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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Coup D'Etat in America

Volume 6

 

Mr. Alan Weberman
ISBN: 9781520240756

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 2017

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATE


318 3RD Avenue Suite 520
NYC 10010

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

NODULE TWENTY-ONE

AFTER THE COUP:


STURGIS, MARITA LORENZ

STURGIS' ALIBIS
In 1974 Michael Canfield questioned Frank Sturgis about his
alibi for November 22, 1963. Sturgis: "I was home watching
television...in Miami." The television listings for November 22, 1963,
in the Miami Herald, indicated that at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 Dallas time)
Search For Tomorrow, Truth or Consequences and Father Knows
Best were on television at the time. Why would an active, macho
guy like Sturgis be at home watching television? Sturgis worked as
a used car salesman at the time. Why wasn't he at work? The
reason was he had to be placed in a non-public environment

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

THE NOVEMBER 22, 1963, MEETING IN WASHINGTON, D.C.


Later in 1974 Sturgis told Michael Canfield that he was
watching television on the day of the assassination, possibly in
Washington, rather than Miami:

Well, yeah, I love to watch television. Well, and


regardless of where its at, I don't care if I'm in
Washington, or anyplace, I'll watch television. But
they've asked me that, like I said, they asked me
where I was on that day and I told them 'Well, I've got
no comment on that.' So I suspect that maybe I'll be
dragged up there to Washington before one of those
Congressional Committees, or the Rockefeller
Commission.

As stated, Sturgis and Wilfrado Navarro testified before the


Rockefeller Commission on April 3, 1975. Present were Staff
Members William Schwarzer, Robert Olsen, James Roethe. During
his deposition in Hunt V. Weberman Sturgis was asked:

Q. Do you remember giving a story to anybody, especially Mr.


Canfield, that you may have been in Washington, D.C. on
November 22, 1963.

A. I don't recall.

Weberman: I've got it on tape.

A. I'm sorry. Then one of us is wrong.

Weberman: You said you didn't know where you were, but you were
watching television.

A. Because I was home.

Weberman: So you weren't working that day?

A. I was at home and I did leave the house. Supposedly Jim


Buchanan came and told me that, I went with him and left the house
with him.

Around this time Bernard Fensterwald and Richard Sprague


circulated a story that on November 22, 1963, Sturgis was at a
meeting in Washington, D.C., with Richard Helms, Hunt, and Cuban
exile Enrique Williams. Sprague told a researcher:
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Hunt was at a meeting of Operation 40 with Helms,


Enrique Williams, Lyman Kirkpatrick. This was
confirmed by Williams. Williams was a leader of the
Bay of Pigs Brigade. Hanes Johnson told me Enrique
Williams was at this meeting, and I confirmed it with
Williams. Williams was a very honest individual, as
any guy would be, who came under fire on that
beach. If Hunt said he was at this meeting I would not
believe him. Williams told this story long before
Watergate. The meeting concerned the CIA putting
more money up for another invasion of Cuba.

The notes of a Rockefeller Commission investigator


indicated confusion about this meeting:

Check Bureau files on Hunt interviews in 1974. Did


Hunt claim to be in the company of Agency officials
on November 22, 1963? and give their names to FBI
& claim they could corroborate his presence there?
Check with Hunt’s lawyer regarding content of Hunt’s
TV denials of Dallas matter in November 1974. Did
Hunt say he was at work at Agency at 1:30 p.m.?
(Taped by Kaiser.) Hunt refused to say who he was
with. Contact Robert Blair Kaiser at Rolling Stone
regarding whether he had recording or notes of his
November 1974 interview with Hunt in New York.

Sturgis said that he might have been in Washington on


November 22, 1963. The CIA planned to provide Sturgis with an
alibi, and leaked it through their asset, Bernard Fensterwald. In
1978 Sturgis said he did not recall telling Michael Canfield anything
about a meeting in Washington, D.C. This was because the CIA
abandoned "the meeting in D.C." alibi, since it would have put Hunt
and Sturgis together prior to 1971.
JAMES A. HUNT
Sturgis told Rockefeller Commission "he was in Miami
Florida throughout the day of the assassination, and his testimony
was supported by the testimony of his wife, and by the testimony of
his wife's nephew [James A. Hunt]. The nephew, who was then
living with the Sturgis family, is now a practicing attorney in the
Midwest." Rockefeller Commission investigator Pete Clapper: "I
phoned James A. Hunt, attorney, Cincinnati, Ohio, 513-381-0656,
before noon on April 1, 1975. I explained that the Commission
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

seeks to ascertain the whereabouts of Frank Sturgis on November


22, 1963. Mr. James Hunt said he wished to check with Sturgis, and
then would call back. He called before noon this date and provided
the following information:

James Hunt was living with his aunt, Janet Sturgis,


and her husband, Frank, at their home at Northwest
122nd Street in Miami on November 22, 1963. James
Hunt was attending Miami Day Junior College. He
had enrolled there in August 1963.

To the best of his knowledge, he recalls having an


early class that day. Before leaving the house, he
saw Frank Sturgis at home about breakfast time.
Hunt returned to the house in mid-morning. His
grandmother was home. He took a nap. His
grandmother awakened him to report there were
news reports that the President had been shot in
Dallas. James Hunt remembers they watched CBS
correspondent Walter Cronkite.

James Hunt reports that Sturgis returned home that


afternoon and they watched TV He believes Sturgis
was a used car salesman at the time. He is certain
that it was a working day for Sturgis. Prior to Sturgis
returning to the house in the afternoon, James Hunt
recalls taking a drive around Miami during the
afternoon alone. He recalls his aunt was upset by the
TV reports. He recalls his cousin, Gale, a grade
school student, was present in the household, and
watched TV with them during the evening. Sturgis
was at home that evening, he believes to the best of
his recollection.

James Hunt says the day stands out particularly in


his mind because only five days earlier he had seen
Kennedy in person. James Hunt and a friend were at
the Miami airport the previous Monday. Kennedy
happened to be arriving. They joined the crowd and
watched him.

Hunt agreed to draft an affidavit. I have given him my


name and the Commission address to send the

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

affidavit to. [RCD Memo Robert B. Olsen to Clapper


4.3.75]

James Hunt's affidavit for the Rockefeller Commission stated:


AFFIDAVIT OF JAMES A. HUNT
STATE OF OHIO

COUNTY OF HAMILTON

James A. Hunt, being duly sworn and cautioned,


deposes and says that:

1. I am submitting this Affidavit to the Commission on


CIA activities within the United States at the request
of Peter R. Clapper, who contacted me by telephone
and told me he is a staff member of the foregoing
Commission.

2. The purpose of this Affidavit is to record, to the


best of my knowledge, my recollection of certain
events that occurred on November 22, 1963.

3. During the period August 1963 until May 1962, I


was enrolled as a freshman student at Miami-Dade
Junior College located near the corner of northwest
119th Street and 27th Avenue in Miami, Florida.

4. During the aforementioned period, I lived in the


household of my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis, and her
husband, my uncle, Frank Sturgis at 2515 Northwest
122nd Street, Miami. My grand-mother, Mrs.
Elizabeth Hunt, now deceased, also lived there.

5. Taking into consideration the fact that November


22, 1963, is a single day which occurred almost 11 ½
years ago, the following is offered as my best
recollection of the day.

A. As I recall, I had an early class at Miami Dade


Junior College on November 22, 1963, and arose
early enough to arrive at school at least before 9:00
a.m. It is my recollection that I saw Frank Sturgis at
home prior to my leaving for school that morning.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

B. I returned to the Sturgis household sometime


during mid-morning, probably sometime between
11:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. Since I had not eaten
breakfast previously, it is my recollection that, upon
returning to the Sturgis' household, I ate breakfast
and retired to my room to take a short nap and do
some reading prior to the late afternoon class which I
had to attend on that day.

C. At some time between 12:00 noon and 1:30 p.m. I


was awakened by my grandmother who told me that
reports of an attempted assassination on the life of
President John Kennedy were being broadcast on
television.

D. I then arose and watched the news. It is my


recollection that besides my grandmother, my aunt,
Mrs. Janet Sturgis was also at home watching the
television.

E. Later in the afternoon on that day, probably at


approximately 3:00 p.m., I drove back to Miami-Dade
Junior College to see if my afternoon class had been
canceled.

F. Upon arriving at Miami-Dade Junior College that


afternoon I discovered that the class had, in fact,
been canceled; thereafter I took a drive through the
city of Miami, contemplating the significance of the
events of that day and trying to get some idea of their
impact on other people.

G. I arrived back at the Sturgis household in the late


afternoon, probably between 3:30 p.m. and 5:00 p.m.

H. Upon my arrival back at the Sturgis household, or


shortly thereafter, I recall seeing my grandmother, my
aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis and my uncle, Frank Sturgis.
It is further my recollection that the aforementioned
persons ate dinner at the Sturgis household and
remained there for the rest of the evening.

6. The foregoing represents, to the best of my


recollection, a summary of certain events which

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

occurred on November 22, 1963, the day on which


President John F. Kennedy was assassinated.
Further Affiant Saith Naught. James A. Hunt.

Sturgis said that he was at home, watching television, when


news of the assassination was flashed across the screen. He said
he was with James Hunt. James Hunt had a different version of
events. He said that his aunt woke him up when the news was
flashed, however, Frank Sturgis was not there at the time. James
Hunt told Olsen during their phone conversation that Sturgis
returned home that afternoon and they watched TV before he went
for his drive. In his affidavit he stated he saw Sturgis after his drive.
He believed Sturgis was a used car salesman at the time. He was
certain that it was a working day for Sturgis. Sturgis never
mentioned anything about working that day. He claimed he was
home, watching TV. James Hunt could also be mistaken about
seeing Sturgis at breakfast because this event occurred before the
assassination and was less likely to be as clear in his mind as
events that followed it. James Hunt said he had a very early class to
attend. Why would Sturgis be eating breakfast at so early an hour if
all he had planned for that day was to stay indoors and watch T.V?
TELEPHONE INTERVIEW WITH JAMES HUNT
James Hunt was contacted in January 1994 and asked:

Q. Was Frank there when you were woken up and


told about the assassination?

A. No, he wasn't there when I woke up.

Q. But Frank said he was there.

A. Not in the afternoon. I never saw Frank'S


testimony. Where did he say that? Frank may have
his times mixed-up there. I must admit that part I
don't remember. I got to say as I sit here, 'It's been a
long time.' - What, 30 years? - But I don't remember
Frank being there when she woke me up. I'm not
quite sure whether he was there when they made the
announcement of his death. I certainly stand behind
the affidavit I gave to the Rockefeller Commission.
My recollection is that I saw Frank early in the
morning. I came home, laid down, my grandmother
woke me up and said 'He's been shot.' I went out and

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

watched the news for awhile. I had an afternoon


class that day, and somewhere around mid-afternoon
I went over to see if they were going to hold class. It
turned out they weren't, and I drove around for half
an hour or so and I got back. That was probably
when I saw Frank again, you know what I mean. Hell,
that would be 3:00 p.m., something like that, yeah.
3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. sounds about right.

Q. Frank'S alibi was 'I was watching TV when the


news came on about the assassination. My nephew
was there, with me, when it first happened.'

A. I am not trying to be unfriendly, but I don't know


what the purpose of this call is?

Q. I am trying to resolve this contradiction in the


testimony.

A. He could have been there, but I just don't


remember he was there.
I swear the following is true and correct: In 2008 I met with
Bob Risch, the co-author of a book that Jim Hunt was planning to do
about his uncle Frank Sturgis entitled Cuba On My Mind. He told me
that Jim had retracted his statement to the Rockefeller Commission
and that Frank had asked him to alibi him for the day in question.
When the book was published Hunt stuck to the statement that he
gave to the Rockefeller Commission. He did say that he believed
Sturgis was part of the conspiracy to kill Kennedy but was not a
shooter. I asked him what part could Sturgis have played? Did he
write a White Paper on the Bay of Pigs? Did he arrange the flowers
at JFK’s funeral? I pointed out to him that Frank was a killer and that
if he was part of the plot his role involved murder. Hunt did not
believe that Frank had killed his best friend, Alex Rorke or that he
machine-gunned dozens of Masferrer supporters at San Juan Hill in
Cuba. I told him that in words, “Frank was a stubble bum.”

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

THE AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. JANET STURGIS


Recollection is a strange thing. Some humans are
more gifted with remembering certain events than
others. But I would hazard a guess that almost all
Americans (who were above the age of five) can,
with perfect clarity, describe what they were doing on
November 22, 1963, when they first heard the news
bulletin from Dallas, Texas, stating that president
Kennedy had been shot.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

On that day in November, which was a typically warm


south Floridian day, my husband (Frank Sturgis) and
i were in our bedroom. My mother was in the Florida
room watching television. i recall my mother running
into our room declaring that president Kennedy had
been shot. My most vivid recollection is the emotion i
felt: disbelief and annoyance with my mother: for
surely she had misunderstood or gotten her facts
confused. Such things couldn't happen. but frank and
i went immediately to the Florida room to listen to the
television. as soon as we realized this
pronouncement was true, frank left the house. i
stayed at home, glued to the t. v. unbelieving (like
probably everyone else in the country at the time)
and yet mesmerized by what was being broadcast.

My nephew, James A. Hunt, Jr. was living with us


while attending his first year of college at Miami
Dade. I honestly do not remember what time he
returned home from classes, although it was
probably early in the afternoon.

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i do remember that my nephew and gone earlier in


the week to Miami international airport to be among
the thousands who welcomed president Kennedy on
his stop-over in Miami prior to a flight to Dallas,
Texas. i also remember, quite vividly, Fank (sic) and
my (sic) watching television that Sunday afternoon,
November 24, 1975 (sic) when Lee Harvey Oswald
was being escorted through a Dallas police station
and was shot and killed in view of millions of
televiewers.

This much i can attest to: at the moment of the


assassination of president John F. Kennedy my
husband - Frank A. Sturgis - was with me in our
home at 2515 N.W. 122 street, Miami, Florida. Janet
Sturgis.

Janet Sturgis lied in order to provide an alibi for her


husband. Her affidavit conflicted with that of James Hunt. The
Rockefeller Commission did not mention this conflict, however the
Rockefeller Commission concluded: "It cannot be determined with
certainty where Sturgis actually was on the day of the
assassination." This conclusion was derived from the fact that: "All
witnesses directly supporting the presence of Sturgis in Miami,
Florida, on the day of the assassination are family members or
relatives. Less weight can be assigned to the testimony of such
interested witnesses..."

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STURGIS' SECOND ALIBI

During his deposition in 1978 in the course of Hunt v.


Weberman, Sturgis was asked if he was watching television at 1:30
p.m. (12:30 p.m. in Dallas)? Sturgis: "I don't remember, so many
years ago, I don't recall, I think it was on all stations..."
Q. What were you doing about 12:30 p.m. on November 22, 1963?

A. On November 22, 1963, at about 12:30 p.m., I was at a party at


my home in Miami, Florida, with my wife Janet Sturgis, my mother-
in-law, Elizabeth Hunt, and my nephew, who was at my home at
that time, James Hunt.

Q. Where was this home located?

A. 2515 N.W. 122nd Street, Miami, Florida, 33167.

Q. Is this the same home you maintain today?

A. Yes sir.

Q. Can you describe your movements on that day, to the best of


your recollection?

A. Not really; it was so many years ago. I was at home, I did not go
out. I have other people with the Federal Government that do have
on record, that could testify or have already testified that I was in
Miami on November 22, 1963...I have nothing to hide. The Federal
Government knows of my activities, knows where I was at on that
particular day of the assassination, and I am quite sure that the
government - as far as I'm concerned - is well aware of who is
behind -- if there was a conspiracy, I believe there was a conspiracy
-- and they are well aware of who was behind the conspiracy.

Q. November 22, 1963, was a working day. Were you working at


that time?

A. Most likely.

Q. Did you have any reason for not being at work that day?

A. Friday? No reason.

Q. What were you doing that day? You say you don't remember. Do
you remember --
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A. I don't recall.

Q. Do you remember talking to a Mr. Michael Canfield, the co-


author of this book?

A. On that day?

Q. About the events of that day?

A. Yes.

Q. Do you remember what you told him?

A. Not really, it's been so --

Q. Could you have told him you were watching television?

A. Possibly yes, yes. As a matter of fact, I think my mother-in-law


told me the President was assassinated.

Q. Were you watching television around 12:30 in the afternoon that


day?

A. I don't remember; so many years ago. I don't recall.

Q. So you wouldn't remember what program was on?

A. I think it was on all stations. It was a continuation that day of the


assassination.

Sturgis said that he was at home on November 22, 1963,


watching T.V. and, at the same time, at work that day. He was
asked: "Do you remember what you were doing for a living at the
time of the assassination, what your job was or how you earned
your living?" He responded: "That's quite a long spell. I would have
to really wrack my mind to find out at that particular time what I was
doing. Right at the present time, I don't know; but I could, you know,
through records and so forth...I could look through them and tell you
what I was doing that particular time...[I was] at home that day and
did leave the house." Sturgis was asked:

Q. Are there any other witnesses besides your immediate relatives


and Geraldine Shamma, to verify your whereabouts on November
22, 1963?

A. Yes.
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Q. Who are they?

A. William Johnson, we call him Bill Johnson.

Q. Where is he?

A. He lives here in San Souci Estates in Miami, Dade County.

Q. Do you know anybody else?

A. His telephone number is 305-893-6013. Jim Buchanan, as a


matter of fact, I believe Jim Buchanan came to my house on that
date of November 22, 1963, him and I went off the day of the
Kennedy assassination.

Q. Anybody else you remember?

A. Geraldine Shamma, Jim Buchanan, William Johnson, my


nephew, Jim Hunt.

Q. What did you tell the Rockefeller Commission?

A. The same thing.

Q. But the Rockefeller Commission said your witnesses were only


close relatives.

A. I'm sorry, you're right. I glad you brought that up because just
recently, because of all the publicity, people did contact me and tell
me, "Hey, you remember this, this, this? If you need any help, fine."
Well, I told Fonzi and Fonzi supposedly , I'm not sure whether he
had already been in touch with these people or not, but he is aware
of these people I came across. So I turned it over - -

Sturgis said he had seen William Johnson and Geraldine


Shamma that day but he was unable to recall the identity of any
impartial witnesses. In June 1993 William Johnson was asked
whether or not he was with Sturgis that day: "I was not there, no sir.
I was not there."

Attorney Mark Friedman asked Sturgis:

Q. Were you with Howard Hunt on November 22, 1963?

A. I don't recall.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Q. "Yes"or "No"?

A. No. If I don't recall why should I say "Yes" or "No"? I don't recall
it.

Q. Were you involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy?

A. Never in my life. That is part of the polygraph. The United States


Government knows where I was on November 22, 1963. They know
where Lee Harvey Oswald was three weeks to the day of the
assassination, working at the book depository. There is a witness
that knew his whereabouts every day three weeks before. As far as
I'm concerned I don't see how in the hell Lee Harvey Oswald could
be in Miami riding with Marita Lorenz to Dallas, Texas, who she
calls OZZIE, is the biggest fabrication of a lie she ever said in her
life. I don't know how she could do it. Let her take a polygraph test.
A SUSPECT: NOVEMBER 23, 1963
On the morning of November 23, 1963, a FBI agent interrogated
Sturgis. The Michael Canfield interview revealed:

A. Hey I can show you a clipping where they say I was involved in
the assassination of President Kennedy.

Q. Who said this?

A. Newspapers, I even got investigated by that Watergate thing.


They asked me where I was. I told them I knew nothing about it. I
was home watching television. They felt the CIA might be behind it.
So they wanted an investigation of E. Howard Hunt and myself on
the assassination of President Kennedy. What the hell do I got to do
with the assassination of President Kennedy? I may have disagreed
with his policies and so forth, but that doesn't warrant killing the
President of the United States. And they asked me about other
attempted assassinations. I said yeah, Cuba. Some people say that
if you attempt to assassinate people outside of the United States,
wouldn't you be capable of the assassination of the President of the
United States? I said, "Well, the thought never entered my mind."
But I'm capable of doing many things. I'm that type of a man. But I
see no grounds for me doing something like that. You know, he was
my Commander-in-Chief.

Q. What about other people in the CIA?

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. The CIA had a lot of different factions, some of which I didn't


trust.

Q. Are you convinced the Warren Commission Report was correct?

A. On what?

Q. On the Kennedy assassination.

A. Let me tell you something about the Report. Nobody knows


what's in that Report. Only what they wanted to give out. And I don't
believe the report is complete. I think there is a conspiracy involved
in the assassination of President Kennedy and they covered it up.

Q. Who do you think did it?

A. I don't have the slightest idea. But I think it’s one big cover-up.

Q. That's strange they would investigate you for that.

A. Well, they sure did. I had FBI agents over at my house.

Q. For the assassination?

A. Yeah.

Q. When, right after it happened?

A. Right after it happened.

Q. Why did they come to you?

A. I asked them that. They told me I was one person they felt had
the capabilities to do it. Heh, heh, heh. They said: "Frank, if there is
anybody capable of killing the President of the United States, you're
the guy that can do it." Heh, heh, heh that's funny I told them, "I'm
not mad at you or nothing, I had nothing to do with it, but that
amuses me..."

Sturgis also told Canfield: "You have to look at my past. I've done a
lot of things. I've been on assassination attempts. I was involved in
so many things. Skullduggery, intrigue, espionage.

Q. When you say assassination attempts?

A. Well, in foreign countries.

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In 1978 Sturgis stated: "Now the FBI did make contact with
me after President Kennedy's assassination, yes...I was questioned
by the FBI shortly after the assassination. They did come and visit
me and question me about my activities during President Kennedy's
assassination." Sturgis was asked:

Q. Do you remember one of those agents indicating to you the


following words: "Frank, you are one of the few people in this
country capable of pulling off something like this?"

A. No. The agent told me that I was one person in this country that
could possibly do this, if I wanted to.

The notes of Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert


Olsen revealed: "Whereabouts November 22, 1963: In Miami, at
home, two FBI Agents came to visit him. Bob Dwyer was one. To
find out his whereabouts & to get help. Witnesses: His wife Janet
Sturgis (Married since 1961) wife's nephew, Jim Hunt (Cincinnati,
Ohio, Attorney)." Robert James Dwyer was one of the FBI agents
who questioned Sturgis on November 23, 1963. Dwyer knew
Hemming. Sturgis was an informant for Dwyer. Sturgis explained:
"You must understand that I set up an intelligence apparatus here in
the United States...and naturally, this information was turned over to
the United States Government." Robert Dwyer never filed a formal
report of the interview. Hemming said Robert Dwyer told him he had
worked with Herbert Philbrick.
CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT'S DISINFORMATION
In mid-January 1964 Sturgis and James Buchanan flew to
Panama and Costa Rica and investigated setting up a training base.
The FBI had pressured The Sun-Sentinel into firing James
Buchanan, to insure that no more of his "Oswald in Miami" stories
appeared. A FBI document dated February 5, 1964, concerning
Orlando Bosch read:

Synopsis: FRANK Fiorini, admitted associate of


William Johnson, denied implication in or any specific
knowledge of attempted MIRR air raid December 28,
1963. Dr. Orlando Bosch gave statement to press
claiming that bombs would have been dropped on
crowds in Havana celebrating 5th anniversary of the
revolution on January 2, 1964, had not boat been
seized carrying bombs to secret base in the
Caribbean. MM T-1 has advised that Bosch gave this

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distorted statement to the press for propaganda


purposes as MIRR intended only to bomb (deleted)
Cuba. MM-T1 also advised that Bosch is presently
attempting to raise more money to carry out further
bombing raid against Cuba."
The FBI interviewed Frank:
Fiorini is a personal friend of WILLIAM JOHNSON.
About two weeks ago Fiorini was with JOHNSON at
Broward International Airport. JOHNSON introduced
Fiorini to Charles Bush, who operates an airline
charter business at that airport. This was the first and
last contact Fiorini had with Bush. After this
introduction, JOHNSON went with Bush to the latter’s
office at the airport, and Fiorini went to a nearby
restaurant where he chanced upon Antonio Sansone,
a Cuban exile pilot. Fiorini said that he did not know
the nature of JOHNSON’S business with Bush. He
denied specific knowledge of JOHNSON being
involved in an air raid attempt in cooperation with
ORLANDO BOSCH. He states however, that he
knew JOHNSON was “up to something” but he did
not know what.
On February 27, 1964, Mr. WALLACE SHANLEY,
Assistant Customs Agent in Charge, Miami, advised
that the U. S. Border Patrol has previously served
FRANK FIORINI and WILLIAM JOHNSON notices of
Preventure of Departure. These notices are to
prevent from going to Cuba and do not apply to other
countries. SHANLEY said that FIORINI and
JOHNSON have requested Customs' permission to
go to Central America, and the U. S. State
Department have no objection to their going.
SHANLEY said he will search the airplane before
they leave the United States to ascertain there are no
automatic weapons or articles of war on the plane.
FBI RECORD NUMBER : 124-90019- 10149

On April 28, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed James


Buchanan, who was employed by Caribbean Press Service, a
subsidiary of the Agencia De Informaciones Periodisticas (AIP), a
CIA front exposed by The Miami Herald. James Buchanan said that
19
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

he knew the name of Oswald'S printer in Miami, but he was sworn


to secrecy. Sturgis associate Victor Paneque supplied S.A. James
O'Conner with a story that linked Oswald to a G-2 agent named
Fernandez. The FBI documents about this interview listed S.A.
James O'Conner as Miami SAC. Richard Davis played a part in the
imaginary scenario of Victor Paneque. The CIA reported:
DDP relationship: A POA for PANEQUE's use was
granted the Miami Station on November 13 1964.
The Miami request had stated that he was to be used
"as an infiltree and radio operator. A report of August
10, 1964 stated that he had been infiltrated into Cuba
in June 1964 on behalf of the Christian Democratic
Movement. Whether he was used operationally is not
stated in PANEQUE's 201. He was terminated
effective October 31, 1965 for lack of an immediate
operational use.
On February 25, 1964, Cyril B. Hamblett, Rear Admiral, U.S.
Navy retired told the FBI that

Interview for all pertinent information concerning


MDC plans to drop magnetic mines on Cuban ports
and attack …

While in Miami during the week of January 13, 1964


Hamblett was contacted on three occasions by Jose
Ignacio Rasco who reportedly seeking assistance,
guidance and financial help in connected with the
proposed dropping of magnetic mines in five Cuban
ports. Rasco and his group, the Christian Democratic
Movement (MDC) are also reportedly interesting in
effecting an operation wherein one plane would
bomb Guantanamo Naval Base; the plane would be
imputed to Castro forces, thereby creating an
immediate anti-Castro movement in the United
States…Hamblett also stated that Jose Ignacio
Rasco had told him that the CIA had approached the
Christian Democratic Movement to offer assistance
to Christian Democratic Movement group which is in
some Central American country. Hamblett had
already furnished this information to Naval
Intelligence Unit DIO-3ND. FBI Bufiles indicated
Hamblett was Subject of an Interstate Transportation

20
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

of Stolen Property investigation in 1957 in which


prosecution was declined. [FBI 97-4110-102]
A highly deleted document dated April 8, 1964 stated Rosco
"told Hamblett that the CIA agent's name was (Deleted as of 2010)
who made this offer, but nothing has ever materialized. For info of
Bureau Captain John F. Brownlee is Chief of DIO 3ND 90 Church
Street, NYC." [FBI FOIA/PA #211,326] On March 4, 1964, the FBI
disseminated a lengthy Letter Head Memorandum about the
Christian Democratic Movement:

Batista said naturally he has some opposition in the


organization. Some people consider him as being at
odds with U. S. Government policy. Batista said it
was his opinion that the United States political aims
and foreign policy does not coincide with that of the
Cuban exiles. To work with the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA), is to work for the U. S. aims and goals,
which are not necessarily the aims and goals of Cuba
for Cuban exiles.

According to Batista, there is no mutual field of


interest between the United States Government and
Cuban exiles. For the U. S. Government to overthrow
the present government of Cuba, is to resolve a
United States problem, not a Cuban problem. If
Cuban exiles would overthrow the present
government of Cuba, there would still be many U. S.
Government problems not resolved. Batista said he
had in the past visited Washington, D. C., and
conferred with U. S. Government officials in an effort
to establish a mutual field of interest where Cuban
exiles and the U. S. Government could work for
mutual benefit, without success. Batista charged that
while the U. S. Government complains there is no
unity among Cuban exiles, he believes the United
States actually does not want unity. He alleged that
during 1960, when the Frente Revolucionario
Democrato existed, and later became the Cuban
Revolutionary Council (CRC), a unity organization,
the CIA still worked against unity of Cuban exile
groups. He said CIA did not work for unity within the
CRC, but dealt with each individual organization on
different terms. CIA refused to work with the leaders
21
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

of the CRC as representatives of the several


organizations. He alleged the policy has persisted to
the present time. Batista stated that military
operations from the United States against Cuba
would probably be continued by himself and other
members of the Christian Democratic Movement.
They prefer to work in Miami, Florida, area, because
of its closeness to Cuba, good facilities for operating
boats, availability of the large number of Cubans to
serves as mechanics, and to do other necessary
labor. [FBI 97-4110-86]
On April 7, 1964, Sturgis was interviewed by the FBI "in
connection with another matter." [FBI 2-1499-129 pages withheld]
On April 21, 1964, U.S. Customs Agents raided the Headquarters of
the Christian Democratic Movement and arrested the leader of the
Christian Democratic Movement, Laureano Batista Falla. On April
27, 1964, the FBI generated a document about the Christian
Democratic Movement and the DRE that was deleted except for the
words "U.S. Customs.” [FBI 4110-104 (?) 4.27.64]
INTERNATIONAL ANTI-COMMUNIST BRIGADE OPERATIONS
STURGIS SUSPECTED CIS AGENT: MAY 1964
In 1964 an Index Card was generated by the CIA concerning
Sturgis which read in part "Ref DBA-82236 September 2, 1964,
Fiorini, Frank; Fiorini, FRED; Frank, ATTILE; CAMBELL, Frank;
ATTILA, Frank; BONELLI, Frank. Suspected Cuban Intelligence
Service Agent. Manager of Courteous Motors, Miami, May 1964."
[Corr Card. #UFG 2194120] In a deposition related to Sturgis'
lawsuit against the New York Police Department he said that in the
1960's he used the name Bonelli "in an operation in Central
America. It was an operation to do, the operation specifically was to
make commando raids against Cuban companies." [USDC SDNY
78 Civ.5113] The results of the FBI investigation of Sturgis during
the period of December 10, 1963, to May 13, 1964, were deleted
except for these paragraphs:

Information set forth in this report reflecting interview


of Subject (Frank Sturgis) by S.A. James J. O'Conner
is contained in an FD-320 located in Miami 105-8342,
Bufile 105-82555, captioned 'Lee Harvey Oswald,
AKA; IS-R-CUBA.' (Deleted as of 2010) Miami is not
recommending the opening of any cases based on
(deleted as of 2010) communication. For the

22
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

information of the Bureau, on May 11, 1964, Wallace


Shanley Assistant Supervising Customs Agent,
Miami, Florida, advised S.A. Leman L. Stafford Jr
that he had conversed with the Subject on frequent
occasions over the past few months. He stated
subject has furnished him very little valuable
information in the recent past and felt at this time any
active investigation conducted by the Miami Office
would not jeopardize the relationship between the
subject and Customs. Shanley added that he is not
utilizing Subject as source anymore, though Subject
does contact him infrequently. The extensive period
of this investigation was necessitated by various
expeditious technical matters assigned to reporting
agent. (Deleted – names of informants)." [FBI 2-
1499-129]

STURGIS AND AMERICA'S AIR DEFENSE: MAY 1964


The May 26, 1964, issue of the Pompano Beach Sun-
Sentinel contained an article captioned "I Flew Mercy Mission to
Cuban Guerillas." The source for this article was "Manuel
Fernandez" who claimed to be a member of the 30th of November
Movement and the International Anti-Communist Brigade. The
article stated that a twin-engine aircraft took off from a South Florida
airstrip shortly after midnight, Monday morning, May 25, 1964,
carrying cargo of food, equipment, one hundred and fifty thousand
propaganda leaflets and a complete field hospital. Three persons
were allegedly on the plane which flew a supply mission to 30th of
November forces fighting guerrilla war in Eastern Cuba. On May 25,
1964, the International Anti-Communist Brigade announced it had
conducted a bombing raid over Cuba. The next day several
Congressmen inquired how the International Anti-Communist
Brigade team eluded the air defenses of the United States on its
return. The FBI reported:

On May 27, 1964, Elmo Rainbolt, Chief Patrol


Inspector, U.S. Border Patrol, advised he received a
telephone call from Paul Rogers, member U.S.
House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., on
morning May 27, 1964, in which Rogers stated
following: Rogers had received information that an
aircraft had asked for, and been given, a checkout

23
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

inspection by United States Border Patrol on May 25,


1964, at Fort Lauderdale International Airport. A twin
engine Beechcraft then allegedly departed at 12:30
a.m. that date from Tamiami airport, Miami, as a
substitute for the inspected plane. It allegedly
returned, undetected by radar, to the Tamiami Airport
at 4:15 a.m. May 25, 1964. Rainbolt said his
investigation had revealed no inspection or flight
plans were filed during that period, and there was no
report on radar of any unknown penetration of the air
defense identification zone...On May 27, 1964, Arthur
Eno, head of the FAA Miami advised he has been
unable to develop any information concerning the
flight as alleged by Representative Rogers. [FBI
Miami 2-1499 NR 180 6.15.64]

On May 26, 1964, the Pentagon told a House Committee


that investigations by four government agencies showed that a
reported flight on May 25, 1964, by members of the International
Anti-Communist Brigade to Cuba, did not take place, and was a
concocted publicity story. The Defense Department issued a press
release which stated that the raid never occurred. [FBI 2-1499-131,
132] The Associated Press reported that the U.S. Defense
Department had the statement of Sturgis in which he said: "To the
best of my knowledge a raid on Cuba on May 25, 1964, did not take
place. I declare that U.S. radar defenses were not violated while
leaving or entering the U.S." On June 3, 1964, United States
Customs, Miami, advised the FBI that Fiorini denied any connection
with alleged flight. A CIA representative told the FBI (Deleted). [FBI
2-1499 NR 6.4.64 p.2] Gaeton Fonzi reported that on May 27, 1964:

Priority telegram regarding alleged air drop into


Cuba: FYI Colonel Sam Kail received a call from
General Maxwell Taylor's office on May 26, 1964,
referring to an article in the Pompano Beach Sun
Sentinel regarding reported air drop over Cuba...The
story reported that the International Anti-Communist
Brigade, and the 30th of November Movement,
collaborated on the flight. Allegedly Frank Sturgis,
Craig Sheldon and James Buchanan were involved.

On May 28, 1964, the FBI in Miami generated a document


about Sturgis and the 30th of November Movement: "For
information of the Bureau, U.S. Customs Agency, Miami, is
24
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

presently endeavoring to locate and interview (Deleted) concerning


the 30th of November Organization's participation in the alleged
flight on May 25, 1964, over Cuba." This highly deleted report
indicated that a copy of this document was filed in Sturgis' file. [FBI
12-1499 NR 6.15.64] Circa May 30, 1964, the CIA received a cable
about James Buchanan:

1. Miami Herald May 27, 1962 carries front page item


by James Buchanan entitled, “Miro Fades As Exile
Chief: Three Latin Leaders Behind Ray.” Article flatly
states Miro and council have been replaced by
Manuel Ray with backing Gov Nunoz Marin, Pres.
Romulo Betancourt and former President Jose
Figueras, that Ray has taken over post with “blessing
of the United States.” Further article states, “From
variety sources Herald learned that Miro was notified
of change only this week” and that Ray’s
reappointment as “Chief in Exile” came from
“underground in Cuba” according to Joaquin Godoy,
provisional MRP head in Miami. After furnishing
resume Cuban activities since origin of AMBUD,
article credits Cubans in Miami as saying “the new
man in the field” is Adolf. A. Berle, Jr. who has been
special assistant to State Department and is also
“member of President Kennedy’s special task force
on Latin America.” Implication being that Berle is
running new United States sponsored Cuban effort.

2. This release causing some furor in local Cuban


colony to extent at least one OPS Agent destined for
isolation training has asked to be relieved if the
(illegible) story. Meanwhile WAVE checks with
knowledgeable contacts has produced little other
than William S. Wibalda’s statement that Buchanan
journalistic reputation indicates he is inaccurate and
sensationalist. AMCLATTER-1 and PASSOVOY
attempting to discretly trace Buchanan source for
“U.S. blessing.”

3. Buchanan has previously attacked Miro during the


return of Playa Giron prisoners Miami. Have no real
insight info significance these attacks but believe
they could reflect Buchanan or Miami Herald

25
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

attempts to force changes in United States posture


re: Cuba.

4. Expect article will have further repercussions as it


spreads. Wish alert HQS that it may be necessary
initiate action discredit Buchanan story as well as
reassure Miro. Will forward suggestions this regard
after we have opportunity to further asses story’s
impact. Andrew K. Reuteman

In June 1964, the FBI received information from its New


Orleans office that the Christian Democratic Movement planned to
bomb Havana's oil refineries. [Airtel To SAC NO From Hoover (97-
4110-114) mailed 6.17.64] On July 14, 1964, Sturgis furnished the
CIA with information on a raid planned by Orlando Bosch. On July
16, 1964, another Letter Head Memorandum about the FBI
Christian Democratic Movement was generated.

Re: MOVIMIENTO DEMOCRATA CRISTIANO

CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT INTERNAL SECURITY,


NEUTRALITY MATTERS

MM T-1 who has been involved in Cuban


revolutionary activities for the past six years on July
7, 1964 furnished the following information.

Laureano Batista Falla continues to be the Military


Chief of the Christian Democratic Movement
maintaining headquarters at 1732 NW 7th Street,
Miami, Florida. On April 21, 1964, representatives of
the Dade County Sheriff’s Office and the United
States Customs Service raided Christian Democratic
Movement headquarters, confiscated a large amount
of arms and ammunition, and arrested Batista. Later
Batista established the military headquarters at 837
Southwest 29th Ave. The MDC continued to maintain
its organization office at 1732 Northwest Seventh
Street, Miami. Batista established the military
headquarters on 29th Avenue to have a point where
arms and ammunition could be stored and which
members of the military section could use to plan
infiltration and attack missions against Cuba. Batista
left Miami Florida with several people and two boats

26
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

on about July 3, 1964. He has been in periodic


contact with the second in command of his military
action group, Angel Vega. On July 5, 1964 Batista
returned to Miami, Florida, and visited with Vega at
military headquarters. He said he had just returned
from three infiltration operations into Cuba and was
accompanied by Victor Paneque, also known as
Commandant Diego. Batista indicated he had
returned to Miami for the purpose of trying to obtain
additional arms and ammunition and military
equipment for some of his men who are presently
outside the United States, not in Cuba, but who are
believed to be somewhere in the Bahamas. Batista
stated the purpose of his trips to Cuba was to
infiltrate equipment and some men. The two groups
which he now has in Cuba will eventually form
guerilla bands. At the present time these two groups
are living quietly with their relative in Cuba. They are
waiting the time when Batista can supply them with
adequate arms and ammunition, at which time they
will form guerilla bands and go into the mountains.
[FBI 97-4110-123 page 3 w/h]

The Christian Democratic Movement was still active from


1965 to 1968. On October 30, 1964, the FBI generated this LHM:

On August 9, 1964 Batista stated he wanted to leave


the following day to visit his military training camp
outside the United States. Batista stated he planned
to meet an unidentified person in the parking lot of an
unidentified supermarket in Miami during the night
hours, to receive some home-made bombs, which
previously belonged to Frank Sturgis an American
mercenary and adventurer living in Miami
Florida…During the middle of August 1964 Batista
was studying a number of detail maps of Cuba.
Some of these maps bear the stamp “For Official Use
Only.” These maps were obtained by Batista from
Robert K. Brown, an American adventurer, part time
writer, former University of Colorado student and
U.S. Army Reserve Captain. These maps appear to
be classified and are the regular military maps used
by the United States Army…Patria is a Spanish

27
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

language paper published weekly in Miami, Florida.


On September 11, 1964, Patria contained an article
stating that the MDC issued a lengthy document
accusing American agencies of being led by Cuban
exile movements that are split up and divided. The
MDC claimed the United States Government
artificially creates leaders for the Cuban exile
movements, persecutes independent Cuban exile
organizations, and interferes in Cuban exile affairs.
The MDC uses the term “check eaters” to refer to
those person or organizations which have received
financial aid or backing from the U.S. Government.
[FBI 97-4110-132]

In 1968 the FBI conducted a Secret study of Laureano


Batista Falla, the Christian Democratic Movement and the
Dominican Republic. [FBI 97-4623-180 2.27.68] Laureano Batista
Falla died of cancer in 1992 at age 56.
STURGIS: 1965 TO 1967
On February 3, 1965, Bill Johnson arranged an air strike
against Cuba for Orlando Bosch's MIRR. Jack Brooks Wright
crashed in Freeport after similar raid on January 17, 1965. In
January 2004 I received this email:

In a previous Nodule, you mention a pilot killed in the


Freeport by the name of Jack Brooks Wright who
worked for the anti-communist organization. I am his
son. For the record, the twin-engine Beechcraft flying
under the radar mentioned in the paragraphs prior
(the May 25th raid) was more than likely my father's
plane (A twin Beech Bonanza). I have heard about
my father's trips into Cuba under the radar for years
from my Mother and all about the man from the anti-
communist organization who was stealing from the
Cubans. I have always suspected that my father's
crash was not an accident, but after reading the
accounts and knowing what else I know from my
mother and the event around the time of his death,
my suspicions now seem real. He refused to fly for
the organization again and coincidently crashed
several days later February 2, 1965. The day before
someone else flew the raid (February 3rd, 1965). My
father also flew into Mexico several times around the
28
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

time of the Ruby flight and knew the Cuban route


well. I was really shaken up by the article. I found it
by typing in "Jack Brooks Wright" pilot and when
shocked when your site appeared. I am going to do
some more research into my father's crash. If you
know anything else, I would appreciate it.

With Respect,
Wesley Brooks Wright

In 1966 Sturgis was employed at the Gulfstream Park Race


Track as a bartender, and had been fingerprinted in conjunction with
this employment on March 12, 1966. [FBI 139-4089-1435] In April
1967, Sturgis was involved in a plan to blow up a Cuban ship in a
Mexican seaport. Ronnie Sturgis told the FBI: "I was present when
explosives and detonators were hidden in the body of my father's
car at a Miami garage. Orlando Bosch was there. The car would be
placed on a ship at Vera Cruz. It was an anti-Castro action." On
June 28, 1967, Sturgis was mentioned in "FBI File #45-1102,
Subject: Unknown; Attempt to Bomb Freight Boat Oro Verde of
Nassau Bahamas Registry, Pier Three, Miami, Florida, October 18,
1966." On September 25, 1967, the Miami News contained an
article captioned "Exile Ransom Try Seeks Swiss Aid." This article
indicated that Sturgis' organization, International Anti-Communist
Brigade, was endeavoring to arrange ransom of 500 Cuban political
prisoners in exchange for five million dollars worth of medicines and
foodstuffs. Geraldine Shamma joined Sturgis in attempting to carry
out the ransom plan.

Mrs. Shamma stated the committee is comprised of


six Cuban woman and herself, each of whom were
former Cuban prisoners in Cuba and an "American
anti-Castro adventurer" Frank Fiorini. The article
related Shamma announced the ransom had
allegedly been pledged by several anti-communist
Latin American "businessmen, politicians and military
men", whose names were being withheld by the
committee. Alter stated if a favorable reply from Fidel
Castro should be relayed by the Czechoslovakian
embassy, ne then "would consider" travelling to Cuba
to start negotiations.

29
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

On December 7, 1967, Mr. Henry Taylor, Office of


the Coordinator of Cuban Affairs, United States
Department of State, advised that the International
Anti-Communist Brigade had alleged 15 million
dollars was available for use in obtaining the release
of Cuban political prisoners. Reportedly, Shamma
has been in contact with the Czechoslovakian
Embassy in Washington, and allegedly obtained
permission from the Cuban Government to enter and
leave Cuba. Mr. Taylor stated Shamma had not been
in contact with his office since their first meeting
several months previously. On December 8, 1967,
Shamma declared to Replica that she would go to
Cuba to negotiate the freedom of political prisoners.
According to an article which appeared in this
publication on December 4, 1967, Shamma was
quoted as saying she was 'prepared for any
eventuality.'...This article also reflected she had
exhibited to a reporter of Replica a photostatic copy
of an answer from the Czechoslovakian Embassy,
Washington, D.C. stating the Cuban Government
was studying her request. Shamma added she was
ready to go to Cuba and personally talk with Fidel
Castro, if that were possible, in order to help rescue
the Cuban political prisoners. Benjamin Alter [IACB
legal advisor] indicated the two principal members of
the IACB connected with this activity were Geraldine
Shamma and Frank Fiorini. They reportedly had
financial supporters from 12 different Latin American
countries however, their identities were not disclosed.
[FBI 105-172694-2p]

In 1968 Sturgis met with SANTO TRAFFICANTE. He told


the HSCA: "I met him once in a Miami restaurant in 1968." In July
1968 Fiorini formulated OPERATION SWORD. The FBI reported:

During June 1968, information was received from


various persons in the Miami area that Sturgis was
attempting to organize a mercenary force to fight in
Cuba. Sturgis solicited volunteers for this force
through advertisements placed in South Florida
newspapers. Several persons answered the ads
were interviewed and verified that they had been

30
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

offered varying amounts of money to become part of


Sturgis' mercenary force organized to fight Castro
forces in Cuba. (Deleted)

Sturgis associate Ray Sandstrom placed a newspaper ad for


adventurers. Sturgis stated: "I believe Ray flew for the CIA in
Broward, Fort Lauderdale. Yeah, I received information that Ray
was working for the CIA." Max Gonzalez, a close associate of
Sturgis, screened the applicants. Out of 60 applicants 11 were
chosen. The men were to meet in Guadalajara, Mexico, however,
when they arrived, they found that the hotel they were supposed to
stay at had been torn down. After two weeks of training in the mud,
they went to Progresso, Mexico. In October 1968, a boat load of
mercenaries commanded by Sturgis left Progresso and headed
toward Cuba, but ran aground off the coast of Belize, British
Honduras. The FBI reported:

On October 23, 1968, and October 24, 1968, Sturgis


and 12 other individuals were arrested by British
Honduras authorities on charges of illegal entry.
Various weapons, ammunitions and supplies were
confiscated from the group at the time of arrest.
Fiorini and his group reportedly had hijacked a 24-
foot yacht, Amigo, in order to transport themselves
and their supplies to a remote island off British
Honduras. All participants interviewed at Miami, and
most admitted knowledge of participating in a military
operation against Cuba. At the time of interview
Fiorini indicated Col. Francisco Quesada, and at
least 25 other Cuban exiles participating in the plan
were to rendezvous with the Amigo, but that the
rendezvous had failed when the Amigo ran aground
through the incompetency of its captain. It was
through this accident that the boat was forced into
the port of Belize, British Honduras, for repairs and
re-fueling. No charges were lodged against Fiorini
and his group by the U.S. as a result of this incident.
[FBI 139-4089-394]

On October 26, 1968, the Domestic Intelligence Division of


the FBI prepared a "TREAT AS YELLOW" URGENT cable about
Sturgis, much of which was withheld:

31
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Previous data indicated Frank Fiorini, long-time anti-


Castroite and head of anti-Castro International Anti-
Communist Brigade claimed his group would assist
Guatemalan Government in cleaning out communist
guerillas in exchange for Guatemalan assistance in
invasion of Cuba. Fiorini and some 12 men
reportedly recently departed Florida for Mexico.
Department October 17, 1968, advised activities of
group constitute possible violation of neutrality
statutes and we are investigating. On October 24,
1968 US Consul, Merida, Mexico, advised group
observed boarding vessel in Mexico and alerted
authorities in Guatemala and British Honduras.

Attached data indicates our Consul in Belize, British


Honduras, has advised the arrest Fiorini and group.
Fiorini claimed group planned landing in Cuba.
Attached data was furnished to by teletype to State,
CIA and military intelligence agencies [Department of
the Army, Air Force and to the Defense Intelligence
Agency]. State was requested to furnish background
data to Consul in Belize. Data is also being furnished
to Internal Security Division, Customs, and Miami
Office. [FBI 105-172964-19]

Sturgis told the US Counsel that the plan of the group was to
land south side of Cuba and enter mountains. “Charles Connelle
was identified as Jerry Buchanan. Governor, British Honduras
appears inclined turn all over to Mexican Government. Fiorini
admitted coercion of Mexican Captain who was handcuffed at one
point during trip. Fiorini desires return to US and requested lawyer
Ray Sandstrom and Senator Smathers be advised.” The FBI had
checked on Sturgis with its representative in Mexico City. The
representative cabled "brief, descriptive data on the International
Anti-Communist Brigade" to the U.S. Consul in Belize. [FBI 105-
172694-37] The FBI noted the departure of Sturgis from Belize
aboard TACA Airlines on October 31, 1968. [FBI 105-172694-30, 31
FBI 105-172694-29 – 35 NARA Record Number: 124-10302-10152]

THE NATURE OF THE MISSION


Was Sturgis involved in an attempt to hijack a Soviet
freighter and ransom it for the U.S. spy ship Pueblo and its crew?
Sturgis told Paul Meskil:
32
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

The men were told it was to be a commando raid into


Cuba to free political prisoners from Castro's
concentration camps.' To lend credence to his story,
Sturgis displayed a map showing the locations of
Cuban prisons and prison camps. He also had a list
of prisoners who supposedly were to be freed. None
of the men, not even Gonzalez, were told of the real
objective. 'This operation was planned months in
advance. The CIA in Miami was aware of it. So were
several other federal agencies, including the FBI and
Customs. The objective was not to raid Cuba, but to
rendezvous with another ship off the coast of Mexico
and, with the assistance of this ship, seize a Russian
vessel. We were to meet a Cuban vessel. I assume it
was a naval vessel, commanded by Cuban navy
officers who were disenchanted with Castro. The
orders for completing the operation were aboard the
Cuban ship. The captain also had a sailing schedule
listing arrivals and departures of all Soviet and
Communist bloc vessels in the Caribbean and the
Gulf of Mexico. We hoped to grab a Soviet fishing
trawler that was actually a spy ship. This ship was to
be intercepted by the Cuban vessel. The captain of
the Soviet ship probably would not be suspicious of a
boarding party wearing Cuban Navy uniforms. We
would then capture the ship. We were to take it off
the coast of Venezuela. The orders were not to go
into any port, but to stay off the coast. Certain
officials in the Venezuelan Government were aware
of the plan. They would participate in negotiations for
the release of the captive ship and crew. A statement
would be issued to the effect that we wanted to
exchange the ship and crew for certain political
prisoners in Cuba. But this was a ruse. Then we
would go into the second phase of the operation - to
dicker with the Russians and the North Koreans for
the release of the U.S.S. Pueblo, its captain and
crew, who were still in confinement at this time.'

The FBI reported:

Sturgis had plans to lead his army to a rendezvous in


the mountains of Mexico and from there proceed to

33
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Guatemala. Sturgis claimed the Guatemalan


Government would be assisted by his organization in
cleaning out Communist guerillas from the hills of
Guatemala. When this accomplished, Guatemalan
Government supposedly had promised to assist
Sturgis in a planned invasion of Cuba.

Max Gonzalez claimed OPERATION SWORD was a mission


to assassinate Fidel Castro. On July 25, 1975, an unidentified
component of the CIA prepared this Memorandum for the Record on
Max Gonzalez (No Security File):

One Max Gorman Gonzalez, who may be identical


with the name of interest, circa early June 1975
stated publicly that he planned to sue the CIA for
involving him in what he charged was a plot headed
by Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis to assassinate
Fidel in 1968. Apparently Max Gorman Gonzalez is
basing his suit on recent claims of Frank Sturgis that
he, Sturgis, has been a long time CIA employee.
Sturgis' claim of CIA employment is not supported by
security records. Gonzalez claims that he was used
unwittingly, without his consent or knowledge, by the
CIA. Gonzalez claimed use by this Agency vis
Sturgis apparently involves the arrest in October
1968 of Sturgis, Gonzalez and several other
individuals connected with Sturgis' International Anti-
Communist Brigade while they were attempting to
invade Cuba in contravention of the Neutrality Act.

In November 1968 the FBI questioned MAX GONZALEZ


(born December 29, 1929; aka Max Gorman) about this aborted
operation. He told them: "It was a CIA operation. Sturgis was a CIA
agent at the time, although his employment was not supported by
Security records, and may still not be. He was in contact with other
CIA agents in Guadalajara and Mexico City. Sturgis never told me
what our real mission was, but I knew it was important to the
Agency." The FBI generated a message about the International
Anti-Communist Brigade dated October 26, 1968. [CIA FOIA F81-
0351 D0532] Due to Senator George Smathers pulling some
strings, no federal indictments were sought against Sturgis or his
group, however Max Gonzalez was arrested on a outstanding
warrant for bad checks. [FBI 105-172694-34] The FBI questioned
Max Gonzalez at Miami International Airport:
34
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

He has been involved actively in the IACB for about


four years. He that, to his knowledge, Fiorini is the
only IACB leader, although he feels for the operation
which ended abortively at Belize, British Honduras,
Fiorini must have been working with some other
group of persons outside the IACB as Fiorini does
not have the finances or organizational ability to
mount such an operation. Upon reflection, however,
he conceded that the cash outlay for this venture had
been minimal in that the men were not paid for their
services, furnished their own transportation, and, for
the most part, their own food, lodging and equipment.
He also indicated on reflection that the organizational
work for the operation had actually been very
slipshod and amateurish.

He said that any indication by Fiorini that the true


leader of the expedition was a Colonel Francisco
Quesada would be, in his opinion, a falsehood. He
said he believes Colonel Quesada does not exist, but
is a fictitious scapegoat upon whom Fiorini would
place responsibility for this operation in the event it
misfired. In support of this, he read from a leaflet
concerning Quesada which had been furnished
several months ago by Fiorini to those persons who
had answered a newspaper ad calling for volunteers
to fight Communism in Latin America. This leaflet
described Quesada as a Latin, born in Argentina,
who had seen action in four wars, had served in all
branches of the services, was a pilot, and an expert
in conventional, guerilla, and counter-guerilla
warfare. Quesada was further described in the leaflet
as the "prime organizer of the underground in Latin
America. A price of $100,000 has been placed on his
head by a communist government which sent agents
to kill him and his associates. He has been captured
and tortured by two foreign armies...At the present
time he is traveling throughout Central and South
America and is raising funds to form a mercenary
army to fight the communists throughout the
Americas..." He said that based on these similarities
in the backgrounds of Fiorini and Quesada whom, to
his knowledge, no one but Fiorini has ever seen, he

35
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

feels that Colonel Francisco Quesada is a fictitious


and idealized Frank Fiorini.

He said that the IACB plan before leaving Miami was


to train in Guatemala for approximately six weeks,
then to proceed by boat to Cuba on November 1,
1968, and to conceal themselves in a pre-arranged
Sierra Maestre Mountains, Oriente Province, hideout
until next January 1, 1968, when a raid to capture
political or military prisoners would be carried out,
these prisoners would later be exchanged for Cuba-
held political prisoners. He said the he, and all the
others involved were aware of this general outline of
the planned operation before departing from Florida
or in small groups. He added, however, that he was
not to participate in the Cuba phase of the operation.
His part, he said, was to furnish his Spanish
language ability during the training period in
Guatemala and give Spanish lessons to those in the
force who did not speak Spanish. He was to remain
with the volunteer group until their departure for a
sea rendezvous with a craft which would take them
into Cuba. He was to return to his Florida home.

He said that the plan to train in Guatemala had to be


changed because it was learned, after the IACB
arrived in Mexico, that communist guerilla activity in
Guatemala was too intense at the time to permit
training activity to be undertaken there, although he
spent several weeks in Guatemala reconnoitering,
escorted by an unknown Indian guide, who was paid
for his services, and had no connection with the
IACB. He added that to his knowledge, none of the
other members of the IACB group entered
Guatemala.

He recalled that he departed Miami in behalf of the


IACB operation alone on August 16, 1968, by
Greyhound bus, to Harlingen, Texas, where an
undisclosed man picked him up, by pre-arrangement
in Chevrolet with Florida license plates. He and his
companion, who he declined to name, entered
Mexico at Matamoros, near Brownsville, Texas, on
approximately August 22, 1968. He said that he
36
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

entered Mexico as Max Gorman and showed the


Mexican border guards a Florida driver’s license in
that name. He said that he had purchased the drivers
license, already filled out, in Florida several weeks
previously especially for this operation. He declined
to furnish the name of the person who sold him the
driver's license.

He said that he and his companion proceeded inside


Mexico to Ciudad Mante for about two days, then the
driver of the car went his separate way. At Oaxaca,
he picked up an M-1 carbine and some ammunition
from an undisclosed person, then proceeded by bus
to San Christobal Las Casas. He looked over this
area for a possible base camp, but did not find a
suitable site. He then proceeded to Comitan, again
by bus, where he met three others of the IACB group.
From Comitan, he proceeded into Guatemala,
accompanied by an Indian guide, as previously
mentioned...Upon his return, he found an IACB base
camp already set up outside Comitan, about one mile
from the Guatemalan border.

He said that the base camp near the Guatemalan-


Mexico border was broken up about October 23,
1968, no real training actually having been
conducted, and those, number no disclosed,
encamped there had proceed to Merida. This
encampment was called Camp Sand, in contrast to
the mountain encampment which had been called
Camp Mud.

Around October 28, 1968, they boarded the Amigo, a


Mexican charter fishing boat, at Progresso, and head
to sea for a rendezvous with another craft. The
others were to transfer to the second boat and
proceed to Cuba, while he was to return to Progresso
in the Amigo then return to Florida. He said he had
no information concerning the second boat or its
passengers.

He said the captain of the Amigo was not intimidated


in any way, was paid in Mexican pesos the
equivalent of about $250 American money, and
37
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

cooperated fully with the he IACB group in attempting


to affect the sea rendezvous with the second craft.
He said the problem was that Frank Fiorini was too
secretive with the Amigo Captain about their sea
destination as regards the course which had to be set
to reach it. He had a feeling that they were a little
early and that Fiorini was directing a zig-zag course
as a means of delaying their arrival at the
rendezvous point. At any rate, the Amigo ran
aground on the Turneffe Islands near Belize, British
Honduras. He recalled that the Amigo captain had
warned Fiorini that he, the captain, was unfamiliar
with these waters. It was obvious to Gonzalez, from
previous course settings by Fiorini, that the vessel
was off course prior to the grounding, but Fiorini
insisted on directing the movements of the Amigo.
He said that the Amigo had to limp into Belize as a
result of the grounding for refueling and repairs. At
Belize, those aboard the Amigo were detained, after
several inspections by British Honduras Customs and
Immigration authorities. These and the expedition
members who had been left near the site of the
grounding, awaiting the return of the Amigo, were
eventually charged with illegal entry into British
Honduras and were jailed at Belize. Their arms and
ammunition were seized and, after a hearing at
Belize on November 1, 1968, all were ordered
deported from British Honduras.
He said that contrary to public reports, no automatic
weapons were seized by British Honduras
authorities, nor were any in the possession of the
IACB group at any time, to his knowledge. He added
that he carried no arms or ammunition of any
description into Mexico with him and knows of no
other IACB member who transported arms or
ammunition from the United States into Mexico.

He says he knows of no stolen or rented cars


possibly involved in the IACB Operation and added
that he had only seen one car in use in Mexico by the
group. He declined to describe this car, but said that

38
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

it was not new, and apparently belonged to one of


the International Anti-Communist Brigade members.

He said that he had not been issued, in connection


with this IACB operation, a blank birth certificate,
United States Army honorable discharge papers, or a
blank Florida Motor Vehicle Certificate of Title, and
knows nothing of any of the others being issued any
of these documents...

He said that he had considered the possibility that


the whole operation was a hoax perpetrated by
Fiorini as a means of obtaining publicity. However, he
has been unable, since the British Honduras
authorities arrested the group, to extract any
information from Fiorini which might substantiate this
theory. He continued that if the operation was a hoax,
he had been completely taken in as, until the past
few days, he was convinced that the expedition had a
landing in Cuba as its objective and that a
rendezvous with a second boat would have taken
place had it not been for the Amigo running aground.

He said that due to his participation in the IACB


operation he had missed a Miami court date
regarding non-payment of a long overdue bill for
newspaper advertising in connection with a former
business venture. He said he expected to be arrested
by the Dade County Department of Public Safety in
connection with this court missed date, but he felt
that satisfactory arrangements could be made for a
new court date without his being jailed in the interim.
The following description of Gonzalez was obtained
from interview and observation: Height 5'6"; Weight
130 pounds; Hair brown, receding at temples; Eyes
blue; Characteristics: Broken, discolored teeth.

David Atlee Phillips stated that Cuban exiles in Florida, with


no connection to the CIA, planned to "slip ashore into the United
States naval base at Guantanamo, Cuba, and launch their attack
against Castro from there." Phillips informed the CIA of the plot and
when a wire service carried an account of this story,

39
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

I had a reaction from Florida. A man named Maxim


Emilio Gonzalez told Associated Press in Miami that
he planned a multi-million dollar lawsuit against the
CIA because he had been 'thrown to the wolves' by
the CIA when an assassination plot he was involved
in had to be aborted...Sturgis said the scheme was
very possibly OPERATION SWORD, in which he had
conspired with Gonzalez. [Phillips Nightwatch pp.
284, 208]

Hemming told this researcher: "OPERATION SWORD was a


lot of Sturgis horseshit. Heh, heh. Bethel told Phillips about it."
Sturgis wrote: "1963 travel and business (operation sword) Mexico
and Honduras." Sturgis told Paul Meskill the recruits used in
OPERATION SWORD "were to provide their own transportation."
The men rented cars using the false identification provided by
Sturgis. Sturgis' men sold these cars in Mexico. Six months after
Sturgis and company ran aground, Robert Curtis, a member of
Sturgis' group, was arrested for automobile theft. It took a Broward
County jury 20 minutes to convict Curtis of the unauthorized use of
a car, a crime for which he went to jail. According to the indictment
of Sturgis and his co-defendants as prepared the U.S. A. Robert
Rust in 1973, Curtis's rented car was one of at least three Florida
cars the entered Mexico with Sturgis' self-styled army. Max
Gonzalez drove another one. By October 7, 1968, the indictment
stated, the Floridians traveling in various cars had regrouped in
Guadalajara, Mexico. According to Curtis, the cars disappeared and
Sturgis' Brigade hung around a Mexican motel. Then Curtis said, he
and Richard Brown were told that "we had to go back to Texas and
rent another car. Frank had a typewriter with a leather case. Sewn
into the case were Florida license tags, blank titles, birth certificate
forms and blank registration forms. With the typewriter kit and a Gulf
Oil Credit card in the name of Charles Connell, Curtis and Brown
went to Brownsville, Texas, and rented another car. We put on the
Florida tag and threw away the Texas tag. Then we drove the car
into Mexico." Curtis also contended that the Captain and the First
Mate of the Amigo were forced to sail when Sturgis wanted them to
sail because they were held at gunpoint. [Miami Herald 9.7.73] Less
than a week later, according to the indictment, Curtis was at it again
on orders from Sturgis and Buchanan. Sturgis had issued false ID to
his recruits so that they could rent cars that were to be abandoned
in Mexico, not sold, however, some of Sturgis' men sold the cars in
Mexico or retained them. Curtis testified: "I had a number of blank

40
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

duplicate Florida titles, Registration Cards, Birth Certificates, Drivers


Licenses, that I obtained from Frank Sturgis."

Hemming told this researcher: "Sturgis was a fucking car


thief." On November 14, 1968, the Norfolk Virginia Ledger Star
carried an article entitled EX-CASTRO FRIEND JAILED FISH
HEADS, RICH SLIM DIET:

The latest chapter in the running saga of Norfolkian


Frank FIORINO'S fight with Fidel Castro includes an
11 day stay in a British Honduras jail where he lost
20 pounds while living on fish heads and rice. It
happened three weeks ago while Fiorini and 12 other
Americans were on their way to make a commando
raid against sabotage targets on the coast of western
Cuba. Fiorini stated: 'We left one of our camps on the
Yucatan Peninsula in a 30-foot cabin cruiser called
The Amigo. We were supposed to rendezvous at sea
with another boat and transfer the stock of weapons
and medical supplies for a run into the coast of Cuba.
Because of bad weather, The Amigo ended up on a
reef just south of Mexican territorial waters off the
coast of British Honduras. We had to spend the night
there. The next morning we finally got her off with the
help of a couple of native boats. Unfortunately the
night on the reef had opened up the seams so The
Amigo had to limp into the nearest port - Belize.
There, they began unloading the rifles and over
$1,000 in medical supplies. Then the ship was taken
over by British Army Units. We were kept in jail for
four days before we had a hearing before a British
Magistrate. The Chief of the Honduran intelligence
section asked for a week continuance in order to
investigate further. They continued to keep us in jail
during that week. The jail, incidentally, was 156 years
old. I was by myself in a cell four and a half feet wide,
and eleven feet long. We had one meal a day of
fishheads and rice. Occasionally we got chicken
necks and rice. The authorities apologized they
couldn't give us more, but said it was a poor country.
At the end of the week I was brought to the
magistrate again. I served as a spokesman and
asked that we not be deported to Mexico as had

41
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

been suggested. I knew it was filled with Castro


sympathizers there and my life would be in great
danger.

