  Even  those  who  focus  their 
(hence dispossession) from immigration. Later  attention  on  the  study  of  refugee  movements 
scholars made distinctions between voluntary  recognize  that  there  is  a  relationship  between 
and  involuntary  movements.  Some  regarded  economic and political factors in the decisions 
the voluntary movement as affecting seasonal,  taken to move or remain. Soguk (1998) under-
temporary,  and  permanent  workers,  and  scores  the  enormous  political,  social,  and  
nomadic pastoralists, while involuntary move- technological  changes,  which  trigger  mass 
ments characterized those fleeing war, violence,  movements  of  people  in  search  of  better  or 
or political pressure (Price 1969). safer  places  to  live.  Suffering  as  a  result  of 
Others  researchers  elaborated  on  the  basic  poverty,  famine,  natural  disaster,  military 
distinction  between  voluntary  and  forced  coups,  civil  wars  results  in  a  steady  flux  of 
movement,  developing  more  descriptive  cate- people  expanding  the  world’s  forced  migrant 
gories  which  drew  in  such  factors  as  state  or “refugee population” (1991: 2).
migratory  policies,  the  natural  environment,  What  emerges  from  a  review  of  research 
aspirations,  and  freedoms,  as  well  as  social  about forced migration is that the conceptual 
movements. Hansen and Oliver-Smith (1982)  understanding of the difference between forced 
put forward the idea that voluntary and invol- and voluntary migration is largely built upon 
untary  migrations  should  not  be  seen  as  descriptive characteristics. Forced migration or 
dichotomous, but as distinct phenomena on a  large “refugee movements” come with war and 
continuum  of  population  movement.  More  civil upheaval, political unrest, revolution, ter-
recent  work  attempting  to  bring  together  the  rorism, expulsion of ethnic minorities, ethno-
literature on voluntary and involuntary migra- religious, and communal conflict, or large-scale 
tion  has  stressed  the  similarities  between,  for  human  rights  violations  in  oppressive  state 
example, “refugees”  and “people  displaced  by  regimes. Refugee status is determined through 
development  projects”  (Cernea  1993).  The  de jure  definition  of  a  refugee  (Convention 
effort to draw up distinctions between volun- refugee)  used  by  the  United  Nations  and 
tary  and  involuntary  or  forced  versus  free  adopted by many countries in determining eli-
migration never really gained a strong foothold  gibility  for  admission  into  that  state.  It  is  a 
in  academic  research  as  the  convergence  post-World War II invention setting out to deal 
between  these  forms  was  often  identified  and  with  the  millions  of  Europeans  displaced  by 
2  forced migration

the war and seeking resettlement and assimila- integrate  if  not  assimilate.  Only  the  Palestin-

tion in third countries. It is based on the indi- ians have actively faced “eviction” in places of 
vidual claimant “outside of their own country,  refuge such as Lebanon and Libya.
owing to a well-founded fear of persecution for 
reasons of race, religion, nationality, member-
Becoming a forced migrant
ship  of  a  particular  social  group  or  political 
opinion (UNHCR 1951). The question that has intrigued researchers is 
Yet  even  in  these  extreme  cases,  economic,  why some people decide to move in situations 
social, and political factors are interdependent.  of  war  and  extreme  political  coercion  and 
Zolberg  et  al.  (1986)  clearly  shows  that  the  others choose to remain, go underground, and 
movements  of  refugees  do  not  constitute  a  risk  political  imprisonment,  torture,  or  even 
series  of  random  events  but  rather  form  dis- death. Forced migration or flight is just one out 
tinct patterns that are related to political trans- of  many  options  individuals  have.  A  number 
formations  such  as  the  break-up  of  former  of  social  scientists,  especially  psychologists, 
colonial empires, the creation of nation-states,  have addressed the question of motivation and 
and  the  collapse  of  authoritarian  regimes.  As  the decision to move in the context of armed 
Dowty clearly points out, “so-called economic  conflict  or  political  upheaval.  They  recognize 
migrants”  are  often  responding  as  much  to  that in most instances the decision to migrate 
political repression as to material deprivations  under force is made in consultation with family 
(1987).  Among  the  many  recent  examples  he  members or others in close-knit communities. 