CIA Agent David McLean saw this article and sent it to CIA
Agent Harry T. Mahoney: November 15, 1968. "Dear Harry:
Presumably anyone who has been 'making frequent raids inside
Cuba' will be of interest to Dave Phillips & Co. Hence I enclosed
another clipping from my favorite newspaper, The Norfolk Ledger-
Star...Dave." [CIA D002224] The activities of Frank Sturgis from
1969 to 1971 remained a mystery. In February 1969 the CIA had
the FBI run a check on him.

THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL OPERATIONS GROUP 1971


In early 1971 Sturgis set up a tax-exempt church in Miami. During
Hunt v. Weberman Sturgis was asked:

Q. Did you start your own church?

A. Why? I had none. Well, I wanted to set up some


missions in Central and South America for poor
people in the Andes, and so forth; but, unfortunately,
Watergate destroyed that.

That year, James Buchanan was arrested entering Mexico


with a truckload of automatic weapons. In late 1971 Barker recruited
Sturgis for the White House Special Operations Group. Sturgis:

Well, Barker again, having contact with him, socially


and business-wise, and what have you, one day, I
don't know when he told me, or it might have been
weeks or months prior to my involvement with the
Special Intelligence Unit, or my recruitment, he sat
down and spoke to me and he says, 'Frank, do you
remember 'EDUARDO'? Well I spoke with
'EDUARDO,' and we are putting something together,
your background and so forth. And we would like you
to get involved with us again. The same people as
before, the same Americans upstairs who were
involved in the Bay of Pigs. And my name was given
for a clearance. And naturally I was cleared."

42
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Evidence suggested that Nixon wanted the same crew who


were involved in the Kennedy assassination as part of the White
House Special Operations Group. In a Motion for Discovery of
Exculpatory Information, Sturgis asked for telephone conversations
between White House personnel and the CIA, FBI in 1971, 1972
and 1973, relevant to his activities. Sturgis also believed that Nixon
had discussed his activities, and that this discussion had been
picked-up by the White House recording system during the years
1971, 1972, and 1973.

ALLEN MICHAEL FITZGERALD


FBI COMMUNICATIONS SECTION
JANUARY 25, 1973

KNR 022 LA PLAIN


852 PM NITEL 1-24-73 MAN
TO ACTING DIRECTOR (139-4089)
WFO (139-166)
FROM LOS ANGELES (139-306) (P) 3P
Reference: Regarding Boston teletype to Director,
January 23, 1973, and Bureau telephone call to Los
Angeles January 24, 1973.

On January 24, 1973, Cheryl Kathleen Fitzgerald,


5312 Kester Avenue, Apt 2, Van Nuys, California,
was interviewed by Bureau agents and advised she
spoke with her husband, Allen Michael Fitzgerald on
November 27, 1972, while he was in custody at Adult
Correctional Institute, Howard, Rhode Island.
Fitzgerald asked her if she recalled him telling her
approximately three years ago of his meeting of his
meeting with then CIA agent James McCord at the
Century Plaza Hotel, Los Angeles, California, through
an introduction by Los Angeles Police Department
Detective Gene Scherrer. She advised Fitzgerald did
recall his mentioning this meeting. Fitzgerald then

43
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

indicated that this was the same individual indicted in


the Watergate matter.

Fitzgerald advised that she and her husband resided


in Mexico from September 1970, through December
1971. While in a hotel restaurant at Hermosio,
Sonora, Mexico, in either October or November
1971, she recalls her husband walking to another
table and engaging in a conversation with an
individual she now believes to have been Frank
Sturgis. She viewed six black and white photos, one
of which was a photo of Sturgis. She was unable to
identify Sturgis, photo 3. Fitzgerald based her belief
that this individual her husband met in Mexico was
Sturgis from a photo she saw in Time Magazine.

Fitzgerald stated she did not write a letter to The New


York Times, however, she believed her husband,
Allen Fitzgerald, wrote the letter and she recalls
having him tell her on November 27, 1972, that he
had in fact written a letter to The New York Times.

Fitzgerald advised her husband, Allen, told her three


years ago that he had written a letter to 'Kenneth W.
Clawson,' at that time a New York Times reporter,
which letter Fitzgerald alleged was used by Clawson
to 'gain a position on the White House Staff.' The
letter was believed to contain information regarding
narcotics and political affairs. Fitzgerald stated she
never saw the letter.

On January 22, 1973, she received a telephone call


from Seymour Hirsch, New York Times, requesting
additional information regarding her husband's
connection to [Watergate]. She advised she
furnished no further information on the subject
matter. (Deleted) She further advised she is
considering pleading under Interstate Transportation
of Stolen Property to charge pending against her in
Rhode Island.

Her former husband, Captain Peter Lucarelli, Los


Angeles Fire Department, advised he knows Allen
Fitzgerald and considers him to be a con man.

44
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Consequently he doubts Fitzgerald's reliability.


Report follows: (Deleted).
THE 1972 CONVENTION PROVOCATION
The 1972 Republican and Democratic Conventions were
scheduled for July and August in Miami Beach, Florida. In a "Secret,
Eyes Only" memorandum prepared for USDC Judge William M.
Hoeveler, Hemming claimed that:

During January 1972 I was contacted by FBI Agent


Robert Dwyer in reference to assisting Miami FBI
project involving Ed Kaiser and Frank Sturgis that
motivated a 1972 meeting with Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms Miami Supervisor Hale for backstop
briefing. Sturgis was at the time a White
House/Special Operations Group operative, and was
later arrested at Watergate during June 1972.

In April 1976 Hemming told Dick Russell:

There were some plans for the convention. I talked to


some of the people participating in it, who later
participated in the Watergate thing. Create a shoot-
out using the Yippies and the Zippies and the other
'hard core commies' they were so worried about. The
people I spoke to were going to put some of this
equipment in their hands, and some in law
enforcement hands, and use some of the local
vigilantes to start a shoot out. This would finally
straighten out Washington as to where the priorities
were on overcoming the 'domestic communist
menace.'
Hemming stated to this researcher in 1993:
I get a phone call from Bob Dwyer. I hadn't talked to
him in months, since the Nixon compound thing.
Some of Veciana's boys had a scheme to have a
Cuban Comar fire a STIX missile at the compound.
There was a similar plan to attack Guantanamo
during the Bay of Pigs. They were gonna take out
Nixon and put Agnew in power. I told Dwyer that to
me it was all a provocation, and would end up in
arrests, and I'm the fucking guy standing in the
middle. Czukas shows up at my home to discuss this.

45
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Shanley should have been there. Czukas asks me to


withdraw my license to export weapons to the
Guatemalan Congress. A quarter of a million dollar
deal. When I told my partner, he said, 'That lying
cocksucker wanted me to give weapons to Sturgis
who was over here earlier and spilled the fucking
beans.' Czukas was always the domineering bad
type of cop asshole who was going to put us all
away. He was a company motherfucker. I told my
partner, 'You know Bob Dwyer. He called me the
other day with the same shit. They're trying to set us
up.' Whatley shows up, I was using BERNARDO De
TORRES office at the time. He shows up with his
cousin - here's an ex-felon carrying a badge and a
gun. His cousin was a Lieutenant in the Sheriff's
Department in Jefferson City, Colorado. We meet at
the Holiday Inn Motel at the airport. I said 'I'll
demonstrate the weapons to you.' I call BERNIE and
tell him to leave the weapon in the office I'll come
over there. We fired it into a phone book behind the
office. We demonstrated the silencer and the whole
thing. Whatley wanted me to sell them to him under
the table. I told him to get a letter from the Jefferson
City Chief of Police saying he needed machine guns.
We considered this a provocation. The first question
that comes up in my mind is 'Why aren't they going to
Powder Springs Georgia and talking to Werbell?'
They wanted more than one machine gun. My guess
was that they were going to give them to Frank. They
need silenced weapons so that somebody in the
crowd of demonstrators, maybe Kaiser, could crank
off a few rounds. The guys would be told 'Shoot
some demonstrators in the back, drop your weapons,
and get the fuck out of there!' Now other people with
silenced weapons would be taking out direct targets.
No one would hear this. The weapons dropped would
be the same caliber. They didn't want 45 caliber Mac
10's, they wanted nine millimeter. The nine millimeter
round was a sonic round. We had to half load the
powder to keep it below supersonic so that the
silencer would work effectively. A 45 round is
subsonic. They wanted a nine millimeter because
they were going to have thrown down pieces that

46
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

were the same caliber. The 45 rounds look like it was


government issued to Cubans. If the demonstrators
were found with German World War II souvenirs,
Lugars and P-38s, this is all pawn shop weapons,
readily available. Sturgis was trying to use Kaiser as
his cut out. Sturgis was famous for waving 'bye-bye'
at the airport. I don't think Sturgis would be anywhere
near the scene. That he got caught (laughs) in the
Texas School Book Depository is...everybody said
finally the motherfucker did something instead of
sending others to do it and what do you know? He
got caught.

Hemming said the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco


and Firearms wanted him to help stop Sturgis from instigating a
shoot-out at the Republican Convention, however, it sounded more
like Hemming originated the idea, or was a part of the scheme.
Hemming told this researcher:

You can't be around this shit unless all hands think


you're a player. How's that? Is that the best way to
put it? Will they dump a player? Will they Oswald a
player? Absolutely.

Sturgis was asked about this: "He's a liar! I'm not aware of these
allegations; plus I'm saying he's a liar. If he made those statements,
he's a liar."
CORROBORATION - VINCENT J. HANNARD
Hemming’s story was verifiable. During the trial of the
Gainesville Eight, eight anti-war veterans charged with having
planned violence at the Republican Convention, Vincent J. Hannard
testified that Sturgis and Barker tried to recruit him for an operation
against the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. A Miami Herald
article on June 8, 1973, by Dennis Holder was titled "Witness Says
Barker and Sturgis Asked Him to Discredit VVAW." It stated that
Vincent J. Hannard, gave sworn statement, June 7, 1973, that in
weeks prior to May 29, 1972, he:

…received four telephone calls proposing undercover


convention work of the first attempt to break into
Democratic National Committee Office at Watergate.
Each call reportedly came from a different person
and each caller tried to persuade him that it was his

47
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

patriotic duty to help undermine VVAW. Hannard said


one call was from Sturgis. Hannard said he was sure
this caller was Sturgis, who he had known for more
than 13 years. Another caller identified himself as
Bernard Barker, but Hannard said he does not know
Barker, and could not be certain Barker was actually
calling. Another of the calls purported to be from Guy
Hawkes. Hannard said Hawkes was a CIA agent in
Miami several years ago. He is acquainted with
Hawkes and is certain this caller actually was not
Hawkes. Hannard said each caller mentioned the
VVAW, and described the proposed task as covert
intelligence and investigation. Hannard said he
turned offers down because he was suspicious of the
motives of the callers. The article pointed out that
Hannard was disqualified as a witness in a 1971
Miami narcotics case because psychiatrists testified
that Hannard could neither understand the witness
oath, nor tell the difference between truth and lies.
Article also pointed out that Hannard was convicted
in 1962 of impersonating an FBI agent, but was also
an informant for federal and local police agencies,
and was a key witness in several cases. Hannard
occasionally volunteers information to Miami FBI.
(Deleted).

Hemming claimed Vincent J. Hannard was a well-connected


Bureau of Narcotics snitch and a Private Investigator, who reported
to Gene Marshall, the roommate of Charles Ashmann. Hemming
said he had attempted to break into the offices of Vincent J.
Hannard, and that Vincent J. Hannard worked closely with Sturgis
and Bobby Willis.

CORROBORATION - COLSON
When Charles Colson was questioned by Senator Lowell
Weicker of Connecticut, he said he had seen a CIA file that
"mentioned radical activities prior to the convention." [USDC SD
FLA. 75-640-cr-PF Def. Ex. 4] In 1973 Senator Lowell Weicker was
the target of a break-in. [Summers Secret Life JEH p414]
CORROBORATION - ANGIE BASULTO
Angela Basulto was a former anti-Castro fighter who claimed
expert knowledge of firearms and explosives. Her first husband was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Bay of Pigs veteran Jose Basulto Leon. Jose Basulto, a devout


Catholic, had left Boston College, where he majored in physics, in
January 1960, to return to Havana so that he could join a Catholic
underground organization. Basulto was trained in Panama as a
radio operator then infiltrated into Cuba prior to the Bay of Pigs. Five
of Basulto's fellow infiltrators were executed and seven received
long prison sentences. Basulto, unhappy with the Kennedy
Administration's lack of action against Castro, struck out on his own.
On August 24, 1962, Basulto sailed into Havana with a dozen of his
friends and shelled the hotel Rosita de Hornedo, which was full of
Russian advisors. Basulto drove to Guantanamo and climbed a ten
foot fence to safety. Jose Basulto was alleged to have been
involved in McLaney’s Lake LaCombe Louisiana bomb factory and
training camp:
On July 23, 1963, WALLACE SHANLEY, U.S.
Customs, Miami, advised that on July 19, 1963, Mr.
EDGAR OWENS, U.S. Customs, Miami, had
observed CARLOS EDUARDO HERNANDEZ
SANCHEZ, Also known As “BATRA" at Miami in &
green 1963 Chevrolet station wagon with 1963
Florida license 7E-40. Mr. OWENS observed that
HERNANDEZ was accompanied by VICTOR
ESPINOSA HERNANDEZ and (First Name
Unknown) BASULTO. SHANLEY advised that
HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ and ESPINOSA
HERNANDEZ were two of the five subjects involved
in preparations for a bombing raid in June, 1963
against a Cuban oil refinery when they were detained
and seizure of their plans and bombs was made by
U.S. Customs in a rural area of southwest Miami.

Either the reporting agent or Shanley got confused about the


location of the bust. The FBI reported:

ESPINOSA admitted telephonic contact with about


12 Cuban pilots, some of whom were willing to
engage in this raid. He stated in his opinion, the only
ones who were willing to take the risk of such a raid
were his companions of the infiltration team in the
Cuban invasion which included CARLOS
HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ and MIGUEL ALVAREZ
JIMENEZ. VICTOR ESPINOSA denied that his
brother, RENE JOSE ESPINOSA or JOSE
49
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

BASULTO LEON were participants in these plans for


a raid.
Basulto worked with CIA Agent Felix Rodriguez, who was
linked to Bush and Oliver North's Contra arms network. The June 8,
1973, edition of The Miami Herald carried an article by Rob Elder
titled "Florida Agency Admits Receiving VVAW But From Lady Spy."
The FBI:

The article relates that Angelica 'Angie' Rohan,


formerly known as Angie Basulto, furnished a sworn
statement to United States District Judge W. O.
Mehrtens, on May 23, 1973, after reading The Miami
Herald story "which for the first time identified Pablo
Fernandez as a police informer who spied on VVAW
and offered to sell them guns." According to the
article, Mrs. Rohan made another sworn statement
on June 6, 1973, to Dade Country State Attorney
Richard Gerstein. Article says that Florida
Department of Law Enforcement confirmed on June
7, 1973, that summer Mrs. Basulto furnished Florida
Department of Law Enforcement a copy of a
recorded call between Scott Camil of VVAW and
Pablo Fernandez. Basulto also told Florida
Department of Law Enforcement that certain
Miamians were involved in a 'demonstration at the
Chilean Embassy in Washington.' Jack Key, Florida
Department of Law Enforcement, Miami, advised
Miami Herald he never told the FBI or any other
federal agency about the 'wiretap' or Basulto's
Embassy information because the information did
seem at the time to be specific evidence, 'was not
worthy of dissemination' and because Basulto 'was
my source and I'm going to protect my source.'
Florida Department of Law Enforcement director,
William Reed, according to article, said Basulto
volunteered to work with the Florida Department of
Law Enforcement last summer. Her expense were
paid, and she worked at the Florida Department of
Law Enforcement convention command post, Miami,
translating Spanish language material and writing out
long hand intelligence reports. Basulto has sworn
that she was offered 'A copy of the ITT papers' which
Fernandez told her were stolen in the Chilean
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Embassy burglary. Article reports Basulto once tried


to convince a T.V. crew she was the 'woman in
Watergate,' but now she says she was not. In sworn
statement to Dade County State Attorney's Office,
Basulto reportedly claimed second hand knowledge
of a possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice
Presidential candidate, who later turned out to be
Thomas Eagleton. She claimed 'What they were
supposed to be looking for was George McGovern's
running mate.' She reportedly said at this point in her
notes, she wrote the word, 'assassination' and drew a
question mark beside it. State Attorney's office
sources told Miami Herald Basulto said she was
present when Fernandez offered to supply VVAW
with Cuban weapons which 'could be turned into
machine guns with a little piece of metal.' She was
present when Fernandez offered weapons to VVAW
member identified only as Dan. This veteran
reportedly replied, 'We only want peace, man.' Jack
Key, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami,
telephonically contacted on June 8, 1973. He
confirmed Basulto worked for the Florida Department
of Law Enforcement during both national political
conventions. She originally contacted Florida
Department of Law Enforcement Director Reed at
times furnished information to Reed but Key was her
authorized contact. Key described Basulto as
emotional, and as having furnished both reliable and
unreliable information. She was only paid expenses.
She never told the Florida Department of Law
Enforcement about being the 'woman in Watergate.'
She did furnish last summer what purported to be a
tape of Fernandez-Camil telephone conversation
about Chilean Embassy, Washington, break-in. She
did once report that Watergate Hoover rites people
had something to do with the 'demonstration' at the
Chilean Embassy. This information seemed of no
significance and she did not mention the break-in or
burglary. Key said he had been interviewed by Elder
for above mentioned article. Elder asked him several
times why he was covering for FBI. He told Elder he
was not covering for FBI. He recalled being
contacted by (Deleted) Dade County Public Safety

51
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Department, just prior to Republican National


Convention, as to possible Florida Department of
Law Enforcement status of Basulto. Key said that on
June 11, 1973, he will bring to Miami FBI Office
complete Basulto Florida Department of Law
Enforcement file for review. On June 8, 1973, Pablo
Fernandez telephonically contacted. He said he met
Basulto approximately July 5, 1972, and was in
contact with her until the end of the Republican
National Convention when she stopped calling him.
She told Fernandez she was working for Florida
Department of Law Enforcement and wanted to know
what Cuban exiles were planning for political
conventions. Fernandez said he 'took her around'
during conventions, and brought her to Cuban exile
meetings. He did furnish her a copy of his tape
recorded conversation with Scott Camil earlier same
date he furnished original of tape conversation to
S.A. Deleted, Miami. He furnished her copies of no
other tapes. He said he never offered her a copy of
the ITT papers reportedly stolen in Chilean Embassy
burglary. He said he had no knowledge of existence
of such papers and has no knowledge of who
perpetrated this burglary. He said his only VVAW
contacts were Hialeah drugstore meetings, a Miami
Police Department meeting with VVAW, other non-
delegate organizations, including Cuban exile
groups, and police...Basulto was not with him on any
of these occasions. Basulto was with him on the
second or third day of Democratic National
Convention when he strolled through Flamingo Park,
Miami Beach, non-delegate campsite. He did not
speak to any VVAW members at that time and
emphatically did not offer to supply VVAW with
Cuban weapons, as alleged above. Fernandez
denied furnishing Basulto any information regarding a
possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice
Presidential Candidate...Fernandez said he did tell
Basulto about Hialeah drugstore meetings with
VVAW, but told her about no other contact with
VVAW. [Miami Herald 6.8.73; FBI 139-4089-1230]

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Pablo Fernandez was an FBI informant in the case of the


Gainesville Eight. Hemming wondered if Sturgis had ever dealt with
any counterculture people when "they were getting that slaughter
ready for Miami Beach in 1972."

CORROBORATION - EDWIN KAISER

In 1952 Ed Kaiser joined the Marines, but received a bad conduct


dishonorable discharge before his basic training ended. Ed Kaiser
became a heroin addict (Sonia Kaiser insisted that her husband was
never an addict) and amassed a long criminal record, including
aggravated assault, assault with a deadly weapon, burglary and
larceny. In 1957 Ed Kaiser joined the French Foreign Legion and
53
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

lost his American citizenship. On January 29, 1959, his citizenship


was revoked. He left the Foreign Legion on a medical discharge,
and returned to the United States in 1959 as a landed immigrant. In
1961 Ed Kaiser moved to Alaska, where he was convicted of theft of
Government property and assault. On May 30, 1964, and on May
31, 1964, the CIA showed an interest in Ed Kaiser, and two
outgoing cables about him were generated which were denied in
their entirely. [Ltr. Harry E. Fitzwater, Chairman, CIA Information
Review Committee 1.4.82]
CUBAN AND HAITIAN EXILE AFFAIRS
In 1969 Ed Kaiser moved to Miami where the FBI took note
of him due to his affiliation with Cubanos Unidos, an anti-Castro
group made up of former members of Alpha-66. The FBI reported:
Cubanos Unidos (CU) is a Cuban exile anti- Fidel
Castro organization in Miami, Florida. It purpose is to
unite all exile groups into a unity organization and
begin military operations against the present
Government of Cuba. Wilfredo Navarro Beato is the
head of CU…On June 26, 1970, MM T-2, a Cuban
exile who had been involved in Cuban Revolutionary
matters for the past five years advised that on the
night previously, (deleted) with Wilfredo Navarro, at
which time Navarro claimed CU was going ahead
with its plans to sink a Soviet vessel off the east
coast of Florida as the vessel was on its way to
Cuba.

On June 19, 1970 MM T-3, another Government


agency which conducts intelligence investigations,
advised information had been received that CU
recently held a meeting to introduce Americans who
are backing their organization. The Americans were
Frank Fiorini and Ed Kaiser. Fiorini calls himself the
“Chief of Intelligence Section of Cubanos Unidos.”
On July 1, 1970 NAVARRO appeared at the Miami
Office of the FBI with his brother Roerme, and
advised as follows:

Frank Fiorini, an American citizen who has been


involved in Cuban exile revolutionary matters for the
past ten years, recently signed a unity agreement
with CU. In this agreement, Fiorini, who represents
54
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

some independent anti-Castro organization, agreed


that political unity of all exile groups must be
established. Fiorini is not a member of CU as such,
holds no official position, and in not in charge of
intelligence.

KAISER said that CU presently has a .50 caliber


machine gun, a .30 caliber machine gun, some C-4
explosive, and a quantity of small arms. CU is
considering a three-day infiltration and sabotage
mission to Cuba in which about five men will
participate. One of the tactics they plan to use is to
kill a few Cuban Government soldiers and cut them
up into small pieces to terrify other Cuban
Government soldiers.

On July 30, 1970, KAISER advised he was then


leaving for the Island of Martinique in the Caribbean
where he would try to make arrangements to meet up
a military base for operations against Cuba. On
August 3, 1970, KAISER advised he had just
returned from the Island of Martinique where he was
arrested and questioned for 28 hours by French
intelligence officials before he was released. The
purpose of the visit was to obtain permission to set
up a base for operations against Cuba. French
authorities told him they would cooperate with him if
and when he obtained such permission from the
United States Government.

KAISER said his present military plans involve an


operation which would leave the Florida Keys by boat
and attack the Cuban Naval Academy near Havana.
About twelve persons would participate in the raid
and after the mission, would return to the Florida
keys. After about two days in the Florida Keys, they
would return to sea to meet a mother ship and then
go to Haiti. KAISER said the military mission would
leave the Florida area with arms and explosives
aboard.
On July 29, 1970 the CIA reported Ed Kaiser was part of a
CU sponsored operation against Cuba. Ed Kaiser claimed Cubanos
Unidos was involved in the distribution of anti-Castro cartoons; in
55
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

fact the goal of Cubanos Unidos was to form a Cuban government-


in-exile in Haiti. Ed Kaiser was in contact with numerous Haitian
exiles, and while Ed Kaiser was head of the military section of
Cubana Unida, he was suspected of plotting the assassination of
"Papa Doc" Duvalier.

Sonia Kaiser reported that at one Cubanos Unidos meeting


her husband was introduced to Sturgis by a Cuban exile named
"William Navarro." Hemming told this researcher: "She meant
Wilfrado Navarro. Wilfrado and Antonio Navarro were Cuban right
wing assholes that were with Sturgis in 1960." When the FBI
questioned the CIA about Ed Kaiser on JULY 22, 1969, Angleton
prepared a memorandum titled "Ed Kaiser and (deleted as of
2010)." When the CIA released this document, it contained three
pages of deletions. The only information in it was the words "On the
basis of the limited data available, this Agency's files contain no
identifiable information on Ed Kaiser. For The Deputy Director Of
Plans: James Angleton, CSCI 316/02475-69, cc: Customs
Commissioner." The FBI reported:

Ed Kaiser has been the Subject of a criminal type


investigation by the FBI Miami since late 1971.
Earlier in 1971 Kaiser allegedly wore the uniform of
the U.S. Army and used fraudulent military
identification to enter the premises of the U.S. Coast
Guard Station, Opa Locka, Florida, where he
fraudulently obtained office and medical supplies.
Kaiser is reported to have entered the premises of
other military bases at Homestead, Florida, and San
Juan, Puerto Rico, where he allegedly represented
himself as a military officer and used military
facilities. Investigation of this matter is continuing
and, as yet, no Federal criminal charges against
Kaiser have been initiated. [FBI 139-4089-2469
7.9.73]

Kaiser was convicted of stealing Coast Guard office and


medical supplies while wearing a false uniform. Hemming told this
researcher: "You make him sound like a junkie. He was stealing
classified documents." An FBI document stated: "(Deleted) One
such person contacted is an unidentified Negro male who sells
Kaiser stolen watches, rings and other jewelry which Kaiser resells
to employees at Maule Industry and other factories in the area and
the Opa Locka area." [FBI 47-55225-2 p 18] In late 1971 Kaiser was
56
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

suspected of plotting to hijack a Cuban or Russian freighter. Sonia


Kaiser reported that around this time her husband had a closet full
of ammunition and grenades, which were removed shortly before
the FBI searched the apartment.

A few days after Sturgis was arrested at Watergate, Ed


Kaiser went to Haiti - where, according to Hemming, he visited Mike
McLaney. Hemming told this researcher: "He was delivering an
ultimatum to McLaney. A hit was going to go down. Out of
professional courtesy, Kaiser asked him to take sides."

THE PLANNED CONVENTION RIOT

WILFREDO NAVARRO (RED PANTS) AND ED KAISER


In May 1973 Ed Kaiser contacted a Miami FBI agent and advised
that:

57
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

…he was a long time friend of Frank Sturgis, also


known as Frank Fiorini, one of the convicted
Watergate defendants and prior to the 1972
Republican Convention in August 1972 Sturgis
invited Kaiser to participate in a planned convention
riot at the convention. Sturgis later told him the riot
was off, and something bigger was being planned. At
this time Sturgis mentioned to Kaiser the name of a
nationally known figure, a businessman and not a
politician, who was in charge of planning the
financing and direction of this new operation.
According to Kaiser, this individual was at the time
unknown in the Watergate investigation. Kaiser at the
time of the above contact stated he would furnish this
information in exchange by the Government of:

1. The safety of his family.

2. For employment security at his present


employment, a service attendant at the (deleted)
service station, Florida.

3. For an opportunity to apply for State and Federal


pardons.

Numerous attempts were made to interview Kaiser to


further develop this information both at his residence
and his place of employment. During the period
Kaiser was also hospitalized for leg surgery. In
response to these efforts, Kaiser contacted the Miami
office and agreed to an interview on June 26, 1973.
At that date Kaiser appeared at the Miami Office
accompanied by Attorney Edward N. Claughton, and
advised that he had changed his mind about
furnishing information to the FBI. He stated that he
had already furnished the above information to a
member of the Watergate Committee, and was
awaiting action from that source. The individual
mentioned by Kaiser above was subsequently
identified by Kaiser as Jack Anderson, newspaper
columnist. In view of Kaiser's reputation, and pending
criminal investigation, no commitments were made in
any way to Kaiser during the above contacts, and the
information furnished by him was accepted without
58
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

comment. Sonia Kaiser remembered waiting outside


while he discussed this with Sturgis. Ed Kaiser asked
the FBI for protection for himself and his family in
return for this information. [FBI 139-3089-2469,2413]

In August 1973 Ed Kaiser gave the CIA similar information.


This CIA report was withheld as of 2010. [CIA Memo 8.20.73] An
index card was generated by the CIA's Office of the Inspector
General:
Gray, Patrick August 20, 1973. Flannery, J.E.
Scott, Ed
Casey (Scott alias)
Casio (Scott alias)
Kaiser (Scott alias)
IG FILE (Illegible)
Irving R. Doyle
Tab #1
Eduardo T. Scott
Info to FBI
Sturgis, Frank
(Illegible) Gorgon
(Illegible) Howard
Letter to C/FBI from (illegible) Ed Scott alias Casey, Casio
and Kaiser.
James E. Flannery was a CIA agent stationed in Bolivia from
1961 to 1964, Mexico from 1964 to 1965, and the Dominican
Republic from 1965 to 1969. Kaiser also gave the Senate Select
Committee on Campaign Activities this information. Sturgis refuted
Ed Kaiser in Executive Session testimony: "Sturgis stated he was
never approached by anyone concerning demonstrations against
the VVAW at the Republican Convention. He recalls no such
conversation with Ed Kaiser. He admitted knowing Kaiser for a
number of years, and said he considered Kaiser to be a good
source of information for Cuban-related activities but had reason,
nonetheless, to suspect Kaiser's credibility." [Sturgis Exec. Sess.
Test. 7.27-28.73 as cited in SSCIA Minority Staff Report] On August
20, 1973, the Miami Field Office of the FBI sent the Director a highly
deleted teletype. The only words released were "CHANGED" and
"CONSPIRACY - RING CASE, OO: Miami." [FBI 26-425217-36 2
pages] In August 1975 Ed Kaiser arranged for an illegal arms
shipment to a Nicaraguan anti-Castro training base, and frequently

59
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

talked of uniting the White Russian refugees for military operations


against Cuba.
ED KAISER IN ISRAEL
On January 9, 1976, Ed Kaiser successfully entered Israel
bearing a passport issued in the name of Jerome Schneider. On
March 2, 1976, Ed Kaiser was arrested for use of a false passport
while trying to re-enter Israel. A CIA report on Kaiser was generated
on June 25, 1976. This was withheld in its entirety as of 2010.
Kaiser was released in July 1976, and when he returned to the
United States, he was indicted on identical charges. Ed Kaiser told
the FBI that he entered Israel by pretending to be a Jew who wished
to volunteer his services to the Israeli military. Ed Kaiser claimed he
was acting on behalf of the United States Government. The
passport he used to enter Israel was a crude forgery. Ed Kaiser had
obtained the passport of Jerome Schneider, removed his
photograph, and put his picture in its place. This did not indicate
sophisticated trade craft. The CIA was interested in Ed Kaiser
around this time and a Memorandum dated June 25, 1976, about
him, was withheld in its entirety as of 2010. Sonia Kaiser:

He was in Israel and he was arrested for tapping


wires. Don't ask me whose wires, because I don't
know. It's in some arrest report that I have. He was
not arrested entering Israel with a false passport. He
had a false passport, that's true. He was in Israel for
quite a while. I got letters from him. He sent letters to
me and he sent letters to my children, his children.
He was there on a kibbutz for a while. He was
already living there. I had a lot of papers, I had them.
They were stolen. All the papers are gone.

Hemming claimed Ed Kaiser was doing a hit for a colonel in


the Israeli Defense Force in Nablus: "I flew the guy he went with
around the Bahamas in 1981, until he turned himself into the U.S.
Marshals. We use their people, they use ours. Ed Kaiser was
arrested as he was leaving." Hemming was asked why he was
arrested if the Israelis had used him?

In 1976 Sturgis convinced Ed Kaiser that Gaeton Fonzi


could find a way to get him out of his legal troubles. Ed Kaiser spoke
with Gaeton Fonzi several times. Ed Kaiser did not know it, but his
legal problems had ended: the U.S. Attorney in Miami could not
prosecute him since it was unknown whether Ed Kaiser had
60
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

departed the United States from the Southern District of Florida or


from elsewhere. Sonia Kaiser disagreed: "He took a plane from
Miami to Israel on El Al. They certainly could prove it. They are
hiding something there. They know something that they're not
saying." [FBI 21-2005-21 4.19.76] On February 8, 1977, Ed Kaiser
“fell off” some wooden planking while working aboard a ship, and
died due to multiple injuries and blunt trauma; he was 44 years old.
Sonia Kaiser stated:

He carried a lot of papers in an attaché case. It was


missing right after he died. I saw him with it before he
was killed. I know he had it. But the day he died I
never saw it again after that, never.

In 1978 Hemming was asked about the death of Ed Kaiser:

He fell on the job. The FBI don't know. Sturgis don't


know. I saw Sturgis at the funeral that night. Nobody
else was there. Hey, he could have just 'up and
died?' He had to get out from under this shit. All he
needed was a phony death certificate. He was under
investigation for a phony passport thing in Israel, he
may have contracted to do a Middle East hit and
gotten into trouble. He may be in Shangrila!

Sonia Kaiser had no doubt that her husband was murdered:

Somebody pushed him into the manhole. I wasn't


there, of course. He told all his men that were
working for him on that shift, not to walk across the
manhole, because the boards were not safe for
weight. The next thing they do is they call me at work
and tell me he's dead. Then they tell me that he
walked across there and the boards broke and he fell
in. And I said 'Why would he be so stupid if he's
telling everybody not to walk across there, why would
he be so stupid to do that?' They didn't know of
course. Then I got a lot of strange visits from a lot of
strange people and a lot of strange phone calls, like
yours for instance, asking me questions.

Hemming told this researcher:

61
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

It ain't a matter of pushing him into the manhole. I


went to check on all that kind of bullshit. I went to the
medical examiner's office. Dwyer was there. He ain't
supposed to be dicking around in that territory, it ain't
his case. Dwyer wants to know from me, 'Did he
fucking die? Was that him?' What he stepped on
collapsed. He wasn't supposed to step on it. It
happened to one of my other guys about the same
time, only he flew through the roof of the shithouse.
Later on he O.D.ed on dope. People don't listen.
Sturgis wasn't worried about being snitched out.
Somebody else would know Kaiser was talking out of
school. A criminal investigation was going on. They
didn't want him testifying before a Federal Grand
jury. They took care of the situation. The guy had
'Oswald' stamped on his forehead.

Sonia Kaiser was asked about her husband's relationship


with Sturgis:

Before Watergate Frank Sturgis was at our house


constantly. But I never knew what they talked about,
because they never talked in front of me. We used to
go to Frank'S house too.
THE BURGLARY OF THE CHILEAN EMBASSY
In the Spring of 1972 Sturgis took part in several burglaries
in Washington, D.C. Sturgis told Andrew St. George that the White
House/Special Operations Group had entered the offices of Senator
Jacob Javits (Rep.-NY.), Sol Linowitz and Dan Rather. St. George
quoted Sturgis as saying "The liberals have twisted everything.
There is no use in trying to explain. If I had my way, just one
chance, I'd kill every one of them." [True 8.74] One of these
burglaries involved the Chilean Embassy in Washington, D.C.
During a telephone conversation between John Dean and CIA
Director James Schlesinger on February 9, 1975, Schlesinger
noted: "In this connection he mentioned that there is a news story
being passed about in the press, primarily instigated by Seymour
Hirsch of the New York Times. The story suggests that Sturgis was
the individual responsible for the burglarizing of the Chilean
Embassy in Washington. He also indicated he expects Senator
Fulbright to request the Justice Department to produce Sturgis for
the Senate hearings."

62
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

The CIA's Inspector General's Office generated an index


card titled March 19, 1973, March 6, 1973, Contacts w/ITT Tab #1
which contained the names Hal Hendrix, ITT, R. Berrellez, Jack
Anderson, E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, Chilean Embassy, P.
Gilbert, (Deleted), J. Levinson, Lawrence Houston, Aible, J. Shafer,
E. Gerrity, Harold Gennen, William Broe, Matte and H. Heckscher.
This was a contact report from (Deleted) C/WH/CA. "Subject:
Conversations with Hal Hendrix on March 6, 1973, (Broe - Gennen
mtg July 1970) relations with Heckscher and Matte -- Anderson's
column regarding Chilean Embassy break-in." According to an
article in the Washington Post dated October 23, 1978, Ted
Shackley, Jacob Esterline and Tom Polgar were also involved in the
CIA's effort to overthrow Allende. On April 15, 1961, Hal Hendrix,
the Latin American correspondent for the Miami Daily News wrote:
There will be no mass invasion against Cuba by the anti-Castro
forces gathered at bases in Central American and this country. The
News has stated this for several months." Gaeton Fonzi reported:

In 1961, when Phillips was handling the propaganda


desk for the Bay of Pigs operation and, as such, was
in constant contact with friendly media types, there
was a reporter on the Miami News named Hal
Hendrix, whose coverage of the invasion seemed to
be deeper and more detailed than any other
journalist, local or national. In 1962 Hendrix's
coverage of the Cuban Missile Crisis was so
penetrating and insightful it garnered his paper a
Pulitzer Prize. The next year Hendrix got himself
promoted to a more prestigious job, covering Latin
America for the Scripps-Howard News Service. Still
based in Miami, Hendrix's sources remained quite
extraordinary. In a piece for Scripps-Howard dated
September 23, 1963, Hendrix wrote a colorful and
detailed description of the coup that toppled Juan
Bosch, the leftist President of the Dominican
Republic. If Hendrix report didn't come from inside
sources, it was an amazing display of clairvoyance -
the coup didn't take place until the following day.

Author Tony Summers reported:

Seth Kantor's [a Dallas-based journalist who was


acquainted with JACK RUBY] notes revealed that
one of the calls that Kantor made from City Hall was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

to the Florida number, Coral Gables MO 5-6473 [at


about 6:00 p.m.] This was the [home] number of Hal
Hendrix, a Miami journalist also working for Kantor's
newspaper group, (Scripps-Howard) who was
offering information on Oswald. Hendrix, on the
afternoon of the assassination, was able to give
Kantor details of Oswald'S past, his defection to
Russia, and his pro-Castro activities on his return.

Kantor reported:

The information he gave me, according to my notes,


contained details of Oswald'S past, particularly
Oswald'S time span in Russia and his latter
connection with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in
New Orleans. Hendrix gave me a bunch of
knowledgeable background on Oswald'S appearance
on New Orleans radio station WDSU, the previous
August. In a show moderated by William Kirk
Stuckey, Oswald had debated CARLOS Bringuier, an
anti-Castro activist and Cuban refugee.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

The Ruby Coverup, Seth Kantor page 376] Hendrix


left Scripps-Howard in 1967 to work for ITT. In July
1970, following a meeting between Harold Hendrix
and a CIA officer in Santiago, Chile, John McCone
contacted Richard Helms, who arranged a meeting in
Washington between William Broe, chief of the
Western Hemisphere Division in the DDP, and
Harold Geneen, the head of ITT. Geneen offered
Broe and the CIA $1 million in ITT funds for an anti-
Allende campaign. [The Man Who Kept the Secrets,
Powers, p290] On October 16, 1970, Hal Hendrix
cabled his intelligence estimate to his home office:
"Unless there is a move by dissident Chilean military
elements by this time next mid-week, the consensus
in Santiago is that Salvador Allende will win the
October 24, 1970, Congressional run-off easily and
be inaugurated as President November 4, 1970. The
chance of a military coup is slim but it continues to
exist - at least to this date. A key figure in this
possibility is former Brigadier General Roberto
Viaux..."
On November 5, 1976, Hendrix was charged in federal court
with a misdemeanor for refusing to testify accurately before the
Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee about ITT's connection
with the CIA in Chile. Hendrix was acquainted with JERRY
Hemming through OPERATION CRYPT. He worked with David
Phillips, who was stationed in Brazil, on the overthrow of the Allende
regime in Chile. John Crewdson of The New York Times reported:
"One journalist who is said by a senior CIA official to have accepted
travel money [from the CIA], was Hal Hendrix, who as a reporter for
the Miami News, won a Pulitzer Prize for his stories on the 1962
Cuban missile crisis...Mr. Hendrix, the official said, was considered
an asset by the Agency...' [NYT 12.27.77] Howard Hunt was
involved in generating propaganda relevant to the Bay of Pigs
invasion. Hunt may have also known Hal Hendrix. Hendrix's
premature knowledge of Oswald'S activities may have come from
Hunt or Phillips. It also might have come from Hemming, who
claimed he was in touch with Hendrix on November 22, 1963.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Benjamin Matte was in Chile from 1971 to 1974. He was


President of the National Society of Agriculture and the head of the
right-wing party Fatherland and Liberty which advocated the mass
murder of all communists. Matte was an associate of Roberto Viaux.
German-born Henry D. Heckscher was in Germany in 1953, where
he was East Berlin Chief of Station. When laborers in East Berlin
rioted in June 1953, Heckscher cabled Washington for permission to
arm the rioters. Heckscher was in Guatemala in 1954. In Guatemala
he worked with David Phillips and Birch O'Neal. [Hersh, Old Boys,
page 344] He was in Laos from 1957 to 1960, Venezuela from 1964
to 1967, and Chile from 1967 to 1970. In Chile, Heckscher funneled
money to Jorge Alessandri, the opponent of Salvadore Allende for
the presidency of Chile. Heckscher was in touch with Hal Hendricks.
When Allende was elected, Heckscher lost his post in Chile. The
team that replaced him included Gordon Jorgenson. Heckscher died
on March 29, 1990. Jerome I. Levinson worked for Senator
Church's Senate Sub-Committee on Multinationals of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee. When Jerome Levinson began an
investigation of Adan Khashoggi, a prostitute was sent to his hotel
room by, Eugene R. Warner, a Khashoggi aide. The 45 year old
Levinson was forced to leave the committee due to an almost near
fatal heart attack. Edward J. Gerrity Jr. was a Vice President of ITT
who received a memorandum from Hal Hendricks and Mexican
journalist R. Berrellez on September 17, 1970, speculating on which
segment of the military had the capability to overthrow Allende. This
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

eight page document said that the American Ambassador in Chile


had received "the green light to move in the name of President
Nixon...[with] maximum authority to do all possible - short of a
Dominican Republic type action - to keep Allende from taking
power." [Marchetti, CIA and the Cult of Intelligence page 330]
William Broe worked with Gerrity on a plan to destabilize the Cuban
economy. All over these men were involved with General Viaux.
Robert Berrellez was an AP correspondent in Cuba from 1959 to
1961. He was expelled after the Bay of Pigs. Berrellez became a
P.R. man for ITT in Chile. Robert Berrellez was accused of perjuring
himself during his 1973 testimony on Chile before the U.S. Senate.
Berrellez helped Gerrity prepare his (Garrity's) testimony. Berrellez
indictment noted that he had met a CIA official in 1972 and pledged
that he and Hendricks would deny ever having contact with the
Agency in Latin America. Researcher Don Freed reported that
Berrellez was acquainted with David Phillips. The NACLA reported
that Berrellez suggested that a relocation center be set up in
Buenos Aires for the families of those involved in the coup. [NACLA
10.73] The NACLA also reported that after the assassination of
General Schneider, Juan Luis Bulnes, who later proved to be
responsible for Schneider's death, immediately went to the airport
and picked up a ticket for Buenos Aires which earlier had been
reserved for him in the name of Robert Berrellez. [NACLA 8.74]

RICHARD WHATLEY AND WATERGATE


The FBI reported:

Re Miami teletype July 14, 1972, concerning unsub,


aka photographer, described by witness (Deleted) as
third man with Bernard Barker and Frank Sturgis
when they picked-up processed film at Rich Photo
Shop, Miami, Florida, on June 10, 1972. On April 6,
1973, (Deleted) advised his contact agent that he has
had regular contact for a period of several years with
one Richard Whatley, a used car salesman, and that
Whatley has made several casual remarks about the
Watergate incident and about knowing the Watergate
defendants. Source indicated on April 5, 1973,
Whatley commented that if someone talked, his
attorney indicated he was facing a federal indictment.

A review of Miami files reflects that Richard Whatley,


(Deleted) Florida, date of birth (Deleted) New York
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

City, 5'6" 135 pounds, brown hair, blue eyes was one
of 13 International Anti-Communist Brigade members
arrested by United States Customs authorities on
December 4, 1962, at No Name Key, Florida.
Watergate Subject Frank Sturgis was one of the
leaders of this group which was alleged to be a
military operation against Cuba. Details are set out in
Miami report of S.A. (Deleted) dated November 9,
1968, Bufile (Deleted).

Subsequently, on April 6, 1973, source observed


artist conception of unsub, aka photographer, and
stated that this drawing was an excellent likeness of
Richard Whatley. He stated that all the facial features
of the drawing were extremely similar with the
exception of Whatley's hair which is fuller than in the
drawing. The physical description of (Deleted)
compares favorably with the of unsub, aka
photographer, with the exception of age. Efforts
continue to secure recent photograph of (Deleted)
FBI number 4145899 for appropriate display to
witness (Deleted). Investigation continuing. [FBI 139-
4089-1978 4.11.73]
WATERGATE JUNE 1972
On June 17, 1972, Sturgis was arrested at the Watergate
Hotel along with McCord, Barker, Rolando Martinez and CIA
contract agent Virgilio Gonzalez. Virgilio Gonzalez entered the
United States as a permanent resident on July 21, 1954. The FBI:
"Subject known to have left the United States in January 1959 to
work for Felipe Vidal Santiago, Chief of Maritime Police, Cuba.
Subject returned to the United States in August 1959. He worked for
Felipe Vidal Santiago as an assistant and a driver." [FBI 139-4081-
188 6.24.72] On the same day as Sturgis' arrest, the CIA advised
the FBI that "Bernard L. Barker and James Walter McCord had
been CIA employees and that security checks were negative
concerning FRANK FRED Fiorini..." [FBI Bufile 4679-10 W/G - FBI
Reading Room] Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission asked
Sturgis:

Ever act for CIA, get paid by CIA, participate in CIA


project, etc.? Yes, extensively. Not a Cuban-
American. Ancestry is Italian. Fiorini. Working for
American Embassy, infiltrated Castro's 26th of July
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Movement. Several assassination attempts on


Castro, including in New York in 1959 & 1960. Knew
gambling interests in Cuba. Connected with
'Company' but never 'employed' by CIA. Was paid in
cash by CIA as contract agent. Was a spy for United
States Government. Highest official - Case Officer -
equivalent to Station Chief. Prefers not to give names
by phone. New Orleans - May have met some of the
Cubans who traveled to New Orleans and elsewhere.
Manuel Artime - in Miami. Civil leader of the brigade.

In July 1972 the CIA disclaimed any connection with Sturgis.


In February 1975 then-acting CIA Director James Schlesinger
[February 1973 to May 1973] told John Dean that "shortly thereafter
I discussed these matters with Bill Colby, who indicated that Sturgis
has not been on the payroll for a number of years and that whatever
the allegations about the Chilean Embassy, the Agency has no
connections at all." [JRS MFR re tel. con. with John Dean 2.9.75]
Jerry G. Brown, Deputy Chief, Security Analysis Group generated
this MFR dated July 20, 1976:

On July 20, 1976, SAG delivered certain materials to


the Office of the General Counsel relative to a
request from the Department of Justice for original
materials relating to ITT/Chile. Among the materials
given to the OGC was the number attached which
was received from a Watergate file captioned, '7th
Floor Material.' At the time of delivery to OGC, and
with the concurrence of the Director of Security, it
was pointed out that the document is unclassified
and contains a statement by the originator, James R.
Schlesinger, former DCI, that in his discussion with
William Colby, Colby stated that 'Sturgis has not
been on the payroll for a number of years.' It was
pointed out to OGC that this statement is in direct
conflict with prior Agency public releases concerning
Sturgis to the effect that he has never been
connected to the Agency in any way.

Sturgis told Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission:

John Dean called Schlesinger regarding Sturgis and


Chilean break-in. Sturgis says he talked to Colby and
Colby said that Sturgis hadn't worked for CIA in last
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

several years and a had nothing to do with CIA. CIA


lost or destroyed his file. Has lied about his having no
connection with the CIA. Helms also told Senate
Watergate Committee Sturgis had worked for the
CIA. Gonzalez had not worked for CIA. Willing to
testify under oath. Willing to name names of CIA
officials in contact with him. (Uses 'Hey' frequently in
conversation. Talks with no Cuban accent.)

During Sturgis' Watergate trial, Sturgis asked for all FBI


records concerning:

1. Activities in Cuba during the 1950's, his


association with Fidel Castro, his contacts with
personnel of the United States Embassy in Cuba, his
contacts with FBI agents, personnel or information on
other U.S. officers, or agents, either in Cuba, or in
this country, and information received by the FBI
directly or indirectly, from him relating to Cuba, Fidel
Castro or Castro's Government.

2. His activities from 1959 to 1970 pertaining or


relating to the country of Cuba while he resided in
Florida including boat and plane operations, or
incursion directed at the country of Cuba, the source
of funding for said operations, the awareness and/or
approval of said operations by other U.S.
Government agencies and contacts he had with FBI
agents, employees or informants during said period
of time. [Oliver v. CREEP Civil Action 1207 - Daniel
E. Schultz]

On January 29, 1974, the CIA generated a document that


contained the names Matt MacVane, Luis Desa-Soto and J. Horton
(Domestic Contacts Division/Miami). It concerned Sturgis'
connection to the CIA. On January 31, 1974, the CIA's Office of the
Inspector General generated this index card: "Internal Review, IG
File #16, Tab #55, Internal Review, M/R by Harold G. Tittsler.
Subject: (re Sturgis wanting to meet with Agency representative.
Sturgis, Frank, Harold Tittsler, Art Brew, Joe Joyner." In 1975
Sturgis told the Rockefeller Commission that his CIA contact in 1959
in Miami was Jose Joachim Sajennes Pardomo. Sturgis:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Naturally I had contact with Barker. Barker didn't


realize what I was doing, but I knew he was working
as an administrative assistant to 'EDUARDO,' which I
did not know as E. Howard Hunt...E. Howard Hunt
gave X amount of thousands of dollars to, or at least
okayed this money for the B-25 bomber to be
repaired. Pedro Diaz Lanz was one source of
money...I was in constant touch with Joachim
Sajennes. At the same time Barker did not know I
was in touch with Joachim Sajennes, and Barker
asked me to assist him in some of the work --- some
of the investigations he was doing. And I agreed only
after I got in touch with Joachim Sajennes and
Joachim Sajennes says, go ahead, no problem.
Everybody was working for the same people.

In a Motion for Favorable Evidence, Ellis Rubin asked for


"CIA Station records for 1967 and 1968 from Mexico City, Merida,
Belize, Caracas and Miami," to show Sturgis' "past connections and
working agreements with and employment by the CIA." Sturgis told
the Rockefeller Commission that he was paid in cash. After
Watergate, the FBI was unable to locate a bank account for Sturgis.
When they reviewed the canceled checks issued to Sturgis by his
employer, the Pan American Aluminum Corporation, Miami, it found
that all the checks had been cashed in local supermarkets. [FBI
139-4089-394] In a CIA Task Force Report cited by the HSCA, it
was asserted that "Sturgis was in contact with some CIA Cuban
employees in the Miami area, but had no direct Agency
relationship." When Richard Helms appeared before the Foreign
Relations Committee on February 7, 1973, in connection with his
appointment as Ambassador to Iran, the following exchange took
place: "The Chairman: 'Was Frank Sturgis an employee?'" Richard
Helms: "Never, I am sure of that." In 1984, during the second Hunt
v. Spotlight libel trial, Richard Helms said in a deposition that "to the
best of my recollection" Sturgis once was "an agent, an outside
agent, a contract agent, of the Agency. He was not a staff member
of the Agency." [HSCA Staff Rep: The Evolution and Implications of
the CIA-Sponsored Ass. Conspiracies Against Fidel Castro 3.79
Miami Herald 1.31.85] A few days after the Rockefeller Commission
Report was released, Jerrold G. Brown, Deputy Chief of Security
Analysis Group, prepared a Eyes Only Memorandum regarding
Sturgis' CIA connection.
EYES ONLY
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

June 10, 1975


MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Security
VIA: Chief, Security Analysis Group
SUBJECTS: Sturgis, Frank Anthony #353 459, Hunt, Everette
Howard #25 500
1. The attached memorandum, dated and captioned
as above, resulted from a review of Office of Security
material concerning Frank Anthony Sturgis, aka;
Frank Fiorini, to further substantiate the Agency's
recent public statement to the effect that Sturgis was
never connected with the Agency. The writer found
no information in the material reviewed which would
contradict the Agency's public statement; however, it
is apparent that an unknown group has backed some
of Sturgis' activities.

2. The attachment is designed as a lead paper only -


it should not be considered definitive - to show a line
of investigation that can be pursued. The writer will
attempt no further research into this matter without
approval from higher authority.
Jerry G. Brown,
Deputy Chief, Security Analysis Group.
[CIA 1351-1059-B CIA FOIA #40340]
Hemming told this researcher: "That covers him for stirring up some
shit."

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECTS: Frank Sturgis And Howard Hunt

1. In his book, Give Us This Day ("The Inside Story of the CIA and
the Bay of Pigs Invasion...) on pages 98 to 103, Hunt gives an
account of some of the activities of Pedro Diaz Lanz, who defected
from Castro Cuba in mid-1959 as the first chief of Castro's air force.
Hunt points out that in October 1959 Diaz Lanz piloted a small plane
dumping hundreds of anti- Castro leaflets over Havana. Diaz Lanz's
copilot on the flight is identified as Frank Fiorini. Hunt goes on to
describe what would be personal contacts with Pedro Diaz Lanz in
the Miami area, utilizing the services of Bernard Barker in his
contacts with Diaz Lanz and other Cubans. Hunt further describes
his attempts to involve Diaz Lanz with the Agency in the invasion,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

but Hunt’s overtures were not accepted by Headquarters. The


concluding paragraph of this account states:

After the invasion the Kennedy Administration could


not do enough for Manuel Ray. A cozy post was
secured for him in Puerto Rico as Chief of Munoz
Marin's housing projects. I am sure that no equal
effort was made in behalf of Pedro Diaz Lanz, for our
national tradition has become one of shabby
discrimination against known anti-Communists."

NOTE: Hunt’s contacts with Diaz Lanz occurred


during the period circa October 1960 to circa
November 1961 while Hunt was assigned to JMARC,
Miami.

2. Office or Security files #202 792 and 351 502


concern Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz, but reveal no use of
Diaz Lanz in the Cuban invasion or other Agency
operational matters. File # 202 923 concerns Marcos
Diaz Lanz, the brother of Pedro Diaz Lanz. The file
reflects that Marcos Diaz Lanz was Deputy Chief of
Castro's air force until his defection in July 1959,
effected by this Agency by his exfiltration from Cuba
clandestinely. For the purposes of instant
memorandum, it is of note that his file contains an
Agency Information Report stating, "According to
Colonel Oscar Morales Lopez, Chief of Aviateca --
the Guatemalan Government-owned airline --
Commandante Pedro Diaz Lanz, former inspector of
the Cuban rebel air force, Captain Sergio Diaz, and
Captain Frank Fiorini, also formerly with the rebel air
force, arrived in Guatemala on December 30, 1959,
and immediately contacted him. They had a card
from the Guatemalan Ambassador in Washington,
and said that they had been in the United States in
the first part of December and had talked with
important officials of the government. The three
wanted to talk with President Miguel Ydigoras
Fuentes to obtain moral support for their anti-Castro
activities." There is no information showing the
mutual involvement of Sturgis with the Diaz Lanz
brothers in anti-Castro activities until at least the
Summer of 1963.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

3. Information in the file of Frank ANTHONY Sturgis


reflects that from circa May 1960 to at least January
1961, Sturgis was living in the Miami area training a
group of Cuban and American volunteers for a
military invasion of Cuba. By October 1960, the FBI
had determined that Sturgis' only activities in anti-
Castro matters were in conjunction with the activities
of Pedro Diaz Lanz, who was one of the leaders of
the anti-Castro group, "Liberation Alliance."
reportedly, Sturgis' invasion group, in January 1961
was calling itself, "Brigada Internacionale," with
variations of "International Anti-Communist Brigade."
One of the sub-units of the Brigade was identified in
the press in July 1961 as being a paratroop unit
called "Intercontinental Penetration Force" or
INTERPEN. The commander of INTERPEN was
identified as Gerald Patrick Hemming, Jr. (#429 229)
The Office of Security file of Sturgis contains nothing
further until October 1968, when his arrest was
announced in October 1968- while still heading the
"International Anti-Communist Brigade" -- for his
involvement in a group attempting to enter
Guatemala to "clean out anti-Guatemalan guerrillas."
At that time Fiorini claimed that two men who were
sponsoring his operation were Bob Howell, allegedly
a friend of the Kennedy family, and a General Biddle,
member of the John Birch Society.

4. To return to the events of the early 1960's, in July


1962 an article appeared in The New Orleans States
Item by Bill Stuckey, concerning an anti-Castro
training base established on the north shore of Lake
Pontchartrain. This unit was identified as INTERPEN,
headed by Gerald Patrick Hemming Jr. The article
inferred that INTERPEN was still part of Sturgis'
International Anti-Communist Brigade. This particular
unit received nationwide publicity when District
Attorney Jim Garrison alleged that INTERPEN was
involved in the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, and that INTERPEN members were
connected with the CIA.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

5. The above noted Bill Stuckey who wrote the July


1962 press article about INTERPEN and Hemming is
identical with the William Stuckey who interviewed
Lee Harvey Oswald during a public broadcast in New
Orleans in August 1963. According to testimony in
the Warren Commission Hearings by William Stuckey
and CARLOS Bringuier, (Cuban Student Directorate
Delegate in New Orleans) in early August 1963, Lee
Harvey Oswald came to Bringuier'S New Orleans
clothing store announcing that he, Oswald, was a
former Marine trained in guerrilla warfare who wanted
to join an anti-Castro guerrilla group in New Orleans.
(NOTE: Many of the INTERPEN group were ex-
Marines, as was Frank Sturgis.) Bringuier claims he
stalled Oswald and several days later encountered
Oswald on the streets of New Orleans passing out
"Fair Play For Cuba" leaflets. The encounter led to a
disturbance, and Oswald and Bringuier were
arrested. Bringuier subsequently alerted STUCKEY
to Oswald, which resulted in the broadcast interview.
It is of note that Bringuier inferred he was
knowledgeable of the anti-Castro guerrilla group
training on the North shore of Lake Pontchartrain,
and even collected funds for the travel of two of the
members to Miami when the group was disbanded.

6. The individual in INTERPEN of most interest to


Garrison was Loran Eugene Hall (OS #348 627), who
ostensibly arrived in Dallas, Texas, in October 1963,
remaining until after President Kennedy was shot.
Garrison also alleged that Hall was involved with the
Minutemen. The Hall file reflects that in August 1963
Hall was in Southern California, where he spoke
before numerous meetings of the John Birch Society
attempting to raise funds for anti-Castro planned
invasion of Cuba scheduled for mid-September 1963.

7. In June 1972 Frank Sturgis, E. Howard Hunt,


Bernard Barker and others were arrested while
burglarizing the headquarters of the Democratic
National Committee at the Watergate, Washington,
D.C.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Jerry Brown had his suspicions that Hunt, Barker and


Hemming were mixed up with Oswald, or at least moved in the
same circles. Why was this document classified Eyes Only, and why
was Jerrold G. Brown wary about pursuing his investigation in this
direction? The Rockefeller investigation could have gone in this
direction. The final verdict of the Rockefeller Commission:
"Numerous allegations have been made that the CIA participated in
the assassination of President Kennedy...On the basis of the staff's
investigation, the Commission concluded there was no credible
evidence of any CIA involvement."
The Office of the Inspector General of the CIA generated this index
card:
Sturgis, Frank
January 29, 1974, January 31, 1974
J. Horton,
Matt MacVane
DDO/DCD FILE REVIEW 741
Luis Desa-Soto
IG File 34, Tab 1
DCD/Miami to DCD/ Washington, Cable 12480

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Subj: Frank Sturgis, Convicted Watergate Burglar (Agency relations


with Sturgis)

Matthew Chatten MacVane is a Marine in Viet Nam. Matt


MacVane was awarded the Nations 2nd highest honor for Valor;
The Navy Cross. While an agent for the CIA Matt has gathered
intelligence information from the Caribbean, Central and South
America and scores of other locales. Matt has traveled around the
world to satisfy the needs of clients and worked in various cities in
China, India, Turkey and Australia. Matt MacVane has negotiated
with, and secured from South American rebel forces, kidnapped
U.S. businessmen, bringing life or death incidences to a successful
conclusion and protecting the client’s personal, financial and
professional welfare. [http://matt.macvane.com] John Ryder Horton,
86, a CIA senior executive in the directorate of operations who
became chief of the Soviet bloc division, died June 3, 2007. He had
bladder cancer. Horton joined the CIA in 1948 and was chief of

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

station in Hong Kong, Uruguay and Mexico. He was in Mexico


during the 1968 student riots. He was chief of the Western
Hemisphere division before retiring in 1975 as chief of the Soviet
bloc division, covering the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact
nations. He received the CIA's Distinguished Intelligence Medal.
[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2007/06/07/AR2007060702354.html]

CAR THIEF

In 1973 the Justice Department decided to prosecute Sturgis


for Interstate Transportation of Stolen Motor Vehicles stemming
from his abortive attempt to hijack a Soviet freighter. Sturgis'
codefendants were Max Gonzalez, Jerry Buchanan and two
unindicted coconspirators, Richard G. Brown and Robert Curtis. In
Texas, Buchanan claimed the whole car theft case was merely a
government ploy to force Sturgis to talk about Watergate.

MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD November 21, 1973

SUBJECTS: Frank Sturgis and William Johnson.

1. On November 16, 1973, Sidney Stembridge


AC/OPS/PSI referred a request to the undersigned
from Mr. Gary Breneman, Office of General Counsel.
Mr. Breneman requested the source of information
previously given in a June 20, 1972, memorandum
concerning the activities of Mr. Frank Sturgis with
anti-Castro emigre groups during 1960. With the
concurrence of Stembridge, the undersigned
provided Mr. Breneman with Xeroxed copies of FBI
reports contained in Mr. Sturgis' file which provided
the basis for the information in the June 1972
memorandum.

2. On November 19, 1973, Mr. Gary Breneman,


Office of General Counsel, contacted Mr. Leo J.
Dunn's office requesting traces and information on a
William J. Johnson, Jr. This request was forwarded to
the undersigned. It was further developed from Mr.
Breneman that his request had been prompted by a
query from the United States Attorney, Miami,
Florida, who is prosecuting the case against Mr.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Sturgis on charges stemming from indictment on


transporting stolen automobiles across the Mexican
border in 1968. According to information relayed by
Mr.Breneman, an individual by the name of William J.
Johnson (DPOD: February 11, 1931, New York City)
was prepared to come forward at Sturgis trial and
claim that he was a CIA employee and that he
recruited Sturgis to take part in an alleged CIA
operations against Cuba in 1968.

3. With concurrence from Sidney Stembridge,


AC/OPS/PS, a Xerox copy of a Western Hemisphere
Division, Task Force W memorandum of 1962 was
provided Mr. Breneman on November 19, 1973. This
memo was located in file # 348 309 and concerned a
commentary on an article written by Edith Roosevelt.
This reference connected a William J. Johnson with
Frank Sturgis in a 1961 indictment for smuggling.
This incident involved Sturgis and one William J.
Johnson in an overflight and anti-Castro leaflet drop
mission in Cuba unrelated to any Agency program.
This was the only trace developed on a William J.
Johnson. No employment relationship could be
established and Mr. Breneman was so informed.

4. Further research into the Sturgis security file


turned up a reference to a Tony W. Johnson in a
Bureau report with information of January 1961. A
Bureau source stated that he received a letter
offering him the opportunity to join Fiorini’s
International Brigade. The letter further stated that a
mutual friend from the FORCE RECON, First Marine
Division, on “Tony” Johnson was also being
contacted. On the strength that Tony could possibly
be a nickname used by William Johnson, this
information was relayed to Mr. Breneman on
November 20, 1973. Mr. Breneman's office was also
reminded of the 'Third Agency Rule' which precluded
the passage of Bureau reports to other parties. His
office was also advised in response to his request,
that the Miami Field Office was believed to have
already forwarded all information on hand concerning
Sturgis to Headquarters. It was further deemed

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

inadvisable to involve the Miami Field Office in local


investigation of individuals connected with the Sturgis
court case out of concern for prejudicing the
proceedings.

Lawrence Howe.

In Sturgis' Motion for Discovery he wrote: "The Defendant


has been indicted at Bar for alleged activities in the United States
and Mexico in the year 1968; it is essential to the Defendant's
defense to show his past connections and working agreements with
and employment by the CIA." [FBI 26-425217-36] In early 1974
Sturgis was incarcerated for his Watergate activities. On January
31, 1974, Sturgis asked to meet with an Agency representative.
[CIA MFR Harold G. Tittsler] On September 12, 1974, the U.S.
Court of Appeals in New Orleans upheld Sturgis' ITSMV conviction.
[St. Pierre Memo 10.25.74] Sturgis was released on appeal bond.