cites  are  refugees  fleeing  Haiti  where  political  Accumulation  of  economic,  social,  political, 
repression  and  economic  underdevelopment  and  personal  loss  is  regarded,  by  some,  as  a 
go hand in hand and Ethiopian refugees fleeing  significant  explanatory  factory  in  such  deci-
both famine and war. In such situations, Dowty  sion-making (Massey et al. 1990). Here a dis-
makes  clear,  the  distinction  between  “eco- tinction  is  generally  made  between  push  and 
nomic”  and  “political”  becomes  meaningless  pull factors; push factors are generally under-
(1987). stood to consist of economic and political inse-
For contemporary social sciences, however,  curity in the sending country, while pull factors 
such a distinction is important, as it is the basis  include  perceived  opportunities  for  political 
upon which mainly Western countries agree to  asylum,  family  reunion,  or  economic  benefit. 
grant  or  refuse  asylum.  Being  determined  a  However push and pull factors are not neces-
“Convention refugee” allows a political victim  sarily  as  neatly  independent  as  this  polarity 
to  gain  asylum  in  another  country.  Those  suggests.
found  to  be  “economic  migrants”  in  these  The relationship between social and politi-
state-determination  processes  are  generally  cal  constraints  and  individual  choice  is  an 
excluded  from  entry  into  Western  states  and  important  problem  in  the  study  of  forced 
sent  back  to  where  they  came  from.  In  non- migration.  It  brings  together  the  question  of 
Western states, the concerns regarding asylum  free will and agency as opposed to behavioral 
are  of  less  interest  in  determining  permission  determination by forces over which we have no 
to  remain.  In  the  Middle  East,  for  example,  control.  Talcott  Parsons,  the  most  eminent  of 
forced  migrants  and  other  dispossessed  and  American  sociologists,  grappled  with  these 
displaced peoples have largely been welcomed  issues  in  much  of  his  work  starting  with  The
throughout much of the 20th century after the  Structure of Social Action (1964). Parsons used 
end of the Ottoman empire, and the creation  the term “voluntaristic action” to mean, among 
of  the  League  of  Nations’  British  and  French  other things, free will or the capacity to make 
Mandated  states  of  Iraq,  Syria,  Lebanon,  and  choices  despite  constraints.  The  implications 
Jordan. By and large such people have remained  of these concepts are beyond the scope of this 
in  the  new  nation-states  where  they  found  article.  However,  as  Richmond  (1994)  points 
themselves and have been allowed to settle and  out there are a few key points to consider with 
 forced migration   3

regard to migration decisions. Such decisions,  will result in a sudden and large-scale flight of 
even those made under conditions of extreme  people. When people feel they and their fami-
stress, do not differ from other kinds of deci- lies are at serious risk, that their food supply or 
sion-governing  social  behavior.  Also  the  dis- housing or livelihood is imminently threatened 
tinction between free and forced or voluntary  they will reactively migrate. When the accumu-
and involuntary is misleading. lated “losses”  become  so  great  the  decision  to 
All human behavior is constrained to some  move outweighs the pressure to remain. At the 
extent. Choices are never unlimited because we  receiving  end  in  the West,  this  graying  of  the 
live  in  groups  and  our  behavior  reflects  our  divide  between  economic  and  forced  migra-
need to remain part of a group. Thus our deci- tion has been studied by Castles (2007) in the 
sions are determined by forces which hold the  asylum migration nexus
society  together,  known  as  the  structuration 
process  (Richmond  1994).  In  an  effort  to 
Studies in forced migration
understand  why  people  move,  Richmond 
attempts to integrate features of constraint and  The  topic  of  dispossession  and  forced  migra-
enablement, of unequal distribution of power,  tion has not been rigorously examined, though 
of naked force and physical coercion, material  groundbreaking studies do exist in the fields of 
rewards,  threats  of  deprivation,  and  various  history,  for  example  in  the  work  of  Michael 
forms  of  persuasion  and  inducements.  He  Marrus and his tracing of the emerging Euro-
introduces two new terms to the literature, pro- pean consciousness of the refugee phenomena 
active migration and reactive migration, largely  during  the  pre-World  War  II  era  (Marrus 
as replacements for the terms “voluntary” and  1985);  in  Peter  Gatrell’s  A Whole Empire
“involuntary.” What Richmond sets out  to  do  Walking (2005) and his documentation of the 
is to identify the complexity of both proactive  massive  upheaval  in  the  early  Soviet  era,  in 
and reactive migration and to link them on a  Polian’s (2004) overview of forced migration in 
continuum  between  the  extremes  of  an  axis.  Soviet  Russia  ;  and  in  the  work  of  Justin 
This  creates  a  gray  area  between  the  two  but  McCarthy presenting a revisionist view of the 
also allows for some descriptive categorization  rise of the Turkish state at the close of World 
as to who will migrate out of “relatively uncon- War I (McCarthy 1983).
strained choice” while others like refugees react  Political science has made a particular con-
to circumstances almost entirely beyond their  tribution  to  understanding  forced  migration. 
control. Zolberg  and  his  colleagues  find  that  interna-
The  choices  facing  proactive  migrants  tional factors often impact on the major types 
include whether to move at all, when to move,  of social conflict that trigger refugee migration 
how far to go, and whether to cross an interna- (1986). Weiner (1995) documents the sources 
tional border. These decisions tend to be moti- and  growth  of  refugee  migrations  and  what 
vated  by  socioeconomic  considerations.  The  this  has  meant  for  the  international  world 
reactive migrant, on the other hand – a person  order:  a  growing  moral  crisis  in  receiving 
or group of persons expelled from their homes, countries. He considers that most of the world’s 
a stateless person, or a forced laborer – has little  population  movements,  certainly  after  World 
control  over  his  or  her  environment,  andthe  War II, did not just happen, but were made to 
degree of choice over when and where to flee  happen in order to serve a variety of political 
is severely restricted. The decision to move or  purposes in the sending countries. He regards 
flee will most often be motivated by a combi- much  involuntary  migration  as  being  derived 
nation of economic, social, and political pres- from  the  interests  of  a  state  to  achieve  some 
sures while exercising some element of choice  cultural  homogeneity  or  assert  state  domi-
in determining where and when to move. The  nance and control over particular social groups.
outbreak  of  war,  or  revolution,  ethnic  cleans- Although  by  the  1980s  world  opinion  had 
ing, terrorist activity, or other violent conflict  changed, and the cultural and social rights of 
4  forced migration

indigenous  peoples  were  gaining  ascendancy,  1500 to present; Genocide and displacement; 

nations still continued to expel minorities: the  Sociology of migration
Chinese  in  Vietnam,  Indians  and  Pakistanis  
in East Arica, Vietnamese in Cambodia, Tamils  References and further reading
in  Sri  Lanka,  Kurds  in  Turkey,  and  of  course 
Arendt, H. (1973) The origins of totalitarianism. 
the  Serbs,  Croatians,  and  Bosnians  after  the  New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
disintegration  of  the  Yugoslavian  state.  In   Castles, S. (2007) Asylum Migration Nexus: an 
some cases states have expelled or pushed out   Introduction. In S. Kneebone and F. Rawlings-
whole social classes, for example middle-class  Sanaei (eds.) New Regionalism and Asylum
Cubans at the start of Castro’s socialist regime.  Seekers: Challenges Ahead. Oxford: Berghahn 
From  this  perspective,  Weiner  sees  forced  Books.
migration  as  very  much  a  foreign-policy  tool  Cernea, M. (1993) Disaster-related refugee flows 
used  to  force  recognition,  to  destabilize  a  and development-caused population 
neighbor, or to extend cultural interests though  displacement. In M.M. Cernea & S.E. 
Guggenheim (eds.) Anthropological Approaches
decolonization or external colonization (1995). 
to Resettlement: Policy, Practice, and Theory. 