On October 18, 1974, this FBI memo was generated:

TO: SAC, Miami (89-35)


FROM: ASAC Frederick F. Fox
SUBJECT: Assassination of John Kennedy, Dallas, Texas, AFO
At approximately 5:15 p.m., October 17, 1974, I
discussed with S.A. W. Douglas Gow, Supervisor,
Division G, Bureau, above captioned matter. I told
Supervisor Gow that Frank Sturgis was in Miami and
presently out on bond. He was convicted in an
ITSMV case and appealed this conviction. The
conviction was upheld, but Sturgis, being
represented by an attorney, has asked the court for a
reduction in sentence. The judge has taken this
under advisement for 90 days. It was pointed out to
Supervisor Gow that Frank Sturgis has been for
many years a source of information for columnist
Jack Anderson in Washington, D.C. It was explained
to Supervisor Gow that contact with Sturgis could not
be discreet and undoubtedly Jack Anderson would
learn of the contact, as well as Sturgis' attorney. In
addition, Sturgis might use the contact by FBI Agents
as a bargaining point with the court that he was
cooperating with the FBI. Supervisor Gow called
back and advised this lead should be held in
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

abeyance until after the interview with E. Howard


Hunt. [FBI Miami 89-35-410 10.18.74]

On December 3, 1974, this FBI document was generated:

United States Government Memorandum


TO: SAC Miami
FROM: SA J. St. Pierre
SUBJECT: Assassination of John F. Kennedy,
Dallas, Texas.
Re ASAG Memo October 18, 1974, and Miami Memo
SA St. Pierre, October 25, 1974. In as much as
Bureau has requested no further inquiry in this matter
is suggested this case be closed. Destroy on
December 3, 1979. [FBI 89-35-413; NARA 124-
10265-10136; NARA 124-10265-10135]

Sturgis was willing to supply the FBI with information on the


Kennedy assassination if the FBI got him a lighter sentence in his
ITSMV case. The FBI, however, was not dealing. Sturgis received a
nine month sentence, probably lighter than he expected. When
Sturgis was released later that year, he worked for Carlos Prio
Soccarras and organized a "Cuban Exile Unity Party" that sent a
delegation to an Organization of American States meeting at which
peaceful coexistence with Cuba was debated. Carlos Prio
Soccarras attended this meeting.
THE KISSINGER ASSASSINATION PLOT: STURGIS 1975
In 1975 Orlando Bosch convinced the Chilean Junta to
sponsor the assassination of a relative of Salvador Allende who was
living in Costa Rica. This plot was the cover for a plan to
assassinate Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Sturgis learned of
the plot and informed Miami Police Department Detective Danny
Benitez, who passed the information to Lt. Lyons of the Dade
County Public Safety Office, who gave it to the United States Secret
Service. Sturgis was question in the course of Hunt v. Weberman in
1978:

Q. Did you inform the United States Government


about a plot against Henry Kissinger in Latin
America; specifically, in Costa Rica, that involved
Orlando Bosch?

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. Let me say this. I notified the American


Government of an international plot to kill Mr.
Kissinger. Let me say this, change that a little bit
around -- not around, I'm sorry. I notified the
American Government that there was a plot to
disrupt, and possibly to do harm to Mr. Kissinger and,
also, the president of a foreign country when he
would arrive to this country. Yes, I advised the
Government of this plot.

At the end of a CIA list of FBI documents on Sturgis, the


following entry appeared: "Subject: Threat to Assassinate Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger and the President of Venezuela 24 April
1975 (Teletype to State CIA et al) No File Number."

To: DC, Miami

From: Director, FBI

UNSUBSS: ALLEGED PLOT TO ASSASSINATE SECRETARY OF


STATE HENRY KISSINGER AND PRESIDENT OF VENEZUELA

IS - CUBA
This will confirm information orally furnished to SA
Joseph Ball, Miami Office by SA V. B. Miner on April
22, 1975. On 4/22/75, Robert Olson, Commission on
CIA activities in the U.S. (Rockefeller Commission)
contacted the Bureau. He indicated he had been
called earlier by Frank Sturgis in connection with
Sturgis' testimony before the Commission. At that
time, Sturgis indicated to Olson that there was a
group known as the Latin American Anti-Communist
League in Miami which is making plans to
assassinate Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and
the President of Venezuela. Olson indicated that
Sturgis was at his home in Miami, telephone Number
305-6S1-6263, and address 2515 N.W. 122 Street,
Miami, Florida, 22167. Olson advised that he had on
objection to our contacting Sturgis however, since he
had committed himself to recontact Sturgis he would
call him and advise him that he would be contacted
by representatives of our Miami Office. The Miami

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Office was telephonically advised to contact Sturgis


bearing in mind his propensity for publicity; to obtain
all pertinent information and to eutel the results. Keep
Bureau advised of all pertinent developments.
The notes of an unnamed Rockefeller Commission investigator
read:

April 22, 1975. Has information regarding Miami


people, possibly including some Cuban Americans &
possibly including some people of past CIA contact,
are planning to go to Venezuela to assassinate
Henry Kissinger and the President of Venezuela on
Henry Kissinger's forthcoming trip there. Dr. de
Cardenas, Latin American Anti-Communist League
may be involved. Called John Mintz at FBI and gave
him above information...called Sturgis back, told him
the FBI will be contacting him.

When the State Department received this information, it


arranged for Orlando Bosch's arrest on February 19, 1976, for
entering Venezuela on a fraudulent passport. Orlando Bosch: "The
reports that I was going to kill Henry Kissinger are stupid and
grotesque. They said I was held because I intended to assassinate
the American Secretary of State, but I was in Costa Rica long before
Kissinger arrived, and in fact, I did not even know he was coming."
The Interior Minister of Costa Rica told the press that Orlando
Bosch intended to kill Henry Kissinger for being a Castro
collaborationist, since Henry Kissinger advocated restoring
diplomatic relations with Cuba. In March 1976 Manuel Artime
arranged for Orlando Bosch's release, explaining: "I don't agree with
his politics, but he is a friend."
ROBERTO DE CARDENAS
CONTACT REPORT DATE: June 30, 1972

AGENT: OZ-STEER/1 CASE OFFICER: (Deleted)

1. Contact was initiated with OZ-STEER/1 to discuss


Roberto de Cardenas. Cardenas was previously
described by (Deleted) as an individual who one
worked for the Agency both in Miami and

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

the Congo. He is a friend of Barker of the


Washington break-in scandal. Cardenas was
unemployed until 1972 but now, suddenly, he is
traveling to South America and has become affluent.
OZ-STEER/1 speculated that Cardenas may be
dealing in narcotics.

2. Also note a New York Times article of June 28,


1972 concerning the Washington break-in affair. This
article states that an individual appeared on the
Miami scene about two months ago and recruited the
team for the break-in. The recruiter was described as
a pipe smoker who used a code name…

3. OZSTEER/1 is skeptical of the NYT article as


written, because in his opinion no Cuban could be
recruited by an unknown individual using a code
name. Considering the clandestine operational
mentality of many Cubans in Miami are recruitments

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

could only be made by a known recruiter with


adequate bona fides [Howard Hunt].

a. Cardenas was born about 1919. In 1954 he was a


captain with Cubana airlines. In 1954 - 1955 he was
arrested in Havana by Major Ochos for smuggling
cocaine. Due to political pull, Cardenas was not
prosecuted, but was fired from his position. He retired
to his farm in Cuba from 1954 to 1959.

b. From 1959 to 1960 he was in the Castro air force.


There he met Fiorini, also involved in the Washington
break-in scandal. In 1960, in Miami, OZ-STEER/1
was in the Fiorini home when Cardenas dropped in.
Also present was Diaz Lanz, former Chief of the
Castro air force. Cardenas was then working closely
with Barker in Cuba exile (unity) activity on behalf of
Artime. At the time OZ-STEER/1 met Cardenas at
the Fiorini home he told OZ-STEER/1 to go to a
house on Brickell Avenue. OZ-STEER/1 did and
there he met Artime for the first time.

c. (At this time a Case Officer named "Jimmy" was


handling both Barker and Cardenas. "Jimmy" spoke
excellent Cuban Spanish.)

d. From 1962 to 1965 Cardenas worked with the


Agency under the cover firm (Deleted) (Cardenas
case officer during this period was (Deleted).

e. In 1965 the Agency sent Cardenas to OZ-


STEER/1 the Congo. In the Congo Cardenas claimed
to have a heart attack and was hospitalized. He was
later proven medically sound and released from his
Congo assignment.

f. During 1967 to 1968 Cardenas drove a truck in the


Miami area. Between 1969 and 1970 to 1971
Cardenas sold mutual funds in South America.
(GRAMCO and others) This ended when the funds
went bankrupt.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

g. In 1971 Cardenas was economically down. In early


1972 he started traveling again and became affluent.
OZ-STEER/1 believes Cardenas is involved in drugs.

In March 1975 Sturgis and Jerry Buchanan received letters


of commendation from the Miami Office of the Drug Enforcement
Administration. The letter read:

Dear Judge Clyde Atkins: I would like to call to your


attention the fact that Mr. Frank Sturgis has assisted
the DEA by lending support and guidance to Mr.
Jerry Buchanan during the investigation (case
development) into the activities of Ken Burnstine. Mr.
Sturgis directed Mr. Buchanan to the DEA at the
outset of this investigation and provided aid to Mr.
Buchanan during the six month investigation prior to
Grand Jury indictment. This information is furnished
for your consideration. David Costa, Acting Regional
Director, DEA.

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated this


index card: "Assassination, Homicides, Cuban Operations Tab 3,
MFR from Joseph Seltzer, Reference: MFR dated March 21, 1975,
from Mr. Cates, NPIC. Subject: Assassination Plans Against Castro
(Review of C. Jenkins folder, request for info on PATHFINDER."
The plans involving Fidel, to the knowledge the CIA Imagery
Analysis Service, were:
(a) A folder, stored in the Photo interpretation area at
JMWAVE contained materials relating to a plan to
assassinate Castro in the Bay of Pigs resort area
where he maintained a yacht and was known to
vacation. The plan, possibly with the codeword
PATHFINDER, apparently had been disapproved
and was not under active consideration at the time.
Our people did not participate actively in the plan in
any regard.
(b) While assigned to the Imagery Analysis Service, a
number of our photo interpreters supported Carl
Jenkins of the DD/P concerning a plan to assassinate
Castro at the DuPont Varadero Beach Estate, east of
Havana. Castro was known to frequent the estate
and the plan was to use a high-powered rifle in the
attempt. The photo interpretation support was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

restricted to providing annotated photographs and


line drawings of the estate. To our knowledge, this
plan also was never implemented

Another IG Index card read: "Anti-Castro Counter-


Revolutionary Force, Cuban Operations, Homicides, Cuban
Operations Tab 1, FBI Report, Seattle, Washington, (2-41). Subject:
Frank ANTHONY Sturgis Neutrality Matters (re: Letter from Bob
Rostallon to W. C. Bean concerning Anti-Castro
Counterrevolutionary Force - plans to go into mountains in Cuba as
a guerrilla force.)" In June 1963 Joseph Seltzer was the head of the
CIA’s Office of National Estimates where he forwarded a memo on
“A Survey of Possible Soviet Actions.”
[http://www.foia.cia.gov/browse_docs.asp] Bob Rostallon was
connected to INTERPEN and may have been killed in Central
America. Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert B. Olsen
evaluated Sturgis' reliability:
COMMISSION ON CIA ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE
UNITED STATES
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20500
April 23, 1975
MEMORANDUM FOR: FILE
FROM: ROBERT B. OLSEN
SUBJECT: Interview with Frank Sturgis, April 3, 1975, and April 4,
1975.
I have just reviewed the transcript of the taped
portion of the interview with Frank Sturgis and I am
reminded to dictate this memorandum to the file. It is
my impression that very little reliance can be placed
on the claims of Frank Sturgis that he has engaged in
a variety of activities for the CIA. He appears to be so
caught up in the romantic aspects of his own
activities that he finds it difficult to separate fact from
fiction.

Prior to his coming to Washington for the interview,


he had told me by telephone that he had concrete
evidence to show that President Kennedy had been
assassinated as a result of a conspiracy involving
members of the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA.
He also told me he had participated in several actual
attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, including one in

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

New York City, and that these attempts had been


undertaken on behalf of the CIA.

The detailed interview in Washington bore out neither


of these claims. The alleged connection between the
CIA, the Cuban crime syndicate, and the
assassination of President Kennedy turned out to be
nothing but sheer speculation on the part of Sturgis.
As respects the assassination attempts on Fidel
Castro, it turns out that he had been engaged in
plotting to assassinate Fidel Castro and other Cuban
leaders while he was an official of the Castro
Government during early 1959, and that the CIA had
nothing whatever to do with this plotting. Indeed, he
states during the course of the interview that he
discussed that plotting with a Colonel Nichols at the
American Embassy in Havana, and was repeatedly
asked not to attempt such assassination. While
Sturgis claims that he was asked by Bernard Barker
if he would be willing to undertake an assassination
attempt, he acknowledged that he did not even know
who was involved, or whether it was inside or outside
the United States. He admits that the talk among
Cubans in Florida of assassinating Castro in New
York hd nothing to do with the CIA

These gross discrepancies between initial flamboyant


claims and any hard evidence give rise to serious
questions of credibility. The same is true with respect
to the claims Sturgis makes regarding requests made
to him to undertake ventures on behalf of the CIA.
One gets the impression that Sturgis feels that every
contact he has with a government official or anybody
whom he has known to have been an agent or asset
of the CIA has involved a CIA operation.

On the basis of interviews conducted at the CIA, and


a review of the records of the CIA, as well as the
interview with Frank Sturgis, it is my impression that
Sturgis was never employed by the CIA, was never a
contract or other agent of the CIA, was never an
informant for the CIA, and was never asked to
undertake any contract operation for the CIA.
However, it appears likely that Sturgis was active in
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

one or more of the Cuban Revolutionary Front


organizations sponsored and financed by the CIA in
the early 1960's, and that in this connection he came
into contact with various people who, in turn, had
direct contacts with the Agency. Bernard Barker
would be one example.

I intend to check out the claim that Sturgis makes


that he was asked in 1968 by a CIA agent (allegedly
Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis) to organize an operation
for the hijacking of a Russian ship, which hijacking
was to involve a demand for release of political
prisoners in Cuba, and a demand for the release of
the USS Pueblo by the North Koreans. I also intend
to check out his claims that Bernard Barker asked
him in 1961 if he would be willing to take on an
assassination of some unknown person. Incidentally,
there is a possible connection on this matter. In 1960
and 1961 E. Howard Hunt was active in the
organization of a Cuban Government in exile in the
United States. In this role he had contacts with
Bernard Barker, who was under contract with the
Agency. Hunt states in his book that he
recommended to the Agency that an assassination of
Castro be carried out before or contemporaneously
with the Bay of Pigs invasion. It is not inconceivable
that Hunt would have asked Barker to check out the
possibilities of finding an assassin to carry out such a
job if approval were ever given to his
recommendation.

[SSCIA 157-10005-101-46]
Given a receptive environment Sturgis might have talked:
"Prior to his coming to Washington for the interview he had told me
by telephone that he had concrete evidence to show that President
Kennedy had been assassinated as a result of a conspiracy
involving members of the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA."
When Sturgis said he was asked by Barker (who worked for Hunt),
to assassinate an unknown individual, Olsen assumed it was
Castro. Sturgis had detailed numerous plots against Castro in which
he was involved. Sturgis told Canfield this was a domestic
assassination. What Sturgis referred to was the Kennedy
assassination.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Olsen also should have realized that Hunt and Sturgis were
lying when they said they did not meet until 1971. Barker was too
close to both men for this to be true. Portions of transcript of
Rockefeller Commission interview with Frank Sturgis on April 3,
1975, and April 4, 1975, were withheld for National Security reasons
by withdrawing archivist KBH as of 2010. [Withdrawal Sheet ID
04444 - 018000065 and 04443 - 018000065 Box # 4 and #5]

DISINFORMATION 1976
In 1976 Sturgis told United Press International that he was
requested to conduct an investigation of the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy by an un-named government agency.
The CIA obtained this article and commented:
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
FROM: Raymond A. Warren
Acting Chief, Latin American Division
Via: Deputy Director of Operations
Subject: Washington Star Article on Jack Ruby / Fidel Castro July 9,
1976:
The Washington Star on July 9, 1976, carries an
article entitled "RUBY Met with Castro, Sturgis Says."
In the article, Sturgis claims he knew that JACK
RUBY met in Havana with Fidel Castro ten weeks
before the assassination of President Kennedy and
discussed 'the removal of the President.' Sturgis
claims, according to the article, that he had been
assigned to investigate possible involvement of
Cuban exiles in the Miami area in the Kennedy
assassination. The article also states that Sturgis
refused to say for what Agency he was working, or
gave him the assignment, but the article indicated
that Sturgis was working for the CIA at the time. For
the record, Sturgis continues to allege a CIA
relationship, but no such relationship has ever
existed.
DDO/SA/LA [deleted]ds July 9, 1976
Distribution:
Orig & 1 – Addressee w/att.
1 - DDCI w/att.
1 - DDO w/att.
1 – A/DCI (Mr. Falkiewicz) w/att.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

2 – DDO w/att.
2 – C/LAD w/att.
1 – SA/ LA w/att.

The DD/P signed under "Concur." [Allen v. DOD 7.9.76 CIA 19251-
0807]
The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI3/779814 on
January 30, 1964 that an unevaluated and
unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba. In late
1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana.
This report was actually based on a two page
mimeograph newsletter entitled, “Accion” which was
mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked
December 28, 1963, purportedly by an underground
anti-Castro group. This newsletter received in Miami
on January 13, 1964 by the anti-Castro group known
as the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile
community and was the subject of a newspaper
article in the January 29 edition of the Miami News
under the headline, “Ruby Visited Cuba --- Exiles
Say” (WAVE 1283 January 1964)

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an


index card on July 9, 1976, that contained the words assassinations,
J. F. Kennedy, S.D. Breckinridge, Sturgis, Mr. Buchen, Tom White,
Jack Ruby, Bernard Barker, Joe Loftus, Washington Star, Bob Wall,
Chris Hopkins, AMLUNCH-1 and was titled "Assassinations - JFK
TAB 25 MFR by Breckinridge. Subj: White House Inquiry re Frank
Sturgis."

9 July 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD
SUBJECT: White House Inquiry Re Frank Sturgis, aka Florini.

1. Tom White of OLC called to say that Mr. Buchen of


the White House had reacted to a story in today's
Star in which Sturgis claims that he reported to
unnamed government agencies that Jack Ruby had
visited Havana ten weeks prior to the assassination
of President Kennedy, that he met with Castro at
which time he discussed "removal of the president",
the purchase of arms and smuggling of drugs into the

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

U. S. Buchen wanted to know what is behind it. Tom


asked that we find out if the Agency had contacts
with Sturgis (knowing that he was not an Agency
employee or agent), if Sturgis made such a report to
the Agency and what did we tell the Warren
Commission. I phoned Joe Loftus in LA Division and
Bob Wall in CI Staff.

2. Joe Loftus got in touch with me, with Chris


Hopkins on the phone, and she said that Bernard
Barker (of Watergate fame) did have contact with
Sturgis from time to time. Barker had been known as
a CIA man and Sturgis did pass information to him,
some of which Barker reported. However, we
advanced no money for Barker to give Sturgis; if
Barker did pay him anything we don't know it. Bob
Wall turned up a report of Ruby travel to Havana,
which seemed to come from an anonymous letter
that was confirmed by an agent in Miami
(AMLUNCH-I), not Sturgis. I passed this information,
in some additional detail, to Tom White. S. D.
Breckinridge
The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an index card
on August 17, 1976, that contained the names "George K.
McConnell, Sturgis, Dennis Berend, MAG Members, UPI that was a
memo for MAG Members, Subject, Sturgis' Claims, reference,
Memo, undated, (ER 76-8949) from George K. McConnell, from
Dennis Berend, Deputy Assistant to DCI." [CIA IG FILE #57, Tab 2]
Berend was an Assistant Public Affairs Officer. George K.
McConnell worked in the Dominican Republic under diplomatic
cover from 1970 – 1971.

MEMORANDUM FOR MAG MEMBERS April 17,


1976
REFERENCE: MEMO (UNDATED) for George K.
McConnell (ER 76-8949)

SUBJECT Sturgis CLAIMS


1. In his most recent appearances, Sturgis has
become quite cautious about passing himself off as a
veteran of CIA exploits. Please note that the UPI item

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

attached to the referenced memorandum cites him as


refusing to say for which agency he was working in
his latest escapade. The notation that "records have
indicated that he was working for the CIA at about
that time" was added gratuitously by UPI.

2. Our Office in this particular case called the Miami


television station which originally did the Sturgis
interview, the Miami and Washington UPI bureaus,
the Washington AP bureau, both Washington
newspapers, and a Washington TV station which
aired the Miami interview. In these calls we tried to
set the record straight by citing the Rockefeller
Commission findings. The Miami TV station included
our remarks in a subsequent continuation of its
Sturgis interview. UPI in Miami also issued a new
story to include our disclaimer. None of the
Washington media picked up the disclaimer, but all of
them promised not to be taken in again by anyone's
claims that Sturgis had CIA links.

3. Whether there is basis for legal action against


Sturgis, as suggested in the referenced
memorandum, would have to be determined by
OGC. We suggest that little, if anything, would be
gained by providing him a new opportunity to garner
headlines.

Dennis Berend
Deputy Assistant to the
Director of Central Intelligence

On August 10, 1976, Sturgis gave the FBI in Washington,


D.C., a memorandum by former Miami Metro Police Intelligence
Chief and anti-Castro Cuban, Alphonso Tarabouchia. Al
Tarabouchia, an associate of Sturgis, worked for James Sourwine,
Chief Counsel to Senator James O. Eastland's Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee. James Sourwine was involved in financing
the Bayo-Pawley raid known as Operation Crypt. [HSCA V12 p65]
In 1964 Al Tarabouchia had told the Warren Commission that he
had a source in the Cuban Embassy, Mexico City, who would tell
the Commission what really happened during Oswald'S visit to
Mexico City. When the Commission asked him to reveal the name
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

of his source, he refused. [HSCA V12 p176] Tarabouchia would


later work for the Anacapa Consulting Corporation whose other
employees included James B. Howlett and Ben Wood, formerly of
the Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit. [Inquiry 7.79] The Al
Tarabouchia memo stated that the Jose Antonio Lanusa of the DRE
had information that Oswald met with G-2 agent Solomon Pratkins
before the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Sturgis told
the FBI that S.A. James O'Conner had seen the document in 1964,
and "advised people not to talk about it because it might jeopardize
their lives." Sturgis advised the FBI that he would be willing to
submit to an interview about his allegations while being
polygraphed. The FBI gave him an FD-328, "Consent to Interview
with Polygraph Release Form." Sturgis looked it over, but never
signed it or took the test. In September 1976 The National Star
featured an article by Steve Dunleavy about the Al Tarabouchia
Memorandum. In 1977 Malcolm Abrams did an article for the
Midnight/Globe: "Castro Lied to Barbara Walters. Hard Evidence
Links Oswald" based on Sturgis' charges. Sturgis did not believe
Castro was behind the Kennedy assassination. This was merely
anti-Castro propaganda. Sturgis told Robert Olsen of the
Rockefeller Commission: "Knew a Cuban woman who was with
Castro brothers when Kennedy assassinated. They were alarmed.
Feared reprisal. Indicates Castro didn't plan the assassination. She
wanted to talk to someone at the top, has forgotten her name."
CARLOS PRIO SOCCARRAS AND WATERGATE
In 1972 the name of Carlos Prio Soccarras surfaced in the
Watergate affair. Besides his association with Sturgis, Carlos Prio
Soccarras was associated with Humberto Lopez, another member
of the White House/Special Operations Group. Humberto Lopez
was the Secretary of the Authentico Party of Carlos Prio Soccarras.
The Authentico Party had offices located next to those of Bernard
Barker. Humberto Lopez told the FBI that he went to Washington,
D.C., in early May 1972 as Barker’s guest. While in Washington, he
stayed with Sturgis. Rolando Martinez and Virgilio Gonzalez, who
were members of the White House/Special Operations Group, were
also members of the Authentico Party. [FBI 139-4089-346] Manuel
Artime told the FBI that Carlos Prio Soccarras had "lent some
money out" to Watergate figures. The FBI questioned the son-in-law
of Carlos Prio Soccarras, Alfredo Duran, about his relationship with
Hunt. He said that he had "heard of Howard Hunt since the ill-fated
Bay of Pigs invasion, but has known him personally for
approximately two years. He stated that he (illegible) Hunt as a

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

representative of a public relations firm in Washington, D.C., in


connection with the Haitian real estate holdings in which he is
involved." [FBI Document poor copy from carbon 2.23.73 Miami
Florida 139-323 S.A. deleted p16] Alfredo Duran's stepfather was
Anselmo Alliegro. At approximately 8:00 a.m. on April 5, 1977,
Carlos Prio Soccarras, 74, died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to
the chest with a Colt 2" .38 caliber weapon. Two gardeners, Griner
and Clarke, heard

…what they thought was a gunshot and immediately


stood up and looked into the garage of 5070 Alton
Road where they seen a man sitting upright in a
chaise lounge chair that was in a semi upright
position. They observed this man who they described
in what they thought was a pink bathrobe slumped
backwards in the chaise lounge chair. Both Griner
and Clarke observed what appeared to be blood
coming from the front chest area of the man. Both
Griner and Clarke then ran out onto Alton Road
where they observed, and flagged down, a uniformed
police car who was occupied by Officer Chandler.
Prio was found lying on a lounge chair with a wound
in the left side of his chest. Dade County Medical
Examiner Ron Wright discovered "soot depositation
with the wound" which indicated that the fatal shot
was fired at point blank range. Cause of death:
Contact gunshot wound of chest. [Ron Wright Office
of Miami Med. Exam. Case No. 77-892]

Miami Beach Policeman Ed Avila, who arrived on the scene


at approximately 8:17 a.m. Fire Rescue and their attending
physician, Dr. Jorge Vasquez, was already on the scene. Avila:

I talked to him and he nodded yes and no. I asked


him if he was hurting, if he was in pain, and he
nodded no. I asked him if anybody shot him and he
nodded no. I asked him if he shot himself and he
nodded yes.

Ed Avila, had met Carlos Prio Soccarras in Cuba in the early


1950's. [HSCA Memo Fonzi to Tannenbaum 4.24.77] When Carlos
Prio Soccarras died, he was bankrupt and had recently testified that
he owed Puerto Rican banks more than $2 million. Prio had redrawn
his will eight days before he died. [Miami Herald 5.24.77] His death
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

was clearly a suicide. [NARA HSCA 180-10092-10075] Gaeton


Fonzi agreed. [Memo 4.24.77 Fonzi to Tannenbaum 014581] Upon
his death, the former head of the Cuban Revolutionary Council,
Tony Varona, took over the leadership of the Authentico Party. On
June 14, 1964, the FBI SAC in Miami sent this message to the FBI
Director: "Subject Varone FAG (00:Miami) ReBulet to Miami May
13, 1964. Antonio Varona aka Tony Varone is probably identical
with Manuel Antonio Varona (deleted). By memo to the Director, FBI
June 10, 1960 (deleted)." [FBI 46-50437-2] On November 26, 1968,
Diario De Las Americas published Tony Varona's statement that
Castro agents were responsible for a November 22, 1968,
assassination attempt against Julio Aton Constanzo Falau. On
December 6, 1968, the CIA received a report from Julio Aton
Constanzo Falau, and his brother Avelino, that Francisco Varona
Alonzo had visited Julio Aton Constanzo Falau at Jackson Memorial
Hospital:

Varona and Constanzo talked about the possible


authors of this assassination attempt, and Varona
assured Constanzo that the persons who had
masterminded the assassination attempt were
Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis, Vincent Zorrilla and
Manuel Villafana. Varona told Constanzo that the
persons who had actually executed the assassination
attempt were Richardo Morales Navarrette,
Francisco Rodriguez Tamayo, aka 'El Mejicano' and
a man known as 'El Gaalego...According to Varona,
Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis, Zorrilla and Villafana
planned the assassination attempt following
instructions from 'the American named Enrique, the
Argentine.' Constanzo then told Varona that this was
very strange, as he could not understand why those
men would want to assassinate him. Varona replied
that they wanted to eliminate him (Constanzo) for the
simple reason that the latest infiltration operations
which had been carried out against Cuba, using
Teofilo Babun's ships, were exposing and ridiculing
Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis 201-266348), who was
the action Chief of the CIA. Varona said that all the
operations which had been carried out under the
direction of Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis and his
contact had cost a great deal of money, with the
cheapest one costing at least $80,000, and all of

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

them had been a failure, while the operation which


Constanzo had carried out had been successful and
their cost insignificant. When Constanzo asked
Varona whether he (Varona) did not also belong to
the CIA group in Miami, Varona said it was true that
he worked for the CIA, but that he acted as a Political
Chief with a regard to Cuban affairs, and that he had
directed dealings with Washington. Varona said that
as Political Chief, he was obliged to report this
matter, and that he had already reported it also to the
police and the FBI. With regard to the FBI, Varona
said he had reported the matter to a man named
O'Brien. Varona also told Constanzo that the
attempts to burn down his house and to shoot up his
automobile had also been ordered by Zorrilla...

Higinio Diaz aka Nino Diaz had also been spreading


a story among Cuban exiles, saying that (Deleted)
knows that identity of the authors of the attempt to
assassinate Constanzo, trying to involved (Deleted)
in this happening.

On December 2, 1968, and December 3, 1968, I-41


reported to I-32 that Varona was saying that now he
was going to destroy I-1 completely because he had
trapped I-1 in something and I-1 would not be able to
get out of this trap. Varona said this to I-41 with so
much emphasis, and so sure of himself, that when I-
41 and E-65 reported this to I-32 they took it as fact

Pancho Varona is not a friend of Julio Anton


Constanzo Palau, or his brother Avelino, just an
acquaintance and this reason the Constanzo
brothers find it very strange that Varona has taken
such an interest in allegedly defending Julio Aton
Constanzo. Avelino Constanzo believes that Varona
is using his brother for propaganda purposes.

During the last two weeks of November 1968 Varona


has talked to E-65 and other persons who were at E-
65’s establishment. While they were talking about
politics, Varona said, “If Humphrey had won the
election I would have had it, and Sanjenis would
have won. But Nixon won so Sanjenis is the one who
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

has had it, and I have placed myself at the highest


levels.” When Varona made this statement he
sounded so sure of what he was saying that E-65
was impressed with regard to Varona’s access to
high circles surrounding Nixon. [CIA From I-1 To
ARGO IRIS 12.6.68 533022]

Tony Varona died on October 31, 1992 of cancer, at age 83.


ANGOLA: 1977
On January 19, 1977, the CIA Plans Division sent a three-
page attachment to the Office of Security: "Official Routing Slip to
(Deleted) For your retention or passage to anyone in the Office of
Security who might have interest in attachment. From CIA." The
attachments, three Office of Security documents, were withheld as
of 2010 "as they are not germane. Sturgis' name did not appear in
this material." In May 1977 Sturgis told an FBI source he is now
associated with "Afro-Cuban Committee" to train men in Angola and
Zaire. In June 1977 Sturgis flew to England and conferred with
individuals interested in overthrowing the pro-Castro Government of
Angola. In August 1977 source of Miami Field Office of Domestic
Collection Division met with Sturgis on June 5, 1977, regarding
plans to establish Cuban Government in exile on Angolan soil "with
the help of Holden Roberto (FNLA)." [Sturgis Chronology
assembled by Fonzi] When Sturgis returned to the United States in
1978, he resurrected the story of "Oswald'S secret flight to Cuba
from the Yucatan peninsula," and he claimed to have obtained a
Secret FBI document that quoted nine CIA and FBI sources as
having had knowledge of the visit. Sturgis refused to name these
sources, "for their own protection." The FBI determined that the
secret document was a March 24, 1964, interview of JOHN Martino,
by James O'Conner, at Miami. [FBI 105-8342 3.24.64] The FBI:

The document referred to in the article appears to be


the Martino FD-302 since points of information
appearing in the article do appear in the FD-302. The
article alleges nine names appear in the FD-302, but
any nine of these do not readily lend themselves to
the definition of a 'contact' as suggested in the article.
The article quotes purported excerpts from the
document which agree, in part, with information
contained in the FD-302, but which are not
comparable on a word for word basis. In the article,
Sturgis is alleged to have told the FBI, in a past
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

interview that Lee Harvey Oswald was in Miami,


Florida, prior to the assassination of President
Kennedy and did attempt to infiltrate anti-Castro
organizations. While the alleged infiltration is not
mentioned in the Martino FD-302, Sturgis was
interviewed by a Bureau Agent on January 14, 1964,
concerning that specific point and he labeled the
information as false. The article and FD-302
mentioned a fight Oswald is alleged to have had in
Miami, Florida, and Bureau Agents interviewed the
allegedly combatant on March 26, 1964. While this
person denied being personally involved with
Oswald, he claimed Oswald had been in a fight, but
could provide no details. His recognition of Oswald
was based on publicity following the John F.
Kennedy assassination. The article and FD-302 refer
to a trip Oswald is alleged to have made from Mexico
to Cuba during September 1963. The FD-302 points
out that this information supposedly originated with a
'girlfriend' of Oswald'S who resided in Mexico. [FBI
ltr. To USAG from Director, FBI 7.19.77]

THOMAS HOLT

On October 4, 1978, a document was generated by David R.


Wiser of the Drug Enforcement Administration a copy of which was
sent to Peter F. Gruden of the DEA. Peter Gruden, head of the
Miami DEA office, offered a group of Mexicans $50,000 to kidnap a
doctor who had been involved in the death of a DEA agent in
Mexico. [Wash. Post 5.26.90] The Subject of the memo was "JFK,
Conspiracy Theory, Assassination, Sturgis, Frank." [FBI 62-109060-
7991, NARA FBI 124-10145-10233]
On December 11, 1978 Thomas Holt appeared at the
office of the FBI, Miami, Florida where he was
interviewed by Special Agents Peter Schoppeale and
Don J. Demford. Prior to the interview Special Agent
Schoppeale had explained to Holt that the FBI was
desirous of knowing any information concerning
remarks made by one Frank Sturgis in his presence
concerning the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy in, Dallas, Texas.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Holt advised that he is not well acquainted with Frank


Sturgis but he met him approximately one year ago
at a party given at Fort Lauderdale, Florida. He
stated that he was introduced to Sturgis by a friend of
his, Billy Johnson. Holt advised that at this party
Sturgis had told him that he had been a hit man for
Fidel Castro and that both Castro and he (Sturgis)
had both worked for the CIA. At this point in the
interview Holt stated that Rockefeller, meaning
Nelson Rockefeller, had been in charge of the
Warren Commission and that it had been a cover up
as far as the assassination of Kennedy was
concerned. Holt next stated that the “hit” was done in
Texas to make it look like Johnson was at fault. Holt
stated that he believed Billy Johnson may have told
Sturgis to say the above things to impress Holt. Holt
next stated that while at this party, Sturgis had
named many people he stated were “big” and that he
knew these people. Holt stated he thinks Sturgis may
have killed Kennedy because Sturgis had said he
could shoot a person’s brains out at 1,000 yards with
a simple rifle and imagine what I could do with a
scope.” Holt next stated Sturgis had made these
comments to him concerning the assassination of
Kennedy he was sure he had probably made them to
other people. Holt stated Sturgis was a man
approximately 50 years old. Holt next stated that he
advised Bill Johnson had worked as an informant for
the FBI, CIA and (illegible paragraph ending “from
wealthy women”)

Holt advised that in regard to the remark made by


Sturgis, it was during the latter part of the summer
that he was on Biscayne Boulevard, at approximately
125th Street near Denny’s Restaurant and Steve’s
Pizza when Billy Johnson drove up in his car
accompanied by Frank Sturgis. Holt advised that at
this time Billy Johnson told Sturgis that he, Holt, was
a Boston boy. At this time Holt advised Sturgis said,
“I killed a boy from Boston named Kennedy.” Holt
advised that he said, “Do you mean the President?”
And Sturgis said “Yes.” Holt advised Johnson next
laughed and said “Ain’t that heavy.” Holt advised that

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Sturgis then said, “I’ll tell you, nobody else.” Holt


advised that that was the end of the conversation and
Sturgis left. Holt next advised he was facing murder
charges in Broward County, but that no trial date has
been set. Holt next stated that he wanted to become
an informant for the FBI but that he would have to
have it in writing. Holt further related that he had
been screwed by the DEA and his conversation
became rambling making no further sense. Interview
was terminated at this point.

Later that November the FBI reported:

For the information of the Bureau and Dallas, by


letter dated October 20, 1978, the United States
Secret Service Miami furnished to this office a copy
of a letter sent to the Agency by the Drug
Enforcement Administration, Miami, dated October
13, 1978. The Drug Enforcement Administration letter
advised that an informant for the DEA had indicated
he was acquainted with Frank Sturgis of Watergate
notoriety, and during a conversation Sturgis told the
informant that he killed President John F. Kennedy.
This remark was supposed to have been made in the
presence of an individual by the name of Bill
Johnson. DEA advised that this informant could be
made available for interview.

On November 3, 1978, attempts to contact Peter F.


Gruden, Inspector in Charge Drug Enforcement
Administration, Miami, who had furnished above
information to United States Secret Service,
determined that he was not available.

On November 7, 1978, Peter F. Gruden was


contacted, and he advised that the informant in this
matter was Thomas Holt. Gruden stated that Holt
was of questionable reliability, irrational,
unpredictable, and described him further as a
murderer and perjurer. He advised the only reason
Holt was a DEA informant at this time was the Holt
had furnished information of internal nature. Gruden
advised that David N. Wiser, Inspector, DEA could
funish more details concerning Holt.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

On November 8, 1978 David R. Wiser advised that


Holt had come to DEA and had made allegations of
wrongdoings against a DEA agent. Wiser advised
that to date the internal investigation in this DEA
matter has not uncovered any evidence to indicate
any truth to the allegations of Holt. He advised that
the evidence indicates to the contrary. Wiser advised
that Holt had stated that during the late summer 1975
he Holt was on Biscayne Boulevard in the downtown
Miami area, when he came upon Frank Sturgis who
was accompanied by one Bill Johnson. Wiser
advised that Holt stated that during this encounter,
Sturgis state he had killed John Kennedy. Wisner
stated he asked Holt “Why would Sturgis impart this
interesting bit of news to Holt who was known
government witness and publicized DEA informant
from the past?” And Holt replied that it was “one hit
man to another.” Wiser advised that Holt had
indicated an intention to go to the news media
regarding this allegation against the DEA. Wiser
further stated that he thought it likely that Holt would
also make mention of the Sturgis comment in that he
had reported this to the DEA and that they had done
nothing about it. Wiser advised for this very reason
he wrote a memo concerning what Holt had reported,
and for this reason it was furnished to the Secret
Service. Wiser made available a copy of this memo
dated October 4, 1978 which is attached.

Wiser further stated that in a case in which Holt was


a witness for the prosecution Holt had allegedly
called a Defendant during a trial and told him he was
going to “get him.” The Defendant in this matter, at
the time of the call, had a recording of his telephone
call made which was played for the presiding judge.
Holt denied making the call to the defendant and the
judge ruled that Holt’s testimony could not be
permitted. On Novemeber 9, 1978 Wiser had advised
that Bill Johnson was William J. Johnson, date of
birth March 11, 1932 FBI number 133677? On
November 31, 1978 Wiser advised that Holt had
been polygraphed on three occasions by DEA and he

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

had failed the three polygraphs concerning his


allegation about DEA.

A review of the Miami files indicates that (deleted)


date of birth (deleted) white male, was a source of
the Miami Office for a short period of time under
Miami file (deleted) Bureau file (deleted) FBI number
(deleted) also arrested by FBI and Drug Enforcement
Administration Agents, July 26, 1976, at Miami
International Airport for UFAP murder charges. Bufile
(deleted) additional contained in Miami file (deleted)
in which (deleted). Subject along with (deleted) and
Subject (deleted) involving crime on the high seas -
possible murder. (Deleted) victim all suspected drug
dealers. Reports in this matter have been furnished
to the Bureau, but Bufile number unknown to Miami.
Miami maintaining contact with Drug Enforcement
Administration Miami and contemplates interview of
(deleted) and (deleted)." On October 4, 1978, Peter
F. Gruden, Inspector-in-Charge received a Memo
from (Deleted) Inspector that was referred in it's
entirety to the Drug Enforcement Administration. [FBI
62-109060-10232, 7791 enc. page 3,4 NARA FBI
124-10145-10232; NARA FBI 124-10145-10234 John
C. Keeney: Blakey]

On December 11, 1978, the Miami FBI stated “No further


investigation is being conducted by the Miami Office, and this matter
is being considered RUC." The LHM stated: "By letter dated
October 20, 1978, the United States Secret Service, Miami, Florida,
furnished the FBI Miami a copy of a letter sent to that agency by the
DEA, Miami, Florida, dated October 13, 1978. The DEA letter
advised that (Deleted)." [FBI 62-109060-7991 also 62-109060,
7990, 7990X, 7990X1 have been changed to 190 -709-98X3, 8805-
15, 8805-16 this was announced in NARA 124-10145-10235; NARA
FBI 124-10145-10231] These documents dealt with Thomas Holt. In
1979 Ray Sandstrom represented Thomas Holt in a first-degree
murder case. During these proceedings, Thomas Holt stated:

First of all, I released Mr. Sandstrom because of lack


of money, no other reason. Second of all, Your
Honor, at the hearing before Judge Glickstein the
statement that I made about Frank Sturgis telling me
that he ordered John F. Kennedy's assassination,
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and upon that statement I made, he ordered a


psychiatric examination. I believe that needn't to
bring out the fact that Mr. Frank Sturgis told me he
murdered John F. Kennedy. There was another
person in Miami he said he murdered. He told me E.
Howard Hunt, Gordon Liddy and Mr. Colby, head of
CIA, were all personally involved in the assassination
of John F. Kennedy and Gerald Ford was on the
Warren Commission to cover up the assassination of
John Kennedy. But if you want to talk assassinations,
going through the history of this country, Republicans
have murdered Democrats and Democrats have
murdered Republicans.

I am not a radical., I am not psychotic and I am not a


bigot. Most important of all, I am not ignorant...I gave
Ray Sandstrom my last $10,000. I have no moneys.
If Your Honor wants me to see two more
psychiatrists, very well. But I notice the Court did not
bring out the fact that the psychiatrist said to me it is
very possible that Frank Sturgis murdered the
President of the United States. It is possible that
Frank Sturgis murdered President Allende, and it is
very possible that Mr. Holt is not paranoid or crazy.
This is in the psychiatric report, Your Honor.

Your Honor, I excuse myself for raising my voice, but


I have watched Ray Sandstrom raise his voice on
many occasions. I am not an attorney, I am not a
prosecutor. I am not an assassin for the government.
I am a man indicted for first degree murder, and I
want every piece of representation that this Court can
give me - nothing more and nothing less." [Circuit
Court of 17th Judicial Circuit Criminal Action No. 79-
8855 CF "J" Moe 11.2.79 Hearing]

Thomas Holt signed this statement:

I Thomas Holt, was told the first or second week in


May a year ago today, with Billy Johnson by Bob's
Pizza Place on Biscayne and 135th in February there
was a meeting with customs when I told them that
those prior times Frank Sturgis told me he killed John
F. Kennedy, I told this to the assassination committee
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

and an oath was taken on these statements last


week in Broward County in my court hearing before
judge Glickstein. (Blanche Gloetzner took this depo
of Record Reporting Services. Thomas Holt.

Hemming told this researcher:

I did time with Holt. He's a fucking bug. To be in the


business you got to be a goddamn bug. He
deteriorated fairly rapidly. The Drug Enforcement
Administration was trying to keep him on the street,
but he's out there blowing people away. Where would
guys become intimate? Are they on a fucking mission
to kill somebody and some things slip out?
JOHN V. MARTINO & DRUG SMUGGLING
In February 1969 Martino was investigated for
misrepresenting himself as a representative of the General
Development Corporation in Guatemala. Martino ran an
organization known as ONCA. [FBI 163-34977-2 2.25.69] In April
1973 John Martino was involved with associates of the brother of
Guatemalan President Carlos Arana Orsorio in narcotics smuggling:

(Deleted) efforts obtain Russo's long distance


telephone tolls revealed he often used telephone of a
friend (Deleted). Latter is old acquaintance of
(Deleted) who agreed to cooperate investigation
Russo activities. (Deleted) said he had helped Russo
move what he thought was contraband but now
believe narcotics also involved. Russo had two sets
false documentation: one citing birth Belize (British
Honduras) the other Spain. In addition, hold Brazilian
diplomatic passport which (Deleted) claims Maria
Paula Soura Freitas obtained for him. Latter also has
been Russo contraband collaborator according to
(Deleted). (Deleted) said he recently has been asked
by Russo to carry undisclosed package to Miami for
$5,000. (Deleted) said he could arrange (Deleted)
protection (Deleted) as collaborator if he would agree
carry package to make possible detection Miami
contact. (Deleted) reluctant because he claims 'years
ago' he tried to cooperate with Interpol and almost
landed in Miami jail as Interpol failed him. (Deleted)
feels, however, he can persuade (Deleted).
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(Deleted) queried by (Deleted) on other Russo


contacts: said latter was to travel to Honduran border
(Aguascalientes Checkpoint) April 20, 1973, to
contact person who helps him bring in contraband
from Honduras. This person turned out to be local
immigration chief (also in charge of Customs) Jose
'Chepe' Duatre Jr. (Deleted) said Duarte from
Chiquimula, son of former close friend of President
Arana, Jose 'Chepe' Duarte Senior, who killed by
terrorist 1972. Duarte Jr. has reputation involvement
shady deals, but (deleted) immigration officer
Aguascalientes on Presidential orders. (Deleted) said
he advised President Arana alleged Duarte
connection with suspected trafficker Russo.
President gave (Deleted) green light investigative
and 'take necessary action.' (Deleted) sent (Deleted)
team Aguascalientes April 28, 1973, to verify Russo-
Duarte contact, which as of April 30, 1973, has not
taken place.

(Deleted) also reported a frequent contact of Russo


in Miami is resident JOHN Martino, U.S. passport K-
169259, who currently staying at hotel Maya
Excelsior Guatemala City. Personal check by
(Deleted) revealed Martino close friend of Arturo
Arana, President's brother, and has taken Arturo on
all expense paid pleasure trips to Miami. (Deleted)
commented President Arana fuller aware brother
Arturo is influence peddler who had to be retired from
Guatemalan telecommunications job due to
excessive graft.

(Deleted) not to arrest anyone until members Russo


network uncovered and sufficient evidence obtained
to establish bona fides (deleted). He observed
(Deleted) are only arm available to him to conduct
investigation which he must do via acting (Deleted)
Chief, and that (Deleted) lack narcotics training and
experience. [CIA FOIA D001213]

Martino, 64, died on August 3, 1976, of a heart attack:


"Acute Rupture Abdominal Aneuryth, due to Shock and
Exsanguination due to arteriosclerosis, generalized." [Dade County

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Death Cert. 9564] Martino was never questioned by HSCA. The


HSCA reported that on October 4, 1977,

An anonymous informant named Fred [Fred Claasen


] called the HSCA several times and indicated a
close relationship with the late JOHN V. Martino.
Fred said that Martino told him he 'worked for the
CIA,' and that President Kennedy was killed by anti-
Castro Cubans. Martino said the assassins knew the
motorcade route before they went to Dallas." [HSCA
Memo Fonzi to Fenton 10.4.77] Author Tony
Summers quoted Fred Claasen as having said:
"Martino said Oswald wasn't the hit man. He told me
'The anti-Castro types put Oswald together...Oswald
didn't know who he was working for...He was there to
meet his contact at the Texas Theater [the movie
house where he was arrested]...They were to meet
Oswald in the theater and get him out of the country
then eliminate him. Oswald made a mistake. There
was no way we could get to him. They had Ruby kill
him."

When Tony Summers interviewed John Martino's wife,


Florence Martino, she told him that John Martino had told her on the
day of the assassination

'Flo, they're going to kill him. They are going to kill


him when he goes to Texas.' Florence questioned
her husband briefly, got no meaningful response, and
went out for a while. She was home again by the time
Edward, 17, heard the news of the assassination on
television. 'When I called them in' he remembered,
my father went as white as a sheet. But it wasn't like
'Gee whiz' it was more like confirmation.' 'Then JOHN
was on the phone...' Florence remembered: 'He got I
don't know how many calls from Texas, I don't know
who called him, but he was on the phone, on the
phone, on the phone...'[Vanity Fair 12.94]

John Martino told his wife after the assassination:

When they went to the theater and got Oswald they


blew it...There was a Cuban in there. They let him
come out. They let the guy go, the other trigger."

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Some two months before the assassination, Florence


Martino said, "a man from Washington, tall and
large...in a dark suit, like from the State Department"
had brought a young Cuban to the house. Later her
husband would ask her, 'Flo, do you remember that
good looking kid that was sitting on the couch? He
was involved. He was one of them.' A month after we
taped Florence Martino's interview she died."
John Cummings, a reporter who worked closely with
Hemming, reported:
It came out of the blue. Martino told me he had
himself met Oswald several weeks before the
assassination, in Miami. He said an FBI agent named
Conners asked him to come to a boat docked in
Biscayne Bay, and introduced him to Oswald by
name. The impression Martino got was that Oswald
didn't know his ass from his elbow, didn't know what
he was involved in. He thought the agent wanted him
to meet Oswald because Martino was involved in
anti-Communist activity, and Oswald was someone
this agent was running. [Tony Summers Vanity Fair
12.94 p112]

S.A. James J. O'Conner denied having met Oswald. In


December 1977 Juan Orta died of a heart attack at age 71. Several
months later, Allen Courtney became seriously ill; he died on
September 17, 1978, of natural causes. On May 11, 1977, a source
reported to the FBI that Sturgis says he's been asked to organize
and train 200 Panamanian dissidents in Costa Rica which is part of
a larger anti-Torrijos effort. [Fonzi- Sturgis Chronology] The
December 11, 1977, issue of the Panamanian daily, Excelsior,
reported that Sturgis was involved in a plot to assassinate Trujillo:

Carlos Manuel Pereira De Oliveira Cabral, who is


being detained on drug trafficking charges,
confessed to the National Intelligence Service of
Panama that Arnulfo Arias, the ex-President of
Panama now living in exile in Miami, and a group of
anti-Castro Cubans also in Miami, planned to
assassinate Torrijos. Segun Pereira, the Cuban Jose
Celso Garcia, and expert on arms and explosives,
was offered a million dollars to assassinate Torrijos.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Frank Fiorini was to help Garcia enter Panama


through Costa Rica and then help him escape.

When Gaeton Fonzi met with Sturgis in Miami, Sturgis offered to


introduce him to former Castro prisoner named "Paul." Paul was an
American who had spent seven years in Castro's prison. He was
charged with plotting to blow up a building housing Russian agents.
Paul had operated a small bar in Havana as a front, was married to
a Cuban who worked for the CIA, and was deeply involved in
Miami's anti-Castro Cuban activity. Sturgis told Fonzi: "He don't
know you're going to be there, so when we get there I'll put him on."
When the three men met, Sturgis pretended he couldn't remember
where he knew Gaeton Fonzi from, then said: 'I really know who he
is. Fonzi is a friend of mine who is with the government committee
that's looking into the John F. Kennedy assassination.' 'Oh,' Paul
said, 'you mean the guy you killed?' Sturgis' face froze. The smile
was gone. Then he shook his head and smiled again. 'Oh yeah,
sure' he said. Paul laughed at catching Sturgis off-guard. I started
laughing too. He was right. Paul was a funny guy."

In December 1980 Sturgis opened a video tape store in


Miami. A Miami News reporter asked him about the tramps: "No, I
was not one of the tramps in Dallas. No fucking way in the world
they were going to say I looked like one of those old tramps. I don't
know who they were, but I wasn't one of them." In September 1981
Sturgis was connected with an ill-fated invasion of the American
Naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba. The strategy: Send boatloads of
unarmed men under an American flag into a canal adjacent to the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

base. The goal: Stay long enough so that sympathetic nations will
recognize a Cuban government-in-exile. Wilferdo Navarro and
Raphael Torres, a Bay of Pigs vet, were involved in this action.
Sturgis and his crew ran aground in the Turks and Caicos Islands.
Sturgis had to slip out the these islands in a small powerboat.
[Miami Herald 9.10.81] In February 1982 Sturgis was in Angola,
where he led a Brigade of anti-Castro Cubans, according to Wilferdo
Navarro. [Miami Herald 2.10.82] In June 1986 Sturgis was arrested
after he promised Metro Miami detective, Kennedy Rosario, who
was posing as a drug dealer, that he could get the drug ring's
chemist out of jail in return for a large amount of money. The
Organized Crime Bureau first found out about Sturgis' scam in May
1986 when an informant told OCB detective Carlos Ortiz that he
knew of "individuals engaged in reducing inmate’s sentences" using
"high-level" connections. Sturgis told them he wanted $150,000 in
cash. Since it was no crime to con drug dealers, and since Sturgis
never followed through on his promise to contact high level people,
OCB went another route. They offered Sturgis a down payment of
four stolen Rolex watches and $75,000. The police delivered four
watches to Frank, then arrested him and his partner, Spanish
national Emilio Cotonat, for possession of stolen property. When the
case came to court, Sturgis claimed he was working for Customs
Officer John McCutcheon, and had informed McCutcheon before his
arrest about the approach. John McCutcheon, who spent 20 years
with the Drug Enforcement Administration, testified that Sturgis had
told him about this episode, but he could not remember if it was
before or after his arrest. The jurors could not convict Sturgis
because his guilt was not longer beyond reasonable doubt. Ellis
Rubin represented Sturgis and he was acquitted. [Miami Herald
11.7.86]

In 1993 the Government of Cuba named these men as


conspirators: Nixon, Richard Helms, Sturgis, Hunt, Phillips and
Banister. They also named Johnny Rosselli, Gary Yen, George
Bush, General Charles Cabell, Allen Dulles, Tony Varona, Richard
Bissell, Sam Giancana, TRAFFICANTE, Clyde Chow, (Clyde
Snow?) Carlos Prio Soccarras, Robert Maheu, JACK RUBY, Jose
Berman, the Novos, Pedro Diaz Lanz, Lenny Patrick, David Yaras,
Eladio Del Valle and Herminio Diaz Garcia. Hemming stated that
Sturgis, to his dying day, still had schemes going in the Dominican
Republic. Hemming told this researcher:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

You know why I was always annoyed by Sturgis. He


didn't have telephone directories from all over the
country cluttering up his fucking bedroom. He didn't
sit in the library and read all the newspapers there
are. He didn't do research. Now, did I stumble on to
Oswald doing research, and know he was defector
and all the bullshit? You're goddamn right. Did I have
him in my files? You're goddamn right. But that's not
the story that's gonna be told, right now. Could
Frank, without any help at all, have stumbled across
the newspaper article about this kid coming back
from the Soviet Union, then read in the Dallas or Fort
Worth newspaper about such and such. No. No
fucking way. And Hunt and Phillips couldn't slip away
from their desk for too long.
In 1993 Sturgis began training men in the Everglades for
another Cuban invasion. William Johnson reported: "They had a
shooting out there. Gun went off accidentally. Someone got killed. I
think he's the eyes and the ears for Uncle Sam. He's working with
some FBI Agent, with the camp, so he's feeding information on
everyone that's there. He's a cutie." James Hunt wrote,

Frank Sturgis died in Miami on December 4, 1993,


five days before his 69th birthday. He had gone to
the VA Hospital a few days earlier with complaints of
stomach and back pain. The death certificate said he
died of cancer, though none had ever been
previously diagnosed. An autopsy was never
performed. Less than a month before his death,
Frank had spent a week at the secret headquarters
of an anti-Castro group, P.U.N.D. (Partido Unidad
Nacional Democratico) located in the Everglades,
where he conducted guerilla survival training
exercises. Frank seemed to be in good health when
he returned to Miami. His only complaint was that he
had what he thought was a pretty nasty bug bite on
his back. He suspected that it came from a spider or
some type of mosquito out in the Everglades. At the
time, he recalled that six months earlier he got a
similar bite on his back while standing outside the
P.U.N.D. headquarters in Miami. Other than that, for
a man his age he was remarkably fit. But, rather than

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

celebrate his birthday on December 9, 1993, Frank


was laid to rest.

FRANK AND HIS ADOPTED DAUGHTER

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

MARITA LORENZ AFTER THE COUP

Marita Lorenz stated:

I left Dallas about two hours [after RUBY threw me


out]; Frank took me to the airport and I went back to
Miami...On November 22, 1963, I was in an Eastern
Airlines plane on the way to New York City when the
pilot announced the President had been shot. When
Oswald was picked up and shot by RUBY certain
events began to fall into place. I was frightened. In
New York she claimed was questioned about Marcos
Jimenez Perez by the FBI although no such
document has been released. She claimed she was
asked: "Did they know the names of the people you
took the car trip with from Miami to Dallas?" Marita
Lorenz claimed she said, "Yes."

LORENZ 1964 TO 1973


Marita:

I didn't come forward with my story to the Warren


Commission, but I did disassociate myself from
Frank. I lost complete contact with him until 1972. In
1970 I got married to Louis John Yurasits, the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

superintendent of a building filled with Eastern bloc


diplomats. I would go through their trash, I called it
'compactor work,' Mr. Weberman would call it
'garbology.' I would report my findings to S.A. Al
Chestone. I received a letter of commendation from
the New York FBI...

On October 29, 1971, Lorenz received a letter of


commendation from John F. Malone, Assistant Director in Charge of
the New York City FBI Office. The CIA reported "Lorenz collected
wastebasket trash from the Soviet apartments which was offered
and refused by FR Division in New York. She was met several times
by the Domestic Contacts Division C/S. Domestic Contacts Division
did not carry this information under Subject's name but under
Yurasits." The information supplied by Marita Lorenz triggered one
report titled "Illness of Mrs. Ivan E. Kartashov. Method of Collection:
Interview. Directed to OSS Case Officer Kuehn. Field Comments:
Per (Deleted) Watts telcon Copy of this information to be passed
directly to (Deleted). Please coordinate with (Deleted)." [CIA FR
Maurice A. Sovern 11.7.77; NARA 1993.07.13..17:59:24:750270] In
January 1976 Lorenz and Yurasits were divorced. The FBI reported:
"During the period of her marriage, 1970 to 1975 Lorenz voluntarily
furnished information of both security and criminal nature. She was
advised on numerous occasions that she was not an informant of
the FBI." [FBI 105-83564 NR 4.7.77] Marita Lorenz:

In 1973 I visited Frank in Federal Prison in


Connecticut. When Frank was in Washington
testifying, he called me from a pay phone. A few
months later, we met. During this meeting I asked
him about the Kennedy assassination. He boasted
and bragged about it. But he said, 'They haven't got
shit.' He said 'They can't prove it' and he said he was
questioned several times but that his alibi would
stick. He said his alibi was that he 'watched the
whole damn thing on television, in his house in
Miami.'

In January, February, and March 1975, Lorenz logged 100


hours of auxiliary police work for the New York City Police
Department. On April 24, 1975, Marita Lorenz surfaced in the press
in a series of articles about Sturgis by Paul Meskil. The article was
titled "Secrets of the CIA: The American Mata Hari Who Duped
Castro." The article concerned the alleged theft of documents from
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Castro by Lorenz which later allegedly turned out to be the locations


of Soviet missile sites:

I unlocked the door to Suite 2408, went inside and


double locked the door behind me...as usual the suite
was littered with papers and the filing cabinet was
open. I couldn't grab everything. I took as much as I
could, and stuffed papers and maps into my uniform
pockets and inside my jacket. Then I left the Hilton
and went back to the other hotel, changed into a
dress, and caught the next flight to Miami. Frank met
me at airport and I gave him all the papers. I never
knew exactly what information they contained. I was
told the stuff was good, it was fantastic and the
United States Government was very happy. Among
the papers were topographical maps of Cuba on
which several sections of undeveloped land, miles
away from any population center, had been marked
with handwritten circles...Three years later another
intelligence agent told her the original groundwork
plans for Soviet missile sites.

If Castro's papers had disappeared the same time Marita


did, she would have been a suspect in the theft and arrested when
she re-entered Cuba. On April 24, 1975, the CIA's Office of Security
searched under "Lorenz, Ilona Marita and Lorenz Marie," but no
Office of Security file was found. [CIA OS Memo for the Record
4.25.75] The CIA commented on this article: "In the first article
Marie [sic] Lorenz alleges that E. Howard Hunt was the paymaster
for Sturgis and Alexander Rorke. Hunt has publicly claimed not
knowing Sturgis until at least the late 1960's...Relative to Marie
Lorenz, initial Office of Security traces in this name were negative in
April 1975." The April 25, 1975, article was noted by the CIA: "[The
article stated] one Marie [sic] Lorenz was involved with Frank
Sturgis and Alex Rorke in 1959 to 1960, in anti-Castro activities on
behalf of this Agency." The FBI reported that in

…approximately Marita Lorenz, against the advise of


the New York FBI office, began an affair with one
Giuseppe Faggiano, who was, by reputation, a hit
man and an arsonist. Throughout the duration of the
affair she continued to furnish criminal information
obtained through her relationship with Faggiano. She
advised that during the course of that relationship,
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

she had come in a position of information concerning


gambling, shylocking, and IFIS matters, together with
background information concerning LCN bars and
restaurants. [FBI 137-44613-1]

On August 23, 1976, Sturgis reported he was with Marita


Lorenz on the weekend of August 21, 1976, to August 22, 1976.
She allegedly gave him cryptographic Albanian code. On August 27,
1976, the FBI in New York City generated this document:

In April 1976 instant case was opened to determine


Marita Lorenz' potential as an informant. However,
due to the fact that Lorenz was the subject of
extensive publicity in June 1976, regarding
recruitment by CIA during 1960 to kill Fidel Castro,
instant case was closed. At the time the source had
indicated her relationship with Faggiano was
terminated. Subsequently, Lorenz contacted the New
York FBI office and advised she had renewed her
relationship with him. In July 1976 Lorenz advised
she had been pistol whipped and beaten by
Faggiano. She subsequently filed a complaint of first
degree assault against him with the NYPD. Faggiano
was arrested on August 11, 1976, and released on
his own recognizance. Lorenz alleged that
subsequent to his release, anonymous telephone
calls were made to her unlisted number threatening
her life. Lorenz, at her request, was contacted on
August 19, 1976, by an S.A. of the NYO and Terence
Mc Swigen of N.Y.C. P.D. At that time she accused
Faggiano of burglarizing her home and stealing
several tape recordings of telephone conversations
she had with Faggiano; Ed Levy, a long time
boyfriend and allegedly father of her son. Lorenz
claimed she feared for her life, and requested FBI or
police protection."

On June 13, 1976, another article about Lorenz appeared in


the New York Daily News written by Paul Meskil. It was titled "CIA
SENT BEDMATE TO KILL CASTRO IN 1960." In the article Marita
related that she met with Alex Rorke, two FBI agents and a CIA
agent at the office of the FBI in New York City. Lorenz said they
suggested that she should poison Castro. Gaeton Fonzi reported:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Meskil said he first met Marita Lorenz when he was


researching a series of articles for the News entitled
'Secrets of the CIA.'The series was published
beginning on April 20, 1975. The series dealt with the
CIA's anti-Castro activities. Meskil said that while
interviewing Frank Sturgis for the series, Sturgis told
him he had helped Castro's former mistress escape
from Cuba. At that time, Sturgis told Meskil he
couldn't remember her name. Meskil later
remembered there had been an article in the defunct
Confidential Magazine entitled 'Castro Raped My
Daughter.' That article had appeared in the early
1960's, and Meskil said it is fortuitous that he is one
of the few people in the world with a complete
collection of old Confidential magazines. Upon
checking, Meskil discovered that the article was
written by one Alex Rorke (an anti-Castro associate
of Sturgis whose plane disappeared in September
1963) and that its subject was Marita Lorenz. Meskil
subsequently found Lorenz and included her in his
series...Regarding his recent article about Lorenz,
Meskil said he first became aware of the information
when Lorenz, with whom he had developed regular
contact, called him and told him she had just returned
from Miami and a period of voluntary confinement
under protective custody in a United States Customs
Service safe house. She said she had been working
as an undercover informant for Customs Agent Steve
Czukas. While in protective custody, she told Meskil,
she wrote a detailed account of her knowledge
concerning the Kennedy assassination. Meskil said
he decided to publish the revelation in the News only
because he confirmed the existence of her written
account with Czukas. Meskil said Czukas confirmed
he had custody of that written account. [HSCA To
Blakey from Fonzi & Gonzales 10.31.77]
MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, Security Analysis
Group June 18, 1976
SUBJECT: Sturgis,.Frank Anthony
Fiorini, Frank SF#353 459

1. As you are aware, Frank Anthony Sturgis, one of


the convicted Watergate burglars, has repeatedly
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and falsely claimed affiliation with this Agency.


Attached to instant Memorandum are copies of two
articles from the New York Daily News by Paul
Meskill, dated circa April 1975 and June 13, 1976,
specifying that one Marie Lorenz was involved with
Frank Sturgis and Alex Rorke in 1959/1960 in anti-
CASTRO activities. Furthermore, the articles again
allege that Sturgis and Rorke were acting on behalf
of this Agency. The 13 June 1976 article further
alleges: Marie Lorenz has claimed that at the
direction of Sturgis and Rorke (and the Agency and
the FBI) in 1960 she went to Cuba to poison
CASTRO. The poison was given to her by Sturgis. In
the first article Marie Lorenz alleges that E. Howard
Hunt, known to her as "Eduardo" was the paymaster
for Sturgis and Rorke. Hunt has publicly claimed not
knowing Sturgis until at least the late 1960's.

2. Alex Rorke, identical with Alexander I. Rorke, Jr.


(SF1427 955), was a free-lance writer, photographer,
soldier of fortune who disappeared in September
1963 while flying in Central America. There is no
evidence in this file that Rorke was ever affiliated with
this Agency. There is evidence that Rorke was
involved with Sturgis in anti-CASTRO activities in the
early 1960's.

3. Relative to Marie Lorenz, initial Office of Security


traces in this name were negative in April 1975.
Additional research relative to the June 1976 article
has revealed a positive identification. Composite
information from the attachments would suggest that
Marie Lorenz is of German father/ American mother
birth, born circa 1940; that her father was Heinrich
Lorenz, a former German Navy Captain who in
February - 1959 was the captain of a luxury liner
"Berlin";

4. Office of Security traces in the name of Heinrich


Lorenz revealed that he is the father of Valerie Claire
Lorenz (SF#117 245). Information in the file, coupled
with information in the attached articles, positively
identifies the younger sister of Valerie Claire Lorenz,

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one Ilona Marita Lorenz, as being identical with the


Marie Lorenz mentioned in these articles.

7. Variations of all of the names of Ilona Marita


Lorenz and her family have been checked against
Office of Security indices with no additional results
with the exception to a reference to the file captioned
"Cuban Intelligence Activities" (SFI350 643). An FBI
New York Office report in this file dated 10 February
1960 captioned "Cuban Intelligence Activities in the
United States" reflects in substance that Ilona Marita
Lorenz, 344 West 87th Street, New York City, on 22
December 1959 advised SA O’Brien, FBI, that Jesus
Yanes Pelletier, Cuban Revolutionary Army and
Military Aide to the Cuban Prime Minister (CASTRO)
had arrived in New York City on 18 December 1959.
Lorenz reported that she went out with him on the
night of 19 December to the La Baracca Restaurant.
She believed that Pelletier was in New York
collecting intelligence information for the Castro
government.

8. Relative to Lorenz's claim in the attached article


that she and Alex Rorke visited New York FBI offices
and had a 'conference with two agents who had
questioned her previously and a CIA official,' it is
interesting to note that Lorenz was interviewed by SA
O’Brien on December 22, 1959. The file of Alexander
Rorke reflects that he was interviewed on December
30, 1959 by SA Francis J. O’Brien, FBI, New York.

9. The above is for your information. Jerry G. Brown


Deputy Chief, Security Analysis Group
The FBI:

General Investigative Division, in attached letter to


Assistant Attorney General Thornburgh dated
September 8, 1976, for information from our files.
The September 8, 1976, response, based on an
indices search using the spelling of Lorenz's name as
furnished by Senator Schweiker to the Justice
Department, resulted in no record being
located...Additional research relative to the June
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1976 article has revealed a positive identification...


[FBI 62-109060-7572x NR 4.7.77]
LORENZ 1977 IN SECRET SERVICE CUSTODY
In February 1977 Lorenz was in Madrid, searching for
Marcos Perez Jimenez, in order to obtain child support. She told the
Legal Attaché at the American Embassy there that she had been
"followed by strange men and on one occasion her food had been
drugged." Marita Lorenz stated:

In June 1977 Secret Service agents and Customs


men knocked on my door and said, 'We know you
went on a trip to Dallas.' This was Steve Czukas, a
United States Customs intelligence agent. I was
cooking and I said, 'Yes, I did take a trip to Dallas,
but I didn't stay, I went back.' They questioned me
and we talked only of this one trip. I confessed in
writing while I was in their protective custody in July
1977. They put me up at Miami Springs Villa and
gave me a new identity, Cathy Webster.

Miami TV newsman Victor Walters checked Marita Lorenz's


story with a source in the United States Customs Service, and
confirmed that she had been in protective custody due to the
information on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy she
had disclosed. [Depo. Vic Walters 76-1252-Civ. SMA Miami 2.3.78]

To verify Victor Walters' story, Philip Bowen, Regional Head


of U.S. Customs, and Steve Czukas were deposed during the
course of Hunt v. Weberman. Philip Bowen agreed to a deposition if
his testimony was "confined to matters discussed with TV reporter
Vic Walters...we have been directed to decline to testify to any
matter which would reveal investigatory techniques, confidential
informants, the credibility of a source's information." Steve Czukas
and Philip Bowen both said nothing of value. A notarized Privacy
Waiver was obtained from Lorenz so that her story could be verified,
and a Privacy Act request was made for her "written confession."
The Assistant Regional Counsel who had represented Philip Bowen
at his deposition replied: "A check of our records indicates that we
do not have in Region IV any reports, memos or documents on
Marita Lorenz that were authored or co-authored or bear the
signature of U.S. Customs agents Steve Czukas or Howard
Weintraub."

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Marita Lorenz: "Frank wanted me to fly to Angola in 1977 to


take part in anti-Castro activity there. The Novo brothers were
supposed to drive me to the airport. Had I not refused Frank'S offer I
would have never returned." On July 21, 1977, Marita Lorenz called
the listed number for the CIA in New York City and said Sturgis
wanted her to travel to Angola, in hopes of obtaining first-hand
information about the Cuban military presence there. Marita Lorenz
offered to spy on Sturgis for the CIA, if the CIA lifted the
exclusionary stamp on her passport that prohibited travel to Angola.
The CIA reaction to Marita Lorenz's offer was emphatically negative:
"There is no interest in encouraging Subject to travel or do anything
else for this Agency." [CIA (deleted) 28990 7.22.77. 6.18.76,
4.25.75, 7.21.77; FBI 137-44613-1, 137-43954-4, 105-83564-8,9,
105-83564 NR 4.7.77, 6.23.76]

In September 1977 Marita Lorenz told her "car trip story"


to Paul Meskil who checked it with Sturgis. Sturgis repeated his
denial and again implied that he was unaware of the Novo brothers,
but did tell Paul Meskil he had been in Dallas several times before
November 22, 1963. In late September 1977, The New York Daily
News published Paul Meskil's story. A few days later, Sturgis had a
meeting with Santo Trafficante in a Miami Beach supermarket.
[Trafficante HSCA Testimony 10.77] In 1977 this researcher needed
a witness in Hunt Weberman, and the testimony of Marita Lorenz
was not subjected to intensive examination. Gaeton Fonzi believed
that Marita Lorenz had concocted the car trip story to discredit the
tramp photographs, and was still in league with Sturgis. Gaeton
Fonzi had contacted Marita Lorenz in 1976 shortly after the first
Paul Meskil story was published. She asked him to provide
protection for her; because he did not believe she was a credible
witness he declined to do so. This researcher visited Lorenz at her
apartment on 1725 York Avenue in Manhattan. Marita showed me
the bullet hole in a mirror in her bedroom that was a result on an
encounter with Faggiano. Marita would go into another room with an
unidentified while male then come out a few minutes later and ask
for change of a $100 bill. She gave me a copy of her address book
for 1963 that contained the listing "E. Howard Hunt 544 CAMP ST."
This was obviously a contrivance. At Marita's apartment I
encountered a grandfatherly man named David Aldrich, who
claimed to be related to the Rockefeller family. David Aldrich was
determined that Lorenz should not allow me to visit her. As I
recollect, one day Aldrich and this researcher had a confrontation in
the elevator of Lorenz's apartment building. Aldrich threatened to

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have me killed, so I left the premises and waited outside until I


observed Aldrich leave, then I went up and visited Marita. Eventually
Aldrich and I made up and went to a Greek restaurant, along with
one of my female colleagues, Gabrial Schang. Aldrich's role was
unclear.
MARITA LORENZ SETS UP STURGIS: OCTOBER 1977
In late October 1977 Marita Lorenz called Gaeton Fonzi and told
him that one of her mafia friends had told her Sturgis planned to
have her killed. Gaeton Fonzi agreed to call Sturgis. When he did,
he told Sturgis that Marita Lorenz had called him, and that perhaps
Sturgis should give Marita Lorenz a call to find out why she was
making these accusations. Gaeton Fonzi was attempting to find out
if Sturgis and Marita Lorenz were still working together. According to
Sturgis, Gaeton Fonzi called him and said: "'Frank, I got a call from
Washington to check out Marita Lorenz's allegations. So he did ask
me, 'Have you been in touch with Marita'? I said, 'No I haven't.' He
said, 'I think it might be a good idea, speak with her and ask her
about these accusations.' I said, 'Fine.' So, on his advice, I did
contact Marita. When I called Marita, Marita was surprised that I
spoke with her. I said, 'Marita, this is Frank.' She says 'How are
you?' I says 'Fine.' She says, 'Are you mad at me?' I says 'No.' Why
should I be mad at you? We've been friends for years.'" During the
course of Hunt v Weberman Sturgis was asked:

Q. Isn't it true that you were more than friends with


her at various times and places?

A. Well, you've gotta understand that there has been


a period of years I haven't seen Marita, so I never
knew what she's done, what she has been involved
in. As a matter of fact, she did have some problems
in New York. I found out that she was working
undercover for, you know, the police department; that
one of her boyfriends, whom she was involved with,
was trying to blackmail her and she shot him.

Q. Dead?

A. No, she shot him, and she's got a mirror in her


bedroom with a bullet hole there. And because one
time when I was up there I says, "How come you
don't take care of the bullet hole?" and she says
"Well, I like to keep it as a memento," you know; and

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

she shot the guy! Naturally the guy isn't going to go


ahead and turn her over to the police. Now, she was
telling me about his threats, about how he threatened
to kill her, to do harm to her kids -- So she asked me,
she says, "Frank, I need your help. What can I do? I
have to work for these people" and she named the
people which I don't think I should go ahead and
mention, I prefer that she name them, "and this other
group of people, and this other group of people, and
it seems that they can't do anything to help me
protect myself against this party, and I'm afraid." I
says, "Well, tell you what I'll do." So I went to New
York -- now this was before Marita had made these
accusations in the paper, I'm going back to when she
had all these problems -- I went to New York at one
time to do something on business, and I naturally
stopped in to see her and I took a taped conversation
of Marita Lorenz, between her and myself, at the
hotel where I was staying at, and I turned this tape
over to the Central Intelligence Committee. This is
Senator Baker's, Central Intelligence Committee. I
turned it over to him, which they may have it, they
have it documented, and I, also, asked him -- now,
when I was with Marita that day she told me the
story, and I taped this conversation about the
problems that she was having by this man here, this
man that was threatening her, because she had
some documents in her possession which she turned
over to me, and I immediately flew to Washington,
D.C. and turned them over to the Secret Service
Intelligence Committee. These are documents of a
foreign intelligence matter. Now I told her, I called
from her telephone -- which there should be a record
of -- I called Senator Baker's office and spoke to
Howard Liebengood and explained to him how come
this girl here had worked for these, you know, federal
organizations and, because of what's happening,
pertaining to what documents I had that I was going
to turn over to them, why they wouldn't give her
protection? "Fine" he says, "Frank, are you coming
down this way?" "Yes, I'm leaving, I'm coming down
to see you." Well, I turned over all this stuff to
Howard Liebengood with the hope that the Senate

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Intelligence Committee would help put a guard on her


to protect her against the threats she was getting,
against this man whom she shot -- not that she
missed -- that she shot...Now, what happened after
that, between the Senate Intelligence Committee, by
trying to obtain protection, you know, for Marita
Lorenz, is between them because I immediately
disassociated myself, because I naturally felt it
pertained to national security business that she, you
know, was involved in...Now here we go over a
period of time -- well, I haven't been up in New York
or anything like that -- then this thing comes out in
the paper and I spoke to Marita and told her why and
so forth, and what happened, and she maintained to
me, and she did mention to me in conversation, that
Weberman was one of the persons that was behind
the pressure that she had after she put all the stuff in
the paper. And I said, "Well, who are the other
people?" She says, "I can't tell you at the present
time, but get back with me." Fine. I immediately --
now, when I called her, remember, Gaeton Fonzi
knew of every phone call that I had made with Marita,
because I would not talk to Marita unless Fonzi knew
that I was speaking to Marita. Then a series of calls
again, another call, and I tried to go ahead and again
ask Marita, "Marita, how come, you know, why don't
you tell me, you know, because the people have
been..." She says, "Well, I'm scared I'm going to be
subpoenaed." So I says, "You don't have to be
scared, because Fonzi told me you're not going to be
subpoenaed any place, so don't be worried about
any subpoena," you know. She says, "Well, you
know the people on the book" and I'm not sure
whether she meant Coup D'Etat or not; but she says,
"You know the people in the book were behind me,
and I'm getting a lot of pressure." Well, I'm sure a lot
of the pressure is, from what she said -- well, I don't
know, I can't put that in her lines, so I can't go into
that. Anyway, this is the things that she had told me
about part of the pressures, and she wanted me to
come to New York and she says, "If you don't have
the funds to come up here, I can come there or meet
you halfway, or I'll tell you what I'll do: I'll send you a

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prepaid ticket and you come up here to New York


and I'll tell you the whole story. I'll tell you everything,
who the pressure, the people, who are the people
behind me in putting all this stuff in the newspapers."

Q. That was the 31st of what?

A. October. I went over to a friend of mine's house,


Frank Nelson, and I called Marita and in talking with
Marita she says, "Well, I'm going to be busy, call me
later." Fine. [Sturgis stated he told Fonzi, Jack
Anderson, Paul Meskil, Malcomn Abrams of the
Midnight Globe and Steve Dunleavy that he was
going to contact Marita.] So, anyway, I believe I
spoke to Marita again that afternoon and that night
she told me to come over. So when I went over there
that evening, I got there around 11:00 p.m. I knocked
on the door, the door opened and here are two men
with drawn guns pointed at me and said, "Who are
you?" Well, I got a little scared you know. I was
concerned. I thought possibly these two people were
part of the people who had been harassing Marita. I
says, "My name is Frank Sturgis." They said, "Are
you carrying a piece?" I says, "No, I don't carry a
weapon." He says, "Well, come in." I came in and
immediately they shook me down as best they could,
with guns pointing at me. They says, "We're
detectives from the New York City Police
Department. You're under arrest." I said, "Under
Arrest! For what?" They said, "We'll tell you about it.
Come on in." So they took me in and I didn't see
nobody there but the two detectives...Up to there I
didn't know that my life was in jeopardy. Now I will tell
you what the police officers told me. I came in. I had
to take everything out of my pockets. They looked
through my briefcase, so forth. Sat down. I asked, if
I'm arrested, what the charges were? "Well will go
ahead and tell you when we get down to the police
station." "Now Frank, you're going to have to thank
us, because we saved your life." "You saved my life,
why?" "Do you know Marita's daughter was outside
this place with a shotgun ready to kill you?" I says, "I
don't believe it." They says, "Well yes, because

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Marita called us" -- listen to this now -- "and told us


that her daughter was downstairs with a shotgun
waiting to kill you, Frank Sturgis, when you walked in
here. So when we got this call from Marita Lorenz,
we went down and arrested her daughter." Now the
story changes around as we go along, from the
police officers...later on it was supposedly that the kid
was arrested with a .22 caliber pistol on her.

The information Sturgis and Lorenz furnished to Liebengood:

She told me at one period of time, in Miami, Florida,


while she was living with the ex-dictator, Perez
Jimenez, he was the ex-president of Venezuela, she
had been supported by him, in a swanky apartment, I
believe it was in Bell Harbor, where her apartment
was at; she had a little girl, a child by Perez Jimenez;
and she overheard a discussion by the ex-president,
Perez Jimenez, which she told me that Perez
Jimenez was talking with two Latin type men and the
discussion was for them to go ahead and kill
Kennedy, but it was Robert Kennedy. [Sturgis v
NYPD Depo]
MARITA'S VERSION
Marita Lorenz said that her daughter was going to protect
her from Sturgis

…since she had received two threats. One from


Frank Nelson, and one from a Cuban who said I
was dead. I taped it. Monday morning. Monica told
me, 'Mommy I am not going to leave you alone with
Frank. If you don't answer the phone I'll get him
when he comes down.' I told her, 'Frank wouldn't
hurt me, he is just going to try and convince me not
to say anything to the committee.' I had to meet with
Frank...when he called at 11:00 a.m. I stalled him. I
had to get Monica off the street. I was working with
the New York City Police Department investigating
child prostitution and I called them. I said, 'My
daughter is 15, and she is out on the street with a
gun. She wants to kill somebody to stop him from
hurting me. Pick her up!'

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Hemming told this researcher:

I don't discount anything. You helped her fuckin'


manufacture the story. After all you helped her do
that shit, okay, I'm not fucking stupid or something?

This researcher did not pressure Marita Lorenz, or feed her


this story, as Hemming and Sturgis said. Sturgis knew this to be the
truth. The reason he said this was because it explained why two
independent sources had put him in Dallas - they really were not
independent. Marita Lorenz came forward with her story voluntarily.
I didn't know her when she did. I first came into contact with Marita
Lorenz after she had released the details of the Dallas car trip.
Sturgis believed I was in contact with her before this. He based his
assumption on the results of a pen register (a device that makes a
record of all the numbers dialed from a telephone) Hemming had
connected to his telephone during one of my visits to his office. The
device indicated that I had tried to call Lorenz from his office. It did
not indicate that the number I had for her at the time, obtained from
an old New York City telephone directory was disconnected.
Hemming thought Marita Lorenz had provided me with her number.
In 1994 I assured Hemming that I did not pressure Marita Lorenz to
make up these charges and suggested to Hemming she either saw
Coup D'Etat in America or became aware of the investigation of
Sturgis by the Rockefeller Commission. Hemming:

In this business you can tell yourself that's probably


95% certainty. But if you start discounting shit? If you
deny it, or white it out, you're fucked, mister. You
don't discount anything.

Marita Lorenz entrapped Sturgis. She paid for his flight to


New York City, then didn't meet with him until she had two
detectives with her. Marita Lorenz had mistakenly involved her
daughter in her delusional world. She had second thoughts, and
had the police pick her up before Monica actually popped Frank.
Marita Lorenz was working on a child prostitution case with
detectives from the New York City Police Department, and the
officers involved in Sturgis' arrest were under the impression that
Sturgis was somehow connected with child prostitution. Marita
Lorenz was put under guard by five shotgun-toting detectives.
Sturgis' bail was set at $25,000. Sturgis retained attorney Henry
Rothblatt, who said the CIA and the HSCA were behind Sturgis'
arrest. Rothblatt had successfully defended Colonel Robert Rhealt
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

and five other officers of the Special Forces on charges that they
had murdered a Vietnamese double agent. That trial ended in
dismissal of charges, when the CIA refused to allow its agents to
testify about its operations in Vietnam in conjunction with the Green
Berets. In 1988 Henry Rothblatt represented Barker during an Miami
investigation into the granting of zoning variances.
STURGIS DOES TIME FOR THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION
On Wednesday, November 3, 1977, Sturgis' bail was
reduced to $10,000 and he was released from Rikers Island. Sturgis
had been incarcerated for two days as a result of his participation in
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. It was ironic that it
took someone like Marita Lorenz to do this. On Friday, November 5,
1977, the New York City District Attorney's Office announced that
tape recordings and documents submitted by Marita Lorenz had
been examined and contained no threat. The New York City District
Attorney's Office moved for dismissal, since: "The lack of
substantiation of her claims impairs her credibility."

STURGIS SUES NYPD


The dismissal prompted Henry Rothblatt to announce his client
planned to sue everyone involved, and would file a federal lawsuit
charging that Sturgis' Civil Rights were violated when he was
arrested by the New York City Police Department. Sturgis was
deposed by the late Bruce Stahl:

Q. Do you have any children?

A. Stepdaughter who is married. [What about Ronnie Sturgis?]

Q. Were you married to someone other than the person you are
married to now.

A. Yes sir.

Q. Who would that have been?

A. Divorce. I was reported killed in Cuba, and after I came back from
Cuba, naturally we were separated. [He abandoned his second
wife.]

Q. Was that your first wife?

A. First wife was killed in an accident; second wife.


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Q. When were you married the first time?

A. I was married, let's see, I came out of the Marine Corps. I believe
it was 1946. I was on the Norfolk Police Department, and --- Her
name was Odell Thompson. She was killed in an accident.

Q. What year?

A. I don't recall because I was in the Army.

Q. Did you ever threaten Mrs. Lorenz as to whether -- as to her


speaking with the Senate Committee.

A. No, sir.

Q. At no time did you tell her not to testify.

A. Not in her whole life, never. For anything ever. In the discussion,
one of the discussions I had with her, I asked her about the
pressure behind her in making those statements, and I did ask her if
the company was behind it. Or if the FBI was behind it, or any other
group of people was behind it.

Q. Other than the fact that people stop you and take notice of you, it
there any other effect the arrest has had on your life?

A. Yes, because I've worried about the people who are stopping me
are going to shoot me, and that has affected on my family, that has
tremendous effect on my family.

Q. Do you expect to incur any expenses in the future due to your


arrest?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. What expenses?

A. Legal expenses, and possibly hospital and funeral expenses. I'm


a marked man for the rest of my life, and a target for every nut in
this country.

Q. Has anyone tried to physically harm you since your arrest?

A. No.

ROTHBLATT: Does this include being hit by pies?

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. I'm sorry, I forgot about that.

Q. Who do you blame for bringing these facts, or this information, to


the news media, though?

A. Certain radical people.

Sturgis described Frank Nelson as a "retired newspaper


man who is approximately 72 years old." [USDC SDNY 78 Civil
5113] The reference to pies related to an attempt by Aron Kay to pie
Sturgis as he entered the Courthouse at 100 Center Street. Frank
Nelson, 70, wrestled Aron Kay to the ground and the police took
away his banana cream pie. The New York Daily News made this its
front page story.

THE POLYGRAPH TEST


A few days later, Sturgis underwent a polygraph test at the
office of Henry Rothblatt during which he was asked about the
Kennedy assassination. Sturgis commented: "Everything pertaining
to the assassination, conspiracy, whether I was in Dallas that day,
whether I was a gunman, whether I was in a conspiracy to kill
President Kennedy, whether or not Marita Lorenz was, with the
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accusations she made, whether she was telling the truth or not. I
passed it 100%." Henry Rothblatt stated that Sturgis passed, but he
refused to send this researcher a copy of the raw test results. On
November 9, 1977, the FBI issued a public denial that their agents
had encouraged Lorenz to poison Fidel Castro. [FBI 105-83564-14]
N.Y.P.D.
Sturgis sued the New York City Police Department. This
researcher worked with the New York City Police Department as a
consultant on this case, and supplied it with information on Sturgis'
past connection with prostitutes, and fact that he had been arrested
for beating his wife. As a result, Sturgis did not pursue the matter
fully. He arranged an out of court settlement with the New York City
Police Department in which he received $2,500. The lawsuit was
originally for $15 million. While working on the Sturgis case, I left my
original Sturgis file in my desk at Police Headquarters. The Police
assured me, "It's safe here, we're the police, right?" My Sturgis file,
however, was stolen by an agency of the Federal Government. All
the documents in the file had been catalogued, and, with some
effort, were replaced.

INSPECTOR GENERAL 77-2343

MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD November 7, 1977

SUBJECT: Marita Lorenz

1. According to recent press information, Mr. Frank


Sturgis had been charged with threatening subject,
who reportedly told investigators from the HSCA that
she went with Sturgis and Lee Harvey Oswald to
Dallas three days before Kennedy's assassination.
The charges were dismissed on November 4, 1977,
for "lack of proof." Subject has repeatedly claimed
that she was an undercover operative for the CIA and
FBI. According to LA Division operational traces, we
have had no contact for operations. But. . . .

2. In July 1977, DCD received a telephone call from


subject, who asked for a named DCD Contact
Specialist (presently the Pittsburgh Field Chief). On
the telephone with DCD, subject claimed that she
had various contacts with U.S. Government
agencies, and she was now reporting that she had

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been invited by Frank Sturgis, who had telephoned


her several times from Paris and Lisbon, to join him
immediately in Lisbon and he provided an airplane
ticket for her to travel on July 21. According to
subject, Sturgis wanted to spy on the Cuban
presence in Angola and wanted subject with him.
She called DCE to solicit their assistance in having
the exclusionary stamp on her passport lifted (not
further explained) and offered to report on Sturgis.
Subject said that Sturgis has his own army of
revolutionaries-in-exile in the Miami area. DCD
turned down her offer.

3. In order to respond to a priority inquiry from


DCI/PA whether or not the Agency had anything to
do with the subject, we followed up with DCD on her
relationship with DCD and learned that in April 1972,
also while in New York and living under the name of
Illona M. Yurasits (no Directorate traces), she offered
to report on the wife of a Soviet U.N. delegation
member living in the same apartment building. She
also collected wastepaper basket trash from Soviet
apartments which was offered to, and refused by, the
FR Division in New York. She met several times by
the DCD C/S and said then that she had previous
contacts with CIA, talked about her Castro
connection, her sexual involvement with Castro, and
her contacts with Sturgis. DCD did not carry this
information under subject's name, but under Yurasits
name, and is searching their records further and
recalling some material from archives which they
believe might be pertinent.

4. The above was called to the attention of


OLC/Cummins. By direction of ADDO, we will notify
DCI/PA to make no comment to the press pending
further resolution of our relationship. It is noted that in
view of the dismissal of the New York charges, the
press interest most probably will dissipate.

Maurice A. Sovern.

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THE CONSPIRACY RESPONSIBLE FOR MARITA LORENZ


Vindicated by the courts of having threatened Marita Lorenz,
Sturgis began to blame a conspiracy for the actions of Marita
Lorenz. In November 1977 The Midnight Globe ran this story:
"Sturgis Says Reds Are Framing Me As JFK's Killer." Sturgis told
Malcomn Abrams Marita Lorenz was "brainwashed, drugged and
coerced into working for the communists." He explained: "There are
elements behind her that have pressed her to do what she has
done. It's something I would like to find out about myself. I feel in my
heart she is not doing this as a person. I believe that communist
agents are putting pressure on her. There is somebody [Weberman]
behind this mess."

In April 1978 Ellis Rubin claimed:

Plaintiff sues the defendant Weberman for


conspiracy to defame and slander in that Defendant,
A. J. Weberman did induce and conspire with one
Marita Lorenz to have her publicly accuse Howard
Hunt of financing and bankrolling several persons,
including herself, to journey in two cars from Miami to
Dallas, in November of 1963, in order to murder the
then President of the United States, John F.
Kennedy. As a result of said conspiracy, these false
and malicious charges by the said Marita Lorenz and
the Defendant, Alan J. Weberman, with the purpose
to discredit and implicate Plaintiff Hunt in the most
infamous crime in the history of the United States.
Wherefore Plaintiff demands judgment against the
Defendant for compensatory damages in the amount
of $1,000,000 and for punitive damages in the
amount of $1,500,000, plus costs of this action, and
Plaintiff Hunt demands trial by jury of all issues triable
by a jury.

Plaintiff sues Defendant for conspiring to deprive


Plaintiff of a witness in the upcoming trial of this
cause of action in that Weberman conspired with
Marita Lorenz to induce and pay for the trip of Frank
Sturgis from this jurisdiction to New York, to
supposedly confer with Marita Lorenz. Plaintiff would
show that on October 31, 1977, due to the
conspiracy and connivance of Defendant Weberman

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and Marita Lorenz, Frank Sturgis did journey to New


York where he was falsely arrested and imprisoned,
and falsely accused of coercion and harassment. In
addition, the 15-year-old daughter of Marita Lorenz
was apprehended by the New York City Police
Department while in possession of a loaded .22
caliber revolver. The said daughter did admit to
certain persons at the time and place on October 31,
1977, in New York, New York, she had the gun on
her person to kill Frank Sturgis. Plaintiff Hunt would
now show that it was the purpose of this conspiracy
between the Defendant Weberman, and Marita
Lorenz, was to either assassinate Frank Sturgis, or
thoroughly discredit Frank Sturgis, in order to deprive
Hunt of his corroborative witness that the charges
contained in Defendant Weberman's libelous
publication are false and malicious and untrue.

In April 1978 Hunt was asked for any and all evidence that I
planned to murder Frank Sturgis.

Q. Do you have any evidence that Mr. Weberman conspired with


Marita Lorenz to kill Mr. Frank Sturgis.

A. Yes, I do.

Q. Could I ask you, what is this evidence?

A. The statements made to by Mr. Weberman and Mr. Sturgis made


to me and under oath.

Q. Where are those statements?

A. I don't know. You took the deposition.

MR. Weberman: Excuse me for one second. Other than the


statements of Mr. Sturgis, is there any evidence of the plot of Mr.
Weberman conspiring to kill Frank Sturgis, as you alleged in you
amended Complaint?

THE DEPONENT: I believe the matter is in litigation in New York


City right now. Mr. Sturgis, I believe, gave the details of it. I am not
too conversant with --

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Q. But other than Mr. Sturgis'S statements, there was nothing you
know of that would indicate Mr Weberman was involved in this plot
to do away with Mr. Sturgis?

A. I am going to have to consult with counsel. Yes. My attorney has


conducted an extensive investigation the results of which he has not
yet made known to me.

Frank Sturgis was asked about this:

Q. Do you have any evidence that Weberman, the gentleman sitting


next to me today, engaged in conspiracy to lure you to New York
City, and in fact conspire with others to commit the crime of murder
on you?

A. Mr. Gaeton Fonzi, the investigator for the HSCA, contacted me.
He told me, "Frank, I got a call from Washington to go ahead and
check into these allegations of Marita Lorenz and naturally I have to
sit down and talk to you." Fine. So we set up a meeting, talked with
Fonzi and he says, "What do you think is behind this?" I said I didn't
know. So, naturally, I defended Marita. I said "I don't think Marita
Lorenz would do this by herself. There had to be some reason or
some force pushing her behind this." He says, "Well it seems that
way. I just can't believe it," you know, "everything that's going on."
The only thing I can say is that Marita Lorenz told me on the
telephone that Weberman was behind the pressures in doing what
she had done, you, know, that's the only thing I know.

Q. Do you know of any other assassination plots Mr. Weberman


was involved in that would affect you, other than the one just
spoken of?

A. No. Well, I'm telling you the story about Marita, what she told me
that some of the people that was behind her, the pressures that she
had behind her in making the story which led up to her daughter
actually being arrested for being outside her apartment with a .22
caliber pistol, can you tell me? Can (sic) not a lawyer. I'd like to
know these things...Now I don't know whether Weberman gave her
money to go ahead and -- all I know is that Marita Lorenz sent me a
prepaid ticket. Now, where she got that money, I don't know...I say
there's elements in this country who are trying to use me to divide
the people's thinking in this country and the true facts...

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Ellis Rubin was asked what evidence he had of conspiracy.


He had none.

My attorney asked Hunt how the potential murder of Sturgis


could affect his alibi, if the two men had not been together on
November 22, 1963. He answered:

Well, I think I can look at it this way; that we know


that Frank Sturgis has a solid alibi for where he was
on the day the tragedy took place. By doing away
with him, then the focus - thanks to the book Coup
D'Etat In America - the focus now comes to rest on
me.

The FBI sent this memorandum about Marita Lorenz to Assistant


Attorney General, Criminal Division, Robert L. Keuch:

On February 12, 1978, Marita Lorenz telephonically


contacted the N.Y. FBI and advised she had 16 tapes
and four boxes of materials she has compiled on her
life...Lorenz asked to be contacted by the FBI on
February 13, 1978. On February 13, 1978, Lorenz
recontacted the N.Y. Office and advised she was
leaving the area. She stated the FBI had always
treated her well in the past and she had decided to
furnish the FBI with more information regarding her
dealings with Frank Sturgis...The allegations by
Lorenz against Sturgis proved to be
baseless...Lorenz has proved untrustworthy in
previous dealings with the FBI. As a result, New York
will make no effort to contact her to take possession
of the material. [FBI 62-117290 NR 2.24.78]

In the summer of 1978 Lorenz received a large advance


from Viking Press for her life story, according to document she
allowed this researcher to copy. In July 1979 Lorenz wrote a letter to
Fidel Castro in which she willed him all of her property and gave him
custody over her two children. In September 1979 Lorenz filed a
complaint against her attorney, Lawrence Krieger, who had refused
to let her steal from her son's trust fund. In 1992 she was back in
the news again after she released the 'Andre Castro' story. In the
1990's Marita's daughter, Monica, lived with the son of Salvador
Allende. Marita's son went to law school.

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NODULE TWENTY-TWO

HUNT, BARKER, PHILLIPS POST COUP

In 1974 the Ervin Committee questioned Howard Hunt about


his whereabouts on November 22, 1963. The transcripts of his
executive session testimony remain classified. The first report of
Hunt’s alibi was generated by the FBI in the summer of 1974.

HUNT'S FIRST ALIBI (FBI)


On October 17, 1974, Hunt was interviewed by the
FBI at the residence of his attorney, William Snyder,
"concerning his whereabouts on the day President

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Kennedy was assassinated at Dallas, Texas,


November 22, 1963."

Mr. Hunt recalls hearing about the Kennedy


assassination on his car radio immediately following
his departure from a Chinese grocery store in the
area of '9th' and 'H' Street, Northwest, in Washington,
D.C. with his wife Dorothy (deceased). Mr. and Mrs.
Hunt frequently made trips to the Chinese Grocery
stores in the 9th and H Street area as the both loved
Chinese food. Mr. Hunt had spent some time in
China during World War II, and his wife had lived
there for some period of time with her first husband.
Mrs. Hunt was an excellent Chinese cook and
frequently prepared Chinese meals.

Mr. Hunt is not sure, but expressed his belief that he


must have been on Annual Leave from his
employment at the CIA on November 22, 1963, or
else he would not have been on this shopping trip
with his wife.

He recalls hearing the Kennedy assassination news


in the early or mid-afternoon and believes he had
lunch at home earlier that day with his wife. Hunt can
recall no other events of November 22, 1963, except
this trip, and the fact that he picked up his daughter
Keven at Sidwell Friends School, Wisconsin Avenue
Northwest, on the way home from the 9th and H
Streets area. Mr. and Mrs. Hunt resided at that time
at 5125 Baltan Road, Sumner, Maryland at that time.

Any and all records of Mr. Hunt relating to November


1963, were destroyed several years ago. Mr. Hunt
believes CIA records will reflect whether of not he
was on Annual Leave on November 22, 1963, and
whether or not he was at work November 21, 1963,
and the next working day following November 22,
1963.

Hunt believes he remained home following arrival


from grocery trip, until time of Kennedy funeral
watching television with his family. He can recall no
conversation with fellow employees, friends or

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neighbors, except possibly one neighbor, Raymond


S. Thomas. Mr. Thomas now resides at 1281
Northeast 8th Street, Pompano, Florida. (Leads to
interview Thomas...)

Mr. Hunt said he was not involved in any way, shape,


or form with the Kennedy assassination. In this
regard he recently filed a libel suit against the
publisher of The National Tattler, Promotion Agency,
Inc. Chicago, Illinois, claiming he was libeled by an
article in this paper on March 31, 1974, stating Hunt
was at Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963. [FBI
62-109060-7140 Charles D. Flagg and Hugh M.
Barhhardt]

RAYMOND THOMAS was questioned under oath during


Hunt v. Weberman. He said he did not remember seeing Hunt on
November 22, 1963, or discussing the assassination with him:

Q. When was the last time you spoke with Mr. Hunt if you can
recall?

A. Gee, I can't -- I can't recall really.

Q. All right. Do you recall what you did and where you were on
November 22, 1963?

A. Yeah, I was working.

Q. Where was your office located?

A. On Wisconsin Avenue, D.C. I was a President of Smith Thomas


and Smith, General Contractors.

Q. Did there come a time when you left work?

A. Around sometime after the assassination.

Q. Did you go home, or elsewhere, from work?

A. I think I went home probably.

Q. Do you recall approximately what time you may have gotten


home that day from work?

A. Before five o'clock.


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Q. When you got home that day, did you have an occasion to see
Mr. Hunt after your arrival home?

A. Not that I recall.

Q. Do you ever recall having any discussions with him about his
whereabouts on that day?

A. No.

EXAMINATION BY COUNSEL FOR PLAINTIFF BY ELLIS RUBIN

Q. Mr. Thomas, is it that you don't remember seeing Mr. Hunt the
day of the assassination, or the next day, or is it your testimony that
you remember that you did not see him?

A. I don't remember whether I saw him or not. And that applies to


the neighbor on the other side, and the neighbor across the street
who I was much closer to than Mr. Hunt.

Q. In other words, your memory of that period is rather fuzzy?

A. Right, exactly. As far as the neighbors are concerned, that's for


sure.

Q. Could it be that Mr. Hunt was home that day?

A. Could be for all --

Q. (Interposing) You weren't particularly paying attention to who was


in the neighborhood?

A. No. No.

FURTHER EXAMINATION BY COUNSEL FOR THE


DEFENDANTS BY MARVIN MILLER.

Q. Do you think it is likely that if you had seen him, or he had come
over to your house on that day after you got home, that you might
have recalled that?

A. I don't know at this time. It's been so long. I really couldn't say
yes, I would have remembered or not.

Q. All right. You don't know, in other words, one way or the other
whether he was there or not there in essence?

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. That is correct.
CAROL THOMAS
Q. Do you recall where you were on the day of the assassination?

A. I was at home all day.

Q. Do you recall what time your husband came home on the night of
the Kennedy assassination?

A. Not specifically. I remember he came home a little earlier


because, as he said, he couldn't do any business.

Q. All right. Do you recall whether anyone came over to your house
to visit or to talk or for any reason after his arrival?

A. No, I really don't.

Q. If anyone had, would you have recalled it or could you recall it?

A. Not necessarily, no. Seventeen years is a long time.

Q. You would not know at this time one way or the other whether
anyone came over to visit or did not come over to visit.

A. No. My mind is not all that great.

EXAMINATION BY COUNSEL FOR THE PLAINTIFF

Q. Do you recall whether Mrs. Hunt was at home on the day of the
assassination.

A. Yes. She had a new baby.

Q. Did you see her that day?

A. I don't recall. I really don't. I wish I could.

Q. Do you recall seeing Mr. Hunt that day?

A. I don't recall seeing him, or not seeing him. I would not be


prepared to say he was not there. I am just not sure.

Q. Do you remember seeing any other neighbors that day?

A. No.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Q. But they probably were there, but you don't recall?

A. That's right.

MR. MILLER

Q. By "there" you don't mean at your house?

A. No, in the neighborhood. I don't remember if anybody came over.


I don't remember -- I really don't remember that well. [Hunt v
Weberman Thomas Deposition 9.30.80]

The wife of Raymond Thomas was a close friend of Dorothy


Hunt. Howard Hunt was in contact with Thomas shortly before
Watergate and he and his wife had visited Mrs. Thomas in March
1972 - during the absence of Raymond Thomas. The CIA's Office of
the Inspector General generated an index card on October 23,
1974, that indexed a

Memo For: DDA from Director of Security. Subject.


EVERETT Howard Hunt. (re Hunt’s alleged
involvement in assassination of President Kennedy.
Memo asks DDA to approve attached memo to FBI
re whereabouts of Hunt during period of November
20, 1963, to November 24, 1963) Attachments:
Memo to Director, FBI from Charles Kane dated
October 29, 1974. Subject: EVERETT Howard Hunt.

The names on this card were

Hunt, President Kennedy, John Unumb, Leon F.


Schwartz, Charles Kane, Sam Jaffe, Art Lundahl,
Jack Anderson, Scott Breckinridge, Seymour Bolton,
Sturgis, FBI, John F. Blake, John Hicks and John
Richards. The dates on it were October 10, 1974,
November 1963, November 20, 1963, October 18,
1974, November 24, 1963, October 17, 1974,
November 23, 1963, September 1963, October 29,
1974, September 20, 1974. [IG FILE # 51 Tab #20]

This information was given to the FBI on October 29, 1974,


by Charles W. Kane and John F. Blake. A copy was sent to
Seymour Bolton, SAB/DDO. The CIA'S Inspector General's file
contained a "Yellow routing slip from Deputy Director of Finance, to
Scott Breckinridge, forwarding leave and travel vouchers for E. H.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Hunt for October to December 1963, time span of the Kennedy


assassination." [9.17.74 IG File #20 Tab #20] Who was interested in
the Hunt case? John A. Unumb, 87, who retired from the CIA in
1975 as the agency's deputy assistant for public relations, died of
cancer September 28, 2009. Mr. Unumb joined the CIA in 1948 and
spent many years as an embassy political officer in Iran, Egypt,
Somalia and Uganda. Leon F. Schwartz was an assistant Director of
the FBI. In 1972 Charles W. Kane was Special Assistant to the
Deputy Director for Support dealing with matters concerning Air
America.
[http://www.foia.cia.gov/AirAmerica/C05266407.pdf] Charles W.
Kane was a real piece of work.

Hunt AND MAHEU


June 16, 1966
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Security
SUBJECT: Call from Birch O'Neal

1. Birch O'Neal indicated that Mr. Hunt had asked


him to check the Counter Intelligence Staff files to
see if they had anything on Bob Maheu. He advised
that he had completed his search and there was no
information in Counter Intelligence files that we did
not already have in Office of Security files. Charles
W. Kane, Deputy Director of Security.
[http://www.combat-
diaries.co.uk/diary27/diary27chapter12/9.htm]

After Watergate broke Kane was contacted by the FBI


regarding his association with Howard Hunt. He said that he gave
an Agency employee Hunt’s telephone number in December 1971
but had not seen Hunt since 1959 when Hunt was Chief of the
Mexico City CIA Station. Charles W. Kane was an Electoral College
delegate from Martin County Florida in the year of the hanging chad
2000. According to the Los Angeles Times, the Republican
controlled elections board allowed Republican campaign workers,
led by ex-CIA agent Charles Kane, to remove absentee ballot
applications from the elections office and tamper with them in the
privacy of their own homes.
[http://media.washingtonpost.com/wpsrv/politics/documents/woodwa
rd.pdf]
We dealt with Seymour Bolton in a previous nodule. John F.
Blake was Deputy Director of Administration for the CIA. Art Lundahl
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

retired in 1973 and was replaced as Director of National


Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC) by Mr. John J. Hicks,
who served as Director from June of 1973 to February 1978. What a
deadly crew CIA assembled to deal with the allegations of a
Yippie/hippy from Greenwich Village. But if my allegations proved
true the CIA would have been crippled.

THE CIA CHECKS ITS LEAVE AND TRAVEL RECORDS


Memorandum for the Record

SUBJECT: Sam Jaffe Inquiry – Hunt and Sturgis

1. Subsequent to Jaffe’s inquiry to Art Lundahl last


week relayed to us by John Hicks, we have been in
touch with the Office of Security (Charlie Kane) and
have checked other records to ascertain Hunt’s
whereabouts at the time of the Kennedy
assassination on November 21, 1963.

2. The Finance Office has checked Hunt’s leave and


travel records for the period September 1963 to
January 1964, not knowing the purpose of our
request. The record shows for the four-week pay
period [October 25, 1963, to November 23, 1963]
ending November 23, 1963, that Hunt took 11 hours
of sick leave and no annual leave. In the following
pay period [November 23, 1963, to December 21,
1963] he took 3 hours sick leave and 27 hours
annual leave, but this follows the particular period in
question. His travel record shows official travel in
September, October and December but none in
November. All this travel was to New York. John
Richards states that we already know, as a result of
responses to previous requests, that we have no
records on Sturgis that would show similar
information; he was not an Agency employee.
In a memo for the Director of the FBI Office of Security
Director Thomas W. Kane reported:
Leave and travel records for the period in question
were examined with the following results. Leave
records reflect that for the four week pay period
ending November 23, 1963 Hunt took a total of 11

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

hours sick leave and no annual leave. In the following


four week pay period he took 3 hours of sick leave
and 27 hours of annual leave. We are unable to
identify the dates on which the above sick and annual
leave were taken. In accordance with established
Agency procedures, the Time and Attendance
Records for the pay period in question were routinely
destroyed three years after they were audited. Travel
records reflect that Mr. Hunt conducted no official
travel during the month of November 1963. [CIA MFR
7.20.74 Sub: (deleted) inquiry - Hunt and Sturgis
41748 - paragraph 4. deleted; CIA 1632-1082]
THE ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION
Based on this data, the Rockefeller Commission concluded Hunt

…used no annual leave and 11 hours of sick leave in


the two week pay period ending November 23, 1963.
The exact date, or dates, on which the sick leave was
taken could not be ascertained. There is some
indication, however, that some of these 11 hours of
sick leave may have been taken by Howard Hunt on
November 22, 1963, if he was in the company of his
wife and family, rather than at his employment duties,
during the afternoon of that day. November 22, 1963,
was a Friday, and therefore ordinarily a working day
for employees of the CIA. Hunt could not recall
whether he was on duty with the CIA on the morning
of that day. In examining the charge that Hunt and
Sturgis were together in Dallas on the day of the
assassination, the investigators were handicapped by
the fact that the allegation was first made in 1974,
more than ten years after the assassination.
Evidence which might have been available at an
earlier time was no longer available. Contacts with
relatives, friends, neighbors, or fellow employees
[who might have known the whereabouts of Hunt and
Sturgis on that particular day] could not be recalled.
Some of these persons are now dead. Finally,
records which might have been the source of
relevant information no longer exist. It cannot be
determined with certainty where HUNT and

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

STURGIS actually were on the day of the


assassination.

The Commission was unable to establish an alibi for Hunt or


Sturgis. Hunt also told the Rockefeller Commission that he may
have been in Sibley Memorial Hospital on November 22, 1963.

Hunt thinks he was on leave (taking the day off) that


day. Also may have been recuperating from hospital
for ulcers." He had been there in October 1964 and
June 1968. [CIA 1632-1082 - D/OS Charles W. Kane,
and signed "FOR THE D/CI Helms”]

Scott Breckinridge, a Staff member of the Office of the


Inspector General of the CIA, reported:

I told Breneman that I had conducted an investigation


in 1975 to 1976 as to where Hunt was at the time of
the assassination. He was assigned to DODS, in a
CA project dealing with book publishers. There were
records of two or three plane trips to New York in
connection with his assignment, in the period
preceding the assassination. T & A cards are not
saved beyond some two to three years and only
consolidated leave records were available, which did
not show his whereabouts on specific dates. In any
event, we found nothing indicating Hunt having any
connection with Dallas at the time, although
obviously one could not completely close the
theoretical door. Hunt is reported to have said he was
in Washington that day, but we do not have this
through any independent source of our own. I told
Braneman that more recently, subsequent to the
reports of the CIA memorandum regarding Hunt’s
being in Dallas on that fateful day, an inquiry had
been conducted in the Agency. I had not conducted
this inquiry, as I had done the previous one, it getting
carried out by others. The result that no such memo
was found. I recalled so reporting to the HSCA. A
search for that correspondence is underway. The
HSCA is quite naturally following up on this. The
allegations about Hunt (was he COS Mexico, or was
he in Dallas, was he one of the vagrants

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photographed there etc. etc.) must be tracked down


by the HSCA.

[CIA Memo For File 11.3.78 - Breckinridge CIA FOIA


22401; NARA 1993.08.07.11:22:45:280028]

COMMISSION ON CIA ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE UNITED


STATES
Washington, DC 20500

March 10, 1975

THE FIRST CONTRADICTION IN HUNT'S ALIBI


Hunt had said he was not at the CIA that day, and that he
was on annual leave. The CIA said Hunt was not on annual leave.
FBI Director Clarence Kelley ordered his agents to cancel an
interview they planned to do with Frank Sturgis. FBI Director
Clarence Kelley attributed this cancellation to Watergate-connected,
political sensitivities. A FBI document revealed:

It was pointed out to Supervisor Gow that Frank


Sturgis has been for many years a source of
information for columnist Jack Anderson in
Washington, D.C. It was explained to Supervisor
Gow that contact with Sturgis could not be discreet,
and undoubtedly Jack Anderson would learn of the
contact, as well as Sturgis' attorney. In addition,
Sturgis might use the contact by FBI Agents as a
bargaining point with the court that he was
cooperating with the FBI. Supervisor Gow called
back and advised that this lead should be held in
abeyance until after the interview with E. Howard
Hunt. [NARA 124-10265-10135]

WILLIAM C. STURBITTS: HUNT WAS ON SICK LEAVE


In early April 1975 a Rockefeller Commission investigator
interviewed CIA Staff member William C. Sturbitts. His notes read:
"Hunt - on sick leave November 22, 1963, (per. Fin. Ofc.) On duty
status November 21, 1963." During his Rockefeller Commission
testimony, William C. Sturbitts was asked:

Q. Do you know what Hunt was doing for the Agency in 1963?
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. Well, it seems to me, he was here at Headquarters in 1963, and I


think he was assigned to the European Division of the DDP.

Q. This is your best recollection?

A. Yes.

Q. --at the moment. It is possible he was with Domestic Operations


Division in the field of (still Deleted as of 2010) engaged--

A. I guess you are right, I believe he was there.

Q. Did you personally know Howard Hunt?

A. No.

Q. Never met him?

A. I met him. That is all. I can't say I know him.

Q. You would not have known anything about his whereabouts on


any particular day, then, is that true?

A. Can we go off the record?

(Off the record discussion)

THE WITNESS: Let's go back on the record.

BY MR. OLSEN

Q. I would like to have it on the record.

A. Do you have a particular day?

Q. No. I have just asked you if your acquaintance with Hunt was
such that you would have known his whereabouts on any particular
day.

A. No.

Q. Was it very infrequently that you saw him?

A. Oh, I would see him in the halls, this type of thing but -- bump into
him perhaps downtown the street.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Q. But you would have no occasion for knowing from one day to the
next.

A. No

Q. Have you ever conducted any kind of inquiry on behalf of the


agency as to where he was on November 22, 1963?

A. Yes. I have done it twice that I recall, and the most recent one
was I guess -- I am trying to think. Well it wasn't too long ago
because we did have an inquiry and we obtained the time and
attendance records from the Office of Finance which showed that
Howard Hunt was on sick leave that day.

Q. Was this fairly recently?

A. Yes.

Q. I understand from the files I have seen, Mr. Sturbitts, that the
only records that were available from the Office of Finance showed
that he had nine hours of sick leave during the two week pay period
ending November 23, 1963, but that the records were not available
as to how much sick leave or annual leave had been taken on any
particular day.

A. Well--

Q. Am I mistaken?

A. As I recall, he was in a duty status one day, and a sick leave


status the next day, and back to duty the next day. I would have to
check that with my Budget and Fiscal Officer. He is the chap that
got that for me.

Q. Can you check that for us?

A. Sure.

Q. And give us the results of that?

A. Yes.

Q. This is much more detailed information than I have been


previously aware is available in the files of the agency.

A. All right. I will do that.


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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Q. In response to whose inquiry was that investigation made?

A. I don't know. I would have to look that up too. I don't recall exactly
who asked for it. I don't know whether -- I will just have to check
that. I don't know who it was.

Q. And the date? Do you have any idea when you made the
inquiry?

A. No. But I can find out from the B and F guy, hopefully.

Q. You said there was a previous inquiry?

A. Yes. The previous inquiry came from Archie Roosevelt, who is


now retired, and at that time was Chief of the European Division.
That was about a year ago I guess.

Q. About the first time these photographs began to be circulated.


About the bums in Dallas.

A. Yes, and actually I think this -- Archie's inquiry came from some
magazine or newspaper man in Europe. Archie was Chief of Station
in Berlin for a long time and he apparently made a lot of
acquaintances over there among the media.

Q. This is something relating to Der Stern Magazine.

A. That is right.

Q. And I did understand you to say that in checking with the Office
of Finance that it was positively ascertained that Hunt was on sick
leave on November 22nd?

A. Well, I will have to check that. That is the way I understood it, but
I did get this through our Budget people who have contact with the
Office of Finance.

Q. And that he was on annual leave the day before.

A. No, he was on a duty status the day before, on sick leave, and
then on duty status the following day.

Q. Was there any effort to determine what Mr. Hunt’s previous


pattern with respect to sick days had been?

A. (Nods in negative)
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Q. November 22, 1963, was a Friday. When you say the record
reveals he was on duty status the next day --

A. It was a Friday. Then I was mistaken.

Q. Does that mean he was on duty the following Monday or on the


next day, Saturday?

A. No. On the following Monday. I didn't realize the 22nd was a


Friday.

Q. Will you check that thing for us and give us a memo together with
whatever supporting -- copies of supporting documents you can
find?

A. Okay.

Q. As promptly as possible on this question.

(Off the record discussion).

[NARA SSCIA 157-10011-1083 4.16.75]

Sturbitt's testimony was disturbing to the Rockefeller


Commission because it was far more detailed than the information it
had previously received. The outcome of this was unclear.
HUNT’S SECOND ALIBI (ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION)
In late 1975 Howard Hunt was asked to supply the Rockefeller
Commission with an affidavit regarding his whereabouts on
November 22, 1963. Hunt filed this affidavit dated March 10, 1975,
for the Rockefeller Commission:

I, E. Howard Hunt affirm the following to be my


recollection of my whereabouts on November 22,
1963.

1. On that date I was an employee of the CIA


assigned to the Domestic Operations Division located
in a commercial building in Washington, D.C.

2. I was driving with my late wife on H Street near 8th


or 9th Street when we first heard of the Kennedy
shooting on the car radio. We had been purchasing
Chinese groceries in a store named, as best as I can

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recall it, "Wah Ling." I do not know how long after the
first radio reports were made that my wife and I first
heard the news. Brinkley was the commentator I
remember because of his having theorized a "right
wing plot" i.e. Dallas citizens had abused Adlai
Stevenson and the climate of Dallas extremism had
caused Kennedy's shooting.

3. From the Chinese grocery store we drove out to


Wisconsin Avenue to pick up our daughter Kevan,
from Sidwell Friends School. On joining us my
daughter told us what we already knew: that
President Kennedy had been shot. She had learned
this because two of Robert Kennedy's children had
been taken from Sidwell Friends School presumably
by Secret Service Agents.

4. From Kevan's school we drove directly to our


home on Baltan Road in Sumner, Maryland (off
Massachusetts Avenue extended.) At home was my
newly born son David, (DOB September 1, 1963) a
maid, Mary Trayner, and my wife's aunt, the late
Leona Drexler of Chicago. Our elder son, St. John, a
student at nearby Brookmont Elementary School,
was probably already home. As I recall, our eldest
child, Lisa, arrived soon afterward by bus from
Ursuline Academy and joined us at the television set
in our basement recreation room where we stayed
long hours watching the unfolding events.

5. As to why I was not at my office that entire


afternoon, I can only presume that I left early to help
my wife shop for a planned Chinese dinner, in
preparation of which I normally assisted.

6. I was never in Dallas, Texas, until late 1971, when,


at the request of Charles Colson, I flew there to
interview General Paul Harkins, former U.S. military
commander in Vietnam.

7. I did not meet Frank Sturgis until the spring of


1972, the introduction being performed by and at the
office of Bernard L. Barker.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

8. I never at anytime met or knew Lee Harvey


Oswald, JACK RUBY or any other person involved in
the Dallas slayings.

9. I was not in Mexico in 1963. In fact, I was not in


Mexico between the years 1961 and 1970, and I
have not been there since a weekend pleasure trip to
Acapulco in July 1970.

10. I have no diaries or other memorabilia prior to


1969, having destroyed as many outdated files and
records as possible to save weight in the move to my
Florida home in July 1974. I retained only such
records, bank statements, etc. as are required by the
five year IRS for income tax purposes.

[NARA SSCIA 157-10011-10090]


THE SECOND CONTRADICTION
Howard Hunt did not mention having had lunch with his wife
at home as he did in his first interview with the FBI.

HUNT’S STATEMENT TO ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION


Hunt's Whereabouts on November 22, 1963
Hunt states that he had never been in Dallas until
1971, with a possible exception of a change of
planes on his way to Mexico with his family in 1960.
He does not recall whether that change of planes
took place in Dallas or in Houston. In any event, he
and his family never left the airport on that occasion.
He has never had any contact, directly or indirectly,
with Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby or anyone else
thought to have been associated with the
assassination of the President. He was never in New
Orleans in 1963 and has never had anything
whatever to do with the Fair Play for Cuba
Committee, which he identifies as a communist
organization. During the period from January 1962 to
1965, he traveled once or twice per year to India two
or three times per year to Paris, once or twice per
year to London, and, during that period, he traveled
two or three times to Rome. His only domestic travel

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in 1963 was between Washington and New York. All


travel, whether domestic or international, was in his
own name.

HUNT'S WITNESSES: KEVAN HUNT - LOYAL TO HIS FATHER


Kevan Hunt, who was 13-years-old in 1963, stated:

On November 22, 1963, I was a fifth grade student at


the Sidwell Friends School in Washington, D.C. My
father was not usually at breakfast with his children,
so I do not recall seeing him in the morning before I
went to school. To my knowledge, however, he was
indeed home. He had not been traveling in the
previous months. I remember that day more clearly
than most children my age at the time, because two
of Robert Kennedy's sons attended Sidwell Friends
School. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. was in my class, and
Joseph was a year ahead of me. It was rumored that
afternoon that both Bobby and Joe had to be taken
out of school. Later an announcement was made that
the President had been shot in Dallas. At 3:30 p.m.
both my mother and my father picked me up at
school and took me home. I believe that they had
been shopping earlier because grocery bags were in
the car. I told them about the announcement that had
been made at school, and my parents said they had
just heard about it over the car radio. My father's
reaction was shock and disbelief. My father was at
home that weekend as well, and the family watched
all of the television coverage related to the
Presidential plane's arrival in Washington, and
funeral proceedings. To my knowledge, my father
had not left on any trips the months preceding the
President's assassination, he was at home the day of
the assassination, and he did not leave home that
weekend. Kevan Hunt, March 12, 1975.

MARY TRAYNER: AN ENTIRELY DIFFERENT STORY


Hunt’s maid, Mary Trayner (born in England on November 11, 1918
- never married) sent Hunt this letter on February 6, 1975:

4806 DeRussey Parkway

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Chevy Chase, Maryland 20015

Dear Mr. Hunt:

I'm so glad that you thought of writing to me. I


remember the day President Kennedy was shot very
well, and I certainly remember you were there. If you
recall, Mrs. Hunt’s Aunt Leonie (I am sorry I can't
remember her last name) from Chicago was staying
with you for a few days and on the Friday Mrs. Hunt,
her Aunt, and three children were going downtown to
a movie matinee when Veronica Moppet called from
the Spanish Embassy to tell Mrs. Hunt that the
President had been shot. I remember we all stood
around and stared at each other, than you put the
television on, and the first thing we heard was the
newsman saying that it was now 45 minutes since
the shot had been fired, and that they still did not
know how badly he had been injured.

I know that Mrs. Hunt's aunt is now dead, but it is


possible that when she went back to Chicago she
may have mentioned that you were there when the
news came through to her daughter, Mrs. Hunt's
cousin, Phyllis, although she might not remember it.
She just may be able to corroborate your story too.

I can of course remember lots more details. It was


the kind of day that stays in your mind.

Mary Trayner gave this affidavit to the Rockefeller Commission:

2. On November 22, 1963, I was employed as a


housekeeper by Mr. and Mrs. E. Howard Hunt who
then lived on Baltan Road in Sumner, Maryland with
their four children.

3. On that date Mrs. Hunt’s now deceased Aunt


Leonie (whose last name I cannot recall) was visiting
the Hunt’s house as a guest for a few days. She lived
in Chicago. It may have been because of the Aunt's
visit or a "Teachers Day" holiday that the children
were all home from school in the early afternoon of
that Friday.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

4. Mr. Hunt was home as well. He was writing a book


and spent a good deal of his time in the house. Mrs.
Hunt was home too, and planned, with her aunt, to
treat the three older children to a movie matinee.

5. Mrs. Hunt worked part-time at the Spanish


Embassy where one of her close associates was
Veronica Moppet, who has since married and
departed the Embassy.

6. At about 2:15 p.m., as the two women and three


children were preparing to go downtown to the
matinee, Moppet telephoned Mrs. Hunt to report that
President Kennedy had been shot. I remember that
all of us, including Mr. and Mrs. Hunt, stood and
stared at each other. I ran next door to the neighbors
and asked what had happened. A neighbor
suggested I turn on the radio. When I went back in
the Hunt’s house, Mr. Hunt was turning on the TV
set.

7. The first thing we heard on the TV was a newsman


saying it was now 15 minutes since the shot had
been fired and they still did not know how badly the
President had been injured.

8. Mr. and Mrs. Hunt, Aunt Leonie, the three older


Hunt children and I spent the rest of the day and that
evening in the house watching T.V. reports.

Rockefeller Commission handwritten notes revealed

Mary Trayner 652-2939 Matinee? Went next door


over radio Hunt around all day, I think. Children
home. May have been excused for matinee since
aunt visiting. 45 minutes after assassination.
Watched in evening too with Hunt.

During a telephone call with Hunt on March 7, 1975, Robert


Olsen, an investigator for the Rockefeller Commission, was told by
Hunt: “Mary Trayner seems to be in error if she means that Mrs.
Hunt learned of assassination for first time from Veronica Moppett.
He has no recollection of Moppett call, but it certainly could have

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

happened." This was extracted from Olsen's handwritten notes. In


his MFF on this telephone conversation he wrote,
MEMORANDUM FOR: FILE
FROM: Robert B. Olsen
SUBJECT: Telephone Interview with E. Howard Hunt on March 7,
1975
I called Mr. Hunt at his residence in Miami, Florida,
after first clearing the natter with his attorney, Mr.
Snyder, of Baltimore.
I asked Mr. Hunt about the apparent inconsistency
between his description to us of the circumstances
under which he heard about the assassination of
President Kennedy on November 22, 1963, and the
letter from a former family maid, Mary Traynor. In
particular, I called his attention to the fact that Mrs.
Traynor, in her letter, advises that Mr. and Mrs. Hunt
were at home when word of the assassination came
in a telephone call from Veronica Moppett. This is
inconsistent with Mr. Hunt's statement that he and
Mrs. Hunt heard about the assassination on the car
radio while they were in downtown Washington, D. C.

Mr. Hunt stated that Mary Traynor seems to be in


error. He says that it is entirely possible that there
was such a call from Veronica Moppett, although he
does not remember it. He says that a lot of people
were calling each other with the news about the
shooting of the President. He says it is also possible
that this was the manner in which Mary Traynor
heard about the shooting and that she is simply in
error in her recollection that the Hunts were then at
home.

Hunt stated that he thinks that the Sidwell Friends


School dismissed classes for the day at 3:15 pm or
3:30 pm. He says it is possible that the school was
dismissed earlier on the day of the assassination but
he does not know for sure. He acknowledges that he
and Mrs. Hunt would not have known about an earlier
dismissal of classes in time to pick up Kevan unless

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Mrs. Hunt had called the school while they were


enroute from downtown Washington, D. C.

He does not recall making such a call himself, and he


does not recall his wife making one. If classes let out
at the normal time, he and Mrs. Hunt would have
arrived at home, with their daughter Kevan, at about
3:30 or 3:45 pm. He states that, as he recalls it, there
was some delay between the time of the death of the
President and the time it was made public on radio
and television. He does not recall whether the death
of the President had been announced by the time he
and Mrs. Hunt arrived at home and he turned on the
television set. (The President was pronounced dead
at 2:00 pm, Eastern Standard Time. The exact time
when the death was announced on radio or television
has not been checked out.)

He recalls that when he was watching T.V. with his


family after arriving at home, either Huntley or
Brinkley made some statement to the effect that the
assassination was an outgrowth of the hatred of far
Right groups which was much in evidence in Dallas,
as had been shown by a recent incident involving
someone spitting into the face of Adlai Stevenson.
The implication made by Huntley or Brinkley was that
the assassination had been accomplished by
someone from the far Right Wing. This was before
anything was known about the actual assassin. Hunt
remembers commenting to his family that it was just
like Huntley or Brinkley to jump to the conclusion that
the shooting had been by a Right Winger before any
evidence was available concerning the assassin.

Mr. Hunt will give us a detailed affidavit covering his


non-involvement in the various assassinations. He
states that he hopes to be able to avoid another trip
back to Washington because he wants to spend as
much time as possible with his eleven-year old
daughter, who is very anxious about her father's
impending imprisonment. Mr. Hunt states that he
hopes to he assigned to a minimum security federal
prison in Florida when he reports on March 25.

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RBO/vmr
CC: D.Belin
Senior Counsels
No effort was made by Olsen to contact Virginia Moppett. Research
indicated Mary Trayner died on September 17, 1980, of generalized
carcinomatosis, cachexia and carcinoma of the pancreas. [D.C.
Cert. of Death 80-006220] During the second Hunt v. Spotlight trial
Hunt was asked why he did not depose witnesses to his
whereabouts on November 22, 1963, during Hunt v. Weberman. He
stated:

The one who was alive and might have been


deposed during another deposition exercise in
Washington was Mary Trayner. She was alive at the
time I filed the lawsuit. She was alive at the time
Messrs. Helms and Angleton were deposed by
Weberman in Washington. She was not deposed.
She was noticed, but I guess it got late in the day and
they decided not to. Subsequently she died.