It  is  thus  a  part  of  the  rise  of  nations  and 
Boulder, CO: Westview.
nationalism  and,  as  a  corollary,  significant  in  Chatty, D. (2010) Dispossession and Displacement
the  identity  politics  surrounding  concepts  of  in the Modern Middle East. Cambridge: 
ethnicity,  ethnic  communities,  and  ethnic  Cambridge University Press.
minorities. Dowty, A. (1987) Closed Borders: The
The twentieth century saw a surge of forced  Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement. 
migration, of people displaced, uprooted, and  New Haven: Yale University Press.
forced  out  of  spaces  they  had  occupied  for  Fairchild, H.P. (1925) Immigration: A World
decades if not centuries. For many scholars and  Movement and its American sSignificance. New 
aid specialists, it was the peculiar psychological  York: Macmillan.
Gatrell, P. (2005) A Whole Empire Walking:
effects  arising  from  prolonged  refugee  status 
Refugees in Russia During World War I. 
which  attracted  study  and  ameliorating 
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
concern. The world of the forced migrant and  Goodwin-Gill, G. (1996) The Refugee in
refugee was somehow strange and unfamiliar,  International Law. Oxford: Clarendon.
and  contrary  to  the  natural/national  order  of  Harrell-Bond, B.E. (1986) Imposing Aid. Oxford: 
things.  Forced  migrants,  cut  off  from  their  Oxford University Press.
“homeland,”  and  thus  deracinated,  were  Hathaway, J. (1991) The Law of Refugee Status. 
regarded as lacking some of the qualities which  Toronto: Butterworths.
made the rest of us human. For some this went  Hein, J. (1993) Refugees, Immigrants and the State. 
as far as assuming a loss of culture along with  Annual Review of Sociology 19, 43–59.
the loss of “homeland.” The forced migrant or  Hirschon, R. (1998) Heirs of the Greek Catastrophe:
The Social Life of Asia Minor Refugees in Piraeus. 
refugee  came  to  be  generally  regarded  as  an 
Oxford: Berghahn.
aberration from the way the world was meant 
Horst, C. (2005) Transnational Nomads: How
to be organized. Hannah Arendt, writing about  Somalis Cope with Refugee Life in the Dadaab
post-World  War  II  in  Europe,  summed  up  Camps of Kenya (Studies in Forced Migration, 
these  strange  perceptions  quite  eloquently  vol. 19. Oxford: Berghahn.
when she likened refugees and forced migrants  Malkki, L. (1995) Purity and Exile: Violence,
to beings “thrown out of the family of nations  Memory, and National Cosmology Among Hutu
altogether” (1973: 294). Refugees in Tanzania. Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press.
SEE ALSO:  Anthropology of migration;  Marrus, M.R. (1985) The Unwanted: European
Anticolonialism, decolonialism, neocolonialism;  Refugees in the Twentieth Century. New York: 
European colonization, invasion, and settlement,  Oxford University Press.
 forced migration   5

Massey, D. Alarcon R., Durand, J. (1990) Return to Price, C. (1969) “The study of assimilation”. In 
Aztlan: the Social Process of International Migration (ed.) J.A. Jackson. Sociologickâe 
Migration. Berkeley: University of California.  studie ; 2. London: Cambridge University Press.
Press. Richmond, A.H. (1994) Global apartheid: Refugees,
McCarthy, J. (1983) Muslims and Minorities: The racism, and the new world order. Oxford: Oxford 
Population of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of University Press.
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Press. displacements of statecraft (Borderlines 11). 
Oliver-Smith, A. & A. Hansen. (1982)  Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Introduction: involuntary migration and  UNHCR (1951) United Nations Convention on 
resettlement: causes and contexts. In Involuntary Refugees: United Nations High Commissioner 
Migration and Resettlement: The Problems and for Refugees (UNHCR).
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& A. Oliver-Smith. Westview Special Studies.  exodus, dispersal, and regrouping of migrant
Boulder, CO: Westview. communities. Seattle, WA: University of 
Parsons, T. (1964) The Structure of Social Action: A Washington Press.
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and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR.  crisis in the developing world. New York: Oxford 
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