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HOWARD ST. JOHN HUNT DID NOT SEE HUNT


The Rockefeller Commission questioned Howard St John
Hunt:

1. When, where and how you first learned of the


shooting in Dallas.

- I was only nine years old at the time and to the best
of my recollection I was in school, in class, and I
believe the announcement was made over the school
P.A. system.

2. What did you do during the remainder of the day


after learning of the shooting?

- I went about my usual school routine and went


home.

3. Who was with you when you learned of the


assassination and later that day?

- To the best of my memory I can't recall anyone in


particular that was with me.

4. The whereabouts of your father as best you can


recollect from your own observation on November
22, 1963.

- To the best of my recollection I do not recall seeing


my father on that day. I might also add that I do not
recall him not being there, at our house.

5. The whereabouts of your mother as best as you


can recollect from your own observation on that day.

- To the best of my recollection on that day I do not


recall seeing my mother. As with the above answer I
do not recall her absence.

As I was at a very young age, [9] my recollections of


November 22, 1963, are not very vivid in my mind.
May 6, 1975.

The Rockefeller Commission: "A son, who was nine-years-


old at the time [Howard St. John], could not recall whether his
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

parents were present or absent that day." Notes of a telephone call


with St. John revealed his recollection of that day was hazy: "School
got out at usual time. Either got picked up by parents or rode bus.
Doesn't remember his father or mother not being there."
LISA HUNT
Lisa Hunt a was 14-year-old at the time. Her affidavit stated:
"On that date I was living with my parents in our house in Sumner,
Maryland. After returning from school that afternoon and throughout
the weekend that followed, I was with my father and my mother at
our house spending much of the time watching television. May 16,
1975." A document entitled “Interview with Howard Hunt and his
daughter Lisa Hunt on March 4, 1975, regarding Hunt’s association
with CIA and his whereabouts on November 22, 1963” has been
released.
HUNT'S THIRD ALIBI (HUNT v. WEBERMAN)
In June 1977 Hunt testified under oath about his
whereabouts on November 22, 1963:

Q. Could you specifically give me, to the best of your recollection,


your location at the time you heard that President Kennedy was
killed?

A. All I can give you is that when I first heard the news, which came
over the car radio, I was on 'H' Street about 9th N.W., Washington. I
was driving home from a Chinese grocery store.

Q. Do you remember the name of the Chinese grocery store?

A. Wah Ling.

Q. This is near your home?

A. No, it was quite a distance. It was in downtown Washington, and I


lived in suburban Maryland at the time.

Q. So in fact on that day you were away from the house for how
long a period?

A. I don't recall.

Q. Could it have been six to eight hours, or more, or less? Can you
pinpoint it?

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A. I would put it about two hours.

Q. Do you recall your telephone number at that time?

A. No.

Q. Do you recall any friends who may have called you by telephone
that day?

A. No.

Q. Can you recall any other activities, or contacts, unusual enough


to remember, besides the grocery store and the guests at your
house?

A. No.

Q. Are there any independent witnesses who would know of your


whereabouts since 1963, or connected with the Intelligence
Division, to your knowledge, house guests?

A. Not to the best of my knowledge or recollection, no.

Q. At the time of the Rockefeller Commission Report, the report


states, and I quote "A son who was nine years old at the time could
not recall whether his parents were present or absent that day." Can
you explain the problem of the child's failure to remember seeing
you for any reason?

A. No.

Q. Are you totally certain of your whereabouts on the day of the


assassination?

A. Totally certain.

Q. Were you in good health that day?

A. As far as I know I was.

Q. Did you take any sick leave during that period?

A. I may have. I don't know.

Q. Would sick leave be taken on that particular day?

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A. It's entirely possible. I suffer from ulcers.

Q. I am asking whether you took 11 hours of sick leave during that


period?

A. I don't recall. If they have that on record they would certainly


have a day-by-day rundown of it then.

Q. It does not give a specific day that you took the sick leave. That
is why I am asking you if you recall.

A. No, I don't recall.

Q. Perhaps you visited the CIA during the day, as you would during
an ordinary business day?

A. I have no idea. Certainly, afterward I did.

Q. But you could have stopped by the office?

A. It's possible I was there in the morning, yes.

Hunt was asked about witnesses to his whereabouts. He


replied: "I was with a large number of people. Later on I went home
and was with my wife and children, my aunt, and I was with the
maid, and neighbors." The deposition continued:

Q. What are the names of the children that saw you on November
22, 1963?

A. My son Howard, my daughter Lisa, and my daughter Kevan.

Q. Are there any problems in the minds of any of your children, in


other words, are they clear and accurate in their memories, do they
have any problems with remembering things?

A. One daughter was hospitalized in 1966 [Lisa Hunt had received


in-patient treatment for a psychiatric disorder in 1966 which Hunt
claimed was caused by brain damage after an automobile accident]
but as of that time there have been no problems.

Q. All of the children saw you that day?

A. Yes.

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Q. The Rockefeller Commission Report states, "A son who was


nine-years-old at the time could not recall whether his parents were
present or absent that day." Can you explain the problem of the
child's failure to remember seeing you for any reason?

A. No.

Q. Did the other two children in fact verify with certainty your
whereabouts on that day?

A. I know one did later, my daughter, because she went to the


Rockefeller Commission with me and was interrogated several
times. The other daughter was not in the Washington vicinity. I don't
know when or at what time she was contacted.

Q. But she was there on November 22, 1963?

A. Yes, but as I say I don't know what her contact with the
Rockefeller Commission was.

Q. Would her testimony indicate with certainty what the other


daughter had given by way of testimony?

A. I would assume so.

Q. But you don't know? Did you ever ask her?

A. Oh, yes. She remembers me picking her up at school. She was


with several of Bobby Kennedy's kids. I came by earlier than usual
to pick her up after school.

Q. Do you remember the time?

A. No.

Q. Other than your children and your wife, would anybody else be
able to verify your whereabouts on that day?

A. Yes. Mr. and Mrs. Raymond Thomas of Pompano Beach, Florida.


They are former neighbors, but they moved away, and I've lost track
of them.

Q. Anybody else you can recall that might be able to verify your
whereabouts on that day?

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A. My wife's aunt was staying with us at the time, the late Mrs.
Leona Drexler. She had spoken with her daughter that day about
the events. So the daughter in Chicago would be able to give you a
third party. [The daughter of Leona Drexler was not deposed since
her testimony would have been hearsay.]

Hunt’s testimony was self-contradictory. He said he was


away from home for two hours that entire day, then said he may
have been in the office that morning.
HUNT'S FOURTH ALIBI
This researcher snookered Howard Hunt into changing his
alibi. In the spring of 1978 Hemming telephoned me in Washington,
D.C., to offer his services in helping compose the deposition
questions in Hunt v. Weberman. That afternoon, this researcher had
discovered that a Wah Ling's grocery store existed in Washington,
D.C., during a search of the Washington, D.C., 1963 Coles
Crisscross Directory. I told Hemming: "You ain't gonna believe this
my man, but I located Mr. Wah Ling! And he doesn't remember Hunt
coming into his store that day." Hemming said, "I believe it A. J.
'cause you do your homework." Hemming recorded this telephone
call and gave the tape to Hunt who changed his alibi during his June
1978 deposition:

Q. Did you telephone Wah Ling's grocery store on the morning of


November 22, 1963?

A. No.

Q. Where is Wah Ling's located in Washington, D.C.?

A. I don't think that the grocery store existed or ever existed. In fact,
in the testimony that I gave to the Church Committee, if you recall I
said, to the best of my recollection, the name of the grocery store
was Wah Ling (phonetic). Having revisited the site, in fact, by
chance having dinner in Chinatown fairly recently, I determined the
name of the grocery store was Tuck Cheong, T-u-c-k C-h-e-o-n-g.

Q. So you are now saying that your alibi for the day of the
assassination, Wah Ling's grocery, is now changed to a different
grocery store?

A. Well, I am saying now that attempting to recollect a couple of


years ago, the name of the Chinese grocery store, one of several on

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8th Street, that my wife visited on that afternoon, certainly is subject


to re-examination and refreshment which I have done.

Q. Now that you have refreshed your memory, where is this Tuck
Cheong?

A. It is on H Street between 6th and 7th Northwest, in Washington.

Q. What did you purchase that day?

A. I don't know. My wife made the purchases. She went into the
grocery store. I stayed in the car with the children.

Q. If I told you there was a Wah Ling's grocery in Washington, D.C.,


would that surprise you?

A. I would say simply that it was one, of the probably several, that
my wife visited that day.

Q. Do you remember the testimony you gave to the FBI as to when


you picked up your children that day?

A. No I have never seen the FBI memorandum.

Weberman: Here it is.

Rubin: If you have it there may we see it?

Friedman: Yes, sir. We are going to show it to you. (Hands a copy of


instrument to counsel.)

Rubin: All right, go ahead and read it.

Friedman: "On October 17, 1974, E. Howard Hunt advised [the FBI]
that he recalls hearing about the assassination over his car radio
immediately after leaving a Chinese grocery store in the area of 9th
and H Street N.W. Washington, D.C., on November 22, 1963. He
was with his wife Dorothy, who is now deceased. Before returning
home, they picked-up their daughter, Kevan, at Sidwell Friends
School, Wisconsin Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. He could recall
no contact on that date with anyone other than possibly a former
neighbor. He advised that his personal records pertaining to
November 22, 1963, were destroyed several years ago."

Mr. Rubin: All right. Now how has Mr. Hunt testified any differently
than from what you have just said?
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Q. (By Mr. Friedman.) Within the context of this particular report,


which I will present to you while we make copies of it, it indicates
that the grocery store came before picking up the children.

A. Then I would say that I stayed in the car with the dog, rather than
with the children.

Q. This would be different from what you testified earlier.

A. Well, we are talking about recollection of a good many years ago.


Yes.

Q. So this refreshes your recollection?

A. Yes, as to what I testified to earlier. This is not testified, and it is


not a sworn statement in any case.

Thinking Mee Wah Ling was to appear as a witness, Hunt


changed his alibi to Tuck Cheong. There was no Tuck Cheong in
the 1963 crisscross directory or phone book. Tuck Cheong could
never be produced in a court of law, because he did not exist. Hunt
stated that he had waited in the car to cover himself in the event
Mee Wah Ling was produced at the trial. This would be Hunt’s
explanation as to why Mee Wah Ling did not remember him coming
into his store that day. Seeking a reason for having waited in the
car, instead of accompanying his wife into the store, he had to
fabricate someone, or something, in the car that needed
supervision. At first it was his children, then his dog. During the
1985 Hunt v. Spotlight trial, Hunt stated: "I was at the time of the
shooting, I was in Washington, D.C., on H Street between 8th and
9th seated in our car with my two and a half month old son David,
while my wife was making purchases at Chinese grocery stores on
both sides of the street." When confronted with his change in alibi
by Lane he stated:

A. Well, my wife made purchases at several grocery stores. There


was another one nearby that she may have gone by, Tuck Cheong,
I don't know and subsequently I added that statement. Tuck
Cheong.

Q. My question is: Did you in an affidavit state under oath that you
had been purchasing groceries? "We had been purchasing
groceries in a Chinese grocery store." That you recall at that time to
be called Wah Ling?

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A. Yes, I so stated.

Q. Was that a mistake, or now you are saying you were in more
than one grocery store?

A. I am saying my wife was in more than one grocery store. Chinese


names are not terribly easy for me to remember. It seems the one
we were parked in front of was Wah Ling.

Q. Then in 1978, when you appeared before the HSCA did you not,
in fact, say the Wah Ling reference was wrong?

A. I did.

Q. Now are you saying it's right or wrong?

A. I am saying it could have been either way. Tuck Cheong or Wah


Ling.

Q. Now, are you saying that [your HSCA testimony] was wrong, in
fact, it was both of them, is that correct?

A. It could easily have been.

Hunt was crossed examined by his attorney, William Sndyer:

Q. Mr. Lane asked you about the name of the Chinese grocery store
and said you had testified on a prior occasion that the name was
Wah Ling, then you testified it was Tuck Cheong. Now you think it is
both. Were you in any way misleading anyone when you gave those
prior statements?

A. No, I don't regard it as significant. Anybody who has ever been to


Chinatown in Washington, D.C., would know that you have Chinese
grocery stores. There are grocery stores on both sides of the street.
They line the place. That is the nature of Chinatown. There was no
intent to deceive.

During his deposition in June 1978, Hunt offered to settle the


lawsuit for $1 and a letter of apology. At a latter deposition Ellis
Rubin was asked about this offer: "Who said that?" "I believe you
did." "I did?" "Yes." "Where was this?" "During the last depositions
here in Miami" "I deny that most emphatically." "Off the record, you
did it off the record." "Off the record, or on the record, I never said

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such a thing, because I am not authorized by Howard Hunt to say


such a thing."

Hemming denied having had contact with Hunt in 1978. In


1994 Hemming stated:

Sturgis lived on 125th Street. I stopped by his house.


We went to the Jeb Bush campaign. Two of my guys
were working with him at the time, 1977. I had no
other dealings with Sturgis in 1978.
When Hunt was questioned by the HSCA on November 3,
1978, he read from the statement he had given to the Rockefeller
Commission and elaborated on his testimony:

From here, I spelled out exactly why I could not be a


suspect. In March 1974—four years ago—I
discussed a variety of accusations with the
Rockefeller Commission. Although my testimony was
not desired, I provided the commission with the
following sworn affidavit: “2. I was driving with my late
wife on H Street near 8th or 9th Street when we first
heard of the Kennedy shooting on our car radio. We
had been purchasing Chinese groceries at a store
named, as well as I can recall it, Wah Ling…”
Conspiracy theorists would later point out that there
was no Wah Ling store near where I said it was at
that time, which gave them ammunition to say that
my entire testimony was a lie. They fail to mention
that I amended this name just minutes later…Then I
amended my statement about the Chinese grocery
store, which conspiracy buffs fail to remember. To
that affidavit, I would add only that the name I
accorded the Chinese grocery store was mistaken.
Since revisiting the site, I have determined that the
name of the store was Tuck Cheong.

From here, I contested the so-called photographic


evidence of my complicity. I had calmed down
somewhat over the last few minutes, but now I could
feel the pulse in my throat again. It made me so mad
that I had to spend my precious time on this earth
repeating my innocence ad nauseam because of the
ridiculous accusations of others.

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Also in March 1974, I provided the Rockefeller


Commission with seventeen different photographs of
myself taken during the period 1961-1964. It is my
understanding that these photographs were
compared with those of the so-called Dallas tramps
by an FBI photo analyst, Lyndal Shaneyfelt, who
determined with professional finality that the tramp
photos were not of Frank Sturgis or myself. Then in
October 1974, assertedly at the request of then FBI
director Kelley, I assented to an interview by agents
of the FBI's Baltimore office. Their memorandum of
the interview was made public last January 2007.

As stated Wag Ling’s existed. It was only when Hunt thought


I had enlisted Mr. Me Wah Ling as a witness that he amended his
statement. Hunt was reinterviewed y the FBI on September 10,
1974 “Report on Hunt Interview” concerning ARTHUR BREMER.

HUNT'S FIFTH ALIBI


In 1981, during a deposition in the first Hunt v. Spotlight
case, Hunt stated:

My wife had...driven downtown with our infant son,


who was only about three months old, to pick me up.
She wanted to buy ingredients for Chinese dinners,
and we proceeded from my office downtown over to
'H' Street where there are several Chinese
restaurants and a number of grocery stores. She
needed me to sit in the car while she went into the
grocery store.

Hunt waited in the car with the baby while she bought the
groceries. This explained why she did not buy the groceries before
picking up her husband, and supported Hunt’s previous testimony.
Why drive around with a three-month-old baby? Why didn't Dorothy
Hunt leave the baby with Mary Trayner? Hunt’s claim that he was at
his office that morning conformed to the testimony of Walter
Kuzmuk.

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On February 6, 1979, WALTER P. KUZMUK had signed the


following sworn statement that was entered into evidence in Hunt v.
Weberman:

Having become aware through the press of questions


raised concerning the whereabouts of E. Howard
Hunt on November 22, 1963, the day which
President Kennedy was assassinated, I wish to make
the following voluntary statement:

On November 22, 1963, I was in Washington, D.C. I


lunched that day at Duke Zeibert's restaurant on L
Street just off Connecticut Avenue. My luncheon
companion was Mr. John Sucard.

When we left the restaurant, we walked to


Connecticut Avenue, and while waiting at the red
light I noticed E. Howard Hunt and his wife, Dorothy,
driving in their Chevrolet station wagon. It is my
recollection that their direction of travel was
northward.

I was familiar with the Hunt’s station wagon, having


ridden in it from time to time with Mr. Hunt, to and
from CIA offices. And as a near neighbor of the
HuntS I knew Mrs. Hunt, having been in their home
on several occasions.
Shortly after seeing the HuntS on Connecticut
Avenue I became aware that President Kennedy had
been shot in Dallas and most of the government
offices were closing for the rest of the day. However I
returned to my office before going home.

Walter Kuzmuk
POB 756
Long Key, Florida. 33001
February 6, 1979
Walter Kuzmuk had served in the OSS with Hunt in 1945,
and was a 27-year veteran of the CIA who, in 1963, was Hunt’s
friend and neighbor. He had visited Hunt’s home on more than
several occasions. These men saw each other on a daily basis, and
worked in the same office, on the same floor. Walter Kuzmuk: "We
lived within four or five houses of one another's homes. My wife was

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friendly with his wife, and my children were friendly with his
children...his children and our children went to school together, and
there was always like - they bring them home and things of that
nature." [Kuzmuk testimony, 2nd Hunt v. Spotlight trial, Kuzmuk
deposition in same matter 6.28.84] Walter Kuzmuk did not reveal
this information until February 1979, when he decided to mail it to
Ellis Rubin. Walter Kuzmuk wrote: "Having become aware through
the press of questions raised concerning E. Howard Hunt’s
whereabouts on November 22, 1963, I wish to make the following
voluntary statement."

What took Walter Kuzmuk so long to become aware of the


allegations that Hunt was in Dallas? Walter Kuzmuk claimed it was
the Dick Gregory press conference that triggered his affidavit. The
Dick Gregory press conference took place in 1975, four years
before Walter Kuzmuk came forward. Why did he wait until Hunt’s
Wah Ling alibi fell apart? The CIA had an interest in clearing Hunt. If
Hunt was connected with the Kennedy assassination it would have
meant the end of the CIA. The CIA followed the progress of Hunt v.
Weberman. When Attorney Mark Lane questioned Richard Helms
about the CIA's interest in Clay Shaw, Richard Helms' CIA Counsel
handed him his Hunt v. Weberman deposition. Did Walter Kuzmuk
come forward at the request of the CIA? Or at Hunt’s request? In
the spring of 1980 a Nazi newspaper called The Spotlight ran a
story by Victor Marchetti that placed Hunt in Dallas on November
22, 1963. Hunt sued Spotlight. On December 15, 1981, during the
first Hunt v. Spotlight trial, the testimony of Walter Kuzmuk was
repeated when Ellis Rubin read from his December 7, 1981,
deposition. Walter Kuzmuk had testified:

I got into the office in the morning [of November 22,


1963] and then lunch time arrived. As usual, several
of us got together and went to lunch at Duke
Ziebert's, right around the corner from where the
office was located, and I was with several of my
colleagues. I guess it was around 1:00 p.m., 1:30
p.m...and I saw a car go by and I noticed HOWARD
and Betty - not Betty - Dorothy...and I waved at them.

In his first statement he said he was dining with one man -


now he was with several. During the second Hunt v. Spotlight trial
Kuzmuk said he was with John Sucher and Louis Rucker. Due in
part to the testimony of Walter Kuzmuk, Spotlight lost the first Hunt

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v. Spotlight trial and the jury awarded Hunt $100,000 in


compensatory damages and $550,000 in punitive damages.
HUNT v. SPOTLIGHT II
A Federal Court of Appeals Judge reversed the Spotlight
conviction on a technicality and ordered a new trial begin. Spotlight
hired Mark Lane to represent it. Mark Lane punched holes in
Kuzmuk's story. When Mark Lane questioned Hunt about how he
traveled to the CIA on the morning of November 22, 1963, Hunt
stated: "There was no other way I could have gotten into work that
morning. I would have had to have driven in with him [Kuzmuk]."
Mark Lane cross-examined Walter Kuzmuk who stated:

Although he had previously testified that he and Hunt


drove together to the CIA almost every morning,
alternating automobiles, he could not testify that he
had seen Hunt on any weekday beginning Monday,
November 18, 1963, and ending Friday, November
22, 1963, except for the time Hunt drove past the
restaurant that Kuzmuk was leaving after
lunch...Furthermore, to the best of his recollection,
Hunt had not shown up for regularly scheduled
meetings on November 20, 1963, and on November
22, 1963.

Walter Kuzmuk repeatedly asserted that he had not driven


to work with Hunt on November 22, 1963: "So on that date, I drove,
because Mr. Hunt was not with me that day until I met him on the
avenue." This part of Walter Kuzmuk's testimony conflicted with
Hunt, who stated: "I probably rode in from Maryland with Mr.
Kuzmuk that day." Mark Lane also pointed to the fact that Hunt had
failed to mention Walter Kuzmuk in his first deposition in Hunt v.
Weberman Hunt:

I omitted Mr. Kuzmuk's name, and it was not brought


to my attention, until a letter arrived a couple of years
later from him reminding me we had been together
on that particular day." When the FBI questioned
Hunt on October 17, 1974, he said, "He could recall
no contact on that date with anyone other than
possibly a former neighbor [Raymond Thomas].

In June 1977, Hunt stated: "I would put [the time I was away
from the house on November 22, 1963] at about two hours." Only in

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later depositions had Hunt left open the possibility of his being at the
CIA that morning. The Rockefeller Commission: "Hunt could not
recall whether he was on duty with the CIA on the morning of that
day." When Hunt was deposed in June 1977, Hunt was again
uncertain whether he had gone to the office that morning. He was
asked: "But could you have stopped by your office?" He answered:
"It is possible I was there in the morning, yes." Mark Lane also
pointed out that Walter Kuzmuk could not place Hunt at the Agency
that day. Walter Kuzmuk: "I am not sure whether he was in the
office that day. I mean it's easy to be that you are on sick leave, or
whatever." Walter Kuzmuk could not cite other witnesses' testimony
to corroborate his testimony. No impartial agency employee could
be questioned. Mark Lane asked Walter Kuzmuk if he saw Hunt
later that day. He answered: "Well, I would say sure, why not?
Probably on his front lawn or maybe on my front lawn. So in all
probability I did." Hunt testified: "I have no reason to believe I saw
Mr. Kuzmuk for the balance of that day..."

When Hunt heard the news of the assassination, why didn't


he go to his office at the CIA where he could be most useful to his
country? Mark Lane asked Hunt if he had learned about the
assassination prior to encountering Walter Kuzmuk. Hunt: "Yes,
indeed. I had learned about it when we were parked in front of a
Chinese grocery store between 8th and 9th Street." Walter Kuzmuk
testified that he was not aware of the assassination when he
encountered Hunt. Why didn't Hunt pull over and give them the
news? Hunt testified he got the news after he reached the Chinese
grocery store, not after they left the Domestic Operations Division
building. Walter Kuzmuk would have had to have seen the HuntS as
they drove to Sidwell Friends School. If the HuntS drove from
Chinatown to Sidwell Friends School did the HuntS have to have
passed the Domestic Operations Division building?

Hunt’s fifth alibi accommodated the testimony of his


secretary at the Domestic Operations Division, Connie Hicks
Mazerov. In May 1978, during the period when Hunt was
erroneously under the impression that Mee Wah Ling had been
located, Connie Mazerov composed the following sworn statement:

The following statement represents the factual events


of November 22, 1963.

I was employed by the CIA from April 1961 through


August 1964 as a clerk typist. On November 22,
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1963, I was working for the Domestic Operations


Division whose offices were located at 1717 H Street
in Washington, D.C. My superior was E. Howard
Hunt. On the morning of Friday, November 22, 1963,
I was at my desk doing routine work. Mr. Hunt was in
his office until lunch time, at which time he left. His
secretary, Ms. Margaret Amesbury and I were in the
office after lunch, when a co-worker informed us
John F. Kennedy had been shot. Ms. Amesbury and I
discussed whether we should leave as Mr. Hunt had
not yet returned from lunch. We decided that as soon
as he heard the news he would realize that most
government workers had been dismissed, and we
both left our office. (Signed)

Connie Joy Hicks Mazerov.

May 16, 1978.

Connie Mazerov had revealed the address of a former CIA


installation, and the name of a CIA employee - Margaret Amesbury.
Had she obtained the permission of the CIA to do this? Connie
Mazerov was contacted in February 1994:

No, I never at any time talked to anyone from the


CIA. They did not ask me to come forward with this.
What happened is I am close friends with Elizabeth
McIntosh. We have remained in contact with each
other for many years. She called me. She was
retired. She said, 'Do you remember seeing Howard
that day?' I talked to her for awhile. That was the only
contact. She did not have any contact, nor had I. She
knew where I was. I had not heard about the
Hunt/tramp allegations prior to this. I followed
Howard's role in Watergate. I had no idea the rest of
that was going on. I assume Howard may have called
her and asked her to call. She was in contact with
him at that point. I assume he called her, and asked
her what her schedule was that day, and if she
remembered seeing him at the office. Because, at
the point in time, when all of this was going on,
Howard's wife was already dead. His children were
fairly young.

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ELIZABETH "BETTY" MCINTOSH was in the OSS during


World War II. McIntosh first met Hunt when she was serving "in the
OSS in Chicago, behind the lines with Howard in 1944." On
December 13, 1977, McInosh attended a luncheon sponsored by
David Atlee Philips where she told The New York Times:

That's what hurts, you've lived so long, you thought


you were doing it the right way, and people now say
you were doing something terrible and dishonorable.'
Mrs. McIntosh, who was at Pearl Harbor on the day it
was bombed, spoke for many when she said 'There
was a real reason for what we were doing in those
days. A lot of things we tried didn't work, but it was
war, and it was important. Today we seem to be
swimming around in a bowl of warm mush.' Mrs.
McIntosh recalled the time when she was serving
with a psychological warfare unit in China in World
War II. Since surrender was anathema to Japanese
culture, Mrs. McIntosh and her comrades covertly
placed on a dead courier false documents that
purported to be a message from the Prime Minister.
The documents, written by prisoners of war, said that
it was alright to surrender under certain
circumstances, and Mrs. McIntosh believes this
helped to weaken the Japanese resistance. [NYT
12.13.77]

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McIntosh was the female counterpart to Howard Hunt. She


was the author of a article entitled The Role of Women in
Intelligence [published by Association of Former Intelligence
Officers] and a book entitled Undercover Girl. Connie Mazerov was
more than Hunt’s secretary, she was his operative. When Hunt ran
an operation against Senator Barry Goldwater, he had Connie
Mazerov pick up the campaign speeches of Senator Barry
Goldwater. Connie Mazerov told The Washington Post that she did
perform courier work when she worked for the CIA. [Wash. Post
12.21.73] Connie Mazerov: "I worked for Amesbury and HOWARD.
In the course of my duties as a clerk/typist I picked-up information,
and I didn't know what it was. I picked up envelopes at one location
and took them to another location."

On September 15, 1971, "(Deleted) Hunt asked CIA to detail


a certain secretary to the White House to work for him. (Deleted)
General Robert Cushman (deleted)." [CIA Memo for Rec. 6.19.73
Meeting with (deleted) Chief EEAB/Pers.] Connie Mazerov
submitted her statement during the Hunt v. Weberman proceedings,
however, she testified for the first time at the second Hunt v.
Spotlight trial. Connie Mazerov said she had seen Hunt at work
early that morning. Mark Lane wrote: "As to the meetings he was
supposed to have attended later that morning [according to one of
Hunt’s versions of events] she couldn't recall seeing him there. She
never saw anyone else that morning who could have seen him."
Connie Mazerov: "I would have never been in a meeting. I was a
GS-5." Like Walter Kuzmuk, Connie Mazerov was unable to name
other witnesses who saw Hunt at the CIA that day, however, Connie
Mazerov unequivocally stated that she had seen Hunt at the CIA
that morning. There were two possibilities: Either Connie Mazerov
was mistaken or she surfaced at the CIA's or at Hunt’s behest. The
possibility exists the CIA activated Connie Mazerov (and Walter
Kuzmuk) when it saw that Hunt’s defense was floundering, although
no sources in the CIA or CIA documents have confirmed this to
date. Mark Lane pointed to the fact that Hunt failed to mention
Connie Mazerov as a witness to his whereabouts on November 22,
1963, in his first deposition in Hunt v. Weberman, in order to cast
doubt on her testimony. Interviewed telephonically Connie Mazerov
stated: "I saw Hunt at the CIA that day. What time? I'm really
digging here. As close as I can recall - its been a lot of years since I
testified too." Connie Mazerov's testimony was read to her:

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I knew I'd seen him in the morning, and that he had


left for lunch. It could have been 11:30 a.m., 12:00
p.m. He generally didn't tell us what he was going to
do for lunch. Mrs. Amesbury saw him too. At that
time I was in my early 20's, and this woman was in
her 50's. There's a very good chance this lady is not
alive. When I testified in Florida, I believe at that time
they could not locate her. I think the only people they
had was Betty McIntosh and myself. She also was
my superior, a GS-13. To understand how somebody
could be there, and no one could see them, you'd
have to understand the way the offices were set up.
The building that we were in - everybody had two or
three rooms in there - and the doors were closed. So
it possible to come in and go into your office and
really not see anybody. Each group did their own
thing and didn't know what the people next door were
doing. There are no traces of him being there that I
know of. But you understand it was a lot of years
before anyone would have looked for anything like
that. I believe Mrs. McIntosh did not see him that day.
She was out. She was in the city.

I did not testify at first Spotlight trial. I testified during


the second trial. To my knowledge he was in the
office all morning. At least that's what I remembered
at the time. There is no way I could be mistaken. I
think everyone fairly well remembers what they were
doing that day. If you picked another day out of a
year, 25 or 30 years ago, I probably wouldn't even
remember what state I was living in. He was there.
I've seen the tramp shots. Nothing I ever saw would
lead me to believe it was him.

Hemming told this researcher:

People tend to remember the events of an hour


preceding the assassination and what went on as
they heard more and more news, and what
happened that evening. But details of who was
supposed to be where, or what, before the event, is
not likely. Even a week after the event. Mazerov
made the statement out of pure loyalty to Hunt. You
probably have a two or three day period there where
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he ain't around. Or somebody could have put things


in her mind, saying 'Don't you remember we did this?'
Amesbury called her looking for a witness.

Connie Mazerov had seen Hunt before he went to lunch -


this testimony was contradicted by Hunt’s first FBI interview during
which he said he had lunch with his wife at home. In addition to
these numerous contradictions, during Hunt’s testimony in the
second Hunt v. Spotlight trial, Hunt said he drove to work on the
morning of November 22, 1963, with Walter Cushman. Hunt told the
Rockefeller Commission:
On November 22, 1963, he and his wife were driving
on H Street at about 9th in Washington, D. C., when
he turned the car radio on and learned that the
President had been shot. He and Mrs. Hunt had been
shopping in a Chinese grocery store in that
immediate vicinity, immediately prior to their getting
into the car. The Hunts lived at 5215 Balton Road,
Sumner. Maryland. On their way home they drove to
the Sidwell Friends School on upper Wisconsin
Avenue and picked up their younger daughter,
Kevan. Kevan told them that Robert and Courtenay
Kennedy, children of Attorney General Robert
Kennedy, were students in the same school and had
been picked up by the Secret Service. The children in
the school knew that the President had been shot.
Mr. Hunt states that the following persons are
witnesses to the fact that he was here in Washington,
D. C., at the time the President was shot in Dallas;

1. His son, Howard St. John Hunt, then ten years of


age.
2. His daughter, Lisa, then twelve years of age.
3. His daughter, Kevan, then eleven years of age.
4. The family maid, Mary Trayner, now employed by
a family living at 4806 DeRussey Parkway. Chevy
Chase, Maryland, and whose phone number is 652-
2930.

Mr. Hunt believes that he was either taking the day


off from work as a part of annual leave on November
22, 1963, or he may have been recuperating from a
hospitalization for ulcers. He had been hospitalized at
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about that period at Sibley Hospital in Washington, D.


C. Mr. Hunt States that he held the following oil
company charge account and credit cards in 1963
and that such accounts may provide corroboration as
to his presence in Washington, D. C., on November
22, 1963: Esso Oil, Gulf Oil, Texaco Oil, Cities
Service Oil, Brooks Brothers (New York), Garfinkle's,
Woodward and Lothrop, Sears Roebuck & Co. ,
Hecht Co. He also states that telephone records
might be checked with Chesapeake and Potomac
Telephone Co.; that the CIA might have travel
voucher records showing his travel during that year
and that CIA should also have records on the dates
on which he took sick leave or annual leave.

Mr. Hunt categorically denies that he has been


involved in any way whatsoever with the
assassination of President Kennedy, Senator Robert
Kennedy, Martin Luther King, or any other person
either within or without the United States. He similarly
denies any participation or involvement whatever in
the attempted assassination of Governor Wallace,
the disappearance of Congressman Hale Boggs or
the shooting of Senator Stennis.

He states that in connection with the planning for the


Cuban invasion in 1961, he did suggest that Fidel
Castro shook' be assassinated either before or
contemporaneously with that invasion, but his
suggestion was not acted upon or otherwise
approved.

Attached are copies of a press statement made by


Mr. Hunt in early February 1975 in Florida, in which
he denies the allegations made by Dick Gregory and
others with respect to his Involvement in the
assassination of President Kennedy and a letter
written to Mr. Hunt by the former family maid, Mary
Traynor.

Lisa Hunt confirms her father's account that he was


at home with the family in the afternoon and evening
of November 22, 1963. She recalls that her father

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assembled the family in front of the television set. He


wanted them all to watch the program because it was
an important historical matter. They were all shocked
about the assassination of the President.

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WHEN DID HUNT AND STURGIS FIRST MEET?


STURGIS' CONFLICTING STATEMENTS
Hunt maintained that he did not know Sturgis in 1963 so he
could not have been involved with him in a plot to kill John Kennedy.
Hunt claimed he met Sturgis in the spring of 1972, through Bernard
Barker. Sturgis, however, told Andrew St. George:

The Bay of Pigs, hey, there was one sweet mess. I


met Howard Hunt that year [1961], he was the
political officer of the exile brigade. Bernard Barker
was Hunt's right hand man, his confidential clerk - his

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body servant. I wish I'd never met the dumb head.


You know, Barker tells everybody to call him 'Macho.'
That's supposed to be his nick name. A man who is
macho is supposed to be some kind of virile hard
charger. Calling Barker macho is like call Liberace
'Slugger.' When he is around Hunt, or anybody that's
over him, Barker is like a valet. Servile. You know
what I mean? 'Sit here Mr. Hunt so the sun won't
bother you.' It's disgusting. 'Yes, sir, Mr. Hunt let me
refresh your drink, sir.' And Barker is the biggest
scrooge you ever saw. Hunt gives him $500 saying,
'Round up some men, we have a job to do.' So
Barker comes downtown and he says to me 'Let's
have lunch, I need some people for Mr. Hunt.' And
you know where we end up having lunch? In the
cheapest hamburger joint in Miami. [St. George,
Swank, 8.64]

In 1961 Sturgis told a CIA source he was a "member of the


anti-Castro group Cuban Revolutionary Front." [CIA DBF 75627
4.24.61; DBF 89191 9.22.61] In 1978 Sturgis was asked:

Q. Did you know Howard Hunt in 1963?

A. Let me say this here. I have worked in the intelligence field off
and on for years and there is compartmentation with people that you
work with directly. I don't recall ever meeting Howard Hunt
personally. I don't recall meeting Howard Hunt. In 1963.

Q. Do you remember speaking to Andrew St. George about the Bay


of Pigs?

A. Oh, that was so many years ago, it's possible.

Q. Do you remember telling Andrew St. George that you worked


with Howard Hunt on the Bay of Pigs invasion?

A. Andrew may get his things a little bit mixed up. Now, understand
one thing, before the Bay of Pigs invasion I was working in a
different sector because E. Howard Hunt was a political officer and I
was not associated with the political end of the Bay of Pigs invasion.

Q. Did you say that to Andrew St. George?

A. No, and if Andrew said that he is lying.


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Q. And if Marita says it, she is lying, too?

A. If she picked up what Andrew says, then it's not so.

MR. RUBIN: They are lying just like Weberman did in his book. The
whole book is a lie and we will prove it in court.

During his deposition in Hunt v. Weberman Sturgis stated:

A. Now again I don't believe I ever met E. Howard


Hunt, but we all knew, many of us knew,
"EDUARDO" was the officer of the Cuban
Revolutionary Council.

Q. Did you ever meet EDUARDO?

A. I don't recall. This is the thing. I don't recall.

In 1975 the Rockefeller Commission questioned him about


this: "Doesn't recall saying that, or recall meeting him before 1972."
Handwritten notes reflected that Sturgis told the Rockefeller
Commission: "Met Hunt when: In 1972 personally. Know of him as
"EDUARDO" as early as 1960 or 1961. Barker introduced them in
1972 at Barker’s office in Miami."

Quotes regarding Hunt: 'Met him in 1961' - Doesn't


recall saying that, or recall meeting him, before 1972.
Heard of him in connection with Bay of Pigs, as
"EDUARDO" knew of him then, but doesn't think they
ever met. Hunt is professional who has affected
disposals. Denies ever saying this. Hunt was a
political officer and didn't have a hand in killings.

Sturgis also told Olsen: "Hunt left Miami one week before
Bay of Pigs." Sturgis was questioned by Robert B. Olsen of the
Rockefeller Commission:

Sturgis: I don't know if it was in 1972 or the latter part


of 1971 that I met Hunt, and I was introduced. And he
said, Frank, this is Howard Hunt.

Olsen: Who introduced you?

Sturgis: Barker did. And I said 'Oh EDUARDO!'

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Olsen: Do we understand then, Frank, that you had


heard of "EDUARDO" during the Bay of Pigs
planning and so forth, but you had never met him?

Sturgis: Right, sir. To the best of my knowledge I had


never met Howard Hunt up until the day in Miami
when Barker introduced me to HOWARD in his
office.
THEORY: GUADALCANAL
Hunt and Sturgis' relationship dated back to World War II.
Events indicated they met in Guadalcanal in 1943, when Sturgis
was a Marine, and Hunt a war correspondent. In American Spy Hunt
wrote

In March 1943, German U-boats sank twenty-seven


merchant ships in the Atlantic. Newspapers
published photographs of the doomed liners, plumes
of smoke billowing out of frame as their smokestacks
disappeared under water. I became obsessed with
finding a way to get back into the war and found an
opportunity as a war correspondent assigned to the
Pacific fleet for Life magazine, actually seeing my
share of action and narrowly escaping death a few
more times.

In American Spy Hunt also wrote

There are a lot of conspiracy theories, which I'll get


into later, involving Sturgis—whom I first met in
1972—and me, so he's a character to remember.
Some of the theories abound because my 1949
novel, Bimini Run, involves a character named Hank
Sturgis, which has made a lot of buffs speculate that
the book is based on Frank. So I would have had to
meet Sturgis in the 1940s, long before Sturgis was a
person of interest. While he was a U.S. Marine in
World War II, he was sent to the South Pacific, far
away from where I was at the time.

When Sturgis spoke with Andrew St. George in August 1974


he was unaware of the implications of his remarks regarding his
long term relationship with Hunt, however, once the tramp story
surfaced Sturgis changed his tune. Now, he said, he could not have

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been one of the tramps in Dealey Plaza along with Hunt, because
he did not know Hunt in 1963, having first been introduced to Hunt
by Barker in 1971. Sturgis claimed to have little respect for Barker.
As this researcher has documented, Sturgis was Barker’s number
one source of information for many years. Sturgis said Barker, on
behalf of Hunt, approached him to do a domestic assassination.
This indicated how close the relationship was between the two men
and that by denouncing Barker, Sturgis was trying to hide this
relationship.

Sturgis told a Rockefeller Commission investigator that "he


started getting involved with Cuban people in Miami in about 1945."
In 1949 Hunt wrote Bimini Run, which he prefaced with the
disclaimer: "The people in this book are imaginary and are not
intended to represent persons living or dead."

1. The hero of Bimini Run, Hank Sturgis, was an ex-


Marine who had been trained at Parris Island. Frank

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Sturgis was an ex-Marine who had been trained at


Parris Island.

2. Hank Sturgis had seen extensive combat in the


Far East including "the Canal."

Frank Sturgis was in Iwo Jima, Okinawa and


Guadalcanal.

3. Hank Sturgis had been wounded in action.

Frank Sturgis had been wounded in action and had a


scar on his right wrist from the wound.

4. Hank Sturgis had been hospitalized after the war.

Frank Sturgis had been hospitalized after the war.

5. Hank Sturgis worked as a bartender.

Frank Sturgis worked as a bartender and owned a


tavern.

6. Hank Sturgis lived in Miami.

Frank Sturgis lived in Norfolk, but visited Miami


frequently.

7. Hank Sturgis was a gambler.

Juanita Terrell told the FBI that her ex-husband,


Frank Sturgis, was involved in gambling activity.

8. Hank Sturgis frequented the Gulfstream Race


Track.

Frank Sturgis worked at the Gulfstream Race Track.

9. Hank Sturgis was an accomplished marksman.

Frank Sturgis was an accomplished marksman.

10. Hank Sturgis was familiar with the Andros


Islands.

Frank Sturgis was familiar with the Andros Islands.

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Sturgis was asked if he had ever worked as a bartender:

A. I did work as a bartender. As a matter of fact,


during the Watergate investigation I was questioned
about that book. I have never read that book...

Q. Don't you think the character Hank Sturgis seems


to follow your own history to a great extent?

A. Right. My wife thinks that too. She says, 'It could


be you.' I don't see how it could be. He didn't know
me at that particular time when he wrote the book...I
don't know when he wrote it.

Robert B. Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission questioned


Sturgis about Bimini Run:

Olsen: Was the any particular reason why you


wanted to change your name when you were already
an adult, grown up?

Sturgis: The reason for that was that I felt there were
too many FioriniS, Frank Fiorini'S especially. I don't
know. My mother wanted me to change the name
really because she had a bad situation with my father
and she hated the Fiorini family.

Olsen: I take it from what you say on that score, then,


Frank, that you were not then aware at the time your
name was legally changed in Norfolk, Virginia, of the
fact that E. Howard Hunt had written a novel in the
late 1940's in which a character appeared by the
name of Hank Sturgis. Is that true?

Sturgis: Would you believe that the Special


Committee, they got me on that. And it is a
coincidence, because I got the book at home. And
my wife read that book and I read that book. And it is
just like it would be my type of character.

Pipe smoking Henry Reed Sturgis, a college dropout, was


actually a synthesis between Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt.
Evidence suggested Frank Fiorini used the name Frank Sturgis
before he legally changed it in 1952 -- three years after Hunt wrote
about Hank Sturgis in Bimini Run.
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In 1975 Sturgis told Michael Canfield how he had used the


two names to conceal his identity: "You see where I live at? A lot of
people in that area before the Watergate thing, they never knew
who I was. I go off two, three weeks at a time. They figured I was a
salesman. And here I am, involved in every goddamn thing
imaginable. And I've never used Sturgis in any of my activities. I've
always used Fiorini...So if any publicity came out, it came out in
[Fiorini]. I left Sturgis alone." Conversely, when Frank'S legal name
was Fiorini he might have used Sturgis for "every goddamn thing
imaginable." Hunt knew him by his nom-de-guerre, Frank Sturgis,
and used the name in his novel.

HUNT EXPLAINS
A. During the war I met a Captain Sturgis, whom I became very fond
of. He contracted tuberculosis in the jungles. He came back home in
a ship and went up to Saranac Lake Sanitarium. I heard
subsequently he died of the T.B. he incurred in the Far East during
the war. I was a great admirer of this individual. His name came to
mind when I wrote the book.

Q. What was his first name?

A. My guess is it was Lee.

Q. What is his hometown, how can we get in touch with him?

A. I said he died.

Q. Did you in fact characterize HANK Sturgis in the 1949 book as a


bartender as well as a soldier-of-fortune and ex-Marine?

A. Gee, I wouldn't remember. I probably wrote three dozen books


since then.

Hunt added that the rest of Hank Sturgis' characteristics


were his own invention. There was no similarity to Frank Sturgis
besides the name, although he admitted: "I heard of an adventurer
[named] Fiorini, but it wasn't until early 1972 that BERNIE Barker
introduced me to an individual now known as Frank Sturgis." The
Rockefeller Commission attempted to resolve the Bimini Run
question, however, it did not address itself to the real issue,
because Dick Gregory's associate, Ralph Schoenman, confused the
information that had been given to him by this researcher. Ralph
Schoenman testified that Fiorini took the name Sturgis from a
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character in Bimini Run, rather than testifying that Hunt had


patterned a character in Bimini Run after Sturgis:

One witness asserted that Sturgis is a pseudonym;


that his name is Frank Fiorini; and that he took the
name Sturgis from a fictional character [Hank Sturgis]
in a novel written by Hunt in 1949 [Bimini Run]...A
search of the relevant court records disclosed that a
petition was filed on September 23, 1952, in the
Norfolk [Virginia] City Circuit Court pursuant to which
a Frank Angelo Fiorino petitioned to change his
name to Frank Anthony Sturgis. The petition recited
that his mother had divorced his father about 15
years previously, and had married one Ralph Sturgis,
that he had been living with his mother all of his life,
that his mother was known as Mary Sturgis, and that
his stepfather also desired him to change his name to
Sturgis. A court order was entered on September 23,
1952, (the same date as the petition) changing his
name to Frank Anthony Sturgis...In the petition and
the order relating to the change of name, Fiorini was
misspelled as Fiorino. In light of this documentary
evidence, no weight can be given to the claim that
Sturgis took his present name from a character in a
Hunt novel - or that the name change was associated
in any way with Sturgis' knowing Hunt before 1971 or
1972.
WHY FIORINO?
Rockefeller Commission notes dealt with the Fiorino question:

Telephone Conversation with Sturgis May 3, 1975,


Called him to ask about spelling of the name 'Fiorino"
on petition snf order covering his name change. He
joked about the fact Italians can't spell. Said his birth
certificate and military records were all Fiorini, but
that his grandfather might have spelled the name
Fiorino. Confirmed that his mother's maiden name
was Mary Vona, and his father was Angelo Anthony
Fiorini. For his new middle name, he switched from
his father's first name to his father's middle name -
Italian custom to carry father's name, he said.
Probably just an error on the court papers - both of
which were probably prepared by the same attorney.
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Note. Frank'S signature on the petition is ambiguous.


It could be read as either 'I' or an 'o.'
HUNT AND STURGIS MOVED IN THE SAME EXILE CIRCLES
Hunt and Sturgis both knew the same people so it was likely
that they knew one another. The CIA pointed this out in 1975, in the
course of evaluating Sturgis' Agency connections. A CIA document
generated by Jerrold Brown pointed out:

(1) Hunt knew Lanz. Lanz knew Sturgis. Therefore


Hunt could have known Sturgis through Lanz.

(2) Manuel Artime knew Sturgis.

Sturgis was asked:

Q. Did you know the late Manuel Artime?

A. Yes.

Q. Did you work with him in the MIR?

A. Let me say this here. I had contact with Artime, since Artime
came from Cuba. I was part of the original officers that organized
the MIR. Manuel Artime was an individual who left Cuba, and came
to the United States. I did not know Artime in Cuba, but I was one of
the original officers who helped organize the MIR movement in the
United States.

Q. Was your friend, Geraldine Shamma, also associated with Dr.


Artime.

A. Yes.

Hunt knew Manuel Artime. Therefore Hunt could have


known Sturgis through Manuel Artime.

(3) Hunt knew Nino Diaz. Nino Diaz knew Sturgis.


Therefore Hunt could have known Sturgis through
Diaz.

(4) Hunt knew Barker. Barker knew Sturgis.


Therefore Hunt could have known Sturgis though
Barker.

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(5) Hunt knew Barker. Barker knew Alexander Rorke.


Alexander Rorke knew Sturgis. Therefore Hunt could
have known Sturgis through Barker/Alexander Rorke.

(6) Hunt knew Manuel Artime. Manuel Artime knew


Alexander Rorke. Alexander Rorke knew Sturgis.
Therefore Hunt could have known Sturgis through
Manuel Artime/Alexander Rorke.

In the course of Hunt v. Weberman, Hunt was questioned


about Pedro Diaz Lanz.

Q. Did you know Pedro Diaz Lanz?

A. I met him on a couple of occasions. Barker brought him to my


home in Coconut Grove probably in January or February 1961.

Q. Did you know that Pedro Diaz Lanz was in fact a close friend of
Sturgis?

A. I'm not sure he was a friend. I know he and Fiorini joined him in
Havana.

Q. But you never met Frank Sturgis through Pedro Diaz Lanz?

A. No.

Q. You had no contact with him?

A. I didn't know him in 1972 under that name.

James W. Franklin, Chief, Official Cover Branch, CCS


stated: "I reviewed the file of Sturgis which contained no reference
to Hunt, although reference was made to some other associates in
the Bay of Pigs period." [CIA MFR 11.2.73] In an interview with his
son Howard St. John Hunt, Hunt settled the matter of when he met
Frank Sturgis once and for all:
Well I first met Frank Sturgis a couple of years earlier
[in the early 1960’s] when Barker drew up in front of
my safehouse and ah he had a fellow in the front
seat with him and he said “Eduardo I want you to
meet Frank Sturgis.” Sturgis went along with
everything that we did you know if we said “Frank we
want you to stand guard here while a team does such
and such” and he would loyally do it and if we said
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pull you gun and shoot at the slightest provocation he


would have done it. He was a follower; I dare say a
loyal follower and he also had a patriotic commitment
to what we were doing. If you recall in his
background he had served in both the Marine Corps
and the Navy or possibly the Army. I first met him the
early 1960s. He was certainly involved in the
planning and the recommending of different Cubans
to be included [in the Bay of Pigs invasion]. He did
that because he had personal experience of them.

Hunt changed his story from the one he had repeated under
oath on numerous occasions. If he was lying about knowing Sturgis
in the early 1960’s than he could have been lying about knowing
him in the late 1940’s. In any event this put Hunt and Sturgis
together at the time of the Kennedy assassination and was further
evidence that Hunt and Sturgis were in Dealey Plaza disguised as
tramps.

PEDRO DIAZ LANZ, STURGIS AND HUNT


HUNT v. WEBERMAN
Pedro Diaz Lanz was asked:

Q. When did you first meet Frank Sturgis?

A. When? 1957.

Q. Where was that?

A. Santiago De Cuba.

Q. When did you first see Mr. Sturgis with Mr. Hunt, what date?

A. Never.

Q. Did Sturgis indicate in 1957, or a time subsequent, that he had


knowledge of Mr. Hunt?

A. No.

Q. When did you first meet Mr. Hunt?

A. Never met him.

Q. Did you ever see Mr. Hunt or Mr. Sturgis in November 1963?
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A. No, sir.

Q. Did you know Mr. Hunt as "EDUARDO" of the Cuban


Revolutionary Front?

A. No, sir.

Q. Did you ever see Mr. Hunt, or Mr. Sturgis in November 1963?

A. No, sir.

Q. Either in Miami or in Dallas Texas?

A. I said I never seen them.

Q. You have never seen Mr. Hunt though?

A. No.

Q. Have you ever talked to him on the telephone.

A. (No response).

Q. I again ask the question that was objected to: Did you, Mr. Lanz,
become acquainted with Manuel Artime?

MR. DARRACH: Same objection. [Lanz Depo 2.3.78]

In 1977 Pedro Diaz Lanz told Gaeton Fonzi

…he was with Barker many times. He told Barker


that Artime was a Communist...Lanz described
Bender (Droller) as an older man over 45 years of
age (1960's) curly hair, European accent. He met
Bender at safe house in Coconut Grove, and Bender
offered him position as Chief of Air Strike Force in
Guatemala (Bay of Pigs Operation). Lanz did not
accept it because he would not have been in on the
planning. It was all very secret and run by the CIA.
Lanz was then offered another position in Cuba, but
refused and had heated words with Bender because
he stated it was just an effort to destroy the Cuban
forces in exile. Bender agreed off the record. Lanz
was very hot and someone came over and attempted
to calm him down. Believes this was Hunt. Shortly
thereafter Artime arrived and he and Bender hugged
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

and kissed each other on the mouth. This drew Lanz


attention because he knew it wasn't an American or
French or Spanish custom for men to kiss each
other.
Gaeton Fonzi returned the next day with a photograph of
Hunt. "Pedro Diaz Lanz could not ID Hunt...I asked Lanz to explain
how Hunt wrote about him in his book, Give Us This Day. Lanz
could not explain." [HSCA Gonzales and Fonzi 9.23.77] Fonzi
interviewed Marcos Diaz Lanz:
Marcos Diaz Lanz said that he early recognized that
Castro was a Communist and that he was using
Communism as a vehicle to take over Cuba. He said
he reported this to Colonel Nichols, the Air Force
Military Attache at the American Embassy, with
whom he had been in regular contact...

Gaeton Fonzi questioned Marcos Diaz Lanz about Hunt:

It was pointed out to Marcos that Howard Hunt


mentions, in Give Us This Day, the leaflet raid
[October 21, 1959] and that Hunt writes of
immediately afterwards interviewing Pedro, but not
Marcos or Sturgis. Marcos Diaz Lanz responded: 'I
wouldn't waste a minute reading his book. I don't
know the man. The book to me, I don't think I'm going
to learn anything reading the book, because I don't
know the man.' He was then asked if he had ever
met Hunt. He said he had not. He was then asked if
he had ever met "EDUARDO." He said: 'Well, you
know, someone will come to you and say they
worked for the Company and they will be wearing a
bracelet that says 'John' on it and they will tell you
another name. You just don't know who you meet.'
[HSCA Memo 3.7.78]

In a deposition in Hunt v. Weberman, Hunt said he met


Pedro Diaz Lanz at least once. In Give Us This Day, Hunt indicated
he was well acquainted with Pedro Diaz Lanz. In November 1964 an
unidentified office of the CIA issued this memo:

MEMORANDUM November 4, 1964

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SUBJECT: Involved in Arms Smuggling and in a


Planned Insurrection of Minutemen in Florida Area.

1. This office is in the process of monitoring a


clandestine arms smuggling operation in the Miami
area directed against Venezuela. In this connection a
recently acquired source whose information to date
has proven accurate became involved with, an arms
supplier, operating under the alias of Pedro Garcia,
who offered to supply arms of any type and any
amount within a period of one week.

On November 1, 1964 during one of a series of


meetings held between our source and Garcia, the
latter indicated that he was member and associated
with an ultra-rightist group called Minutemen, who
are training in an area in Florida called Yahagva
(phonetic; possibly Yalaha, near Leesburg). Pedro
Garcia stated that if Lyndon Johnson were re-elected
President this group planned to revolt in an armed
insurrection against the U.S. Government. Garcia
bragged that he provided the arms for the above
revolt.

2. The source of this information stated that Pedro


Garcia remarks were made casually, and that he is
not in a position to assess the veracity of the threat.
As of the writing of this memorandum this office has
not been able to determine whether the above
information constitutes a bit of braggadocio on the
part of Pedro Garcia to impress our source or
whether there is indeed some element of truth in
Pedro Garcia's claim.

3. This office has been able to identify Pedro Garcia


as Marcos Jose Diaz Lanz A11 811 130.

4. This office will continue to monitor the arms


smuggling operation, and particular emphasis will be
placed on uncovering Marcos Jose Diaz Lanz'
intentions and activities in connection with the above
cited insurrection plans. In this context, it is
requested that this office be informed if the above
information relative to an insurrection coincides with

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

any information available to our office. If so, details


are requested.

5. This office is most desirous of protecting the


source of the above information and in insuring that
the penetration which he has achieved of local and
foreign smuggling circles not be placed in jeopardy.
For these reasons, it is requested that the above
information be handled on a need-to-know basis and
that no action be taken on this information without
prior coordination with this office. In this regard, we
will be glad to service any requirements which you
may wish to levy on our source. We will of course
keep you informed of any further developments that
may occur in this case. [CIA 201-259716]

MEMORANDUM (Deleted) 1964

SUBJECT: Marcos Diaz Lanz

REFERENCE: Memorandum this office dated


(Deleted) 1964 Subject: Planned Insurrection of
Minutemen in Florida area.

1. On November 6, 1964 this office received a report


from the source of reference memorandum pertaining
to a meeting the source had with Marcos Diaz Lanz
on November 3, 1964.

2. During the meeting Marcos Diaz Lanz talked freely


about the election results which by that time indicated
President Johnson had been elected for another
term. As the margin of votes for Johnson increased,
Marcos Diaz Lanz became more and more excited.
Marcos Diaz Lanz criticized Johnson very severely
and referred to him as an SOB. He said it was
becoming obvious that 'they' would have to go and
fight in the streets because 'they' were unable to
accept the Johnson Government. Marcos Diaz Lanz
did not clarify who the 'they' were, but it was
understood by source to mean the Minutemen but he
received a definite impression that Marcos Diaz Lanz
himself was deeply involved in any action
contemplated.

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3. Source was not positive but he recalled that


Marcos Diaz Lanz made some reference to the fact
that the U.S. would be better off if Johnson were
dead, but source, who was questioned very closely
on this point could not say that Marcos Diaz Lanz
had made any direct reference or suggestion that he
or the Minutemen intended to do anything beyond
going to the streets to fight as indicated in the
referenced memorandum.

4. This office will keep you informed of any


developments that may occur in this case as they
evolve. [CIA 201-259716]

Bernard Barker was questioned during Hunt V. Weberman:

Q. When did you first meet Howard Hunt?

A. I'm trying to think right now if that came out in any


declarations of mine at Watergate. I think it did. I met
Howard Hunt in Miami somewhere around the year
1960. He was air commander or chief of the CIA.

Q. How did you become his number one assistant?

A. That is a question only he can answer.

Q. Did you work for him in Cuba, too?

A. No.

Q. Did you work for Cuban Revolutionary Front and


Cuban Revolutionary Council?

A. Yes.

Q. Did you ever have correspondence with the New


Orleans Cuban Revolutionary Council?

A. No...I will go further and say I have never been in


New Orleans.

Barker admitted he knew Sturgis, but when asked if he had


seen Hunt and Sturgis together prior to the time he allegedly
introduced the two men to each other circa 1972, he responded:

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A. No, never.

Q. When you introduced Hunt to Sturgis do you


remember the conversation?

A. When we went on the, I think it was the second


trip, before the - Sturgis had known of the existence
of Hunt. From his conversations with me, I knew
Sturgis was quite excited at meeting the famous
"Eduardo." On the other hand, Hunt said he was
going to have to meet Sturgis now because he is
going to be involved in something. So I introduced
him to Hunt at that time and from official expressions,
the excitement of meeting the great "Eduardo,"
meeting somebody removed. This is to the best of
my knowledge, under oath I can tell you, they first
met, therefore it's...

Tony Varona told the HSCA: "I know the name Fiorini,
because I know there was a pilot by that name. I never saw him
present. Maybe, I am not sure, he was working with Bender.
Possibly with Barker."
HOWARD K. DAVIS, HEMMING & HUNT
In April 1993 Howard K. Davis was asked: "Did you ever see
Howard Hunt back in the early 1960's?" Howard K. Davis replied:
"Well he was around every place, yeah. But I had no great contact
with him." He was asked: "Did you ever see Hunt and Sturgis
together?" Howard K. Davis stated: "I can't say that I did, no. But
then I'd see Sturgis with a whole bunch of different people. I
wouldn't know who they were." Hemming told the HSCA: “He was
aware of Hunt, but never worked with him.” In 1994 Hemming
stated,

Who walks in the fucking door but Sturgis, and Hunt


and Bill what-the-fuck's his name. We were at
Freedom Tower to meet with Cisneros and Veciana
and a bunch of other people. Frank Watterson was
supposed to be there. This was October 1963.

The Rockefeller Commission tackled the question of whether


Hunt knew Sturgis before 1972: "Hunt testified that he had never
met Frank Sturgis before they were introduced by Bernard Barker in
Miami in 1972. Sturgis testified to the same effect. Sturgis further

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testified that while he had often heard of "EDUARDO," a CIA


political officer who had been active in Cuban Revolutionary Council
work in Miami before the April 1961 BAY OF PIGS OPERATION, he
had never met him and did not know until 1971 or 1972 that
"EDUARDO" was E. Howard Hunt. Sturgis had also been active in
Miami area anti-Castro groups before, during and after Hunt’s 1960
and early 1961 assignment regarding the political aspects of the
Bay of Pigs Project."

A Rockefeller Commission investigator wrote: "Marita Lorenz


- mistress of Fidel Castro - said recently to a reporter that when she
came to the U.S. in 1960 or so, the first people she met was Sturgis
and Hunt. Sturgis denies this, says that the person who was with
him was Alex Rorke or Jose Joachim Sanjennes Pardomo - not
Hunt."

Undoubtedly Sturgis was curious about "EDUARDO'S"


identity back in the early 1960's. He admitted having heard about
him. All Sturgis had to do was to ask any number of friends to
introduce him to "Eduardo" and he would have met Hunt. Tad Szulc
was asked, in the course of Hunt v. Weberman, if he had developed
any information that linked Hunt to Sturgis prior to 1971. Szulc
stated: "And, the answer would be: I believe I did on the basis of
conversations with writer people with whom I dealt in it, but again, I
would, my memory is not perfect on this point." Szluc said that their
relationship involved the United States Government and that it
occurred at the time of the Bay of Pigs invasion.
ANGLETON AND HUNT
The pattern of deliberate disassociation that appeared in the
Hunt/Sturgis relationship also appeared in the Hunt/Angleton
relationship. Angleton claimed that he never met Hunt. Scott Malone
stated: "Angleton, Newton S. Miler and Hunt were thick as thieves at
the CIA." Charles Colson "mentioned the fact that Angleton had had
contact with Hunt while Hunt was in the White House." [Werbell Ex.
4 see Conein in Record Groups] In an interview with Daniel Schorr,
Angleton denied knowing Hunt. [Wise, Molehunt p246] During his
deposition in Hunt V. Weberman Angleton was asked: "During the
course of yours and his professional duties on behalf of the Agency,
did you ever have an occasion to have a professional relationship
with Hunt?" Answer: "No." Angleton was asked "And are you friends
with him?" He answered: "No." William Hood was questioned about
Hunt and Angleton by this researcher: "I can't imagine. I would
doubt very much if their paths ever crossed." The CIA reported on
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

June 19, 1972: "Hunt’s security file reflects that Subject has, in the
past, been of operational interest to Mr. James Angleton, Chief, CI
Staff/ DDP in connection with an operational matter. One June 19,
1972, Mr. Fred Hubbard, CI Staff, advised that he will provide
information as to the nature of Mr. Angleton'S utilization of Subject."
In January 1974 Angleton was questioned about his relationship
with Hunt:

Angleton: According to Lyle Miller, Deputy Legislative Counsel, he


has a paper of Security's on this fellow Hunt. Paragraph 15 [of]
Subject's Security file reflects that Subject has in the past been of
operational interest to Mr. James Angleton, Chief /Counter-
Intelligence Staff, DDP, in connection with an OP matter. On June
19, 1972, Fred Hubbard, Counter-Intelligence/Staff, advised that he
will provide information as to the nature of Mr. Angleton'S utilization
of Subject. That's the end of the quote.

SDO: Yes Sir.

Angleton: As I told Mr. - when I talked to Mr. Osborn I didn't have


this in hand and he didn't recall it - so it throws - the fact that I talked
to Fred Hubbard who denies all of this.

SDO: Please hang on. Mr. Angleton could you hang on to this - he
doesn't remember it?

Angleton: No, he doesn't remember making such a statement.


According to him, I remember him well - Second, I've never met
Hunt in my life, and I'd appreciate it if Mr. Howard Osborn, who's
going up with the Director today, finds out who the author is of all of
this and brief him on all of this. That's it.

SDO: Thank you. I will.

THE ILLEGAL SUBSIDY FROM ANGLETON TO HOWARD HUNT


The operation referred to in this document may have dealt
with Counter-Intelligence's subsidy of Hunt’s career as an author of
spy novels. This came to light as a result of this chain of events: In
1968 the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Richard
Helms,

…discussed with Jack Valenti, President of the


Motion Picture Association of America, the potential
of several books written by David St. John, a former
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Agency employee. Mr. Helms thought these books


gave a favorable impression of the Agency and might
be exploitable for the movies.

On or about May 1971, Mr. Martin S. Davis,


Chairman of the Gulf and Western subsidiary,
Paramount Pictures, met with Mr. Kern, of the New
York City Domestic Contacts Office concerning the
possibility of Paramount doing a TV series on the CIA
similar to that presently on TV concerning the
FBI....According to Mr. Davis, the decision had been
reached by the Agency that it would be unwise to
attempt such a series, but that if and when the
Agency felt such a series to be desirable, it would
first offer the opportunity to Mr. Davis and Paramount
Pictures.

Mr. Helms said that on May 9, 1972, Mr. Valenti


introduced him to Mr. Charles Bluhdorn, chairman of
the board of Gulf and Western which owns
Paramount pictures at a showing of The Godfather at
the headquarters of the Motion Picture Association of
America. Mr. Helms related that Mr. Bluhdorn did not
raise the issue of the books by David St. John nor
say anything about a possible TV series on the
Agency, although he could have easily done so. Mr.
Helms said their conversation related principally to
wine from grapes grown in the Napa Valley. Mr.
Helms said flatly that he made no commitment to
anyone regarding the possibility of a T.V. series on
the Agency and, as a matter of fact, opposed
presentation of a series on the Agency.

Charles Bluhdorn, a World War II Jewish immigrant from


Austria who arrived in America with $15, used the money he made
from Brazilian coffee to set up Gulf and Western in 1956. Gulf and
Western invested heavily in Latin America. Charles Bluhdorn was
associated with Vatican banker Michelle Sidona through the Societa
Generale Immobiliare, a multinational real estate firm. He was also
associated with Ivan Boesky and reputed mafia attorney Sidney
Korshak. The largest single beneficiary of the U.S. invasion and
subsequent government policies in the Dominican Republic was
Gulf and Western. After the U.S. invasion of the Dominican Republic
in April 1965, Gulf and Western supported the appointment of Juan
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Balaguer as president - as did organized crime figure Joe Zicaralli.


Many Cuban exiles were involved in Gulf and Western's Dominican
operations. In July 1970 top Gulf and Western executives were
asked to appear before the Illinois Racing Board, then investigating
ties between a Gulf and Western controlled company and organized
crime. Mr. Bluhdorn and his associates denied any and all
knowledge of organized crime figures connected with Gulf and
Western properties, but evidence was presented that indicated Gulf
and Western was in partnership with Philip Levin, who was also a
Gulf and Western director, in a hotel in Acapulco that was run by
Moe Morton as a private club. Guests included Meyer Lansky and
Sidney Korshak.[NACLA 4.75] Charles Bluhdorn died circa 1983.
The CIA:

Mr. Davis was upset because Mr. Bluhdorn, on the


morning of May 10, 1972, put a number of St. John's
books on Martin S. Davis' desk with a note 'maybe I
should deal with Mr. Helms myself.' According to
Martin S. Davis, Jack Valenti had given the books to
Mr. Bluhdorn after supposedly having received them
from Mr. Helms. Mr. Davis assumed that Mr.
Bluhdorn had received them from Mr. Valenti the
previous evening when Mr. Bluhdorn was present at
a showing of The Godfather to which Mr. Helms and
number of other White House advisors were also
invited. Relating this transmission of the St. John
books to Gulf & Western's interest in doing a TV
series, Mr. Bluhdorn questioned the accuracy of Mr.
Davis' information that the Agency did not want to do
a T.V. series. Mr. Bluhdorn is apparently interpreting
this coincidence to mean that Mr. Helms is now
interested in doing the series.

4. Mr. Isenstead, Chief, Cover and Commercial Staff,


related the above to Mr. Cord Meyer, Deputy
Director, Plans, on May 10, 1972, and was informed
that Mr. Davis and the company should exercise their
own judgements concerning David St. John's books,
and that there is no pressure from the Agency on the
matter.

5. Mr. Davis and Mr. Lukoskie met on May 11, 1972.


At the meeting, Davis showed Lukoskie several
books by David St. John, one of which was a
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

hardcover book and the other paperback copies


selling for 50 cents. The cover described David St.
John as a former CIA agent. Mr. Davis referred to the
books as a 'bunch of crap' and said they 'can't
possible do the Agency any good.' He checked with
another Gulf and Western vice president, Mr.
Levinson, who said that Valenti had informed Mr.
Levinson, a couple of weeks ago, that Mr. Helms, a
personal friend of David St. John, said he would like
to help St. John get the books made into movies of a
TV series. Mr. Davis stated flatly that he has no
interest in the books, but that he is unhappy because
he felt he had a commitment from the Agency
through Mr. Kerns which would give Mr. Davis and
Paramount first opportunity to produce a TV series if
the Agency is willing. Mr. Davis fears that someone in
the Agency is talking to Valenti about the possibility
of a TV series and the Agency is reneging on its
commitment to him. Mr. Davis wants to know whether
he does or does not have a commitment from CIA by
way of Mr. Kerns of the DCS office to be given the
first opportunity to produce a TV series of movie
concerning the CIA.
THE ILLEGAL SUBSIDY IS UNCOVERED
On May 10, 1972, as a result of the controversy with
Paramount, the ID/I/F Supervisor received a call from:

Martin J. Lukowski, Cover / Commercial Staff / CCB.


He asked me to identify for him by true name the
Agency employee who had in the past extensively
used the pen name David St. John. Martin J.
Lukowski believed it was either (Deleted) OS# 37435
or the Subject. Lukowski identified the Subject as
Howard Hunt. Martin J. Lukowski said he needed the
information urgently, but he did not explain the need
or identity of his requestor. Initial OS indices search
revealed no record of David St. John, and numerous
files in the name of (Deleted) and Howard Hunt. I
consulted privately with Edward F. Sayle, Office of
Security, Security Research Staff, in the hope that
SRS might have some record of pen names used by
Agency employees whose works had been

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

published. Sayle recalled from memory that Hunt had


written several books under Agency sponsorship,
using the pen-name David St. John. The intent of the
novels had been to provide a series similar to the
James Bond novels, presenting a favorable image of
the Agency. The project had, Edward F. Sayle said,
been under the guidance of the Counter-Intelligence
Staff. It had not, he noted, proved very successful...In
as much as Subject had written under the guidance
of the Counter-Intelligence Staff, Edward F. Sayle
advised against identifying him by name to Martin J.
Lukowski. He suggested instead that Martin J.
Lukowski be referred to Ray Rocca, Deputy Chief,
Counter-Intelligence Staff, or Mr. Angleton, Chief, CI
Staff. I called Mr. Lukoskie on Red Line 1978. In his
absence I advised Ellen, his secretary, that I did not
that the authority to identify David St. John by his true
name and suggested that Mr. Lukoskie contact Mr.
Rocca or Mr. Angleton. At no time did I identify
Subject as the user of the pen name David St. John.
[CIA File Number 235000 MFR]

William Hood commented, "God knows JIM would have


never read any of those books, I would think, because they're so
bad." On May 23, 1972, Martin J. Lukoskie, CCS/CCB met with
Martin S. Davis in Mr. Davis' office in New York City. Davis was
informed that the Agency was against doing a television series on
the CIA and Davis readily agreed to drop the matter. Harry Real, a
Domestic Contacts Division Agent from New York discussed the
possibility of producing a series of movies based on the paperback
novels of David St. John (one of Howard Hunt’s pen names). Martin
S. Davis succeeded Charles Bluhdorn as Chairman of the Board of
Gulf and Western.
THE CIA INVESTIGATES THE ILLEGAL SUBSIDY
GENERAL PAUL F. GAYNOR
February 1974
FROM: Edward F. Sayle
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. KUHN
SUBJECT: General Paul F. Gaynor's Recollections
1. This date, at your instruction, I called General Paul
Gaynor to seek his recollections regarding his
knowledge of the writings of Mr. Hunt and any official

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who might be aware of the circumstances of any


Agency involvement in that effort.

2. General Gaynor advised that his memory is not all


together clear on that matter, and that he was
"reaching," but stated that as he reconstructs the
matter:

3. He became aware that Hunt, while in WH, was


accomplishing a steady flow of spy books, and that
security approval was not being requested on the
manuscripts before submission to publishers. (He
stated that this activity continued later, as he recalls
it, in CI Staff, and agreed with the idea that the
volume of writings was sufficient to indicate that a
great deal of time was involved in Hunt’s writing.)
General Gaynor advised that he raised the issue "up
front" on several occasions. The reaction he received
from raising the issues was that "keep your stinking
nose out of this business." He stated that he was led
to believe that Mr. Helms desired to improve the
image of the intelligence profession, and the Agency,
and that Hunt’s books were a part of the program to
do so. He stated he was never told outright this was
the case, but the responses he received led him to
believe this was the case.

4. He suggested that two people might be able to


assist in clearing the issue were Ray Rocca and
Walter Pforzheimer, both of whom were involved in
the "image" materials. He stated that Pforzheimer
seemed to be aware of all the details - on an up to
date basis - of Hunt’s departure from the Agency to
join the public relations firm, to the degree that
General Gaynor gained the belief that Hunt was
merely moving his desk outside the building, but
being paid by the same source as before. He also
advised that he kept Mrs. Ethel Mendoza fairly
current on what he was learning about Hunt’s
activities because she followed the case for him and
suggested that her recall about what he had learned,
and when and what resulted, might be better than
him at this date. (He also mentioned an incident in
which Morse Allen while on TDY was told by a COS
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to ask Headquarters to remove Hunt from the area


because of his direct liaison with the President of that
country, and other activities which were confounding
station operations. Later the COS told Morse to
forget about relaying the message, with the
implication that Hunt was being directed by higher
authority in the Agency and the COS did not
(illegible).

4. He also suggested that another person -- definitely


no friend of Hunt -- who might have some recall or
have picked-up information about the book-writing
might be Anita Potocki of CI Staff, formerly of
Division D. (I gather that she did not have official
knowledge, but because of her dislike for Hunt, she
made it somewhat her business to follow his career).
Edward Sayle.

February 14, 1974

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT: Interview with Raymond A. Rocca on the


David St. John Novels.

1. On the morning of February 14, 1974, Messrs.


Fredrick Evans and Lawrence Howe interviewed Mr.
Raymond A. Rocca, Deputy Chief, Counter-
Intelligence Operations. The purpose of the interview
was to follow up on information contained in Office of
Security files which stated the belief that individuals
in the Counter Intelligence Operations Office had
knowledge of the writing activities of Hunt. This belief
was a matter of record in the files of the former
Security Research Staff and was attributed to Mr.
Paul Gaynor, now retired, and Mr. Edward Sayle.

2. During this interview Mr. Rocca was specifically


asked whether or not he had knowledge of the
existence of any form of official sponsorship or
encouragement to Hunt to write novels to improve
the image of this Agency. Additionally, Mr. Rocca
was asked whether or not any assistance was
requested of the Counter Intelligence Operations

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Office to be provided to Mr. Hunt, or whether or not


that staff had any relationship with Mr. Hunt
whatsoever. In response to these questions, Mr.
Rocca responded "on the record" that he has no
knowledge of any such arrangements, not at any
time was he party to any assistance, or requests for
assistance to Mr. Hunt. Mr. Rocca stated that the
particular section which had been most actively
concerned in the past years was responsible for
handling a variety of tasks categorized under the
area of "setting the record straight." In this sense the
image mission of the office was to counter
misinformation currently in the media, or otherwise
believed to be part of an effort to discredit the
Agency. Mr. Rocca feels that any assumption that
Mr. Hunt was engaged in any form of Agency
sponsored image activity would have probably lead
to the conclusion that it was done under the Counter
Intelligence Operations. However, Mr. Rocca
emphatically stated that this was not the case.

3. Mr. Rocca was thoroughly candid and cooperative


during the course of this interview. He was unable to
suggest alternate means of attempting to determine if
any official agency sponsorship of Mr. Hunt did, in
fact, exist. Mr. Rocca did venture the opinion that he
felt that in all probability an official acquiescence on
the part of senior officials might have been involved,
rather than an official sponsorship. It was agreed by
all in this discussion that the nature of any informal
support given to Mr. Hunt would be far more difficult
to define in the absence of any formalized
agreements.

Lawrence J. Howe.
WALTER PFORZHEIMER
FROM: Lawrence Howe
TO: Mr. Steven L. Kuhn
SUBJECT: The David St. John Novels
1. On February 4, 1974 Mr. Walter Pforzheimer,
Curator, Historical Intelligence Collection, was
interviewed by the undersigned concerning his
knowledge of a series of novels written by Hunt.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

This interview was undertaken at your request to


determine if Mr. Hunt had acted in any capacity
in cooperation with Counter Intelligence
Operations. It had previously been alleged in
Office of Security records that Paul Gaynor and
Edward Sayle of Security Research Staff,
believed that Hunt had written novels at Agency
request and that his effort had been known to
Mr. James Angleton, Chief, Counter-Intelligence
Operations.

2. Mr. Pforzheimer provided a verbal summary of his


knowledge of Mr. Hunt’s fictional writings under the
pen name, David St. John. Mr. Pforzheimer stated
that when the first St. John book, On Hazardous
Duty, appeared in 1965, he undertook to identify the
true name of the author. Mr. Pforzheimer related that
he checked with a source in the copyright office, only
to find at the time that the true name was not given
on the copyright application. The mailing address
given for the author was checked against telephone
cross reference directory. The address on the
copyright application was identified with Hunt. Mr.
Pforzheimer stated that after making the
identification, he called Mr. Thomas Karamessines
and related his discovery. Pforzheimer recalled from

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the nature of Karamessines' reaction that he had


uncovered a sensitive matter of senior officer
concern. Pforzheimer then recommended to Mr.
Karamessines that 'if the Agency is involved in this
thing, why not see to it that Hunt leaves his address
of the copyright applications in the future. Mr.
Karamessines reportedly accepted the suggestion,
and Mr. Pforzheimer recalls that subsequent
copyright applications were submitted without the
address. Within five minutes of the conversation with
Mr. Karamessines, Mr. Pforzheimer recalls being
called by Richard Helms, then the Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence. Pforzheimer recalls the
substance of the conversation as being: "For Christ
sake Walter, this is the first book to come along and
say something good about the Agency. Why not
leave the goddamn thing alone?"

3. The undersigned asked Mr. Pforzheimer, who, to


his knowledge, would be in a position to confirm or
deny whether Mr. Hunt was under any sort of Agency
sponsorship in his writing of the David St. John
novels. Pforzheimer replied that he was never
officially briefed on the matter and that only Mr.
Helms or Mr. Karamessines could provide the
answer. Pforzheimer was then asked if Angleton or
Raymond Rocca of Counter Intelligence Operations,
would have any knowledge of this activity.
Pforzheimer replied that he doubted it seriously.

5. Tracing Mr. Hunt’s career assignments, it is noted


that he was assigned to the Office of the Deputy
Director of Operations Group, in February 1965. The
first David St. John book was published during 1965.
From June 1965, through September 1966, Mr. Hunt
was assigned to the Office of the Deputy Director for
Operations then designated, the DDP/Operations
Group in February 1965. The first David St. John
book was published during 1965. From June 1965
through September 1966 Hunt was assigned to
Madrid, Spain as a Contract Agent. During 1966
three St. John books appeared in print, the highest
output for any year. Mr. Hunt published one book

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under the St. John pseudonym in 1967 and one each


in the years 1968, 1969, 1971 and 1972. Hunt
officially retired as an Agency Staff Employee
effective April 30, 1970.

6. A check of Office of Security records did not


develop any indication that any of the David St. John
manuscripts were ever submitted for review in
accordance with Agency regulations. There is no
documentary evidence currently available to the
Office of Security to either confirm or deny possible
Agency sponsorship of the books written by Hunt
under the pen name David St. John. Lawrence J.
Howe

Lawrence Howe also stated: "Subsequent to publishing the


last St. John novel, Mr. Hunt published a novel entitled EDUARDO,
using his old Agency issued alias, Edward J. Hamilton." [2.6.74]

CIA historian Walter Pforzhiemer, contacted in 1993,


commented: "I don't think he needed an Agency subsidy. His books
sold." Walter Pforzhiemer was informed that this author had read all
of Hunt’s early paperbacks: "You're a tough man. Now what do you
want me tell you, whether he was involved in the Kennedy
assassination?" I told him, "I already know he was involved." He
responded, "I don't think he was within hundreds of miles of Dealey
Plaza."
HUNT, ANGLETON AND NOSENKO
Another Hunt/Angleton link surfaced on August 9, 1973,
when Director /Office of Security, Bruce Solie generated this
document:
Director of Security August 9, 1973
Bruce L. Solie
NOSENKO, Yuriy Ivanovich

1. Don Vogal, Soviet Bloc/Counter-Intelligence has


advised of the following information which he noted
during a review of a diary kept by David Murphy while
he was Chief, Soviet Research.

2. In the above diary is an entry for April 9, 1964, that


"called Howard Hunt to confirm that he has been told

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about the doubts regarding AEFOXTROT bona fides


by Tracy Barnes and had then passed it on to Virgil
Harris. I will discuss this matter with Tracy or
Rositzke."

3. Vogel was not involved in the Nosenko case and


has no other information in regard to the April 9,
1964, entry. In the absence of a specific request
Vogel will make no inquiry concerning why Murphy
considered it necessary to make sure Hunt was
aware of the doubts concerning AEFOXTROT bona
fides.

4. It is presumed that no precautions can or should


be taken in regard to the information that Hunt was
briefed in April 1964 concerning Nosenko. It is a
matter for serious concern if Hunt has testified or
does testify concerning his knowledge of CIA
activities, or if he is permitted to prepare a
manuscript (while in prison) based on his CIA
experience.

5. The date of April 9, 1964, should be noted since


this is after April 4, 1964, when there was a distinct
change in Nosenko's handling.

Bruce L. Solie.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD
SUBJECT MEETING WITH FRANCIS U HENRIGUEZ

1. I met with Francis U. Henriguez on September 8


for the purpose of retrieving a concealment device for
which Henriguez was accountable.

4. According to Henriguez Mr. Mullen has received


information that Hunt is confessing everything he
knows (and suspects) concerning the Mullen-CIA
relationship as well as embroidering as much as
possible in order to minimize his involvement and
forthcoming sentence. At this juncture, according to
Henriguez, Hunt is attempting to affix the blame of
the abortive entry into Hank Greenspan’s office in
Las vegas on the Mullen Company, who Hunt alleged

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acted upon instructions from their client, Howard


Hughes. Additionally Hunt is vindictive toward the
Mullen Company for refusing to award him the of 12K
in severance pay which he demanded. Jack C.
Kindschi
Jack C. Kindschi was in Stockholm, Sweden, from 1962 to
1966, where he worked under the cover of Mullen & Company.
Ostensibly, Kindischi handled the General Foods account. Actually,
he was engaged in debriefing Soviet and Chinese defectors.
[Hougan Secret Agenda p216] Jack Kindischi was in Mexico in
1967. Jack Kindischi was CIA Station Chief, in Honolulu, Hawaii,
from 1978 until he retired in 1980. During his term as Chief of
Station the CIA established a proprietary in Hawaii known as
Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald and Dillingham Investments. Among those
who invested in Bishop Baldwin was Jack Kindischi, who later
became a $68,000 per year company consultant. Jack Anderson
reported: "John (Jack) Kindischi not only gave Rewald and the firm
a variety of CIA assignments, but also went to work for Bishop,
Baldwin, when he retired from the CIA in 1980. According to
Rewald's affidavit, Kindischi also invested $185,000 in the company
and his mother put in $112,000. As station chief, Kindischi ordered
Rewald's son (also a CIA contract agent) to build a laser gun."
Kindischi produced brochures for Bishop, Baldwin that called
Bishop, Baldwin one of the oldest and largest private investment
firms in Hawaii. [Wash. Post 12.27.84; Kwitney, The Crimes of
Patriots] Bishop, Baldwin was a classic Ponzi scheme in which
money from new investors was used to pay the 20% interest
previous investors expected to receive. (Rewald had a criminal
record for having effectuated a similar scheme in Wisconsin).
Rewald used the rest of the money to maintain the offices of Bishop,
Baldwin and for his own expenses. The IRS became aware of
Rewald's lavish lifestyle in 1982. The CIA delayed an IRS audit of
Bishop, Baldwin for two weeks. In July 1983 a TV. reporter in
Honolulu drew attention to certain financial irregularities in Bishop,
Baldwin. After Rewald saw this exposé, he slashed his wrists.
Bishop, Baldwin collapsed, costing investors more than $22 million.
Kindischi, who was given back $175,000 of his investment by
Rewald just before the bankruptcy, agreed to return that money and
stand on line with the other creditors. Rewald was arrested. [Wall
Street Journal 4.18.84] The CIA noted that Herman Greenspun,
201-788988, was the Subject of CIA documents dated 1950 to 1955
regarding Greenspun's purchase and sale of arms and aircraft, and
his participation in the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1948 to 1950.
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HUNT AND BARRY GOLDWATER


An Office of the Inspector General of the CIA's Index card
stated: "Memorandum for the Record by Scott D. Breckinridge,
Subject: E. Howard Hunt [regarding Hunt’s activities during the fall
of 1964] Goldwater, Barry." Hunt reportedly told the Watergate
committee staff that immediately after Barry Goldwater was
nominated in 1964, he was told to pick-up all publicly released
information at Goldwater Headquarters, and take it to the White
House to Chester Cooper, an aide to President Lyndon Johnson.
Elizabeth McIntosh told the Washington Post that the Goldwater
speeches were not delivered to the White House, but instead were
delivered to CIA Headquarters in Langley, Virginia: "It was just to
keep in touch with what was going on." Mrs. McIntosh said.

If it had anything to do with the White House, I'm sure


he (Hunt) would have told us about it. He would have
bragged about it...Hunt told the committee staff that
the actual pick-up was done by Connie Mazerov
[who] said in a telephone interview that she did
perform courier work when she worked for the CIA,
but that she could not recall picking up any materials
from Goldwater Headquarters. She had never taken
anything she picked up to the White House Office
Building or the Executive Office Building. 'I might
have picked it up from someone else, like in a hotel
room,' she said. When asked if she recalled a daily
pick-up from any person in the same place during the
period of the campaign, she said she did not.
Referring to Hunt’s reported testimony on her role,
Mazerov said, 'I'm sure he wouldn't have said I had
done something, if I hadn't...I consider him to be a
man of great integrity.'

Hunt lied about his surveillance of Goldwater on behalf of


President Johnson. In December 1964 Hunt suffered from ulcers.
HOWARD HUNT CIA FITNESS REPORT
Another card concerned: "Hunt’s travel vouchers during
1964 - Travel to Mexico City." Hunt’s "CIA Fitness Report, March
31, 1963, to March 31, 1964," was ironic:

In the WUHUSTLER project, Subject vindicated his


faith in moribund clandestine asset by demonstrating,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

after about a year and a half under his personal


direction, that it is one of the most effective activities
of its kind...Hunt promptly and swiftly terminated a
large and effective radio broadcasting project which
he and his subordinates had labored hard to
establish, immediately upon belated discovery that
insuperable, practical obstacles precluded realization
of the project's theoretical potential [the invasion of
Cuba]. [Hunt CIA Fitness Report rel. 4.22.83]
HUNT 1965 PLOT TO KILL CASTRO IN MADRID
In July 1964 Hunt was transferred to the DODS Covert
Action Staff. In February he moved to the Office of the
DDP/Operations Group. In Undercover, Hunt wrote that in 1964, he
"resigned from the CIA and was at once rehired as a contract agent,
responsible only to Thomas Karamessines." Thomas Karamessines
was responsible to Richard Helms. From June 1965 Hunt to
September 1966 Hunt served as Contract Agent in Madrid, Spain,
after which he served in the DDP as Chief of European Covert
Operations until his retirement on April 30, 1970.

In 1965 Hunt wrote to Barker and stated he had retired from


the CIA. He said he did this because of "the instruction I received
from the Agency." [Hunt v. Spotlight Hunt test. 1.29.85 p108] On
July 20, 1965, the CIA generated a Notification of Establishment or
Cancellation of (Deleted) Form which was sent to Chief, Operating
Component, DDP Ref: Resignee Backstop Debriefing (Deleted)"
signed by James W. Franklin. The CIA: "Subject served in
Headquarters assignments until July 1965, when he converted to
contract status and was sent to Madrid. He returned to
Headquarters in September 1966." Hunt reported he was in Madrid
from July 1965 to July 1966. On September 21, 1966, a "Request
for Cover or Change of Cover" form was sent to the Central Cover
Staff through the Office of Security, Subject, E. Howard Hunt, that
stated: "ENTRY: Inclusion of Subject on the Central Cover Listing is
requested as noted below. When notified that cover has been
established, Subject will be specifically authorized and instructed to
(deleted). CHANGE: Subject is currently included on the Central
Cover List as Edward Hamilton. For the reason noted below it is
requested that: This employee be (deleted). The following change
be made: (rest of document deleted)." The Rockefeller Commission
commented: "Hunt alias on Madrid assignment - 'Terence S.
Crabanac.'"

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On September 22, 1966, Hunt was "designated assistant to


Chairman, NATO Intelligence Collection Working Group (USIB), and
is required to appraise the effect of possible change in the NATO
structure on U.S. collection capabilities." The Ervin Committee:
"Hunt was in Madrid on unknown business from 1965 to 1966."
[SSC on Illegal Election Practices - Book 9 p3726] The CIA released
a index card that read "N Hunt, E. HOWARD CR JR216276 /D July
23, 1965. (Deleted) 9022940 /u 65." The SSCIA questioned Hunt
about Madrid: "I was sent to Madrid in either 1964 or 1965. I can't
recall which, and I stayed there less than a year. (Deleted as of
2010) My communications were handled independently between
myself and Thomas Karamessines, who was then Deputy Director
for Plans. This was a project that had been laid on by Dick Helms.
(Deleted as of 2010) and I had no Cuban activities of any kind."

On August 14, 1973, Manuel Artime told Martin Dardis, an


investigator for the Miami District Attorney's Office: "In reference to
the information that Artime had met with Hunt in Spain in 1965 to
plot the assassination of Fidel Castro, Artime related that Hunt had,
in fact, been in Spain during that period of time, that he, Artime, had
been in Spain at that time, and that he, Artime, had participated in
and discussed a plot to assassinate Fidel Castro with other
individuals in the Cuban underground, but that Howard Hunt was
not present, nor was he privy to information discussed during these
meetings, unless Hunt got the information from a source other than
Artime." [Richard E. Gerstein and Martin F. Dardis 8.14.73 Inv.
#929] Dardis died in May 2006 at age 83. He was a high school
dropout who lied about his age to join the Army at 16, was awarded
a Bronze Star, two Purple Hearts and Silver Stars for gallantry after
rescuing an American pilot in World War II. He was buried at
Arlington National Cemetery with full military honors.
THE MYSTERY OF THE $30,000 PAYMENT
The Office of the Inspector General of the CIA had a blind
memo in its files: "Subject: E. Howard Hunt - Finances. Regarding:
'Did Hunt receive $30,000 from Helms?' - St. John Royalties,
Activities during Madrid Assignment, Baker Investigation (relations
with Artime)." CIA Finance Director Thomas B. Yale could find no
record of a $30,000 payment to Hunt until 1965.

We made a specific analysis of Hunt’s advance


account for the period he was under non-official
cover (July 1965 to September 1966) and have
determined that $33,500 was advanced to him for
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

travel and transportation of household goods to and


from Madrid with one trip to Paris for he and his
family to renew their Spanish visas. All of this
advance was fully accounted for. However, in his
accounting, one item appeared unusual. It was an
expenditure of $1,600 for a sensitive operation which
was approved for a write-off by Desmond FitzGerald
on June 1, 1966, without further accounting. Also, we
confirmed that no Agency advance accounts were
established for Mr. Hunt during this period. At the
beginning of his non-official cover tour it was
necessary to establish a bank account in his name.
The EUR Division accordingly requested we open an
account at the Chase Manhattan Bank in Mr. Hunt’s
name to receive all non-salary payments. Mr. Hunt
had an account at Riggs National Bank to receive his
salary and allowance payments). The following
deposits were made to the account during 1965 and
1966. Account opened: July 13, 1965, $10,000, July
22, 1965, $5,000, September 15, 1965, $5,000,
October 6, 1965, $5,000 and July 19, 1966, $5,000
for a total of $30,000. All of the above have been
accounted for by submission of travel and
transportation accountings. We feel at this time
without specific guidelines that further searching
would be somewhat fruitless. One strange aspect of
the of the non-official cover assignment in Madrid is
that all costs were charged to the support allotment
of the EUR Division which is not normal as non-
official cover people are usually assigned to a
project. It is unusual to have a case officer abroad for
one year on an operational assignment without
incurring operational expenditures. [CIA Memo for IG
2.27.74 copy to Breckinridge]

Hunt was in Madrid for ten months and incurred $63, 500 in
transportation expenses. Thomas Karamessines was the Approving
Officer.
MR. DELETED OF THE AUDIT STAFF
February 21, 1974

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

SUBJECT: Office of Finance Records - E. Howard


Hunt

1. On the instruction of Mr. Steven L. Kuhn, Chief of


Operations, PSI, the undersigned made an
appointment for the afternoon of February 20, 1974,
to interview Mr. (Deleted) Chief, Certification and
Liaison Division, Office of Finance, and Mr. Deleted
of Finance on the subject of Howard Hunt. At the
outset of the interview Mr. Deleted advised the
undersigned that instruction had been received from
the Director of the Office of Finance, Mr. Thomas
Yale that discussion on the subject of Mr. Hunt was
to be carried out only with the Office of the Inspector
General. Mr. Deleted stated that he had informed Mr.
Yale of the requested interview, and had received
this instruction with the suggestion that the
undersigned contact Mr. Yale directly with any
inquiry.

2. Accompanied by Mr. Deleted, the undersigned


briefed Mr. Yale on the nature of the request, and
identified the "Task Force" effort being undertaken by
the Office of Security in concert with the Offices of
the Inspector General and Legislative Counsel. Mr.
Yale responded that he recognized the legitimacy of
the inquiry. Mr. Yale explained that subsequent to
initiation of complete audit being undertaken by Mr.
Deleted of the Audit Staff, the Deputy Director for
Management and Services, Mr. Harold L. Brownman
had requested the Office of Finance to discontinue
their investigation of Mr. Hunt to avoid duplication.
Mr. Yale added parenthetically that it was the nature
of Finance Officers not to leave a job half done, and
that an "informal" inquiry into Mr. Hunt’s financial
records had nevertheless continued at a more
subdued pace.

3. A review of the circumstances surrounding Hunt’s


conversion to Contract Type A employment and
assignment was then undertaken by Messrs. Yale,
Finance Director and the undersigned, Lawrence J.
Howe. The contract and payroll files of Mr. Hunt were
reviewed for possible indications of the nature of the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

operational activity undertaken in Madrid. A review of


travel vouchers indicated that Hunt made accounting
indicating departure from Washington, D.C., on
August 5, 1965. The costs for this travel were
charged to the budget of the Western Hemisphere
Division/Deputy Director Plans, Madrid Station,
Support account. A subsequent accounting
summarized PCS travel expenses and included a
payment for apartment rental for August 16, 1965,
August 17, 1965, and August 18, 1965, with a
payment in the amount of $125 to Mr. Deleted for this
purpose.

4. It was determined that an allottee bank account in


Mr. Hunt’s name had been established at the Riggs
National Bank of Washington. All salary and other
non-operational reimbursements were made to Mr.
Hunt through a sterile check to this account. An
operational account was established for Mr. Hunt
with the Chase Manhattan Bank of New York City. A
review of all payments made to Mr. Hunt through the
Chase Bank account through Mr. Hunt’s operational
advance subsidiary account, or 1442 account, had
been made. There was no record of any operational
accounts or advances being processed through this
channel. Mr. Yale stated that this fact defined his
concern. He felt that it was inconceivable that Mr.
Hunt could have undertaken operational activity
without some transfer or accounting for funds. To
date, no such records have been developed. No
reference to a project, or project digraph, or
operational FAN number, has been located. All
expenses connected with Mr. Hunt identified to date
were charged to the (deleted) Support. A review
made of (deleted) records has not indicated any
"Developmental and Target of Opportunity (D&TO)"
funds or "Other Operational Activity (OOA)" funds
expended by or on behalf of Hunt. The two accounts
would normally be the source of operational funding
not charged against a specific project activity.

5. A review of all the travel vouchers on record for


Hunt during this period also failed to identify a

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project. In addition to the PCD and return vouchers,


two other accountings are on record. One accounting
covered a trip by the entire Hunt family to Paris "for
renewal of visas." A second voucher covered a TDY
trip from Madrid to Washington, with a return made to
Madrid, made by Mr. Hunt from January 5, 1966, to
January 8, 1966. The voucher states in the space
provided for the citation of the travel order number
"no travel order." The accounting was approved and
signed by Thomas Karamessines, then Deputy
Director for Plans. No justification statement or
purpose for this TDY was given on the accounting.

6. Mr. Yale determined that further review of possible


sources for identification of operational funding was
in order. Mr. Yale gave instructions that the entire
1442 advance account of Mr. Hunt be reviewed for
other possible channels of funding outside of the
New York Chase account. After discussion it was
agreed that particular attention be taken to any items
connected with publishing or book royalties. Mr. Yale
noted that the royalty offset waiver provision
amended to Mr. Hunt’s contract was, in his
experience, somewhat unusual.

7. Mr. Yale was informed by the undersigned of the


intention to interview Mr. Edward Ryan, currently
Chief, Division D, who was at the time of Mr. Hunt’s
Madrid assignment, Deputy Chief, Western
Hemisphere Division, Deputy Director for Plans. Mr.
Yale suggested that Mr. Davis Powell also be
interviewed. The undersigned informed Mr. Yale that
this had been done and briefed Mr. Yale on the
generally negative results of the interview. Mr. Yale
then recommended that Mr. Sam Halpern be
interviewed. Mr. Yale noted that Mr. Halpern had
been assistant to Desmond FitzGerald when the
latter was Chief, Western Hemisphere Division and
had accompanied Mr. FitzGerald when he became
Deputy Director for Plans. Mr. Yale recalled that
subsequent to FitzGerald's passing, that Mr. Halpern
remained on the staff and acted as an Executive
Office for Mr. Thomas Karamessines. Mr. Yale stated

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

that from his experience, Mr. Karamessines would


have delegated all the arranging of 'details'
surrounding an assignment such as Mr. Hunt’s to Mr.
Halpern. Mr. Yale offered the parenthetical
observation of his surprise at what he interpreted to
be reticence to date to interview Mr. Halpern.

8. The undersigned assured Mr. Yale that he would


be informed of any information identifying any
possible project activity developed in subsequent
investigation. Mr. Yale stated that any information in
this area would greatly facilitate the job of checking
computerized financial records. Lawrence J. Howe.
[CIA Howe Memo Office of Fin. Rec. E.H.H. 2.21.74]

Sam Halpern said he had no recollection about Hunt’s


assignment. In June 1965 he moved from WH Division with Des
FitzGerald when he became the DD/P. At about that time Halpern's
father died and he was in New York for the funeral and ten days of
religious observations following that. He was back in mid-June and
in and out from then on as he got ready to attend the National War
College which began in August. He did not return to that office until
the end of June 1966. Halpern observed that during this period
Karamessines was ADDP with Helms moving up to be DDCI. He
thought it entirely possible that Helms and Karamessines could
have handled this on their own...He also suggested talking to
Georgia. [CIA S.D.B. 2.22.74 MFR EHH IG File 10 Tab 32]

The Deputy Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division,


Edward Ryan, was interviewed by Lawrence Howe and Fredrick N.
Evans.
1. On 22 February 1974, Mr. Frederick N. Evans and
the undersigned interviewed Mt. Edward Ryan, Chief,
Staff D, Deputy Director for Operations, on the
subject of Mr. E. Howard Hunt. During the period of
Mr. Hunt's assignment as a Contract Staff A agent to
Madrid between July 1965 and September 1966,
Mr.Ryan had been the Deputy Chief of the Western
European Division, Deputy Director for Plans. The
purpose of the interview was to determine if Mr. Ryan
had any information bearing on the matter of the
operational assignment of Mr. Hunt during this
period.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

2. Mr. Ryan stated that the assignment of Mr. Hunt


both to the European Division and to Madrid was
handled without benefit of routine processing
procedures through the Western Hemisphere
Division. Mr. Hunt’s assignment was coordinated and
directed by Mr. Thomas Karamessines, the Assistant
Deputy Director for Plans. With regard to operational
duties, Mr. Ryan was unaware of any specific project
or target for Mr. Hunt. Edward Ryan made the
specific observation that if Hunt produced positive
intelligence on the Iberian target during this period
the officials responsible for this effort within the
Western European Division were totally unaware of
it.
3. Mr. Ryan stated that most of his knowledge of Mr.
Hunt's activity and the nature of his assignment
during this period came more through hearsay than
direct official knowledge. For example, he cited the
comment made by a mutual acquaintance of his and
Mr. Hunt's to the effect that Mr. Hunt stated that while
in Madrid he was going to "play golf and write books."
Mr. Ryan was asked specifically whether or not he
was under the impression that Mr. Hunt's writing
activi were either being encouraged or subsidized
directly by this Agency in any official effort. Mt. Ryan
responded that he was personally not aware of any
such arrangement. He added as an expression of
personal opinion that Mr. Hunt had no operational
function and was simply granted the opportunity to
write books for his on personal gain at Government
expense during this period.
[Howe 2.22.74 IG File 11 Tab 38]

On the morning of February 15, 1974, Lawrence J.


Howe interviewed Davis Powell, currently a Budget
Officer on the staff of the Deputy Director for
Management and Services. During 1965 Mr. Powell
was Chief of Support of the designated Western
European Division. In July 1965 a contract was
written authorizing salary and benefits to Mr. E.
Howard Hunt for an assignment (deleted). The
purpose of this interview was to determine if Mr.

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Powell had any information on Mr. Hunt’s activities


during this period.

Mr. Powell responded that from his recollection, it


was Mr. Hunt’s habit to deal only with the most senior
officer available. In this case Hunt dealt directly with
the then Chief of the Western European Division,
Rolf Kingsley. Mr. Powell states that in his capacity
as Chief of Support, any activity undertaken to
support Mr. Hunt’s assignment in Madrid was
undertaken second and third hand on receipt or
instructions from Mr. Kingsley's office. He further
stated that he was never briefed on the nature of his
mission and could add little in terms of speculation.
Mr. Powell recommended that Mr. Edward Ryan, who
was then Deputy Chief of the Western European
Division, be contacted. Mr. Powell also suggested
that Miss Martha Seville be interviewed. Seville was
the executive secretary in the Western European
Division during the time that Mr. Hunt’s contract was
written and Seville subsequently served in Madrid
herself. Mr. Powell understands that Seville is
currently assigned to the office of the Chief,
European Division. [Howe 2.15.74]
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD
SUBJECT: Interview of Mr. Rogers Brooks on the David St. John
Novels

1. At 0930 on the morning of 15 February 1974, the


undersigned interviewed Mr. Rogers Brooks, Chief,
Contract Personnel Division, Office of Personnel. The
purpose of this interview was to determine if Mr.
Brooks had any information not contained in the Con-
tract Personnel file of Mr. E. Howard Hunt on the
latter's activities while a Contract Type A employee.

2. Mr. Brooks summarized his recollections by saying


that, although it was not common practice it was not
entirely unusual for highly sensitive contracts to be
administered without the contracting officer being
made aware of the operational objective involved. Mr.
Brooks stated that he recalls some of the controversy
involved in preparing the contract dealing with the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

question of offset and housing allowance, but ho was


unable to recall any of the details. It was Mr. Brooks'
suggestion that the Office of Finance be contacted
and that their contract personnel records on Mr. Hunt
be checked for information.
Lawrence J. Howe
Lawrence J. Howe interviewed Frank A. O'Malley about
Hunt. O'Malley had served with the Central Cover Staff in the area
dealing with the funding of covert action projects. In this capacity he
had become familiar with Mr. Hunt while Mr. Hunt functioned on the
Covert Activities Staff primarily in the propaganda field:

Returning to Mr. O'Malley's previous responsibilities


in coordinating funding for Hunt’s covert action
activities, the issue was raised as to whether or not
the funding of Hunt’s projects continued between July
1965 and September 1966, while Hunt was a
contract employee stationed in Madrid, Spain. Mr.
Frank O'Malley recalled that at the time of Mr. Hunt’s
assignment to Madrid the statement disseminated for
consumption within the Agency was that Mr. Hunt
was retiring. Frank O'Malley stated that this was not
generally believed. Frank O'Malley was quite certain
that during this period his office handled no project
funding for Hunt. In response to specific question
O'Malley stated that on Mr. Hunt’s return to staff
employment the projects and funding which stopped
in July 1965 were again resumed. Mr. O'Malley was
not aware of any project names or funding
mechanisms or post assignment accountings in
connection with Mr. Hunt’s activities in Madrid. [CIA
MFR 2.21.74 - Howe]

Scott Breckinridge questioned Edward Ryan, Chief, Staff D,


DD/P.
December 20, 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD:
SUBJECT: E. Howard Hunt
1. I phoned Paul Burns, Special Assistant to the
DDO, and said we had some leads that could be
followed by whoever has the action in the DDO in
tracking down Hunt’s activities during the fall of 1964,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

when he was alleged to have been engaged in


surveillance activities of Barry Goldwater.

2. I said that our files showed Hunt was in DO


Division (Burns was not familiar with that title, but
recognized it as a predecessor of FR Division) and in
August 1964 was assigned to the Washington Field
Office. I suggested that Stan Gaines, who was
Deputy Division Chief of the DO Division, and DCOS
(deleted) might be in a position to give a few groups
on what Hunt was supposed to be doing then. I
suggested that he be queried by cable. Burns said
Gaines is staying on under contract for a while, so
would continue to be available.

3. I said that Fig Coleman was on the Iberian when


Hunt’s assignment to Madrid was brought up in 1964
and when Hunt went to the field in 1965. He could
give the background on the assignment, which
seems to have been through Thomas Karamessines,
at Richard Helms' direction. His recollections would
give leads. I told him that Coleman became Chief of
Station, Madrid, later, after Hunt left Madrid and
could provide information on what Hunt did not do for
the Agency during that period. I suggested that both
Helms and Karamessines should be queried. I gave
as a possible press treatment that Hunt was engaged
in domestic operations (something Senator Baker is
pursuing) and that his assignment to Madrid after the
election could be presented as giving him time to
cool off. I thought we had to pursue the matter to be
sure we know the facts.

4. I asked Burns to be sure that we are on


information distribution of cables to the field on this,
given our assigned responsibility for keeping files on
Watergate. He said we are on the PLMHPLANK for
messages to Helms. He would advise the action
officer. I said we are available for any help we can
give.

[CIA SDB Memo 12.20.73 - Scott Breckinridge]


December 20, 1973.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD


SUBJECT: E. Howard Hunt
1. I spoke with Fig Coleman about Hunt’s assignment
to Madrid. I had spoken with him back in August
when we were inquiring into the reported activities of
Mrs. Hunt.

2. Coleman said that he got out of the War College in


May 1964 (by which he fixed the time) and took over
the Iberian Desk. Bill Ryan was C/EUR (or was it WE
Division at the time). In early autumn Ryan said that
he had just been informed by Thomas Karamessines
that Hunt was to be assigned to (deleted) as a DCOS
directed assignment by Richard Helms. A memo was
prepared and sent to the Chief of Station (deleted)
(now retired). There was nothing further for about a
month when (deleted) called Coleman and showed
him a RYBAT letter from (deleted) stating that
Ambassador Stanley J. Woodward would not have
Hunt in the Embassy.

3. Woodward had been the Ambassador to Uruguay


when Hunt was Montevideo Chief of Station. He had
a low opinion of Hunt, and was counting the days
until Hunt left. The President of Uruguay visited
President Eisenhower in the States, at which time he
requested a personal favor - that Hunt be reassigned
to Montevideo. So Hunt took another tour. Woodward
was outraged, and had his revenge in 1964 when
Hunt was sent as DCOS to (deleted).

4. After a couple of months - early 1965 Ryan called


Fig Coleman in and, observing that there was more
than one way to skin a cat, told him that Hunt was
going to Spain under non-official cover. This didn't
require anything special Ryan saying that he didn't
know much about it. It came to him from Thomas
Karamessines on Richard Helms' order. Hunt was to
have the telephone number of the Chief of Station,
but he would do nothing for the Station. Hunt was to
submit administrative vouchers for reimbursement of
his expenses and they were to be paid. Fig Coleman
said he never saw Hunt before he went out. He

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

knows that there was no operational reporting, to


indicate that Hunt was doing anything. The vouchers
were not large, although the documentation was
poor. Fig Coleman raised the question with Ryan
about his signing off, and Ryan said he could talk to
Karamessines, if he wished. He was told by
Karamessines that he didn't know much about it
either. Richard Helms said "Send him out." He was
instructed to go ahead.

5. In early July 1966 (July 4, 1966) Coleman went to


Madrid. He had a ten day turnover with (Deleted).
Hunt had already gone and he did not see him.
(Deleted) said he didn't know what Hunt did, but that
Coleman need not worry because he was gone.

6. Several months ago (Deleted) was at a seminar as


which Ambassador Woodward was also present. At
that time he asked about Hunt. Woodward said it
might still be dragged into the press. Tad Szulc had
been after Woodward about the Hunt assignment to
Spain. Coleman observed that Szulc did have a long
article about Hunt in The New York Times and the
Madrid assignment was mentioned but without any
conclusions as to it significance.

7. Coleman said the RYBAT file of C/EUR may have


something on the event, but not much. A letter out
and the reply, but not much more. S.D. Breckinridge.
HUNT'S CONTRACT JULY 4, 1965
7. Offset: Emoluments (including benefits in kind)
received from or through your cover activities are the
property of the U.S. Government. Procedurally, such
emoluments will be offset against amounts due you
under this agreement and are acknowledged to be
payment by the Government hereunder and for
Federal income tax purposes. If cover emoluments
exceed those due you under this contract, you will
dispose of the excess amount in conformance with
Governmental instructions. DHL Contracting Officer.

From: William Caulfield, Chief, Covert Claims


Branch: "This office acknowledges the OCC opinion,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Reference A, which determined Crabanac [Hunt] may


retain without Agency salary offset any future
royalties earned as a result of his literary efforts
based on the fact cover does not include role of a
writer. As Subject's cover activities have been
officially clarified as being only a light one of a retired
Foreign Service Officer for which the Agency will be
making all entitlement payments and actually he will
receive no funds from any cover, this paragraph,
which is misleading, has no meaning in Subject's
contract and it is hereby recommended that it be
deleted from Crabanac’s Supplement.
NO DUTY STATUS REPORTS

TO: Compensation and Tax Division Office of Finance


ATTENTION: (Deleted)
FROM: Chief of Support, WE Division
Per conversation with Mr. Thomas Karamesssines,
ADDP, there will be no duty status reports (Form
764) submitted on (deleted). This should be used as
the authority to continue his pay without these
reports. David S. Powell, Chief of Support, WE
Division. November 5, 1965.
EXTRA HOUSING ALLOWANCE
Hunt was allowed $2,900 per annum quarters allowance.
The house he rented in Madrid cost $8, 600 per annum. "Due to the
operational sensitivity of (deleted) assignment, his requests for relief
on his housing costs was handled by Mr. Karamessines, ADDP. On
September 15, 1965, Mr. Karamessines, ADDP, approved his being
reimbursed on a 75/25 percent basis for the excess allowable costs
up to, but not to exceed 60% above his quarters allowance. Edward
Ryan, Acting Chief, Western Europe Division, Charles N. Davis,
Deputy Director for Support DDP/WE/SS:Davis B. Powell/aj/6189
(November 8, 1965)."

One answer to the Madrid riddle was found in a CIA


Memorandum dated February 15, 1965, for the Record that
"recommended the deletions of references to Subject's assignment
to Madrid." [CIA EAB MFR A.E. Shrout.(?)] On September 21, 1966,
Hunt filed a "Request For (deleted) or Change" with the Central
Cover Staff.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Tad Szulc reported that in 1964 Richard Helms appointed


Hunt Deputy Station Chief of Madrid. Hunt coordinated Second
Naval Guerrilla, a plan that called for the assassination of Fidel
Castro, followed by an amphibious exile assault on Cuba. By early
1965 the first essential element of the plan was in place: Manuel
Artime and Hunt had recruited Rolando Cubela Secades (born
January 19, 1933; 201-252234 - code name AMLASH), a high
ranking Cuban Army Commander, to assassinate Fidel Castro. Hunt
denied working with Manuel Artime and Rolando Cubela when he
testified before the SSCIA.

Hunt: I knew that there was such a person [Cubela], but I never had
any contact with him and I know nothing about him.

Baron: Do you know anything about the incident that is described in


this cable?

Hunt: None at all. I'm sure the reference in paragraph five is not to
me.

Baron: The sentence that says "Quite likely, "EDUARDO" will never
appear to contact Subject."

Hunt: That can't conceivably have been a reference to me. Because


I had not been involved in Cuban activities for more than three years
at that time. I was purposely isolated from all Cuban activities after
the Bay of Pigs...I was sent to Madrid in either 1964, or 1965. I can't
recall which, and I stayed there less than a year. (Deleted) My
communications were handled independently between myself and
Thomas Karamessines, who was then Deputy Director for Plans.
This was a project that had been laid on by Dick Helms. (Deleted)
and I had no Cuban activities of any kind.
FROM: MADRID
ACTION: DC/WH/SA 3
INFO: DDP, VR
SECRET 161228Z
PRIORITY DIR INFO PRIORITY WAVE CITE 1735 1705
September 16, 1964
TYPIC YOSITE AMLASH AMWHIP MHAPRON ZRNICK
REF MADR 1681 IN 73706
1. OLIEN anad SCORGORY met with Subject
reference September 15. Only important info he
provided was vague reference to AMLASH plan

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

assassinate AMTHUG. Attempt would supposedly


take place during university ceremony at which
Castro would be present. AMWHIP-1 reportedly
responsible arranging delivery to Cuba on Belgian
FAL equipped with silencer. AMLASH-1 was to be
triggerman supported by unidentified Army officers.
Above plan now apparently abandoned.

2. Said AMLASH-1 anxious to leave Cuba on official


visit in order to contact CIA regarding his future role
with Cuba. Subject suggested remote possibility
arrange visit Prague through AMLASH friend Jose
Venegas, delegate to IUS. Our impression is
AMLASH-1 wants to come out for good as probably
feels personal situation tenuous.

3. According to Subject following persons or


influence or AMLASH-1 team. Major, Major and ex-
Major (FNU) of transport.

4. Said AMLASH-2 had numerous contacts Cuban


official circles Madrid, Paris, but working for another
government since he is in bad standing with
ODYOKE. Hinted CIA should be in touch with
AMLASH-2. STATIOS however, has strong
reservations against AMLASH-2 on security grounds
and fact he out for gold plus little evidence capability
produce info of interest.

5. OLIEN who left meeting first, clearly inferred to


Subject it had been a great waste of time. Other CIA
Officer proceeded politely 'chew out' for getting us to
meet on false pretenses. Subject frankly admitted his
recruitment by CIS was handled in such a sloppy
manner was to be construed a farce. View
vagueness his mission and lack secure contacts,
reporting channels, it apparent CIS not expecting
much results for OP which probably made on hit or
miss basis. Quite likely "EDUARDO" will never
appear to contact Subject.

6. Seeing his "utility" to us as dubious, Subject began


scratching his head for leads and mentioned
following friends he might contact. Orlando Blanco

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

(no relation) charge in Bern who is coming to Madrid


September 25, 1964. (FNU) Trasanco of Paris
Embassy who confidante AMLASH-1 also known
AMLASH-2 and Enrique Rodriguez Loeches,
Ambassador to Morocco who is coming to Madrid
September 23, 1964.

7. C/O said now up to Subject show bonafides


suggesting he would take advantage his "unique
status" as Cuban agent to gain entry into official
circles. Subject fears we may deny visa and
denounce him to Spanish Police. Although he
promised to make every effort, indications to date are
he will have little, if any, OPS utility. In any event,
was told examine throughly any leads he might have
in next few days. We will decide in next meeting or
two whether he does appear to have any utility. If not
he will be dropped.

ROLANDO CUBELA

As early as March 1952 Rolando Cubela was working


against Batista. That year, with student friends he reinstituted the
Student Directorate (DRE). In October 1956 Rolando Cubela
assassinated Blanco Rico, Fulgencio Batista's Chief of Military

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Intelligence. Fleeing to the U.S., he became involved in military


planning and purchasing arms until February 1958, when he and 16
other students returned clandestinely to the Escambray. He led a
famous military column, and became the overall military leader of
the DRE. The DRE refused the military leadership of Ché Guevara,
fighting only under Rolando Cubela's orders. They occupied the
Presidential Place on January 1, 1959, and initially declined to turn it
over to Fidel Castro. Bringuier was in Rolando Cubela's group. In
March 1959 the CIA received a report that if Rolando Cubela did not
get out of the country soon "he was so disgusted with Fidel Castro
that he would kill Fidel Castro himself." [CIA CS -3/396,635 4.28.59]
In October 1959 Rolando Cubela became president of the
government-sponsored FEU, after resuming his medical studies at
Havana University. Rolando Cubela contacted the CIA in March
1961 through AMWHIP-1 [CIA 201-0267956] at a Latin American
Peace Conference held in Mexico City. The Kubark objective of the
meeting was to determine whether Rolando Cubela was anti-Castro.
In August 1962 Rolando Cubela went to the World Youth Festival in
Helsinki, where he was met by Tepedino who introduced (deleted)
under the alias of "Bill Thompson." Rolando Cubela said he was not
interested in any small undertaking, and declared the assassination
of Fidel Castro and other leaders would be the most effective way to
rescue the revolution from the Communists. Later in August 1962
Rolando Cubela "went on vacation" in Paris where he again met
with Bill Thompson. In August 1962 Rolando Cubela was taken to
an Air Force Base in Southern France where he was given a
demonstration in explosives. Rolando Cubela was not given any
sabotage equipment but was trained in SW (Secret Writing). A
Technical Services Division SW technician accompanied him. In
September 1963 he met with Bill Thompson and Nestor Sanchez in
Porta Alegre, Brazil.

New Mexico born NESTOR D. SANCHEZ joined the CIA in


1953. From 1953 to 1955, he served as a U.S. Army political officer.
Nestor Sanchez helped co-ordinate the Bay of Pigs invasion. Nestor
Sanchez worked with Guatemalan death squads from 1967 to 1968
as Chief of Station in Guatemala. From 1976 to 1979, he was in
Spain. He served as CIA station chief in Managua. He was rumored
to be the Case Officer of former Panamanian President Manuel
Noriega. Senator Alphonse D'Amato questioned Sanchez about
having leaked information on Noriega's behalf. He also asked
Nestor Sanchez if he had any financial relationship with Noriega.
Nestor Sanchez returned to Washington where he became Chief of

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

the Latin American Division. [Washington Times 2.10.88] Nestor


Sanchez was an associate of John Singlaub. In August 1981 Nestor
Sanchez became the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American
Affairs at the Defense Department. In 1984 he was allegedly
involved in a private effort to supply the Contras after Congress cut
off military assistance. [Washington Times 12.12.86] In 1988 he was
chosen to supervise the United States military involvement with the
Contras in Nicaragua. Nestor Sanchez suggested the Government
of Maurice Bishop in Grenada be overthrown. He stated: "The
Cubans are constructing air and naval facilities there that far exceed
the requirements of that tiny island." [Washington Post 2.27.83 A1]
Nestor Sanchez was involved with Richard V. Secord in the Iran-
Contra flap. He retired 1987. In 1992 Nestor Sanchez was a
member of the Council on Foreign Relations.

From Porta Alegre, Rolando Cubela went to Paris on


September 14, 1963, with Nestor Sanchez and Richard Maxwell
Long. It was learned that the French were unilaterally surveilling
Rolando Cubela, whereupon the CIA advised the French of its
contact with him. Rolando Cubela agreed to assassinate Fidel
Castro, on the condition that he receive prior authorization from a
high official of the United States Government. On October 29, 1963,
Cubela met with Desmond FitzGerald, whom Hunt had known since
the early 1950's, when Desmond FitzGerald was Chief of Station in
Manila. In the early 1960's Desmond FitzGerald replaced William K.
Harvey as head of the CIA's assassination section. In 1963
Desmond FitzGerald replaced Colonel J.C. King as Chief of the
Western Hemisphere Division, after the latter's tenure of a decade.
Desmond FitzGerald convinced Rolando Cubela that his activities
had U.S. Government approval. Desmond FitzGerald gave Rolando
Cubela a pen that was really a vector for a deadly poison he was
told to obtain.

On November 22, 1963, Nestor Sanchez and Rolando


Cubela met. Rolando Cubela asked for 20 hand grenades, two high
powered rifles with scopes, and 20 pounds of C-4 explosives,
however, he refused to carry any of it with him on his return to
Cuba. When the meeting broke up, Nestor Sanchez and Rolando
Cubela were informed about the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy. Rolando Cubela was visibly moved and asked, "Why do
such things happen to good people?" Rolando Cubela returned to
Cuba, but nothing happened to Fidel Castro. In March 1964,
Rolando Cubela was given a weapons cache, and on May 3, 1964,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Rolando Cubela asked for a silencer. According to the news reports,


the cache was discovered by a young boy. In February 1965 he said
"portions of the cache were recovered by a fisherman. He never
received any part of the cache." On November 11, 1964, Rolando
Cubela went to Prague as a special guest of the International Union
of Students.

On November 13, 1964, Manuel Artime agreed to talk to


Rolando Cubela. At a meeting with Nestor Sanchez on December 6,
1964, in Paris, Rolando Cubela told him he was going to meet
Manuel Artime. Cuban Embassy officials Odon Alvarez de la Campa
and Gonzales Garrarreta simultaneously contacted CIA agents in
Madrid and were put in touch with Station Chief Jim Noel who
offered them $5,000 for a list of Cuban Embassy personnel, as well
as information as to who would be susceptible to CIA recruitment.
Gonzales Garrarreta was sentenced to 20 years in prison. [Granma
3.13.66] The meeting with Manuel Artime took place on December
27, 1964, in Madrid. Hunt denied that he was present at these
meetings, and claimed that his assignment in Spain "had to do with
the upcoming, inevitable transition of power from Franco to the
successor government." Manuel Artime provided Rolando Cubela
with a silencer for an FAL. On February 1, 1965, Rolando Cubela
requested $10,000 from Nestor Sanchez to finance his operations.

Funds were also furnished by former Chief of Station in


Havana in 1959, James Noel, who, like Hunt, was an official at the
U.S. Embassy, Madrid. James Noel, an associate of Hunt, was
mentioned in Give Us This Day. Hunt stated: "I knew Jim only when
he was Chief of Station in Havana and chief of station in Spain. Jim
supplanted me as the liaison officer during the revolutionary time."
Hemming told this researcher that James Noel "dealt with William
Morgan. So did Sam Kail." Rolando Cubela returned to Cuba on
February 23, 1965. "On February 23, 1965, CA/PA passed a letter
through the AMSNEAK operation to (deleted) SNAFU/25 implying
that Rolando Cubela has recently received an additional $5000 in
his secret bank account."

Manuel Artime agreed to be present in Cuba when the


assassination occurred, and to provide Rolando Cubela with an
escape route by creating a diversion near the shooting scene.
Manuel Artime said: "I had U-2 photographs of the beach. I had 300
men ready to attack when Rolando Cubela gave the word. The call
never came..." Rolando Cubela and Roman Guin Diaz (201-
142291) were arrested by the DGI when they returned to Cuba on
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

March 1, 1966, and were sentenced to 25 years in prison. Roman


Guin Diaz had been one of Camillo Cienfuegos' officers and a
member of the March Directorio Revolucionario. In September
1962, while he was an administrator of The National Institute of
Agrarian Reform, Roman Guin Diaz made plans to assassinate
Fidel Castro. [CIA CSDB-3/651,487 9.25.62] In May 1964, a staff
officer from the CIA's Special Activities Staff/MOB component asked
CI to grant (deleted) [Roman Guin Diaz] a POA. It was granted, then
extended in July 1964. There was no evidence that Manuel Artime
was in Cuba when Rolando Cubela was arrested.

AMWHIP-1 was an important cutout between the CIA and


AMLASH. Who was AMWHIPP? In May 1956, Roman Guin Diaz
came to the attention of the CIA when he visited his uncle, Juan
Soto, in Brooklyn, N.Y. Juan Soto was a businessman engaged in
pro-Castro activities. A Provisional Operational Approval was
requested for (deleted) [AMWHIP-1] on September 27, 1961,
because of a

WAVE request from Western Hemisphere


/C/ME[?]/PN, a CIA Staff Officer and from Western
Hemisphere/4/PA/PROP [David Phillips] and
Western Hemisphere/4/A Case officer (deleted), a
CIA staff employee, was assigned to the Subject.
Subject was fluttered on March 6, 1963, and given
OWVL commo training. Subject's Provisional
Operational Approval was reinstated in November
1969, then canceled in April 1970. During this period,
he was fluttered on at least two occasions. The
Subject was described as a New York City
businessmen, who had photographed Rolando
Cubela in 1960, while attending an international
conference.

Was he Juan Soto? Others have suggested AMWHIP was


Carlos Tepedino an Italian who lived in Cuba, a friend of Trafficante
and Cubela, who on occasion helped Cuberla through economic
difficulties. Tepedino worked for CIA officers in the U.S. Embassy in
Havana. http://cuban-exile.com/doc_001-025/doc0025.html It has
been suggested Rolando Cubela was a Castro double-agent and
had reported the CIA's assassination plot to Fidel Castro. Fidel
Castro had retaliated by having had Oswald shoot President
Kennedy. According to Bringuier:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

When he was apprehended in Cuba, Rolando Cubela


should have been executed. Castro has killed a lot of
his people for lesser crimes than conspire with the
CIA to kill him. But he had spared this major in his
Army. In my opinion, he was a double-agent working
for Castro. Castro commuted his sentence in the
1970's and then he is living in Spain. I saw a picture
of Cubela attending a party in Miami. Cubela spent a
few years in jail, and it happened that I never hear
Radio Havana, Cuba, and one night I say to my wife
'I still like to hear Radio Havana Cuba.' I put the radio
on and in that moment they were having a trial in
Cuba about the Kennedy assassination and Cubela
was testifying in the trial and he was blaming the CIA
that minute. If you want to blame the CIA, Cubela is
the man for you, sir.

Scott Breckinridge reported: "It has been reported that


AMLASH is now out of jail and back to his old profession as a
medic. He is reported to have been Raoul Castro's lover (!)..." [CIA
Memo for Leader 10.7.76] Another CIA document stated: "Rolando
Cubela, following his arrest, was given a relatively light sentence,
considering the seriousness of the charge. Upon incarceration, he
reportedly functioned as a prison physician, and drove around in a
jeep unescorted. Such treatment by the Government of Cuba is
quite unusual and, if true, is an indication that he was trusted."
[NARA # 1993.08.13.13:49:39-370028] Another CIA document
reported that during the trial of Rolando Cubela there was no
indication whatsoever that Rolando Cubela revealed anything more
than his 'weakness, playboy attitude,' in plotting with a man like
Manuel Artime to assassinate Fidel Castro. Under private
interrogation to date [CIA MFR April 14, 1964] there is no known
possibility that Rolando Cubela has revealed the names of the real
military leaders with whom he really was in contact...none of these
major individuals, whose names are known to us, have been
arrested or detained. Ameijeiras of course, does not fall into this
category. However, he like Juan Nuiry Sanchez and Victor Bordon
Machado who are reportedly arrested, falls into the category of
known personal friends of Cubela...Several careful readings of the
entire proceeding of the trial appears to indicate that as soon as
Cubela learned the extent of the regime's knowledge of the plot he
adopted as an immediate line of defense his own 'weakness,
emotional instability, deterioration, liking for gay parties' as the

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common denominator to make himself, and the few friends known to


be involved through the betrayal by AMHAM-1 as the sole
'responsibles' for the plot. Rolando Cubela had been married twice,
and had two children. He might have been blackmailed by the
Cubans, since there was no indication the CIA was aware that he
was gay. Was Rolando Cubela a double-agent who attempted to
entrap Manuel Artime? Or was the AMLASH plan leaky?

On May 2, 1965, Victor Espinosa told an Immigration and


Naturalization Service officer that he was aware of the AMLASH
plot. The Immigration and Naturalization Service contacted the FBI
and Victor Espinosa was interviewed in June 1965. He said he "had
just returned to New York on May 29, 1965, after having spent 26
days in Paris and Spain. He said the following people knew of the
plot: "Rolando Cubela, a next door neighbor of Fidel Castro, Alberto
Blanco and Major Almeida Bosque." Victor Espinosa said that he
had heard from Cuban exiles in Spain that our Chief of Station
(deleted as of 2010) knew of this plot to some extent, but the anti-
Castro Cubans do not trust him, for he was compromised by a
Cuban girl known as 'Tata.'" The CIA cabled Paris and Madrid:
For Paris: Victor Espinosa on return PBPRIME told
ODURGE and ODENVY of AMLASH conspiracy;
Contacts with AMLASH 2 and 3, UNSNAFU 9,
MIRRLESS; Criticism of KUBARK staffers at Madrid
including GROWERY; Derogatory allegations on
QUSPORT, SUSWIFT 1, AMWHIP 1, MIRRLESS
scare in accepting as serious joking recruitment by
AMLASH 3 for Soviets; Relationship at Paris among
Bob, Dick, Maureen, Luis Fernandez, UNSAFU
9...For Director: Tota, girl named by Espinosa, is
QUSWIFT 7. She was never employed by QUWEB
and was never in contact with KUBARK Staff.
Photographs of material which Espinosa called
ciphers and microfilm were forwarded to
headquarters. Stockwood Langosch meeting to
discuss above may be profitable. Langosch will
telephone Stockwood from Perpignan to determine if
it is feasible for Stockwood to meet him there or
nearby place. In view of Stockwood's previous
assignment to Barcelona, assume no security
problem if he seen by quantum.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A CIA Headquarters cable dated June 9, 1965, advised "it is


evident that security of our Cuban operations in some cases, and
our own compartmentation, not all that we would desire." [CIA Cable
081746Z rec. 6.8.65] On July 9, 1965, Victor Espinosa appeared in
the offices of an unnamed CIA official. He told him he had been
trained by the CIA
Espinosa has been involved in Cuban liberation
activities for many years. He opposed Batista and
opposes Castro. He is not a member of the March 13
Movement but has been very close to many of its
leaders, including Cubelas. Espinosa was trained by
the CIA both in Louisiana and Guatemala and was
one of those who was sent into Cuba prior to the Bay
of Pigs…

He explained that earlier in the year he had received


a request from one of his reliable Cuban contacts in
Europe, asking that he come there quickly. He
obtained false papers in Miami and traveled to Paris:
There, apparently in the presence of the Cuban
Ambassador to France, he met one of the top
security men of the Castro regime" and was apprised
of Rolando Cubela's plot against Castro. He stated,
"The Cubans might have turned to (deleted as of
2010) the CIA man in (deleted as of 2010). However
they believe (deleted as of 2010) is completely
unreliable. A Cuban girl was sent to Madrid some
time ago by the Castro people. (Deleted as of 2010)
was fooled by her, and set her up in an apartment in
Madrid. He also arranged for her to work with the
International Rescue Committee. When the proper
moment came, she fled back to Havana with some
very useful files. Espinosa is determined to bring the
very dangerous situation of the Cuban plot to the
attention of some top level U.S. Government official
unless he receives some reply from the CIA. [CIA
4.27.77 SSC Final Rep. Book 5 pgs. 78,79,105; CIA
Cable 6.8.65; MFR 6.3.65 WH/C/RR/OS; Memo
7.9.65 ARA/CCA Stevenson ARA George Lister; CIA
IG Rep. p105]

Organized crime was aware of AMLASH. The CIA reported:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

March 15, 1965. The Madrid Station cabled that one


Rafael Garcia-Bango Dirube had arrived in Madrid
from Cuba on 15 March, and had been introduced to
a Station Officer. Garcia-Bango claimed to be in
contact with with a group of Cuban military leaders
who were planning to eliminate Castro and take over
the Government. It quickly became clear that he was
referring to Cubela. Garcia-Bango said that he had
always been publicly identified as a close friend of
Rolando Cubela whom he saw in Havana on March
9, 1965. Garcia-Bango said he had been the lawyer
for the Capri Hotel in Havana. He was jailed for 75
days in July 1962 for defending Santo Trafficante, a
US citizen and ex-manager of the Capri gambling
casino who was kicked out of Cuba. Comment: This
is another name-link between Cubela and the
gambling syndicate plots reported upon earlier in this
report. Trafficante was one of the principals in
Sheffield Edwards Phase One of the operation. He
presumably was not involved in Phase Two under
Harvey, but we cannot be sure of that. After all,
Trafficante was the man who brought Varona in the
operation late in Phase One, and Varona was one of
the main players during Phase Two. The three-man
team that was in by Varone was reported on June 11,
1962 to be in place in Cuba.

In May 1966 "Immigration and Naturalization Service inquired if


Agency had any interest in Subject's [Victor Espinosa] traveling to
Spain and Australia on business and on May 16, 1966, the Agency
advised Immigration and Naturalization Service in the negative."
After AMLASH'S arrest, Hunt requested a transfer to Washington,
allegedly because his son needed medical treatment unavailable in
Madrid.

In 1964 the CIA funded Manuel Artime's training camp with $7


million. Manuel Artime took a mistress, and he used her apartment
for secret meetings. The FBI began investigating his alleged "grand
style of living" and his operation of Nicaraguan training camps,
where he reportedly had more than $5 million worth of military
equipment. It was alleged that Manuel Artime was being officially
sponsored and subsidized, and that he made a living out of the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

counter-revolution. Many exiles came to the conclusion that "Manuel


Artime was the only Cuban national authorized by the U.S.
Government to go ahead with military plans for future operations
against Cuba." By May 1964 the Air Force of Manuel Artime had

bombed Cuban sugar mills. [NYT 5.15.64] That month Tad Szulc
reported Cuba feared another military invasion was imminent. In
September 1964 Victor Paneque and Manuel Artime's men took
part in an anti-Castro action that caused the death of three Spanish
seamen, and alienated anti-Castro Cubans from the Johnson
Administration. Manuel Artime planned to intercept and sink the
Cuban cargo vessel El Sierra Maestre. In 1978 Hemming stated:
"There was a thick fog that night and we couldn't see shit. We hit the
goddamned Sierra Aranzazu, a Spanish ship, by mistake." In 1994
Hemming denied that he told me this. On September 15, 1964, the
Spanish merchant vessel Sierra Aranzazu was attacked by two
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

small boats north of Great Inagua, Bahamas. Earlier that night, a


small boat had approached the merchant vessel, shined a spotlight
on its stern, noted the name of the vessel, and then left. About 15
minutes later, two attack boats approached the vessel and strafed it
with cannons and machine guns. The merchant vessel caught fire
and blew up while the crew took to lifeboats. Three crewmen were
killed and 17 were injured. On September 16, 1964, the Cuban
Government claimed that the CIA had been responsible for the
attack. Secretary of State Dean Rusk told the Spanish Ambassador
that the raiders had not come from United States soil.
On September 16, 1964, The Miami News contained an article that
stated Telmo Alvarez had called a news agency and claimed his
group, the Secret Organization of Continental Action, was
responsible for the attack. Telmo Alvarez, however, claimed the
attack had been made with torpedoes. The article noted the
survivors of the Spanish ship did not mention torpedoes being used.
The FBI reported that the Secret Organization of Continental Action
was formed about January 1964, by Mesa Rodriguez: "On July 15,
1964, Mesa Rodriguez discussed plans to torpedo a British vessel
transporting oil to Cuba." The FBI conducted an intensive
investigation of the Secret Organization of Continental Action.

We were subsequently advised by CIA on a very


highly confidential basis (as set out in our 9/22/64
memorandum) that that Agency possessed
information which very definitely indicated that an
exile group which is receiving US backing, known as
Movimiento de Recuperacion Revolucionaria (MRR),
was responsible for this attack. An error was made in
that the persons carrying out the attack thought they
were firing upon a Cuban vessel. Three Spaniards
aboard the Spanish ship were killed as result of the
attack. CIA deals with MRR based upon policy
established by a Special Group, including
representatives from CIA, State Department,
Defense, and the White House, Former Attorney
General Kennedy also served as a member of the
group. CIA claimed it did not direct any of MMR
operations and the planned attack which resulted in
sinking of the Spanish vessel was solely an operation
engineered by MMR. Details regarding CIA'ssupport
of this group, of course are unknown to Spanish
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

authorities, although State Department is fully aware


of complete details regarding this incident. . [FBI 91-
4133 NR 9.24.64 p2, 9.25.64 enc. p2; 2-1877-26 -
10.1.64, NR 10.14.64 Top Secret; 97-4133 NR
9.17.64, NR 11.23.64]
Manuel Artime was questioned. An FBI Miami teletype reported:

At the request of the State Department the Bureau


conducted an investigation of an attack on the
Spanish vessel Sierra Aranzazu (2-1877) off the
eastern tip of Cuba. It was alleged that this attack
was carried out by representatives of a group
receiving U.S. backing, known as MRR, and headed
by Manuel Artime. The Secret Organization of
Continental Action (OSAC) initially claimed
responsibility for the attack. Newspaper accounts
indicated that Artime denied responsibility for the raid
and in a statement from Panama suggested the
Castro Government was responsible in an attempt to
discredit MRR. On October 5, 1964, Rolando
Masferrer, 42-46 81st Street, New York City, advised
he had learned that this CIA-sponsored anti-Castro
action was led by Cuban exiles who he identified as
Dr. Santiago Alvarez Fernandez and Luis Grillo.
According to Masferrer Alvarez and Grillo now were
working with Manuel Artime of the MRR, which was
supported by CIA and operated out of Nicaragua.
[FBI 2-1877-26; FBI 97-4133-118]

The FBI questioned Pedro Diaz Lanz and Victor Paneque.


The reports of these interviews were withheld as of 2010. [FBI 2-
1877-26, 97-4133 NR 9.25.64, 9.23.63] In late September 1964
Pedro Diaz Lanz and Nino Diaz had held a press conference during
which they announced that Victor Paneque was leading 1,000 anti-
Castro guerrillas in the Escambrays. In January 1976 there was an
assassination attempt against Nino Diaz at his Key Biscayne home.
On October 16, 1964, the CIA's Director of Security received a letter
from M.K. Holbrick, IRD, about Manuel Artime. This letter asked,
4. Since leaving WH/SA, I have had occasional
contact with persons who were then and/or are now
assigned to WH and who were knotvled AMWQ
These contacts have ranged from Seymour Bolton,
Al Rodriguez both of whom were supergrade special
242
COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

assistants to Desmond Fitzgerald), secretaries in the


"front office" of what was SAS, and others. Since
these persons knew of my intense involvement in the
Project, they have commented to me about it. I did
not intentionally solicit their remarks. A remark that
was made to me recently renewed my effort to locate
copies of certain materials that I bad extracted from
files while in SAS and submit this memorandum. The
remark was, as I can recall it, Wouldn't Senator
Goldwater have a ball if he knew about the Spanish
ship and about Manuel Artime's wife? This remark
caused me to do considerable thinking and recall. As
you might recall, a Spanish ship was attacked about
two weeks ago. My knowledge of the attack is based
on comments made to me by a person whom I knew
while in Special Activities Staff [Des FitzGerald's
component]. The attack was reportedly made by the
SS Santa Maria, one of two JMWAVE vessels
(converted Navy AKL's). I was with this vessel in
Hoboken, New Jersey, for about two weeks during
the spring of the year. At the time the vessel was
being equipped and manned. As reported to me the
Santa Maria was cruising off of Cuba and at a
distance noticed the name on the Spanish ship. I
believe it was 'Sierra' LNU. The Santa Maria, thinking
that this ship was one of those on its 'Watch List'
opened fire on the Spanish ship and, according to
newspaper publicity, three Spaniards were killed and
the Spanish Government was up in arms. As fate
would have it, the Santa Maria reportedly attacked
the wrong ship. The ship they were interested in was
of the same name; however, it in fact was not the
Spanish ship. I was further informed that because of
this flap, Secretary Rusk and Mr. McCone
immediately conferred.
What is of equal or even greater concern to me relates
to Artime’s wife. In late February 1964 HRCASH (?)
requested that I check the Office of Security Indices in
the name of Adelaida Matilda Padron y Cruz. As a
result of this check I made an inquiry of Chief,
Domestic Contacts Division, and from that office
received a report relating to Padron. A copy of my
resultant memo to Mr. (deleted) is attached as Tab A.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

This, to my knowledge, was the first indication that


Padron, who was then reportedly Manuel Artime's
mistress, was possibly a lesbian. During continued
contacts with (deleted), I would discreetly inquire as to
whether or not Artime continued to have an interest in
Padron. 1HER is quite shrewd and extremely adept at
double talk. I am quite certain that the flow of
information to (Deleted) about PARDON was in this
manner --- from BARO to ROHRER to either
HERNANDEZ or (deleted). As time went on judging
from the material I saw and the remarks I heard, it was
obvious that BARO and QUINTERO has absolutely no
use for PARDON. Tab B, authored by (deleted) HFR
notes that the political repercussions could be
'calamitous' if Artime married Padron. During the next
couple of months Padron was investigated by
Immigration and Naturalization Service at the Agency's
request. This was arranged through the Alien Affairs
Staff. I am told there is a Security file on her. In
addition there is a Subject file on her in Western
Hemisphere Security. That investigation indicated that
Padron was in all probability bi-sexual, and that she
had been the former mistress of Fulgencio Batista.

An investigation conducted by:

Cubans used by a Counter-Intelligence shop at


JMWAVE revealed that Adelaida Matilda Padron y
Cruz had also been the mistress of Venezuelan
Dictator Marcos Jimenez Perez. Further, it stated that
Padron and her sister were both homosexual and
had posed for pornography for Batista and Marcos
Jimenez Perez. In addition, the dispatch noted that
informants had said that Adelaida Matilda Padron y
Cruz visualized herself as being the next First Lady
of Cuba.

WAVE Dispatch 8521 dated February 20, 1965, mentioned


that Barker’s source reported Fiorini had mentioned a robbery of
Manuel Artime's (AMBIDDY-1) house and his meetings with Miami
Police concerning the robbery. That month Barker received
information regarding the ransacking of Varona’s house. In February
1965 Manuel Artime announced from Madrid that his commandos
had shelled a Cuban oil depot. By September 1966 MRR was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

launching commando raids against Cuban military targets. Large


shipments of whiskey were seized by Costa Rican authorities on the
way to the forces of Manuel Artime. After this seizure, a mysterious
death occurred at the camp. (Roberto Trujillo Rodriguez). Costa
Rican reports indicated that "local rightists had been trained and
armed at the MRR camp in preparation for a coup in which
government leaders were to be assassinated and replaced by a
neo-Nazi dictatorship." [Wash. Post 3.17.65] By end of 1965 the FBI
was aware that many of Manuel Artime's soldiers were cocaine and
heroin traffickers. The Johnson Administration closed down Manuel
Artime's operation.
EDGARDO BUTTARI, B.B. REBOZO, NIXON AND ARTIME

On December 6, 1963, the FBI reported that MRR and the 30th of
November Movement were jointly involved in anti-Castro activities.
[FBI 97-4133-81] In 1966 Manuel Artime worked for the Somoza
brothers in the import/export business. Manuel Artime and
Anastasio Somoza associate Edgardo Buttari jointly owned a firm
that imported meat, fish and lumber from Nicaragua to Florida, and
exported slaughterhouse equipment to Nicaragua. Edgardo Buttari
was born August 14, 1909, (also given 1914) at West Tampa,
Florida. His father had fought in the war for Cuban Independence.
Edgardo Buttari became President Fulgencio Batista's Minister of
Commerce. He arrived in the United States in March 1960. The CIA

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

stated: "While information in his file does not indicate any past or
present CIA contact, there is unsourced information in the Western
Hemisphere/Caribbean Operations Group card file which shows that
Buttari was in touch with Frank Bender (Gerald Droller) in Miami in
the Spring of 1960, apparently in relation to Buttari's involvement
with the Cuban Revolutionary Front." Edgardo Buttari was a partner
of Nixon associate B.B. Rebozo.

Nixon invited Manuel Artime to his Presidential Inaugural in


January 1969. When the FBI became aware of this, it sent the White
House a letter: "Artime is currently allegedly involved in efforts to set
up Cuban exile bases in Nicaragua and Haiti." The FBI advised the
White House to avoid embarrassment and cancel Manuel Artime's
invitation. When Martin Dardis of the Miami District Attorney's Office
visited Manuel Artime in August 1973 he observed a photograph of
Artime at the Inaugural Ball arm and arm with Henry Kissinger. In
August 1970 Manuel Artime's ex-business partner accused Manuel
Artime of having used his influence with Anastasio Somoza to have
him incarcerated.Anastasio Somoza had recently been made an
honorary member of the Bay of Pigs Veterans Brigade.

Hunt returned to Headquarters in September 1966, and


served in DDP Staff assignments. Hunt was Chief of European
Covert Operations until April 1970, when Hunt retired from DDP
(Europe), and became a CIA retiree. That year Hunt was the
Subject of a CIA investigation. [CIA FOIA #72-4] Traces on Hunt
revealed "July 9 Mont. Texas." [CIA File No. 304292]
HUNT, MORALES AND BOSCH AUGUST 1968
Orlando Bosch was arrested in October 1968 for firing a
homemade bazooka at The Polciana, a Polish freighter moored in
Miami harbor, from the median of a Miami Beach Causeway, using
a paper clip as a sight. Richardo Morales supplied the prosecution
with tapes of conversations between himself and Orlando Bosch.
Hunt’s name came up on one of these tapes:

Morales: Another thing, two months ago, a fellow named Hunt, who
is a member of the Republican Party, was here and he gave
$15,000 to some representatives of Cuban Power to place bombs.

Bosch: I knew nothing about that.

Morales: Fifteen thousand bucks they gave.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Bosch: You know that makes two people who tell me this...

[USA v Bosch 68-420-Cr-Wm Southern District Florida]

The conversation between Orlando Bosch and Richardo


Morales took place in August 1968. In August 1968 Hunt was with
the Deputy Directorate/Plans, European Special Action Staff.
“Justification Reference: As DD/P representative on the CIA team
preparing historical material for the Johnson Library, Mr. Hunt will be
required to have access to documents in both the (deleted as of
2010) and (deleted as of 2010) systems.” If the Hunt mentioned by
Morales was E. Howard Hunt, why had Hunt used his real name?
During his bombing trial, Cuban exile Rolando Otero testified that
many exiles knew Hunt by his real name rather than "EDUARDO" or
a pseudonym. Howard Hunt was asked about this: "In 1961 or 1963
how were you addressed by your inferior employees?" He
answered: "As Mr. Hunt." Hunt claimed to represent the Republican
Party on other occasions: CIA Staffer Charles W. Kane reported that
in 1971 Jack (deleted) was contacted by Hunt, "who suggested that
he consider an assignment as a Security Officer for the Republican
Party. (Deleted as of 2010) visited Washington in January 1972, to
discuss the proposed position with Howard Hunt who was
apparently was acting on behalf of the Republican Party." [Memo for
Record 7.19.72 Con. with Mr. (deleted as of 2010) signed by
Charles W. Kane CIA FOIA 00158, 00155]

During the Polciana trial, Orlando Bosch pleaded that his


activities were sponsored by the CIA. But the judge ruled that this
testimony was irrelevant and inadmissible. Orlando Bosch was
convicted and sentenced to ten years. While Orlando Bosch was
imprisoned, Richardo Morales was almost killed when a bomb
exploded in his car. Released in 1972, Orlando Bosch immediately
violated parole by attending a meeting at the Novo brothers
headquarters in New Jersey. Orlando Bosch went underground, and
continued to pursue his campaign of terror against Fidel Castro and
those he considered Castro's allies. In May 1974 Orlando Bosch
was in the Dominican Republic with Frank Castro. [CIA 201-
0742365]

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

In June 1974 he was in Venezuela, where he bombed the


Panamanian Embassy in Caracas. In November 1974 Orlando
Bosch was arrested by the Venezuelan national police (DISIP) for
bombing the Cuban Embassy. He was not returned to the United
States. Instead, he was declared persona non grata and deported.
He was escorted to the airport by Richardo Morales, who had
emigrated to Venezuela in 1974 and joined DISIP. The CIA reported
that Richardo Morales warned Frank Castro of DISIP repression
against Cubans in Venezuela. Orlando Bosch flew to Curacao,
where he met with Guillermo Novo. In late 1974, the two men flew to
Chile where they met with representatives of the Chilean Junta.
In August 1977 the FBI reported” Antonio Veciana, Frank
Castro, Alfredo Aguilar, Guillermo Novo Sampol, Ignacio Novo
Sampol and FNU Baron Deola. Plot by Cuban exile terrorist to carry
out terrorist attack in Venezuela.”
The HSCA questioned MIRR leader ORLANDO BOSCH
about his alibi for November 22, 1963. Orlando Bosch said he was
"at home in Miami" when he heard President Kennedy had been
shot. In early March 1964 the Miami FBI inquired if FBI
Headquarters wanted to prosecute Orlando Bosch for violations of
the Neutrality Act. The Miami FBI received a letter "denying Miami
request for appropriate (deleted) in this case." [FBI 97-4474-102
4.1.64.] The Miami FBI then received another letter which stated:
"Due to the over-all needs of the Bureau, authority to place mail
coer is being denied. Captioned anti-Castro organization [MIRR] is
engaged in carrying out raids against Cuba. Miami is endeavoring to
determine bank used by organization and past requested authority
to place mail covers on certain individuals to determine this data In
view of foregoing, it is requested that the Bureau reconsider the
request submitted by this office." [FBI Hq. res. 4.6.64] On November
22, 1964, Orlando Bosch was behind an aerial assassination plot
against Fidel Castro, who was to be killed in a stadium while he
watched a baseball game. The flight, however, was ill-timed -
arriving over Havana before Fidel Castro reached the stadium.
[Wash. Daily News 11.23.64 p97] By 1966 MIRR claimed 11 aerial
attacks against Cuba. Orlando Bosch had been apprehended by the
Coast Guard, the Treasury Department and other Federal agencies
at least six times. In 1967 Orlando Bosch joined the Novos brothers'
Cuban Nationalist Movement. MIRR was dissolved, and Cuban
Power was formed. Cuban Power concentrated on attacking Cuban
diplomatic installations abroad, along with the embassies and trade
centers of countries that had dealings with Cuba. In January 1968

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

four Cuban exile-owned stores in Little Havana were bombed


because their owners were involved in sending relief packages to
Cuba. Richardo "The Monkey" Morales was arrested by Miami
Police and charged with these bombings. Richardo Morales had
arranged to be arrested to enhance his status within Orlando
Bosch's organization.

RICHARDO "THE MONKEY" MORALES

On December 31, 1953, Richardo Morales [201-285923 born June


14, 1939] killed Matos Boson, the G-2 Chief at Rancho Boyeras
Airport. He joined the Rebel Army on that same day. He was
arrested in 1954 and 1957 for conspiring against Batista. In 1958 he
attended law school in Havana. In 1959 he became a G-3 agent
stationed at Rancho Boyeras Airport and was involved in the
"counter-revolutionary sentencing of Pablo Ubides Diaz." Richardo
Morales was a Special Agent in the G-2 in Cuba in 1960 from
October 1959 to August 1960. In July and August 1960, Morales
listed his occupation as card dealer in the casino of the Havana
Hilton. In 1960 he was arrested for conspiring against Castro, held
for four days, then released. He deserted on August 23, 1960, and
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

took asylum in the Brazilian Embassy. He fled to the United States


in 1960, where he was recruited into William K. Harvey's operation.
The CIA: "Subject was considered suspect G-3 when he arrived in
the U.S. because of his past affiliation with the G-3. On his arrival,
he did give an interview to Bohemia Libre on his G-2 past." On
January 11, 1961, the CIA reported Richardo Morales had recently
joined the Cuban Revolutionary Front. The CIA: "It was understood,
when he arrived, that he intended to penetrate the recruitment office
of the Cuban Revolutionary Front, however, he did not do this." On
March 2, 1964, a CIA investigation by the Office of Security on
Richardo Morales yielded numerous derogatory traces,
nonetheless, he was granted a Provisional Operation Approval.
Richardo Morales went to the Republic of the Congo, where he
helped put down a revolution led by Katangese secessionists. He
worked as a radio operator for a Paramilitary Team. Richardo
Morales returned to the United States. Robert Gambino, SOD/SO
informed CIA Headquarters that Richardo Morales would be arriving
at Andrews Air Force Base in an Agency C-118:

He said that Bob Gambino, SOD/SO and Dr.


(Deleted) M.D. would also be aboard. He said the
plane would also have loose cargo as follows:
outboard motors, radio beacons, silence weapons,
other weapons, commo gear, medical equipment and
parachute drop equipment. He also said Robert
Gambino may be carrying some Technical Services
Division material [swine flu]. He said that James
Fitchett, under (deleted) cover, would be there to
transfer Subjects to a C-54 for further travel to Camp
Pickett, and that Fitchett would meet the Customs
and Immigration and Naturalization Service men at
Base Operations. On December 2, 1964, I advised
Lawrence Fleishmen, Deputy Commissioner of
Customs, of the arrival and told him the type of gear
aboard. Signed W.M. Knott. [CIA Chief, Alien Affairs
Staff W.M. Knott 11.24.64]

Richardo Morales began working for the FBI. The CIA


reported: "On August 26, 1965, (deleted as of 2010) advised Alien
Affairs Staff the Subject had returned to the U.S. having completed
his assigned duties for SOD. Hence no action is required toward
issuing an I-512 for the subject to replace that is to expire on
September 25, 1965. [CIA AAS 8.27.65 Laurence G. Parr] Ché left

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

the Congo in 1965. In another document, Ray Warren, Chief, Latin


American Division stated:

Richardo Morales was first spotted and recruited in


Miami in January 1964 to be used as a radio operator
and member of paramilitary infiltration team.
Successfully polygraphed on February 10, 1964. He
was paid a salary of $200 per month effective May 1,
1964. He was terminated on August 26, 1964, and
was never used in a BKHERALD sponsored mission.
He had received training in Miami and well as
(deleted). He volunteered and signed up for
paramilitary action in the Congo in September 1964.
Although he received training toward the Congo
mission he never served. FYI: Morales was
apparently turned over to the FBI in 1968 by Miami
Station. In October 1972 (deleted as of 2010)
registered Morales with Miami Station as their
source. [CIA 10.23.76]

Richardo Morales married the sister of Hector Cornillot.


Hector Cornillot, a Bosch lieutenant, was serving 30 years for a
series of Miami bombings. Through his wife, Richardo Morales
penetrated Orlando Bosch's organization. On March 31, 1976,
Orlando Bosch was deported from Costa Rica. He traveled to the
Dominican Republic, where Cuban Power, the Cuban Nationalist
Movement, and the Bay of Pigs Brigade Veterans, merged into the
Congress of Revolutionary Union (CORU). In the next six months,
CORU took credit for 50 anti-Castro bombings.

In the Fall of 1976, Orlando Bosch visited Nicaragua, then


returned to Venezuela, where he was met by Richardo Morales at
Caracas Airport. Richardo Morales wanted to question him about
the Orlando Letelier murder, which occurred September 26, 1976.
Orlando Letelier was killed in Washington, D.C., two days before
Orlando Bosch arrived in Venezuela. Orlando Bosch implicated the
Novo Brothers in the Orlando Letelier assassination. In October
1976, two of Orlando Bosch's soldiers, Freddy Lugo and Hernan
Ricardo, planted an explosive device aboard a Cubana Airliner. The
bomb exploded while the jet was in flight, killing at least 60 people.
When they were questioned by Barbados authorities, they
confessed. Hernan Ricardo stated he had worked for the CIA since
1970, and had received a course in explosives handling. Hernan
Ricardo said his CIA contact was Joe Leo, the FBI Legal Attache at
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the American Embassy, Caracas. Before Freddy Lugo and Hernan


Ricardo were picked up, they had telephoned Orlando Bosch. On
October 15, 1976, the Venezuelan police took Orlando Bosch into
custody and charged him with masterminding the Cubana Airlines
bombing. The incarceration of Orlando Bosch touched off numerous
attacks against Venezuelan diplomatic and trade installations. He
was given a military trial and found guilty. While he was in jail, a
Federal Grand Jury convened in Washington, D.C., to probe the
Orlando Letelier murder. Witnesses included Richardo Morales and
the President of the Bay of Pigs Brigade Veterans, Juan Peruyero,
who was later murdered. The Novo brothers were indicted for
conspiracy. Soon bombs exploded outside the White House. Exiles
who collaborated with the Carter Administration were threatened
with death. Richardo Morales was number one on Orlando Bosch's
hit list. In August 1987 Orlando Bosch was freed from prison in
Venezuela after serving nearly 11 years. However, he was
reincarcerated one year later in a Florida prison as an undesirable
alien. George Bush's son, Jeb Bush, visited the hunger strikers who
demanded the release of Orlando Bosch. Orlando Bosch was
released on parole on July 17, 1990.

In April 1978 Richardo Morales was charged with


possession of 5,000 pounds of marijuana and held on $250,000
bond in Miami. Richardo Morales attorneys said that his arrest was
"coercion to break the man," since he had refused to share certain
valuable information in his possession. Richardo Morales spoke with

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HSCA investigators while he was in jail. After three months


of confinement, Richardo Morales was released on bond and in late
July 1978, was found innocent. (The informant who had provided
the Miami Police Department with the information used to obtain a
wiretap on the home of one of Richardo Morales' codefendants
recanted his testimony.) On August 10, 1978, Richardo Morales
testified before HSCA. Hemming told this researcher:

Richardo Morales was nailed by Martin Dardis of


Watergate fame. They'd been running the marijuana
for months, but they let him stay in place. Dardis
almost got fired for doing this. They were also
bringing in goddamn explosives, timer devices.

On March 21, 1969, Hunt filled out a Personal History


Statement for the CIA. As stated, Hunt listed his immediate superior
as John L. Hart. On April 23, 1970, a form titled "Notification of
Establishment or Cancellation of (Deleted) Retirement Debriefing To
Chief, Operating Component EUR" signed by James W. Franklin
was generated by the CIA. Hunt retired voluntarily under CIARDS
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on April 30, 1970. In May 1970, Frank A. O'Malley, an Officer in the


External Employment Assistance Branch, Retirement Activities
Division of the Office of Personnel, delivered Hunt’s resume to the
public relations firm of Robert R. Mullen and Company. Robert R.
Mullen and Company, located in the same building as the Domestic
Operations Division, was across the street from the Committee to
Re-Elect President Nixon. Robert R. Mullen and Company had
provided certain sensitive cover support overseas for Agency
employees. The book keeper and accountant at Robert R. Mullen
and Company was a retired CIA Finance Officer. The USIA was a
Robert R. Mullen and Company account. Hunt had known Robert R.
Mullen when both were connected with the Economic Cooperation
Administration in Paris.

The Free Cuba Committee in Washington, D.C. was


established by Robert R. Mullen & Company at the request of the
CIA. When Sam Papich wanted a document from the Free Cuba
Committee, he contacted Raymond Rocca, who in turn activated
Birch O'Neal. [CIA 630-795] The Free Cuba Committee was funded
by the Grace Foundation, and its Board of Directors included author
and foreign correspondent Dicky Chapelle, Harry Bonaro
Overstreet, Leo Cherne, Claire Booth Luce, Ernest Cuneo, and the
President of the American Security Council, James Fisher. The
Grace Foundation was a supporter of the Free Cuba Committee.
Paul Bethel was President of the Free Cuba Committee. Paul
Bethel began his career with the State Department on August 22,
1949. Subsequently, he served as a Foreign Affairs Analyst and
Resident Officer for the United States High Commissioner to
Germany, John J. McCloy. Paul Bethel later served in other posts in
Bavaria, Germany and Japan. Paul Bethel joined the Voice of
America in December 1949, and was the Subject of an FBI Special
Inquiry that proved favorable. In 1957 he was the Subject of an FBI
"AEA-A investigation." From 1958 to 1961 Paul Bethel served as
Press Attache at the American Embassy in Havana. When the
Embassy closed, Paul Bethel moved to Miami, where he opened an
office of the Voice Of America, and met many Cuban exiles,
including Orlando Bosch. In 1965 Paul Bethel reported on the revolt
in the Dominican Republic for the Mutual Broadcasting Company.
Many of his articles appeared in The Reporter magazine. In 1969
Paul Bethel wrote The Losers, in which he suggested President
Kennedy might have been an active or tacit Communist agent. On
June 29, 1974, the name of Paul Bethel came up on an index card
generated by the CIA's Office of the Inspector General: "and details

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on Radio City allegation; (5) investigate Hunt testimony that CIA did
not return Tessina film negatives." [IG File #27 Tab #23]

Daniel James was the Executive Secretary of the Free Cuba


Committee. In 1954 Daniel James wrote a book on communist
infiltration of the Arbenz regime, and another in 1961 exposing Fidel
Castro. He wrote two books about Ché Guevara, and was
responsible for creating the myth that Ché Guevara was betrayed by
a KGB agent named "Tanya." Daniel James was a correspondent
for the Voice Of America, an Information-Education Officer at the
Pentagon, and a Fellow at the Georgetown University Center for
Strategic and International Studies.

On February 6, 1964, Paul Bethel appeared on Barry Gray's


New York City radio show, along with journalist Stanley Ross, and
Daniel James. Despite their impressive credentials and CIA
backing, Stanley Ross suggested that a Castro agent, who was a
methedrine addict and was confined to the Disturbed Ward of
Creedmore Psychiatric Hospital in Queens, New York, helped
Oswald assassinate the President: "Ross stated that he was
informed by Mr. Banon [the Spanish Counsel] that during an
interview with Pascual Enrique Rudolo Gongora the later stated that
he was one of five or six groups sent to the United States to
assassinate President Kennedy at the direction of Fidel Castro.
Gongora reportedly stated that Castro was fearful that President
Kennedy was trying to assassinate him, and further stated that the
United States had been involved in previous assassinations, such
as the assassination of the husband and brother-in-law of Madame
Nhu of Vietnam." Stanley Ross died on September 22, 1992, and
Paul Bethel died on May 20, 1979. [WCE 1444; FBI 105-82555-
2305; NYT 9.22.92]]

Robert R. Mullen was unsure whether to hire Hunt. Richard


Helms wrote a letter on behalf of Hunt. On April 10, 1970, Robert R.
Mullen called Frank A. O'Malley to say he was going to offer Hunt a
job: "O'Malley reported this to Central Cover where there were
'mixed emotions' but with Cover giving OK." Eight months after Hunt
was hired by Mullen, Robert Bennett joined the company. Bennett,
the son of Senator Wallace Bennett (Rep.-UTAH), was active in
Republican Party affairs. He brought the Hughes Tool Company
account with him. Mullen, who was planning to retire, had invited
Bennett to purchase the firm and become its President. This was a
disappointment to Hunt, who had expected to become president
and own the business. Attempts by Hunt to negotiate a joint
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ownership arrangement with Bennett failed, and Hunt began to talk


of leaving the firm. On October 14, 1970, DDP Thomas
Karamessines stated:

Mr. Hunt has been employed by Robert R. Mullen


and Company since his April 30, 1970, retirement
from the Agency, and CCS understands that Mr.
Hunt is going to succeed Mr. Mullen as principal
officer of the company. Mr. Hunt contacted CCS on
July 7, 1970, to report his belief the company could
provide cover as a result of its connections with the
Brussels Times. In discussions of this matter with Mr.
Mullen and Mr. Hunt, it developed that Mr. Mullen,
who as a long time friend of Mr. Hunt, was cognizant
of his Agency background had informed Mr. Hunt of
the existing cover arrangements without authorization
from CCS...In as much as Mr. Hunt is already witting
of the current cover arrangement with the company
which he reportedly will soon head, and because the
use of the company in other locations where it has
cover potential would require his knowledge and
assistance, CCS requests that you approve the
issuance by the Office of Security of a clearance on
Mr. Hunt to the Central Cover Staff.
On November 6, 1970, Subject was granted a clearance for
use (deleted) with Robert R. Mullen. The reason the clearance was
not granted immediately
"Stemmed from SRS regarding a manuscript written
by Subject about CIA Operations and authored by
(Deleted). SRS advised matter was under discussion
with Deputy Director of Plans. Later SRS advised
they interposed no objection, but suggested CCS be
requested to obtain concurrence from Deputy
Director of Plans. CCS has furnished OS with that
approval.
THE WHITE HOUSE: HUNT JULY 1971
In July 19, 1971, Hunt joined the White House Staff as a
consultant to Nixon preparatory to his trip to China. In 1971 Hunt
served as an advisor to President Nixon in relation to his trip to
China. In July 1971 Charles Colson hired Hunt for the White
House/Special Operations Group. Hunt contacted Barker and
Sturgis in Miami. A CIA memorandum, "Potential Flap Activities: CIA
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Contact With Watergate Figures" stated: "The Office of Logistics


reports that safehouse (deleted) was made available to (deleted) on
July 23, 1971. This safehouse is (deleted). It was used for meetings
between Hunt and Technical Services Division representatives."
[Broe to Colby 5.21.73 p8] Hunt responded:

Plaintiff [Hunt] swears that his appointment calendars


and diary and all other written memoranda which
would specify his daily whereabouts in the year 1971
have been destroyed and are no longer in his
possession; consequently, Plaintiff has no way of
determining whom he might have been in contact on
July 23, 1971. [USDC SDF Miami Civ-76-1252-CIV-
SMA Answers To Req. For Admissions 1.22.79]

Hunt claimed to have met John F. Kennedy "socially in


Boston." Tad Szulc reported that when Hunt first went to work for
the White House, he attempted to discredit Senator Edward
Kennedy with new information about the Chappaquidick scandal.
[Comp. Spy p253] In Frank Sturgis' book proposal he claimed that
he had inside knowledge as to "what deadly threat caused Senator
Ted Kennedy to make that fateful hard right turn at Chappaquidick
that killed young Mary Joe Kopechne." Hunt cultivated informers
within the Kennedy clan. During the Watergate Hearings, Nixon aide
John Dean testified that in November 1971, H.R. Haldeman had a
standing order pending with John Dean for 24-hour surveillance on
Senator Edward Kennedy. [McCord Piece of Tape p10] It was
revealed during Jack Caulfield’s testimony before the Senate
Watergate Committee that Tony Ulasewicz was ordered to set up a
round-the-clock surveillance of Edward Kennedy. Ulasewicz admits
that he was at Chappaquiddick before any journalists arrived. He
also seems to have been there before the police detectives
assigned to the case. This is confirmed by Sylvia Malm who was
staying in Dike House at the time. Dike House was only 150 yards
from the scene of the accident. Malm was interviewed by Ulasewicz
before the police got to her. The same is true of Ulasewicz’s
interviews with John Farrar, the scuba diver who pulled out Mary
Jo’s body from the car. These were only two of many who were
interviewed by Ulasewicz just a few hours after the accident had
taken place. [John Simpkin JFK Forum 7.23.05] Shortly after Hunt
started work for the White House/Special Operations Group, Robert
Bennett told him that Clifford de Mott claimed to have derogatory
information on the Kennedys. Hunt went to the Technical Services

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Division and obtained disguise material using the name "Mr.


Edward." He was given a wig, a pair of glasses, a speech-altering
device, a driver’s license, a tape recorder, business cards,
miscellaneous identification cards, and a backstopped telephone
number. Hunt used the disguise to interview de Clifford Mott in
Rhode Island. The FBI:

De Motte stated that on July 26, 1971, he met with an


individual who introduced himself as Ed Warren. He
had received telephone calls from this individual who
claimed that he was contacting De Motte on the
recommendation of Robert Bennett of the Robert R.
Mullen and Company. He met this individual in a
motel immediately adjacent to the airport at Warwick,
Rhode Island. They spent several hours in a motel
room and WARREN taped most of the conversation.
At this time Warren gave to him a business card of
Robert Bennett with handwriting on the back which
he recognized as that of Robert Bennett. The man
said he was working for a group which was doing
research on the Kennedy family and the
Chappaquidick Island incident. He said that he was
working for a group of people whom he described
only as investment and industrial people. Hunt had a
very anti-Kennedy attitude and asked specific
questions as to whether or not De Motte knew
anything about pornographic movies being shown at
the Kennedy home. He also inquired as to any
incidents which might have occurred at parties which
he described as drunken orgies. The only information
provided to him by De Motte was the fact that
(deleted). De Motte explained that Warren had been
referred to him by Bennett because in 1960 he had
worked as public relations man for the Yachtsman
Hotel which was used to house press people and
staff people of the Kennedy campaign group. [FBI
39-4089-1314]
De Motte later
"furnished instant enclosure which he had found
among his papers which he had been currently
reviewing. He speculated possibly that Albert S.
Paterson may in fact be Hunt who, according to

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information resulting from Watergate, had allegedly


falsified documents in an effort to defame John and
Robert Kennedy. De Motte has no reason, other than
pure speculation, to identify Patterson as Hunt. The
material which De Motte furnished the FBI was
received by (Deleted) from (Deleted) and (Deleted)
became friends during the Summer of 1969 when
both were working for the (Deleted) as Washington,
D.C. (Deleted) subsequently transferred to
(Deleted)'s Office where he is now an Administrative
Assistant. De Motte and (Deleted) have remained
close friends and (deleted) note transmitting the
enclosures to De Motte included the statement it was
being sent for your amusement and amazement.'
[FBI 139-4089-2224 5.23.73]

During Hunt V Weberman Hunt was asked:

Q. Did you ever follow the Chappaquidick incident involving Ted


Kennedy.

A. To some extent.

Q. Do you know a White House librarian named Schleicher?

A. No.

Q. Did you borrow books from her pertaining to the Chappaquidick


incident?

A. No.

Q. Did you ever maintain a file of information about the Kennedy


clan, specifically the Chappaquidick incident?

A. Yes, I did.

Q. Where did you keep that file?

A. The few gleanings that came from DeMott, I think I turned the
originals over to Chuck Colson and I kept a skeleton file in my own
office in the White House safe, in my then White House office.

Q. Did any members of the White House plumbers spy on Ted


Kennedy, to your knowledge?

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A. To my knowledge, no.

In August 1971 Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, another member of the


White House/Special Operations Group, were involved in
burglarizing the offices of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Daniel
Ellsberg had leaked the classified Pentagon Papers to The New
York Times. The Technical Service Division supplied Hunt with
support for this and other entries. Hunt was provided with alias
documents, disguise material including wig, glasses, and speech
alteration device; a Uher stereo tape recorder with Sony
microphones, a camera, film and film processing. He also requested
a device to record incoming phone calls. The official of the
Technical Services Division who provided Hunt with this material
knew him only as "Mr. Edward," a staff officer investigating drugs,
assigned to the Domestic Contacts Division. The CIA:

1. On December 4, 1972 Mr. Stephen Carter


Greenwood was interviewed for the purpose of
obtaining full details on his contacts with “Edward”
and an associate during the summer months of 1971.
Mr. Greenwood has now identified “Edward” as being
E. Howard Hunt.

2. Mr. Greenwood advised that in the summer of


1971 he and his section chief were called into the
office of the Deputy Division Chief who briefed them
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to the effect that a disguise, documentation, and


other support were to be provided to an individual
identified as 'EDWARD.' Greenwood met with
'EDWARD' the following day and made all the
necessary arrangements to immediately provide him
with a disguise and alias documentation. 'EDWARD'
was observed signing his name to three items which
required a signature, and he tried a mouth device
that was utilized in connection with the operation.

3. Approximately two weeks later 'EDWARD' called


to indicate that he needed some help with the
disguise glasses. Greenwood is not sure of the timing
but he recalls that Mr. Cleo Gephart accompanied
him to the meeting because Gephart had been asked
to provide Edward with a tape recorder. Gerphart
showed Edward how the tape recorder worked then
departed from the house without waiting for
Greenwood. The latter individual made some
adjustment to the glasses, and it was probably at this
meeting that EDWARD inquired about a backstopped
telephone number and address in New York. [These
were not provided] Greenwood indicated that he
would have to check with his superiors. Greenwood
is not absolutely certain, but it is his best recollection
that EDWARD also requested a disguise and alias
documentation for an associate.

[CIA FOIA #23 2146-4: Alias George F. Leonard,


Edward Joseph Warren]

The CIA reported:

Mr. Hunt was issued the alias Edward J. Hamilton on


September 30, 1960. This name was erroneously
recorded at that time on a District of Columbia driver
permit as Edward V. Hamilton. Mr. Hunt was
supposed to use the District of Columbia driver
permit for only one week. With respect to the overall
question of pocket litter during that period, Agency
records have been destroyed, and there is no
specific information in our files relating to the
issue…On or about September 26, 1960 Mr. Hunt
was issued various unspecified organizational cards
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

in the name of Edward J. Hamilton. We cannot


specifically state at this time that a Social Security
card was or was not included, but it is likely to have
been.
A CIA psychiatrist recalled the meeting during which Hunt
and Liddy requested that a psychological profile of Daniel Ellsberg
be created:

Later on Mr. Howard Hunt joined the group. Mr. Hunt


recognized me, being a former agency employee,
and we greeted cordially. Mr. Hunt stated it was his
wish to “try Dr. Ellsberg in public.” Other comments
were made by Mr. Hunt or Mr. Liddy to the effect that
the aim would be to render Dr. Ellsberg ineffective or
make him the object of pity as a broken man. Mr.
Hunt stated that he wished to see data of the sort
that “psychiatrists found out about Barry Goldwater in
1964,” and he expressed interest in being able to
refer in a knowledgeable way to Dr. Ellsberg’s
oedipal conflicts or castration fears and other similar
points…Mr. Hunt also stated that it would be useful
for Dr. Ellsberg’s first wife to be interviewed and he
felt, “You can easily arrange that under an
operational alias.” It was pointed out that the first
Mrs. Ellsberg would be cooperative. At this point Mr.
Hunt made some comments in the presence of the
group based on his previous acquaintanceship with
me and he remained behind and made some further
comments expressing a desire that his presence and
participation in the meeting not be mentioned at the
Agency. After arriving back at the Agency I informed
Mr. Hunt by telephone that it was not feasible for me
to avoid reporting Mr. Hunt’s presence at the
meeting. Mr. Hunt expressed regret that this was
necessary….”

[Another possible WH/SOG OP break-in at office of Mrs. Ellsberg's


psychoanalyst Robert Akeret 697 West End Avenue, New York City
as cited by Wise in American Police State; RR p32; CIA FOIA 2146-
2, 5; Unmarked CIA doc; CIA FOIA 2146-20]

On August 30, 1971, Fredrick N. Evans / PES circulated a


memo about Hunt to AC/CB, C/PSD, DDS/PS, AD/S, C/PSD.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

LOUIS TACKWOOD JULY TO AUGUST 1971

During the summer of 1971 evidence suggested Hunt and McCord


were involved in a plan to provoke a state of National Emergency in
the United States. The possibility existed that one of the
provocateurs contacted by them or by an intermediary, was Louis
Elbert Tackwood (born February 20, 1943). Louis Tackwood was
born in February 1943, an illegitimate child, in New Orleans. In 1950
Louis Tackwood moved from New Orleans to Los Angeles where he
joined his father, a dope dealer, who was shot and killed by a rival
dealer four years later. Tackwood became involved in street crime in
L.A. In 1958 Louis Tackwood was committed to a state mental
hospital and diagnosed as psychopathic. In 1962 he was arrested
for car theft, but was offered immunity from prosecution in return for
his cooperation in apprehending other car thieves. Tackwood was
arrested at least a dozen times in the next nine years but spent little
time in jail. A note on Tackwood's rap sheet stated "defendant
worked...as reliable informant." "I had a free hand to do what I
wanted," Tackwood told investigative reporters, "Anything I did was
okay. Like saying go out an' commit all the crimes you want to an' if
you get busted they'll pull you out." Around 1965 he became
involved in political surveillance, working for Sgts. Edward Watkins
and Lawrence Brown of SIS. All names used by Tackwood were
confirmed to be officers in the specified departments; in fact he
provided reporters with correct phone numbers directly into SIS and
CCS, as well as a taped telephone conversation with Lawrence
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Brown. In 1965, just after the Watts riot, Tackwood said the police
department came to the conclusion that the Black Muslims were
getting "too big, too powerful." He was instructed to make a phone
call on August 18, 1965, to the police precinct saying there were
guns going in and out of the Muslim mosque. Tackwood said he did
so, and immediately "all kinds of police came in and shot the place
up." Around 1966 he recalled, he began working with Ron Karenga,
at the time when the Black Panthers were beginning to gain strength
in Los Angeles. On orders of SIS, Tackwood said, he frequently
brought money to Karenga and told him to "off" (kill) Panthers. A
main target, he said, was Ellmore (Geronimo) Pratt, the Panther's
Southern Chairman. Pratt, however, was never killed. Two Black
Panthers, Alprentice Bunchy Carter and John Huggins were slain at
UCLA in late 1968, and two members of US, the organization
headed by Ron Karenga, were convicted. Louis Tackwood: "My first
C.C.S. assignment was when I was liaison between C.S.S. and Ron
Karenga's organization US." In 1966 a probation officer wrote: "Los
Angeles Police Department officers report that Tackwood in the past
worked for them as a reliable informant." Louis Tackwood claimed
that in 1969 he was recruited for Criminal Conspiracy Section, Los
Angeles Police Department, which was an outgrowth of a special
unit to investigate the Robert F. Kennedy assassination, by Ronald
G. Farwell, a black member of CCS in charge of monitoring black
militant activity. The L.A. Panthers continued to thrive until their
headquarters was raided on December 8, 1969. Thirteen of their
members were arrested for assault. Tackwood charged that police
had planned the raid long in advance with Panther Melvin "Cotton"
Smith. Tackwood said he learned from Sgt. Ronald G. Farwell that
Smith had been a police informant since 1967. In early 1970
Tackwood said he killed a man who was getting wise to his
informing activities. He fled to New Orleans, assured by his police
friends, no action would be taken. Louis Tackwood moved to New
Orleans in the early 1970's, then returned to Los Angeles in July
1970, after his New Orleans cover had been blown. In 1970 he
testified at a murder trial. The prosecutor conceded that his
testimony "put the defendant on death row."
MARTIN AND WHITE
By 1971 Louis Tackwood believed he could get rich if he told
all he knew about government misconduct to the media. According
to Bob Duggan, "Tackwood was a psychopathic liar and a
mercenary. The LA Free Press thought it was too hot to handle, so
they turned him over to me. And the first thing he did was, in my

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

presence, he called a couple of the agents there. He played the


game on both sides for several months." (While Louis Tackwood
was in contact with Duggan, he was feeding the Los Angeles Police
Department information on him.) Bob Duggan and Marilyn Katz
debriefed Tackwood. They arranged for a press conference in mid-
September 1971, during which time Tackwood said he had been
contacted by two CIA agents when he worked with the FBI on
Squad 19 - a special group that was set up to plan disruptions at the
Republican Convention, then slated for San Diego. Louis Tackwood
stated:

There is a plan right now that is so monstrous that it


is pathetic. It entails a detailed plan to blow up the
Republican Convention. It has been worked out by
the super-agencies...The blame will fall on militant
organizations demonstrating at the convention. The
President will then be asked to declare a state of
national emergency and martial law. Within 48 hours,
they will arrest all known militants on the left, and a
police state will then exist...I am only giving up two
names. There's 'Martin' and there's 'White.' Alright
now, 'Martin' was the code name for my contact, and
I'm going to tell you he's CIA all the way. Are you
ready for this? He was in Dallas when they got
Kennedy; he left out of there for the Caribbean. And
'Martin' is in on the cancellation of elections, and
some way in on the concentration camp thing. Do
you see what I'm saying? Now the control, the man
over 'Martin' is 'White.' I only heard a little about him,
but they say he is the money man, nobody's over him
but the top dogs. 'Martin' and 'White' that's all I'm
going to give you now. This is my life insurance.

Tackwood told The Washington Post he:

…sat in on meetings where plans were made by


federal and local agents to disrupt the 1972 San
Diego Republican convention and blame it on the
leftists. The object: To create a situation which would
permit the President to invoke special emergency
powers leading to the arrest and detention of political
activists throughout the country; that the C.C.S. had
prior knowledge of last years Marin County
Courthouse shootout and George Jackson's fatal
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

escape attempt from San Quentin - and allowed both


to proceed despite certainty that lives would be lost.

On November 22, 1971, Louis Tackwood testified in the Los


Angeles Panther 13 trial. He said that Melvin Cotton Smith, the
principal witness, was a police informant and had not turned State's
evidence as the police suggested. His testimony was preceded by
that of Ronald Farwell who said that he first met Louis Tackwood in
early 1970, and had used him as an informer against the Black
Panthers.

In June 1972, eight months after Louis Tackwood went


public; it was revealed that Hunt had used the name "White" during
Watergate. His name appeared in Eugenio Martinez address book
as “White H.” McCord told the police that his name was "Martin"
when he was arrested at Watergate. [DC PD arrest rec.] The CIA
reported:

At approximately 7:45 p.m., Mr. Arnold L. Parham, a


Special Agent of the FBI Field Office in Alexandria,
Virginia, called to request a name trace on 'James
Martin' who had been arrested while demonstrating
at Watergate. This call was taken by a security duty
officer, and referred to the responsible senior security
officer for night calls. [Memo Cary to Helms Message
Pref. #480889]

During the Watergate investigation, the FBI questioned two


secretaries from Robert R. Mullen and Company, Lynn Jones, and
Diana Konowalski. They stated that prior to Watergate, Hunt

frequently traveled to the West Coast and that each


time he went, he would tell the secretaries that he
was going to San Diego, to check on security of the
convention site. Most or all of these trips took place
while Hunt was working as a White House
consultant. On a majority of these trips Hunt was
accompanied by Gordon Liddy. It is known from a
review of toll records, credit card charges, and
airplane travel tickets that Hunt and Liddy made no
such trips to San Diego.

Another FBI document stated

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Both advised that Hunt received numerous telephone


calls on his private telephone line from person who
identified themselves only as 'Bernie' (Possibly
Bernard Barker): Don (Possibly Donald Segretti) and
Tom, who remains unidentified. Both said Tom called
from pay phone on the street because they always
heard automobile traffic in the background. All three
left messages for Hunt to either return the call, or that
so and so called. Only Lynn Jones was first
instructed to answer the telephone with 'Hello.' She
was instructed to accept all messages for Ed Warren.
Jones advised Hunt traveled a lot to Miami, Florida,
beginning Winter of 1971. Then, toward Spring, he
went twice a month. He went on numerous trips to
West Coast telling her that he had to go to San Diego
to check on security of the convention site and the
hotel. Jones never made reservations for Hunt in San
Diego, but did make several requests through their
Los Angeles client, Howard Hughes, to make
reservations for Hunt. Hunt always wanted a suite
with two bedrooms. On several occasions, after she
would tell Hunt that his reservations were in order, it
never failed that within the hour, a man they knew as
Gordon Liddy, would appear with his suitcases and
depart with Hunt. Hunt told them that Liddy always
traveled with him. On several occasions Hunt would
be away for three to four days at a time. Sometimes
when they didn't know where he was they would
contact his office at the White House and would be
told by some unidentified secretary that Hunt was
probably traveling under his assumed name. They
could not explain this, but one time Hunt told them
that he did use the name Ed Warren. On a return trip
from Los Angeles, one time Liddy came to the office
looking for Hunt. Liddy had his hand bandaged.
When Hunt was alone the two secretaries asked
Hunt what had happened to Liddy and he told them
that while in San Diego, checking the building of the
new hotel, Liddy accidentally rested his hand on a
hot rivet. Later the two girls learned from Robert
Wait, that Hunt had told Wait the true story about
Liddy trying to prove how powerful his mind was that
it could overcome pain. [FBI 139-4089-890, 892]

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In 1993 Mrs. William Tackwood was contacted: "Ain't nobody


seen that bastard. I have no idea when I last saw him. You'll have to
check with someone else. We don't even have anything to do with
him, honey. The boy ain't nothing but a con artist, you just wasting
you're time. We haven't seen him." When contacted in June 1993
Louis Tackwood was asked if the men he had met with were in fact
Hunt and McCord:

It was Hunt and McCord and Segretti was there too. I


recognized them from their photographs that were in
the newspapers after Watergate. They were there
because of something to do with the psychiatrist on
Wilshire Boulevard. After Watergate I disappeared.
They were after me pretty bad. Nobody could ask me
if it was them.

Louis Tackwood was asked what he had been doing since


the early 1970's. He responded: "Trying to keep out of trouble..." He
was asked about an arrest for having made bomb threat and having
faked a police report. He said,

That had to do with the Pope's visit. I got arrested


just before the Pope got here, and was let go the
Monday after he left. It was the Fall of 1987. I didn't
have anything in for anybody. They was looking for
someone else - someone in the Tony Alamo group.
They're up on the Ventura highway. Three months
later, 150 policeman, at six in the morning, raided the
Alamos.

At this point Mrs. Tackwood engaged her husband in


conversation. He said "Hold on a second" then told his wife, "I ain't
been foolin' ...you ain't got the right to say that. I never set those
people up. Can I call you back?" The telephone conversation
ended. Louis Tackwood had infiltrated the Alamo group, and his
arrest was part of his cover. On September 20, 2008, state and
federal officials raided Alamo’s compound as part of a two-year
investigation into allegations of child abuse and child pornography.
On September 25, 2008, Alamo himself was arrested in Flagstaff,
Arizona, on a federal warrant charging him with violating the Mann
Act, a federal statute enacted to stop the trafficking of women or
girls across state lines, over a period from March 1994 through
October 2005. At the end of a trial which included several women
testifying that they had been sexually abused by Alamo, some
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having been forced to become his “wives” as young as eight years


old, Alamo was found guilty on July 24, 2009, on ten counts of
taking underage girls across state lines for sex. On November 13,
he was sentenced to 175 years in prison and also was fined
$250,000. Tackwood was the star witness against him.

G. Gordon Liddy admitted the White House/Special


Operations Group planned kidnappings at the Republican
Convention:

Q. Did Mr. Hunt ever indicate to you that any of the men with whom
he was working, some of the individuals who were Cubans, had any
previous experience in assassination or killings or the like or had-

A. (Interposing) He represented to me. Let me back up to give you


the circumstances so that my answer will be more understandable.

Q. All right.
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A. Prior to receiving authorization to go ahead on what has become


known as the Gemstone Plan, Mr. Hunt and I were both engaged in
recruiting efforts to man the table of organization that we had drawn
up should we receive the go-ahead.

At the time, the Gemstone Plan included abduction of leaders,


radical elements which had proclaimed themselves ready to, and
intended to, disrupt the Republican National Convention, at the time
scheduled for San Diego, in a manner similar to that done by
Students for a Democratic Society to the Democratic Party in
Chicago the time before.

Mr. Hunt and I both traveled to Miami, Florida, in connection with


these recruiting efforts. There, I was introduced to some persons
who were Cuban who then introduced me to additional persons who
were Cuban, bearing in mind I do not speak Spanish. Mr. Hunt
does.

There was a conversation in both English and the Spanish


language. And I looked to Mr. Hunt for the gist of what was going
on.

And in any event, we had perhaps a dozen men who were willing to
come on board in this connection. And Mr. Hunt, to impress upon
me the high caliber of these individuals, stated that they had
accounted among them for a substantial number of deaths [22],
including two who had hanged someone from a beam in a garage.

Q. Did Hunt indicate at any time that any of these individuals were
connected in some way with organized crime or whatever?

A. He indicated that these, not he, but these Cuban individuals were
connected in some way with organized crime.

Q. Had he ever discussed their connection, or what was the nature


of it?

A. No.

Q. Like were these men who were in an enforcement arm of


organized crime, so to speak?

A. Well, he certainly did not represent them as law enforcement


officers. [Liddy Depo. Hunt v. Weberman]

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John Dean wrote that OPERATION GEMSTONE was to have what


Liddy called another "operational arm" consisting of secret
operatives who could be used to drug and kidnap anti-Nixon
demonstrators and other dissidents. Dean wrote that Liddy referred
to kidnapping as "surgical relocation activities." [Dean, Blind
Ambition, p81] Jeb Magruder wrote: "It was, as John Dean said
later, mind boggling. It included mugging squads, kidnapping,
sabotage, the use of prostitutes, break-ins, electronic surveillance
and wiretapping." Jeb Magruder disclosed that G. Gordon Liddy
"explained that the proposed kidnap squads would seize radicals,
and inject them with some kind of drug that would render them
unconscious..." [Magruder, Jeb, An American Life, pgs. 170-180]
Hunt testified: "One of the proposals was to grab a couple of the
hippie leaders and take them down to Mexico. Mr. Liddy said he
knew all about that, because he had headed operations -
intercepted for the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, and
he knew the back alleys across the border." [Hunt test. in Hunt v.
Spotlight 1984 p82]

THE WHITE HOUSE TAPES

Dean: So I came over and Liddy laid out a million


dollar plan that was the most incredible thing I have
ever laid my eyes on: all in codes and involved black
bag operations, kidnapping, providing prostitutes, uh,
to weaken the opposition, bugging ah, mugging
teams. It was just an incredible thing. (March 21,
1973)

Nixon: Dean actually could answer it in another way.


He could say, look, I was the counsel. I was sitting in
on it in that fashion...I did not discuss it with
Haldeman because - because it was turned off, I
didn't report it.

Ehrlichman: The way you get at that then: 'Well, Mr.


Dean, you're responsible for keeping the President
out of legal trouble, aren't you?' 'Yes sir.' 'You sat in a
meeting where a man named Liddy proposed a
million dollars worth of kidnapping and wiretapping
and assassination and on and on and on, and you
didn't jump in a taxicab and rush back to the White
House and burst in on Bob Haldeman and say, you

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know what those crazy guys on the committee are


doing?'

Hemming found it hard to believe that someone in the Los


Angeles Police Department would introduce Louis Tackwood to two
CIA agents who immediately told him their life stories:

Hunt and McCord are talking to a fuckin' nigger, and


they are confessing? What was he doing, sucking on
their dicks, or what? Or are they just baring their
souls? What does he have, a priest collar on? These
are admissions against self-interest. Tackwood had
to have heard this information from other sources.

On December 16, 1971, Hunt was in Dallas, Texas, to


arrange a magazine interview for retired General Paul D. Harkins.
Hunt called his office in the White House from a pay telephone. [FBI
139-4089-1317] Hunt told the Rockefeller Commission that he had
never been to Dallas: "May have changed planes in Dallas in 1960
without leaving airport. On way to Mexico City."
THE PLOT TO KILL JACK ANDERSON DECEMBER 1971
BOB WOODWARD'S VERSION
Hunt was involved in a plot to kill Jack Anderson from
December 1971 to January 1972.
From February 15 to April 12, 1972, “personal
surveillances” were conducted by the CIA on Jack
Anderson and member of his staff (Les Whitten, Britt
Hume and Mr. Spear). The physical surveillances
consisted only of watching the targets and involved
no breaking, entry or wire tapping. Apparently, the
physical surveillance occurred after Jack Anderson’s
series of “tilt toward Pakistan” stories. The physical
surveillances were authorized by Helms and
conducted by the CIA’s Office of Security. (The Office
of Security was headed by Howard Osborn for 1967
to 1973). NARA Record Number: 104-10107-10031
In the September 21, 1975, issue of The Washington Post Robert
Woodward reported Hunt had told associates that

…he was ordered in December 1971, or January


1972, to assassinate syndicated columnist Jack
Anderson, according to reliable sources. According to

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the sources, Hunt told his former CIA associates that


the order was canceled at the last minute - but only
after a plan had been devised to make Anderson's
death look accidental. His alleged plan involved the
use of a poison to be obtained from a former CIA
physician, said sources, who added that the poison
was a variety that would leave no trace during a
routine medical examination or autopsy.

Hunt feared an investigation of the break-in would lead to the


disclosure of the assassination plan. "The identity of the former CIA
doctor, and the reason the assassination was called off, could not
be determined." The poison Hunt was going to use on Jack
Anderson could either be ingested or absorbed through the skin.
Jack Anderson's steering wheel was to be dusted with this contact
poison so it would appear he had a heart attack while driving. The
ensuing automobile accident would obscure the circumstances of
the journalist's death. (After Lee Bowers died his physician believed
that he had had a heart attack.) Hunt:

I have heard from the CIA that there was a physician


who apparently was involved in that line of work, that
they once attempted it, that if it's put on the steering
wheel of a car the drug would have some sort of
hallucinatory effect." [Hunt v. Weberman Depo 6.77
p17]

Jack Anderson initially reacted to the story of the assassination plot


with disbelief, but filed a multimillion dollar lawsuit against the Nixon
Administration. Hunt later identified the CIA Technical Services
Division man as Dr. Edward Gunn. Dr. Edward Mansfield Gunn
was born in Providence, R.I., and moved to Hilton Head Island in
1973 from Chevy Chase, Md. He graduated from Syracuse
University Medical School in 1939 and served in the Pacific in the
Army during World War II. After World War II, he did medical

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documentary films for the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology. Dr.


Edward Gunn was an expert at poisoning people. Hunt told the
Church Committee: "He was known in the Agency as Manny Gunn.
He became known to me as a sort of unorthodox practitioner of
medicine in the sense that if you needed something, some
recherché medical information, you went to Manny Gunn and he
provided it. It develops now that in recent months they say that he
knew a good deal more about poisons than I believed him to know."
When Cuban exile Rolando Cubela was looking for some small
"exotic" weapon--a dart gun, perhaps--he could use with deadly
effect in close quarters. Cubela, a medical doctor, told the CIA he
was sure they could come up with some clever "technical means."
The CIA agents in the Operation Division of the Office of Medical
Services worked through the night and produced a ball-point pen--a
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Paper Mate--rigged with a hypodermic syringe. The needle was "so


fine” Doctor Edward Gunn of CIA Medical Services later boasted to
the inspector general, "that the victim would hardly feel it when it
was inserted--he compared it with the scratch from a shirt with too
much starch." Cubela was to be told that he could load the pen with
Blackleaf 40, a fatal nicotine-based insecticide available at the time
on the shelves of hardware stores.

In April 1962 William Harvey met with John Rosselli in New


York. He picked up a bathc of poison pills, designed to be dropped
into Castro’s tea or coffee, from Dr. Gunn, the chief of the
operations division of the CIA’s Office of Medical Services. Then he
drove to Miami and delivered them to Rosselli. Contacted in August
1993, Dr. Edward Gunn refused comment. [Gunn Edward E.
telephone 703-680-1826 Washington Monthly, Dec, 1995 by Evan
Thomas] Gunn died December 26, 1999. Hunt claimed he consulted
with Dr. Edward Gunn at the request of Charles Colson "to explore
means of drugging Jack Anderson to discredit him by rendering him
incoherent before a public appearance," not to discuss ways of
poisoning him. [SSCIA Book IV p134; Wash. Post 9.21.73 p1;
Wash. Star 9.22.63]

Baron: Did Colson, at any point in the first conversation explicitly


mention the possibility that Anderson should be assassinated of that
you might --

Hunt: No.

Baron: How about considering assassination.

Hunt: Absolutely not.

Baron: Not even in the sense of contingency planning?

Hunt: No. The only reference I've ever seen to it has been in the
Washington Post stories.

Liebengood: In one of Bob Woodward's stories he refers to three


separate sources of his as having the impression that you had been
inquiring into the prospect of assassinating Jack Anderson. Do you
know who those sources might be and where they might have
gotten the impression that you were considering assassination?

Hunt: "I have no idea. It is possible that Dr. Gunn may have
received that impression or achieved that perception. I thought also
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that Gordon Liddy may have done some talking when he was a
prisoner in the D.C. Jail, but I have no personal recollection of ever
discussing the matter outside Colson, Liddy, and myself.
Hunt told the SSCIA:
That there came a time, to the best of my
recollection, in late December, or sometime in
January, or possibly even February 1972, when
Charles Colson, then Special Counsel to the
President, called me into his office. Mr. Colson at that
juncture was -- appeared rather nervous. He, as you
know, had a common wall with President Nixon'S
suite in the Old Executive Office Building, and
although he did not glance in that direction, my
impression was he had been with the President not
too long before. He said that in effect, now I'm not
making direct quotes, but what he indicated to me
was that Mr. Anderson had become a great thorn in
the side of the President...He was agitated when he
called me in, sort of talking to me and rifling through
papers on his desk, which was very much unlike him,
and the inference that I drew from that was that he
had just had a conversation with the President. So
when I accepted this assignment, I assumed, as I
usually do with Colson, that he was either reflecting
the desires of the Chief Executive, or else that as a
prescient staff officer, was attempting to find a
solution to a problem that was troubling his chief...I
want to say that I don't know what specific incident
triggered the White House reaction, whether it was
the Pakistan story, or what it was. I can't relate it to
any particular thing. So in due course, in the next four
days, I got in touch with retired CIA physician whose
name is Dr. Edward Gunn. I knew he'd retired, but I
also knew that he had been involved in certain
unorthodox aspects of medicine, physiological
research and, although I can't pinpoint it now, I
believe I must have been aware that he had some
knowledge of the unorthodox administration of
behavior changing of altering substances. But in any
event I got in touch with Doctor Gunn, who at that
point had just left the White House and moved over
to the Committee to Reelect the President. Dr. Gunn

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met with Liddy and myself in the Old Hay-Adams


Grill, and I told Dr. Gunn that -- well I can't recall
whether I introduced Mr. Liddy by his true name or by
some sort of alias for the moment, but in any event, I
indicated to Dr. Gunn that this was a person of
confidence and he could feel free to speak freely with
me and with Mr. Liddy.

The crux of what I directed in Dr. Gunn was the


following: I said we are interested in altering the
normal behavior pattern of a particular targeted
individual for a brief period of time to make him
appear incoherent and rambling during a public
appearance. I am quite sure I didn't indicate radio,
much less television. What had his Agency
experience been in this matter? Had he ever done
anything like this before?

Dr. Gunn said 'Well, there are a couple of way of


doing the thing now.' Oh, I think I specified
hallucinogens. I said 'The only kind of which I've
heard was L.S.D.' and I said, 'Oh I am sure there are
many other kinds,' and he said, 'Well, what we've
done in the past, we have administered it a couple of
ways. We painted the steering wheel of a car for
absorption through the palms of the hand.' He said,
'We put it on a car door handle.' He said, 'We have
switched some medicines, we have made a pill to
simulate one of the prescription drugs that a
particular targeted individual was taking, and of
course, there's always the old simple method of
dropping a pill in a guy's cocktail.'

I didn't ask for the names of these substances. I


didn't ask him for access to drugs. I did not ask Dr.
Edward Gunn to procure any drugs, for this reason,
that Gordon Liddy had been a Special Assistant to
the Secretary of the Treasury, just before he joined
the White House, and I felt confident, although I
didn't confide this in Dr. Gunn, that if the time came
when any controlled substances were needed that
Mr. Liddy could secure what was necessary through
a secure source within the Treasury Department,

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because I knew that Dr. Gunn was retired from the


CIA.

So in any case, having listened to what Dr. Gunn had


to say, and there was no dialogue, it was really a
monologue on his part, I asked him certain
information and he supplied it, we continued our
lunch and broke up. Dr. Gunn departed. Mr. Liddy
and I walked back to our respective offices and, on
the way back, to the best of my recollection, we
discussed the matter and one or the other of us
pointing out the impracticality of utilizing
administration methods indicated or described by Mr.
Gunn.

It was wintertime then, and neither of us knew


whether Jack Anderson drove his car or whether he
had a chauffeur. My guess would have been, I
suppose, that he had a chauffeur...if he drove his
own car chances would be that he would be wearing
gloves in the wintertime. If the job were to be done in
the summertime, if in fact the job were to be done,
the chances are his palms would be sweaty. So that
thing went right out the window right away.
Secondarily, this business of substituting a pill was
highly impractical and we could have certainly
determined somehow where Jack Anderson lived,
but to perform an entry operation simply to put one or
two pills in a bottle seemed highly impractical. It was
my understanding that Jack Anderson had a rather
large family and how you would go clandestinely into
a medicine cabinet with a household full of people
and pore over all the drugs and the pharmacopoeia
assortments there until you found one that Jack
Anderson normally administered to himself a brief
period of time before his radio broadcast, of course,
was the height of infeasibility.

We got around to the third, more routine method of


administering a drug that is simply dropping a pill into
a man's cocktail glass and I had always understood
that Mr. Anderson was a Mormon; from my
employment at Mullen and Company where I was
associated with the Mormons, I understood they were
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very abstemious, they would even touch Coca-Cola.


By the time we left our respective offices, there was
nothing left of the kind of concept at all.

Either that day, or the following day, we reported to


Mr. Colson that I had met with a CIA physician. He
had described some CIA experiences to me, and in
terms of what Mr. Colson was thinking about, it was
impractical, and we should just forget about it. It was
something that had taken up an hour and a half or
two hours of my time and there was nothing to it.
That was it.

[Hunt was asked about his fear that some other


member of Anderson's family might get the drug].

Oh yes, certainly. In the medicine cabinet thing, he


had a large family and several people were on -- if
they were on pills, it would have been of course,
ridiculous. To go more deeply into that particular
point before we leave it, what I gathered from the talk
with Mr. Gunn was that we really needed to have a
Subject or a target in a controlled situation. We
almost had to have him under clinical conditions to
make sure that A. He got a measured amount of the
substance, whatever it might be, and that the timing
was just right, and that he would be able to sit down
or stand up at the lecture platform in apparently good
condition, that at least he would be navigable to get
there before he began to talk and make a fool of
himself. None of these conditions pertained at all, so
the whole thing never advance beyond the simply the
information gathering phase of it. There was never
any proposal or any further reference made to it...
Baron continued:
Baron: Did Dr. Gunn volunteer any information or
advice on how Jack Anderson might be killed or
seriously disabled, as opposed to rendered
incoherent?

Hunt: No. Of course the name Jack Anderson was


never mentioned, but you're speaking of the target
individual.

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Mr. Baron: That right. So there was no discussion of


techniques of assassination or physical disablement.

Hunt: Not at all. I might add, this has not been


brought up before, I inferred at that time that at least
some of the techniques that Dr. Gunn was describing
had been tried out in North Africa. Algeria sticks in
my mind.

COLSON'S VERSION

In an interview with the SSCIA Staff, Charles Colson said he


did not remember this incident, and he "never discussed drugging or
killing Anderson with Hunt, and allowed for the possibility that you
might have been confusing discussions that the two of you had, on
the effects of L.S.D in the context of considering using L.S.D against
Daniel Ellsberg, or re-inducing an L.S.D trip experience with Daniel
Ellsberg. To discredit him." Hunt recalled "something generally
along those lines with reference to Ellsberg that we were discussing.
This was of course prior to the Fielding entry. We were talking
generally about -- what is it called where you 'trip out' again?

Baron: Flashback.

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Hunt: Whether these spontaneous flashbacks could be induced,


and of course one way to do this was to determine what the guy's
psychiatric history was, to determine what his experience had been
in the past. But that was not relevant to Jack Anderson at all. But
that in my mind would set the background for Colson's later request
to look into the matter of hallucinogenics with reference to
Anderson.

Baron: But you are quite clear in your own mind that you did discuss
with Colson Jack Anderson specifically as a target?

Hunt: Well, he discussed it with me. He named the target. I had no


reason, certainly, to go into a thing like that with Dr. Gunn. I have no
animus against Jack Anderson, certainly nothing compared to what
the White House had at the time.

Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy met with Dr. Edward Gunn in the
Old Hay- Grill. As stated, Hunt told Dr. Edward Gunn that G. Gordon
Liddy was okay. G. Gordon Liddy explained:

Q. Did Hunt ever discuss any assassination plots?

A. Well, there came a time in 1972, I think it was around February,


when Mr. Hunt came to me concerning the journalist Jack
Anderson.

Now, again, to give you a little background to make my answer


understandable, Mr. Anderson had published in a column the fact
that as Messrs. Brezhnev, Kosygin and other high officials of the
Soviet Union traveled about in their limousines on the streets of
Moscow speaking to one another over their car telephones,
believing themselves to be speaking privately. The United States
was, if fact, listening in.

Richard Helms, then Director of Central Intelligence, learned that


Mr. Anderson had acquired this knowledge, that he knew this was
going on, and took him to lunch and asked him, please, not to
publish it. And my understanding is that Mr. Anderson promised not
to.

Recently, when I have had occasion to speak to Mr. Anderson on


the subject, he has said that he did not publish it until he had seen it
published elsewhere first. However, he has never been able to show
me, or anyone else, where it was published first. Following that
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incident in which, while everybody was pretty upset, nobody


suggested taking any action against Mr. Anderson, Mr. Hunt came
to me, and he said, "Anderson has now gone too far. He has just
identified and caused the death or imminent death under torture of
one of our human assets abroad." And he, Hunt, had been charged
by his principals, meaning his superiors at the White House, with
conferring with me and with someone from the CIA who was
represented as retired, namely Dr. Gunn, as to - how best to prevent
Mr. Anderson from repeating his behavior.

The conference was held in the then existing downstairs luncheon


room of the Hay Adams Hotel, now no longer in existence. And Mr.
Hunt brought up that L.S.D. business again. Dr. Gunn rejected it on
technical grounds. I suggested that the only way to effectively stop
Mr. Anderson, was to kill him. Mr. Hunt and Dr. Gunn agreed. The
remainder of the conversation consisted of how we ought to do it
best.

The conclusion was that the Cuban assets were to stage a mugging
in Washington which would be fatal to Anderson.

Q. All right. Now if Mr. Hunt had said he had merely discussed with
you and Dr. Gunn nothing more than a discreditation of Mr.
Anderson, would that be correct or incorrect?

A. That would be absolutely incorrect.

Q. The story reflecting this situation occurred in The Washington


Post under an article by Woodward and Bernstein. Are you aware of
that article, and were you surprised to see that that had come to
light?

A. I was in prison at the time. The article was made available to me.
I read it at the time. And I was surprised to see that it was incorrect
in that it did not narrate the incident as I have just narrated it to you,
which is what actually happened. [Hunt v. Weberman Liddy Depo.
9.30.80.]
WAS HUNT PLANNING TO USE POISON OR LSD?
During the second Hunt v. Spotlight trial G. Gordon Liddy
stated:

Hunt was talking of putting it [LSD] on the steering


wheel, and he said somebody may be wearing
gloves, there might be a chauffeur, it just would not
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work. I said, 'Well, now, wait a minute. If our task is to


guarantee,' and that was the operative word, 'that Mr.
Anderson will not conduct - behave this was way
again, the only way you are going to guarantee
somebody is not going to repeat a particular kind of
behavior is to kill him...' Both Dr. Gunn and Hunt
agreed immediately and the remainder of the
conference was how to go about it. We discussed
with Mr. Gunn aspirin roulette in which one takes a
single tablet of deadly poison, packs it in a Bayer
aspirin jar, we place it in the man's medicine chest,
and one day he gets the tablet and that's that. Hunt
referred to aspirin roulette...We discussed Dr. Gunn's
suggestion of the use of an automobile to hit Mr.
Anderson's automobile when it was in a turn in the
circle, up near Chevy Chase. There is a way that
apparently had been known by the CIA that if you hit
a car at just the right speed and angle, it will strip and
burn and kill the occupant...But what I suggested is
we just kill him. And they both agreed that that would
be the way to go about it, and the task would be
assigned to Cuban assets.

During the second Hunt v. Spotlight trial Hunt was reminded


of his testimony on July 11, 1984. Hunt: "About the only other thing
we tried [to do to Anderson] is to put a couple of pills in a
prescription flask or vial. And he [Gunn] said, eventually, when the
patient or the target gets around to taking one of these pills, it will
have an effect on him." [Hunt’s testimony July 11, 1984, p76]

The SSCIA mistakenly accepted COLSON and Hunt’s


conflicting statements that the action against Jack Anderson was
one that would discredit him by slipping him an L.S.D mickey rather
than Liddy's contention that it was a murder plot.

In December 1971 Hunt asked Peter Jessup, senior Agency


officer with the National Security Council Staff in the Executive
Office Building, to run traces on certain figures in Costa Rica and
Guatemala.
Jessup has submitted a memorandum dated 31 May
1973 (received in O/IG on 6 June) stating that
Howard Hunt, "submitted various names for
Headquarters traces of certain Latin Americans, not

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in a sealed envelope. This was handled orally and by


telephone I advised the chief of the appropriate
division that they were being forwarded and to
consult with the DDP about the propriety of
responding. I also telephoned the DDP. I then wrote
my own memo to General HAIG calling his attention
to the fact that an individual--I named Hunt—was
tracing foreign nationals without reference to the
NSC Staff.

7. Mr. Broe (then chief, WH Division) has no


recollection of any name traces handled for Hunt
other than the one forwarded over his (Broe's) name
on 13 December 1971. He recalls discussing that
with his deputy Jim Flannery. He has discussed this
with Flannery, who has checked the records of WH
and has found no other such records. At this time it
seems unlikely that we will answer the questions this
presents. Was Hunt's out-of-channel request (which
WE put back in channel) the one Jessup recalls, with
embellishments? Or did Hunt make additional
requests, through channels, that were not serviced?
We have the one recorded name trace, on a Costa
Rican, and no others.
[SDB MFR 6.9.73 CIA FOIA 5899 (Att to Doc #4048)] Hunt
was interested in Costa Rican millionaire Jorge Gonzalez Marten,
who had formed the Costa Rican National Independent Party that
month. Gonzalez was reported to be a millionaire, with various
holdings in Costa Rica and an identified connection with IBM. He
lived in the U.S. for a number of years. [Broe Memo 6.4.73 FOIA
5850 (Att to Doc #4048)] The Independent National Party won a
surprising 11% of the vote in the 1974 election. The names of the
other individuals Hunt requested traces on were never revealed.

The CIA created a file on Hunt’s activities entitled "The Mr.


Edward" file. This file was maintained outside the normal CIA filing
system. A bigot list (the CIA's term for the treatment of especially
sensitive cases, restricting access to a limited number of persons)
was created for Hunt’s activities. The CIA admitted to seven
contacts with Hunt after August 31, 1971. March to May 1973, Hunt
requested a lockpicker from the CIA EEAB Chief; in late 1971 Hunt
requested wiretap experts; late 1971 he requested aid in an entry
operation; in October 1971, he asked the CIA to locate Vietnam war
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documents; on December 8, 1971, he asked for a CIA name trace


and on October 15, 1971, he met with Richard Helms to discuss an
unknown matter. The CIA was aware of the covert activities of the
White House /Special Operations Group.
FORGED BAY OF PIGS DOCUMENTS
Hunt placed a forged document in the CIA's Bay of Pigs file,
which alleged that President John F. Kennedy had made a secret
agreement with Fidel Castro to destroy the Bay of Pigs Brigade. On
July 1, 1971, Charles Colson telephoned Hunt and asked: "What do
you think of the idea of declassifying a lot of these old documents
now?" Hunt answered: "I think it's a fine idea. I'm all in favor of it and
I would particularly like to see the Bay of Pigs stuff declassified,
including the alleged agreement Castro made with JFK." Charles
Colson understood that Hunt was referring to a document Hunt had
forged, and responded: "Because you were part of it, and knew it
was a phony?" Hunt said "Sure." In 1978 Hunt was asked if he had
forged this document: "I don't know what Colson was saying when
he said, 'Because you were a part of it, and knew it was a phony'.
To this day I don't know what he was talking about. I just said 'Sure'
and let it go at that." Charles Colson ended his telephone
conversation with Hunt by asking him: "Weren't you the guy who
told me, maybe the last time we were up to your house for dinner,
that if the truth ever came out about Kennedy and the Bay of Pigs,
that it would just destroy them?" In a memorandum from Charles
Colson, to Nixon'S Chief of Staff, H.R. Haldeman, regarding Hunt,
Charles Colson suggested that Hunt and H.R. Haldeman should
meet: "I had forgotten when I talked to you that he was the CIA
mastermind on the Bay of Pigs. He told me a long time ago that if
the truth were even [sic] known, Kennedy would be destroyed."
HUNT AND LUCIEN CONEIN
In late 1971 Hunt forged cables that concerned the
involvement of President Kennedy in the assassination in 1963 of
South Vietnamese strongman, Ngo Dinh Diem. Hunt was asked:

Q. Did you in fact forge, or cause to be forged, cable traffic linking


John Kennedy with the Diem assassination?

A. I did.

Q. You did in fact forge documents?

A. I did.

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Q. This was at what time period?

A. Yes, because Colson asked me to.

Gordon Liddy was asked:

Q. Do you know whether or not Hunt any skill, training or expertise


or has undertaken any study of the art of forgery of documents?

A. I know that he did forge at least one document. That was a cable.
And he did so employing the use of a Xerox machine. And that was
the summer of 1971.

Hunt consulted with General Edward Landsdale, and with


Lucien Conein, in regard to the wording of the cable. A few months
later, Lucien Conein granted an interview to NBC-TV news during
which he tied President Kennedy to the death of Ngo Dinh Diem.
When questioned about this interview after Watergate, Lucien
Conein said he had received permission to speak with the media
from the CIA's Office of Security. When CIA Office of Security
Director Howard Osborn spoke with Lucien Conein on January 31,
1972, he asked him how it came he appeared on the December 22,
1971, NBC television program. Lucien Conein stated he had been
contacted by Howard Hunt, White House Public Relations and
Security Consultant, and had been interviewed by Hunt in his own
home extensively as to his role in the entire affair: "Osborn noted: I
know this is true since Howard Hunt phoned me and asked how he
could contact Mr. Conein in late November 1971." Lucien Conein
told Osborn that "Mr. Hunt, speaking for his White House superiors,
stated that they felt his appearance could be helpful, providing he
was properly briefed. Mr. Hunt indicated that he would 'take care of
coordinating this with the Agency' and provided Mr. Conein with a
file of some 24 cables as a briefing aid to refresh his memory." [CIA
OS Memo D/CI] Lucien Conein denied that Hunt had shown him any
forged cables, despite Hunt’s testimony to the contrary.

Lucien Emile Conein (born, November 29, 1919), a veteran


of the French Foreign Legion, described his military career: "Starting
as a recruit I September 1941, was advanced to a Non-
Commissioned Officer in 1942, and later chosen for Officer
Candidate School February 1943. Graduated and commissioned
2nd Lieutenant February (OSS) on July 26, 1943. Served European
Theater of Operations October 1943, to December 1944.
Parachuted behind enemy lines in civilian clothes, France, August

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1944. Transferred China, Burma, India Theater, February 1945.


Assigned German occupation February 1947 to August 1953, as an
intelligence officer. 1953 to 1956 served as U.S. Military advisory
group, Vietnam, as intelligence and operations officer." Lucien
Conein returned to Indochina as an advisor to the French, who were
at war with the Army of National Liberation of General Ho Chi Minh.
"From 1957 to 1959, assigned as battalion commander U.S. Special
Forces. Commanded an airborne battalion, Fort Bragg, North
Carolina. From August 1959 to September 1961 Chief, Foreign
Intelligence, Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of
Army Mission in Teheran, Iran."

Lucien Conein joined the CIA in December 1961, where he


became Chief of Station in Saigon. There, he had liaison with other
U.S. officials (up to the Ambassadorial level), and Vietnamese
officials including the Prime Minister. Lucien Conein became a
leader of an assassination squad under Colonel Edwin Lansdale,
and put General Ngo Dinh Diem in power. Diem ruled South
Vietnam until 1963, when Lucien Conein helped Vietnamese
Generals overthrow him. In 1968 Lucien Conein left Vietnam and
retired from the Armed Forces and CIA. He was back in 1969
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engaged in a private business venture. The CIA stated: "Lucien


Conein was formerly assigned to this Agency in military status from
1943 until 1961, and as a Contract Type A from 1961, until medical
retirement in 1968. His file was annotated with the statement that
the Domestic Operations Division could not utilize Lucien Conein in
any capacity." Lucien Conein reportedly was the liaison between the
OSS and the Corsican brotherhood, a mafia-style organization that
was involved in heroin trafficking.

In late 1971 Lucien Conein was contacted by the White


House, and in early 1972 he was hired by the Bureau of Narcotics
and Dangerous Drugs as a consultant with its intelligence section.
At the end of the year, he was given a permanent position with the
Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs. The Rockefeller Report
stated that "Beginning in late 1970, the CIA used one of its
proprietary companies to recruit Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous
Drugs agents...the CIA recruited 19 Bureau of Narcotics and
Dangerous Drugs agents." [RR p39]

When Nixon abolished the Bureau of Narcotics and


Dangerous Drugs in 1973, and created the Drug Enforcement
Administration by Presidential Proclamation, Lucien Conein headed
the Special Operations Group of the Drug Enforcement
Administration. Lucien Conein began to recruit former CIA agents as
Drug Enforcement Administration /Special Operations Group
contract employees. He had a staff of 19 individuals, 14 of whom
were former CIA employees. Colson stated that the Drug
Enforcement Administration / Special Operations Group was
responsible for kidnapping and assassination. Wallace Shanley
recalled,

I know that Gordon Liddy went down to Miami to


recruit talent for the Drug Enforcement
Administration's Special Operations Group. Sturgis
was one of these potential assassins. I don't have
any written documentation on this. I was working with
these guys - Lucien Conein was one of them.

The Drug Enforcement Administration / Special Operations


Group assassination program was headquartered in Mexico.
Charles Colson stated that Senator Lowell Weicker "should look into
the surroundings of the death an Italian named [Lucien] Sarti, who
was a major narcotics trafficker shot in Mexico about two years ago.
Sarti bought his way out of jail and got to Mexico where he was
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shot. Colson said this case will show the other half of Conein's
operation." Hemming told this researcher:

Lucien Conein was organizing an assassination


program. It was called Deacon One and Deacon
Two. BERNARDO De TORRES was involved. De
TORRES was planning to assassinate Juan
Balaguer. That was off the record.
HUNT AND ROLANDO MARTINEZ
Rolando Martinez (born July 8, 1922) was recruited by the
CIA in 1961 to engage in maritime activity against the Castro
regime. The CIA reported: "Brief data on Members/Contents in PB
PRIME (MRR) #125 Rolando Martinez. Resides in Miami Beach,
Florida, U.S.A. Works boat for MRR DOJ March 1962. Member of
the Naval Section of MRR. DOI May 10, 1962 (60)." Rolando
Martinez was in charge of a site in the Florida Keys used for these
operations. The CIA: "With a change in operational policy, these
missions were no longer required, and in the mid-1960's the project
under which Rolando Martinez operated [PB PRIME] was
canceled." Rolando Martinez was retained at $100 a month as a
part time informant. Circa December 1971 Rolando Martinez
mentioned to his CIA Case Officer that Hunt, who was working for
the White House, had been in Miami. The Rockefeller Commission
reported:

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The Case Officer later told him that he had run a


Station name check on Hunt, and that there was no
information respecting Hunt’s employment at the
White House. Rolando Martinez took the response to
mean that Hunt was on a secret mission of which the
Miami Station was not to know. On the strength of his
past experience maintaining CIA operations, he
therefore disclosed none of Hunt’s illegal activities to
his Case Officer. The Case Officer's superior, [Jacob
Esterline], had been disturbed when he later learned
the Case Officer had not promptly reported the Hunt
reference, a name that meant nothing to the Case
Officer. The Chief of Station felt he should be advised
of the presence of any former CIA Officers in his
territory. [RR p189]

The Miami Chief of Station, Jacob Esterline, had his Case


Officer meet with Rolando Martinez in March 1972, and again the
Case Office asked about Hunt. These references to Hunt, in whom
Jacob Esterline, "from past experience, had limited confidence," led
Jacob Esterline to contact his superior at Headquarters, Cord
Meyer. A strongly-worded letter was sent back to Jacob Esterline
advising that "Hunt is undoubtedly on domestic White House
business, no interest to us, in essence cool it.

The CIA was asked: "Question 5: Prior to June 17,


1972, did Eugenio Martinez advise, hint or suggest to
this CIA Case Officer or anyone else in CIA or U.S.
Government, of operations or plans to conduct
clandestine activities against domestic targets. In this
connection did Mr. Martinez mention in any way what
has become known as the Watergate break-ins, or
the break in of Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office?
Answer: Mr. Martinez in late 1971, and again in
March 1972, brought Mr. Hunt’s presence in Miami to
the attention of an Agency field representative. The
field representative reported this to CIA Headquarters
and was advised that he should not concern himself
with the travel of Mr. Hunt who was an employee of
the White House undoubtedly on White House
domestic business of no interest to the CIA. Mr.
Martinez made no mention of what has become
known as the Watergate and Ellsberg break ins, nor

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was the Agency aware of his participation in any


secret arrangement or relationship that might have
involved any domestic clandestine operations. This
Agency has no knowledge of any information that Mr.
Martinez may have provided to anyone else in the
United States Government prior to June 1972 on the
subject of clandestine activities against domestic
targets.

In August 1993 Jacob Esterline was asked by this


researcher what had caused him to have limited confidence in Hunt:

When he was working for me, I was never quite sure


what he was up to. What really riled me at that time
was here was a guy no longer with us that must have
known that the people he was messing with - namely
Rolando Martinez who was a nice, dedicated to his
cause Cuban, who was obviously confused by
someone saying 'I work for the White House' coming
in there. It was totally unethical for Mr. Hunt to come
in and touch somebody working for another agency,
regardless of where he worked. He had no business
touching any of our people. I didn't deal directly with
Rolando Martinez. I had a case officer dealing with
him. But Hunt obviously convinced them that this was
so important that they shouldn't tell the case officer or
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me that they were doing these White House break-


ins. Really cheap shot. It set off a very bad
relationship between Cord Meyer and me. Cord
Meyer was Thomas Karamessines' Deputy. In
retrospect, when I wrote that letter to Meyer, it hit him
like a bombshell. I'm sure they had no idea what
Hunt was mixed-up in.

Jacob Esterline did not know why he was not told to


terminate Rolando Martinez's CIA employment if Headquarters
suspected Hunt was involved in White House political activities.
After Jacob Esterline received this letter, he told the Case Officer of
Rolando Martinez to have Rolando Martinez summarize his contact
with Hunt. Rolando Martinez was told to write something that "he
would not be afraid to have shown to him later," rather than to write
the truth. [RR p195] The summary failed to disclose any of the
illegal activities of the White House/Special Operations Group. [RR
p189] Jacob Esterline explained,

When I got over my annoyance, I told them to go out


and check on Rolando Martinez. We were checking
on his progress at brokerage school at time. I think I
did tell him to put down a pretty good resume of what
had been going on. As a matter of fact, I'm pretty
damn sure I did. What happened is the summary
disappeared from my files. And I didn't get on to the
fact that this paper had disappeared, until the case
officer handling him, who was a nice little fellow, but
he wasn't the brightest man in the world, left. I don't
know what happened...I never saw him again. He
was long gone someplace else. I think he left the
Agency shortly after that. He was long gone before I
found out that his, we always kept journals,
Memorandum for the Records, contact reports. And
the contact report had disappeared from the file. I
was never able to get my hands on it. It's gone. It told
the fact that Rolando Martinez had been meeting with
Hunt on several occasions, and obviously Hunt had
gotten to him, or maybe he hadn't even told him at
that point what it was, because I was absolutely
astounded, dumbfounded, when that whole thing
broke and I realized that this poor guy Rolando

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Martinez had gotten himself into such a mess. He


was a real good boat captain.

Rolando Martinez was recruited into White House/Special


Operations Group. Rolando Martinez's last meeting with the CIA
took place on June 6, 1972. Jacob Esterline:

There's a little bit of a grey thing here, in the sense


that I went down there to gently terminate and direct
these people into new avenues of life. That was a
pretty momentous thing to do. Those who had been
rather important leaders, we went to varying lengths
with. In some cases I actually got a couple of these
very bright fellows into law school. They are now
practicing lawyers. In the case of Rolando Martinez,
he'd been a Cuban businessman and was a mature
man at this point, we put him on a retirement pension
which wasn't very much money obviously. It just
doesn't happen that way. What you would call a
'brass parachute,' to coin a phrase. I got him into
brokers school to direct him into the lifestyle he had
in Cuba before he got mixed up in all these crazy
kinds of things against Castro.

According to Seymour Hersh, Rolando Martinez kept a diary


that was found by Federal investigators in the trunk of his car which
was parked at Miami International Airport. [NYT 1.14.73] Rolando
Martinez told the SSCIA that in 1972 he conducted an interview
"with this Cuban lady in Miami who said she had been a member of
the Castro household, and present there at the time of John
Kennedy's death. The woman -- I have testified to this before, but I
can't recall where." Hunt elaborated: "She had been introduced to
me by Rolando Martinez who brought her to my hotel room. He
provided the tape recorder for our discussion...The woman's bone
fides were established solely by Rolando Martinez, who we
determined later was on the CIA payroll at the time, although I did
not know of it. I provided a raw report and submitted it to the Chief
of the Western Hemisphere Division." During Hunt v Weberman,
Hunt stated:

I turned over [to the CIA] a tape recording that I made


in a Miami hotel room with Martinez and Barker, of a
Cuban refugee lady who claimed to have been
present in the Castro home at the time, the day
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Kennedy was assassinated. I think I had part of that


typed up in the White House and eventually sent a
summary of it or a transcript over to CIA, and I may
have accompanied that with a cassette tape.

The CIA reported: "Quoted below is a letter dated October


29, 1973, Colby received from Fulbright and answer which Colby
proposes to send him: 'When Mr. Helms appeared before the
Foreign Relations Committee February 7, 1973, (under oath) in
connection with his nomination to be Ambassador to Iran, he was
questioned in some detail about prior associations with CIA on the
part of the Watergate Defendants. The following exchange took
place:

The Chairman: And Frank Sturgis, was he an employee?

Helms: Never.

The Chairman: In any capacity?

Helms: I am sure of that.

The Chairman: In an affidavit filed with the United States District


Court for the District of Columbia, on October 10, 1973, supporting
his motion to withdraw his guilty plea, Mr. Sturgis says: 'I had also
been active in the BAY OF PIGS OPERATION and continued
clandestinely working for the liberation of Cuba thereafter.' And
again: 'I had known of Mr. Rolando Martinez since the Bay of Pigs
invasion, and knew that he had been engaged in clandestine
incursions into Cuba for many years following the Bay of Pigs
invasion. I was doing similar work, though Mr. Martinez was working
for a different sector than I was. It was my belief, based upon my
own observations during the years following Bay of Pigs, that
Martinez was working for, and being directly financed by, the CIA,
as opposed to my own situation which involved the Agency's
knowledge and approval of my operations and their indirect
financing of them.' With respect to Mr. Martinez, Mr. Helms testified
as follows February 7: 'Mr. Martinez was never an employee of the
CIA. He was on retained of $100 a month, seen occasionally by a
representative of the agency, and his role was simply to identify to
us from those legal and illegal immigrants from Cuba those
individuals who he thought might be of interest for informational
purposes. He simply was to identify them and we took it from there,
and it was a very loose kind of arrangement in which he reported in

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from time to time. And it is indeed true that as soon as it was found
out he was involved in the Watergate thing we simply turned him off
and have not talked to him since.' Mr. Helms repeated the
substance of this testimony of page 58 to 59 of the transcript. I
would appreciate you clearing up these discrepancies. Specifically --
was Sturgis active in the Bay of Pigs operation? Did he continue
clandestinely working for the liberation of Cuba thereafter, either on
behalf of the CIA or with its knowledge, approval or acquiescence?
If so, what were his activities?

Was Martinez involved in clandestine incursions into Cuba for many


years following the Bay of Pigs invasion? Were these made on
behalf of the CIA, or with its knowledge, approval, or acquiescence?
What does Sturgis mean when he says, 'I was doing similar work
though Mr. Martinez was working for a different sector than I was?'
What does Sturgis mean when he refers to 'My own situation which
involved the Agency's knowledge and approval of my operations
and their indirect financing of them?' (This completes Fulbright
October 29, 1973 memo). Following is Colby's proposed answer:

"This is in response to your letter of October 29, 1973, requesting


certain information concerning Mr. Frank Sturgis and Eugenio R.
Martinez. Your questions and the answers thereto follow:

Question: Was Sturgis active in the Bay of Pigs operation?

Answer: We have no evidence that Mr. Sturgis officially participated


in the Bay of Pigs invasion. Any activities concerning the Bay of
Pigs invasion in which Mr. Sturgis may have been engaged were
not directly connected with or authorized by the CIA, nor was CIA
knowledgeable of any such activities. However, he may have been
engaged through one of the groups which was supported by the
CIA.

Question: Did he continue clandestinely working for the liberation of


Cuba thereafter, either on behalf of the CIA, or with its knowledge,
approval or acquiescence? If so, what were his activities?

Answer: Any activities in which Mr. Sturgis may have been engaged
subsequent to the Bay of Pigs Operation were without the prior
knowledge or the approval or acquiescence of this Agency. Our files
reflect information from the FBI which indicates that Mr. Sturgis is a
soldier of fortune who had participated in Cuban Revolutionary
activities for a number of years. However, the Agency did engage in

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limited activities, and he may have been engaged by one of the


groups supported by the CIA in this connection.

Question: Was Martinez engaged in clandestine incursions into


Cuba for many years following the Bay of Pigs invasion. Were these
made on behalf of the CIA or with its knowledge, approval or
acquiescence?

Answer: Mr. Martinez was recruited by the Agency in January 1961,


in connection with Cuban operations. The project to which he was
assigned was terminated in 1969. I would be glad to brief you on the
details if you are interested. Subsequently, he was held on a part-
time retainer to report on individuals coming from Cuba to the Miami
area whom he thought could provide information on Cuba useful to
the United States. The last meeting with Mr. Martinez occurred on
June 6, 1972, and the relationship was terminated by the Agency as
a result of his involvement in the Watergate break in.

Question: What does Sturgis mean when he says 'I was doing
similar work though Mr. Martinez was working for a different sector
than I was?'

Answer: We do not now what Mr. Sturgis means by this statement.


Our files indicate that Mr. Sturgis was friendly with Mr. Martinez, and
he may have been aware that Mr. Martinez was in some way
associated with the CIA. However, Mr. Sturgis was not directly
engaged in any activity, sponsored, approved or funded by CIA.

Question: What does Sturgis mean when he refers to 'My own


situation which involved the Agency's knowledge and approval of
my operations and their indirect financing of them?'

Answer: We do not know what Mr. Sturgis means by this statement.


Mr. Sturgis was not involved in any operation directly sponsored,
approved or funded by the CIA.

While it is true that Mr. Martinez had an 'agent' relationship with this
Agency prior to the time he was put on a part-time retainer, he was
never an 'employee' of this Agency, and was never under the type
of supervision and control normally associated with a 'staff
employee' relationship. Further, prior to Mr. Helms' testimony before
your committee on February 7, 1973, there was speculation in the
press that Mr. Martinez was an active employee of this Agency at
the time of the break in. This, of course, was not true, and in

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explaining the status of Mr. Martinez at the time of the break in, it is
understandable that uppermost in Mr. Helms' mind would be the
part-time retainer status which Mr. Martinez held at the time of the
break in. Please let me know if there is anything further you desire
in the above connection. W.E. Colby, Director. [To Amb. Helms from
George L. Cary CIA FOIA 17262 and 17260]
On November 16, 1973, Andrew St. George testified before the
Senate Armed Service Committee. The CIA reported: "He made
certain allegations against the Agency, the gist being (most of it
coming from Frank Sturgis) that the Agency had prior knowledge of
the Watergate break-in, accomplishing this through the penetration
of the break-in group utilizing Eugenio Rolando Martinez, one of the
arrested Watergate burglars. At that time St. George alleged he had
other Agency sources who he would not identify." [BROWN MFR
7.25.75]

HUNT AND ROBERT VESCO SPAIN 1972

A CIA Index Card read "Howard Hunt, Robert Vesco, May 9, 1974,
Memo for OPS/RMO from Robert E. Owen, Chief, OPS/OSG
(regarding Hunt’s reported activities in Spain, 1972 and Robert
Vesco's reported activities in Spain, 1972)." A CIA memo stated that
the files of the Chief, OPS/OSG yielded nothing on Hunt and Vesco:

2. I have attempted to recollect any other details


which conceivably could be pertinent and which
relate to the period of my assignment to Madrid in the
period of July 1970 to July 1973. The only points
which I recall but on which I have no documentation
are these:

a. There were occasional joshing inquiries made of


me by American residents of Madrid about the
reported presence in Spain of E. Howard Hunt in
1972. My standard reply was I knew only what I had
heard rumored. For the record, at no time did Hunt
contact me, and I have never known of his having
tried to contact any Station personnel in Spain during
the period of 1970 to 1973. I made no effort
personally to ascertain whether or not Hunt was in
Madrid, and I had no effort made by any Station
member.

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b. A Station officer, possibly (deleted), now assigned


to (deleted), was given some information by an
informant in 1972 concerning reported activities in
Spain by Robert Vesco. I suggested that the
information be given informally to the Economic
Section chief of the Embassy, John Oliver. That
officer was charged with keeping abreast of Vesco-
related developments. The Station did not pursue the
subject, as I recall, because it was not a topic or
reportable interest, according to the requirements of
that time period. Robert E. Owen Chief, OPS/OSG.

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THE PLOT TO KILL OMAR TORRIJOS: MARCH 1972

The military dictator of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, was an


early target of the White House/Special Operations Group. In March
1972 a rift between the two countries arose over the involvement of
the brothers of Omar Torrijos in narcotics trafficking. Omar Torrijos
maintained ties with Fidel Castro and Colonel Qaddafi of Libya.
Artime told the Miami States Attorney's Office: "Artime reiterated
that he had in fact been approached by Howard Hunt to recruit a
band of Artime's former associates to, to quote Hunt, 'take care of
the situation in Panama.' The undersigned informed Artime that a
source had told the State's Attorney's Office that one of the duties or
functions of the recruited group was to be the assassination of the
Panamanian President. Artime denied that Hunt used the word, or
ever made reference to assassination, but again repeated that Hunt
had used a 'key phrase,' that he, Artime, had related to the
Watergate Grand Jury, and also to the Ervin Committee
investigators." [Dardis interview with Artime] Manuel Artime stated
that Barker assembled the usual crew, including Sturgis. John Dean
revealed that members of the White House/Special Operations
Group traveled to Mexico and arranged the details of the plot.
Sturgis had obtained a Mexican Tourist Card valid from January 7,
1972, to April 6, 1972. The plot allegedly entailed shooting Omar

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Torrijos at a race track that he frequented. Barker’s associate,


Miguel Suarez, had set up a Panamanian company that would serve
as a command center. [All State Investment Fund cited by Ewing]
When Hunt was paroled from prison in 1977, he confirmed that
members of the White House/Special Operations Group planned to
assassinate Omar Torrijos: "I did not know any of the people asked
to take part other than people in the White House/Special
Operations Group. They had that as part of their brief."

A few months later Hunt was questioned about this statement:

Q. Did you ever make a statement to the press in the recent past
that the White House plumbers had in fact plotted to assassinate
General Omar Torrijos of Panama?

A. No.

Mr. Weberman (Sighs)

The Deponent: May I request -

Mr. Rubin: Wait a minute. I'll do it. Any more remarks by this man,
any more sighs of exasperation, anymore snickering and laughing
and I am going to walk out of here with Mr. Hunt and I am going to
bring this to the attention of the Court. Now Alan, please behave
yourself This is a serious business.

During a deposition one year later, Hunt was asked: "Did


you indicate to the press that you had knowledge of a plot to kill
Omar Torrijos?" Hunt answered: "Well, I probably did." In American
Spy Hunt wrote,
As long as we are on the topic of assassination, I
suppose that this is as good a time as any to set the
record straight concerning General Omar Torrijos of
Panama (known as the "dictator with a heart") and
General Rafael Trujillo, the brutal leader of the
Dominican Republic. Both were killed, and some
people have suggested that I was involved. I was
interrogated about these murders by the
Assassination Committee. A December 1977
syndicated column by Jack Anderson even quoted a
supposed "secret memo" by a Miami prosecutor
alleging that Manuel Artime confessed that I had tried
to recruit him to help assassinate Torrijos. This was
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written conveniently after Artime's death, so he could


not refute it, and no memo signed by Artime ever
came to light. I had no part in the death of either
man. Both had plenty of homegrown enemies who
are probably responsible without the complicity of the
United States. In fact, Torrijos, while allowing drug
smugglers too much latitude to operate in his
country—which obviously irritated the U.S.
authorities—nonetheless had a stable centrist regime
in an area where other countries such as Nicaragua
and El Salvador were plagued by unrest. I think that
the CIA would have found a more coercive method to
influence Torrijos than by sanctioning him.

Did you ever know of a man accused of being part of more


assassination plots than E. Howard Hunt? In February 1972, Hunt
traveled to Nicaragua on an undisclosed mission. In March 1972, he
visited International Telephone and Telegraph lobbyist Dita Beard.
Before he spoke with her, he disguised himself in a red wig. He also
used a voice modulator. On March 3, 1972, Dorothy Hunt's
psychiatrist, Dr. Gary O. Morris, vanished while vacationing on
Caribbean island of St. Lucia. The newspaper account of Dr. Morris'
death stated:

PSYCHIATRIST,
WIFE MISSING ON
BOAT TRIP
A psychiatrist and his wife have been reported
missing of the island of St. Lucia, in the Caribbean.
Dr. and Mrs. Gary O. Morris set out Friday in a 15
foot motorboat from the Halcyon Beach Club hotel for
a picnic on Pigeon Island, about three miles away.
With them was a local captain Mervin Augustin.
When the three failed to return by Friday night, the
hotel manager flew out to look for them, according to
the Associated Press. U.S Coast Guard, British and
private aircraft searched the seas off the British
protectorate over the weekend. The group had two
quarts of water, a picnic lunch and a box of ice on
board. The Halcyon Management said the Morrises
had checked in on Wednesday for four days. Morris
practices psychiatry at 4501 Connecticut Ave in
Washington. He and his wife have three children.
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No trace was ever found of the 15-foot motorboat or of its


three occupants. Dorothy Hunt had been a patient of Dr. Gary
Morris under a pseudonym, and their connection was revealed only
after Mrs. Hunt died in the crash of United 533 nine months later,
when the name and telephone number of Gary Morris were found
on her person. The records of Dr. Gary Morris' patients were not
checked to determine if one of them was really Dorothy Hunt. Stuart
Knudsen of Ellicott City, Maryland, had the records of Dr. Morris.
Stuart Knudsen:

The only records I have left is a book which he kept


of his patients of how much he charged them, and
how much they owed him. If I don't know the
pseudonym I wouldn't know, of course. Maxine
Cheshire did a story. Dr. Morris specialized in
hypnosis. He may have put her under hypnosis for a
back ailment. And while she was under hypnosis she
told him about the Ellsberg break-in. That was one
scenario, but not what Maxine Cheshire published.
Morris only had about 15 patients.
SENATOR EDWIN MUSKIE EARLY 1972
Circa April 1972 Hunt approached Robert Bennett with a
proposal to obtain the assistance of the Hughes organization for a
burglary in Las Vegas which was to secure information on Senator
Edwin Muskie.

Hunt contacted Mr. O’Malley on several occasions


requesting referral of retiring Agency employees with
specific qualifications. These instances occurred
apparently after Hunt had assumed his
responsibilities with the White House. In one instance
Hunt requested referral of a recently retired Agency
secretary. As in previous memoranda and
discussions Mr. O’Malley was unable to recall the
name of this individual. He did, however, state he is
quite certain Hunt turned down the individual whom
he referred. As a point of clarification O’Malley said
that this individual had not previously been known to
Mr. Hunt nor had she previously worked for him in
any capacity. Frank O'Malley also recalled a request
from Mr. Hunt for an individual having skills in the
areas of locks and surreptitious entry. A resume of
Mr. Thomas C. Hunt was provided to Mr. H Hunt at
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that time. It is Mr. O'Malley's recollection that Mr.


Hunt specifically stated that a person with Amato’s
qualifications was needed in connection with a
requirement of the Howard Hughes organization in
Las Vegas, Nevada. O’Malley stated that it was his
opinion that it was his impression that the duties
involved would include the monitoring of a listening
device in an undisclosed location. O’Malley reiterated
his understand that Amato did not accept Hunt’s offer
of employment.

Hunt sought to recruit a spy to infiltrate the headquarters of


Senator Muskie. Hunt may have run covert operations against
Senator Edwin Muskie in early 1972.

THE CRYING EPISODE

On Saturday, February 26, 1972, Senator Muskie was giving a


speech outside of the offices of the Manchester Union Leader from
the top of a flatbed truck. The New York Times reported: "The
Senator broke into tears minutes later, his speech halting, as he
protested the newspapers republication yesterday of an item from
Newsweek magazine. The Newsweek item was itself an

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abridgement of a report in Woman's Wear Daily, quoting the


candidates’ wife, Jane, as using early language while campaigning
in December in New Hampshire." The possibility existed that
Senator Edwin Muskie's crying episode in Maine was the result of
his having unwittingly ingested a threshold dose of LSD. G. Gordon
Liddy explained:

Hunt was under a misapprehension as to the uses of


lysergic acid diethylamide-25. He seemed to believe
initially that it was a reliable substance for
disorienting an individual. And he took considerable
dissuasion on the part of one Dr. Gunn, retired or un-
retired, I don't know, the CIA physician who was
represented to me as being an expert in the
unorthodox application of chemical and medical
knowledge. And it was he who instructed Mr. Hunt
that the effects of LSD-25 are unpredictable from
individual to individual. And it was not, in fact,
something one ought to entertain using for that
purpose. There was a conversation that was had
between Mr. Hunt and me in the Summer of 1971, at
which time he came to me and said that Mr. Colson
had suggested the application of LSD-25 to Dr.
Daniel Ellsberg at the prospective dinner function at
which he would be a speaker, and the purpose was
to disorient and to discredit Dr. Ellsberg at Mr.
Colson's suggestion.

And plans were laid to accomplish that and were then


submitted through Mr. Hunt to Mr. Colson. And there
was no response forthcoming for a while. When it
came, it was in the affirmative: do it.

But by that time, there was insufficient lead time to


follow the plan, which called for the infiltration of our
Cuban asset persons as waiters at this function up
here in Washington, and to introduce the chemical in
the soup course of Dr. Ellsberg. In other words, it
was --- there was insufficient time to get the Cubans
up and into the place to do that. And so the mission
had to be canceled, the idea being that we would do
it some later time should the opportunity arise. [Hunt
v. Weberman Liddy Depo. 9.30.80]

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In 1985 G. Gordon Liddy stated: "We knew of the weakness


of Senator Muskie in that he had difficulty in controlling his
emotions, could break down. We believed that it would be a disaster
for the United States for Muskie to break down before Brezhnev,
better he break down on the snows of New Hampshire, and we
conducted our activities to bring something like that about.
Eventually we were successful." G. Gordon Liddy claimed he and
Hunt planted an anti-Mrs. Muskie article in the press and that was
what upset him. On April 5, 1972, a paper entitled "Activities of
Howard Hunt and Dr. Manuel Artime in Miami and Nicaragua
[English translation of Martinez report] Barker, Mrs. Hunt, Varona,
Tino Fuentes, Prio IG FILE #18 Tab #1 Internal Review]" was
generated.
HUNT, BREMER AND GOVERNOR GEORGE WALLACE MAY
1972

In the spring of 1972, the Governor of Alabama, George C.


Wallace, posed a threat to Nixon'S reelection by having declared
himself an independent Presidential candidate. George Wallace
could have siphoned away enough Nixon votes to have thrown the
election to Senator George McGovern (Dem.- N. DAKOTA). On
Monday, May 15, 1972, Arthur Bremer attempted to assassinate
George Wallace at a campaign rally in Laurel, Maryland. Arthur
Bremer had no connections to the White House/Special Operations
Group, although his brother, William Bremer, was represented by
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Ellis Rubin in March 1972, when a Federal Grand Jury indicted him
for fraud. William Bremer was charged with swindling $36,000 from
the public in a bogus "Figure Form Reducing Outlets" operation.
William Bremer was convicted. Ellis Rubin said that he took the
case of William Bremer for its publicity value. When Ellis Rubin was
asked if he had ever been questioned by the authorities about
himself or any of his clients, he stated: "Well you would be surprised
to know that I have been questioned in all these cases." Ellis Rubin
was asked if he was questioned specifically about the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy: "All of these things that have been
mentioned, because I have represented the principals involved..."
The link through Ellis Rubin was too thin a thread to associate
Arthur Bremer with the White House/Special Operations Group.

DONALD SEGRETTI

Another possible Arthur Bremer - White House/Special Operations


Group link involved Donald Segretti. According to The Milwaukee
Journal: "The former Wisconsin College Republican State Chairman
said Donald Segretti, confessed political spy and Republican
saboteur in the 1972 presidential campaign, urged him to recruit
persons in Wisconsin to do dirty tricks to embarrass the
Democrats." [Milwaukee Journal 10.4.73] Arthur Bremer was from

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Milwaukee. During Watergate, no evidence surfaced that linked


Donald Segretti to Arthur Bremer.
NIXON'S REACTION
The apparent fact that Arthur Bremer had acted
independently did not prevent Nixon from trying to exploit the
attempted assassination. Arthur Bremer shot Wallace on Monday,
May 15, 1972, at 4:00 p.m. (EDT). On Monday, May 15, 1972, at
4:05 p.m. (EDT), Nixon held an emergency meeting with Charles
Colson. The tapes of this meeting were classified, although
Seymour Hersh heard them, or spoke with someone who did.
Seymour Hersh:

By Monday evening, it is known that Wallace's


assailant is a deranged youth named Arthur Bremer.
W. Mark Felt, an Assistant Director of the FBI,
reports to Charles Colson that Secret Service agents
have entered Arthur Bremer's Milwaukee apartment,
apparently without a search warrant, and found it
littered with political tracts...Felt also reports that the
FBI agents on the scene will not enter until they
obtain a search warrant...Nixon and Colson agree
that Howard Hunt is to fly to Milwaukee, secretly
enter Arthur Bremer's apartment, and replace the
political tracts and other materials with McGovern
campaign literature. Colson paves the way by telling
Felt that he and the President have heard rumors
that Arthur Bremer 'had ties with [Ted] Kennedy or
McGovern political operatives, that obviously there
could be a conspiracy...' Hunt packs his bags,
including special CIA equipment for disguising his
facial features, and makes a plane reservation. [The
New Yorker 12.14.92]
HOWARD HUNT / CHARLES COLSON CONVERSATION MAY
1972
On Monday, May 15, 1972, between 4:05 p.m. and 5:00
p.m., Charles Colson called Hunt and asked him to fly to Milwaukee
and enter the apartment of Arthur Bremer. The Hunt/Colson
telephone call lasted only about five minutes. Charles Colson and
Hunt had greatly differing versions of the time and nature of that
conversation, and Hunt’s recollection of the day's events changed
several times.

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HUNT'S TESTIMONY ON JUNE 12, 1973


On June 11, 1973, Hunt was assaulted in his jail cell and
badly injured. On June 12, 1973, during an Executive Session of the
Senate Select Committee on Illegal Campaign Activities, Hunt
testified that within one hour of the Wallace assassination attempt
on Monday, May 15, 1972, Charles Colson telephoned him and told
him to "Go to Bremer's apartment and see if there is Left or radical
reading material around." Hunt did not say he was asked to plant
McGovern literature, instead he said he was asked to determine if
any was present in Arthur Bremer's apartment. Hunt went on to
testify that, following Charles Colson's call, he went to his home in
Potomac, Maryland, telephoned Charles Colson and told him the
plan was ridiculous.
HUNT'S TESTIMONY JULY 1973
When Hunt testified before the Senate Select Committee on
Illegal Campaign Activities in July 1973, he said that Charles Colson
called him into his office on the morning of Tuesday, May 16, 1972.
Hunt’s version: "In the past, when Mr. Kennedy was assassinated
and when Martin Luther King was killed, it was all immediately
blazoned as a right-wing plot of some sort. We would like to know
what kind of kook this guy is. Is he a neo-Nazi?" Hunt claimed
Charles Colson wanted him to find out what brand of political
extremism Bremer subscribed to, in order that the media could not
erroneously accuse Bremer of having been a right-winger. Hunt
referred to President Kennedy as "Mr. Kennedy." This was because
Hunt believed John F. Kennedy was never a legitimately elected
President because of massive vote fraud in Chicago.

HUNT'S VERSION IN 1974


In early 1974 Hunt wrote about the proposed Arthur Bremer
operation in Undercover. He maintained Charles Colson called on
the morning of Tuesday, May 16, 1972, and expressed fear that the
right was going to be blamed for a left-wing assassination. Hunt
wrote that Charles Colson told him: "HOWIE, every time there's an
assassination in the country the press blames the political right.
Weeks later the truth seeps out, like Oswald, a lefty. Just once I'd
like to see the truth come out, if Arthur Bremer's a Marxist himself."

According to Hunt, Oswald was portrayed by the liberal


media as a rightist, until weeks later, when the truth "seeped out,"
that he was a leftist. This was untrue.

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HUNT TESTIMONY ON SEPTEMBER 9, 1974


In an interview by the FBI on September 9, 1974, at the
Office of the Watergate Special Prosecutor, Hunt reverted to his
original story, although he was less specific:

During the late afternoon of May 15, 1972, Mr. Hunt


was in his office at 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue when
he received a telephone call from Mr. Charles
Colson, Special Counsel to the President, asking that
Mr. Hunt immediately come to his office. Mr. Colson's
office was in the Executive Office Building, and Mr.
Hunt’s best recollection of the time of this telephone
call was approximately 5:00 p.m. There was a
television set in Mr. Hunt’s office and he recalls
having heard a news report that Governor Wallace
had been shot that afternoon in Laurel, Maryland.
This was prior to the telephone call from Mr. Colson.

Upon visiting Mr. Colson he was first asked if he had


any friends in Milwaukee, or if he had ever been to
Milwaukee. Mr. Hunt replied that he had not been to
Milwaukee in over 30 years, but nevertheless he had
a few friends there. At this point Mr. Colson
mentioned that the individual who had attempted to
assassinate Governor Wallace had an apartment in
Milwaukee. Mr. Colson remarked further that 'We
don't know the motive' of the individual who had shot
Governor Wallace and that he wanted to know what
was lying around this individuals apartment. Mr. Hunt
was not sure the identity of the assassin was given
by Mr. Colson during the conversation, and does not
recall whether he was aware of the identity of Arthur
Bremer at the particular time.

Mr. Hunt believes Mr. Colson mentioned Lee Harvey


Oswald, Sirhan Sirhan and the assassinations of
former President Kennedy and Robert Kennedy. Mr.
Colson made some remark indicating that each time
there is an assassination some people claim the
right-wing is responsible. Mr. Hunt recalls a comment
by Mr. Colson that Lee Harvey Oswald had married a
Russian citizen. It was apparent to Mr. Hunt that Mr.

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Colson desired to know background information


regarding Arthur Bremer.

Mr. Hunt also recalls a comment by Mr. Colson


during this initial conversation as to the availability of
Mr. Hunt to travel that evening and was informed that
Mr. Hunt was available. Mr. Hunt recalls making
airline inquiries and found out there were no flights
available to Milwaukee until at least 9:00 p.m. that
evening.

Mr. Hunt believes he was at home during that


evening when he received a second telephone call
from Mr. Colson. Mr. Hunt does not recall having
made airline reservations by the time of this second
call and does not believe airline reservations were
made by him at any time. He does recall Mr. Colson
informing him during the second call that it was
terribly important that he go to Milwaukee to find out
information regarding Arthur Bremer, specifically
what was in his apartment. Mr. Hunt recalls having
heard news reports by that time indicating that
newspaper reporters had been in the apartment of
Arthur Bremer and also received some indication
from these reports that the FBI had been to Bremer's
apartment. He received the impression that the
apartment had been sealed by the FBI. He recalled
asking Mr. Colson how he was to get into Bremer's
apartment. Mr. Colson replied, 'Bribe the janitor or
pick the lock' indicating that he did not care how Hunt
got into the apartment, so long as the job was done.
Because of the news reports, Mr. Hunt objected to
going to Milwaukee, and Mr. Colson insisted that he
go.

Mr. Hunt thereafter discussed this with his wife, who


was present at the time he received the second
telephone call from Mr. Colson. Mrs. Hunt objected to
Mr. Hunt going to Milwaukee, explaining that this was
another of Colson's stories or something similar. A
brief time later Mr. Hunt received a telephone call
from Mr. Colson's secretary, Joan Hall, at his home,
advising that Mr. Colson no longer desired that Mr.
Hunt go to Milwaukee. Mr. Hunt recalls no other
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conversation with Mr. Colson regarding Arthur


Bremer.

Arthur Bremer's address was never mentioned during


the conversations with Mr. Colson. Mr. Hunt assumes
the address was known by Mr. Colson, as he
explained he would not have left for Milwaukee not
knowing the address, and does not believe Mr.
Colson would have asked him to go to Milwaukee
without eventually informing him of the address.

It was mentioned to Hunt that it appeared from what


he had said that Mr. Colson had meant for him to go
to Milwaukee immediately following the second
conversation and the address had not been
mentioned. Mr. Hunt replied this was the best of his
recollection, and that it was unthinkable that he would
have left Washington without Mr. Bremer's address.

Hunt stated Arthur Bremer has never associated with


him; that he does not know Arthur Bremer; does not
believe Charles Colson or anyone else he worked
with at the White House knew Arthur Bremer. Hunt
had no discussion with G. Gordon Liddy regarding
Arthur Bremer and had no basis to believe Liddy was
involved in the attempted assassination of Governor
George C. Wallace. [FBI interview 9.9.74 S.A. Lane
Bonner Jr. and Hugh M. Barnhardt]

The FBI investigated the allegation that G. Gordon Liddy had


been photographed on the scene of the Wallace assassination. It
determined that he was not there. [FBI 139-4089-NR 7.20.73]
CHARLES COLSON'S VERSIONS OF EVENTS
SEPTEMBER 11, 1974
Charles Colson told the FBI on September 11, 1974, that he
first heard about the attempted assassination of Governor Wallace
at 4:00 p.m. while attending a staff meeting in the Roosevelt Room
of the White House:

This room is located across from the President's


office, and he believes the meeting was interrupted
shortly after 4:00 p.m. by someone informing those
present of a wire service story that Governor Wallace

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had been shot a Laurel, Maryland. Mr. Colson


suggested to the other present that the President be
notified. He believes this was done by Mr. Butterfield
who was present at the staff meeting.

The staff meeting attended by Mr. Colson continued,


and Mr. Colson recalls having received a request
from the President to come into the President's office
while he (Colson) was still in the Roosevelt Room.
He explained this recollection was not consistent with
the White House logs, which reflected that he had
met with the President from 6:45 p.m. to 7:57 p.m.
and again from 7:59 p.m. to 8:10 p.m. Mr. Colson
recalls having met with the President in the
President's office located in the Executive Office
Building. He does not believe the logs are correct
because he has some recollection of spending more
time with the President, and has no recollection of
leaving for a period of two minutes. The log keeping
system after hours in the Executive Office was not as
accurate at that maintained during the regular hours
by these employees working the day shift.

At the outset, the President expressed grave concern


that a national mystery could result if something
happened to Arthur Bremer. The President
mentioned the Kennedy assassination, Lee Harvey
Oswald, and Jack Ruby. He wanted everything done
to make sure that nothing happened to Arthur
Bremer, and that all evidence was secure. Mr.
Colson believes he knew the identity of Arthur
Bremer when he first met with the President during
the early evening of May 15, 1972. The events of
May 15, 1972, were researched by him during June
1973, and this included an interview with former FBI
official Mark Felt. A memorandum prepared by Mr.
Colson at that time reflects he first learned that a
man was in custody at approximately 4:35 p.m. May
15, 1972, and received a description, including the
identity of the assailant at approximately 5:00 p.m.
This was from wire service reports.

Mr. Colson talked to Mark Felt by telephone on at


least six different occasions during the evening of
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May 15, 1972, and believes the President talked to


Mr. Felt on two occasions. He believes that first
conversation with Mr. Felt took place between 6:00
p.m. and 7:00 p.m. He was informed of the identity of
the assailant during the first conversation with Mr.
Felt. Even so, it is his recollection he heard of
Bremer's identity earlier from wire service reports.
Mr. Felt also informed Mr. Colson there was some
jurisdictional problem, including the fact that Bremer
had been arrested by Maryland authorities and was
in custody of Maryland authorities. He recalls some
conversation with Mr. Felt that a local prosecutor in
Maryland was extremely interested in this case, and
would not relinquish jurisdiction to Federal authorities
or some similar remark. President Nixon was 'frantic,'
commenting that it appeared to him that no one in the
Federal Government wanted to be taking charge of
this matter, including custody of Bremer and making
sure all evident was secured. Mr. Colson recalls that
Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Grey was not available
that evening, as he was driving to Washington for his
Connecticut home. The President was furious
because of Mr. Grey's unavailability.

At the President's instruction, Mr. Colson informed


Mr. Felt that the President instructed the FBI to take
complete charge of the investigation of Bremer. Mr.
Colson believes the President was so upset that he
asked for the telephone a personally gave these
instructions to Mr. Felt. He expressed some concern
to Mr. Felt that the FBI was not moving swiftly
enough in the custody of Bremer and securing
Bremer's apartment. The President informed Mr. Felt
that he wanted the FBI's custody of Arthur Bremer to
include an Agent to be physically present with
Bremer around the clock.

The White house motor logs reflected that Charles


Colson was driven home by a White House car the
evening of May 15, 1972, departing the White House
at 9:01 p.m. Mr. Colson expressed belief that the
evening logs of the White House motor pool were
more accurate than those reflecting visitors to the

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President, and it is his recollection that he left at


approximately 9:00 p.m. He believes he was with the
President until the time of his departure.

Mr. Colson arrived at his McLean, Virginia, home


prior to 10:00 p.m. May 15, 1972, and recalls thinking
a great deal about the motivation of Arthur Bremer in
shooting Governor Wallace. This had been discussed
at some length with President Nixon earlier that
evening, and the President was likewise concerned.
It had been discussed that possibly Bremer could be
a Nixon fanatic, and some would say that he was
involved with the Administration. Mr. Colson
expressed positive belief Arthur Bremer was not
known by anyone in the White House...

Mr. Colson was aware that E. Howard Hunt’s


background included psychological evaluation in
some manner. Because of this he thought of talking
to Mr. Hunt to gain an evaluation of Arthur Bremer.
He recalls having trouble reaching Mr. Hunt as he
attempted to do so through the White House
switchboard and his present recollection is the
problem arose from the fact Howard Hunt uses the
initial E in place of his first name, and this was not
given to the operator. He reached Mr. Hunt after
10:00 p.m. At the time Mr. Colson talked to Mr. Hunt
he had certain background information regarding
Bremer, including the fact that a wide range of items
had been found in Bremer's apartment. Mr. Colson
believes this material mostly came from Mr. Felt,
although some of it might have been discovered
through review of Wire Service reports. He recalls
little specifics at the moment, except that he believes
there were some Black Panther Party publications
found in Bremer's apartment. Mr. Colson recalls
having wanted very much at the time to find out if
Bremer was associated with the 'left-wing.' He
wanted to find out the spectrum of the political picture
Bremer came from.

Mr. Colson was unable to recall Hunt’s specific reply


to his inquiry the evening of May 15, 1972. He said
he has since read testimony by Mr. Hunt that Hunt
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was told by him (Colson) to go to Milwaukee in an


effort to get background information regarding
Bremer. Mr. Colson said this simply never happened,
and he never informed Mr. Hunt to visit Milwaukee in
regard to Bremer. He believes it is possible that Mr.
Hunt might have mentioned after the inquiry by him
the evening of May 15, 1972, that he (Hunt) would go
to Milwaukee and find out information regarding
Bremer. This is the only way Mr. Colson can
conceive of at trip to Milwaukee coming up.

This was the only conversation between Mr. Colson


and Mr. Hunt regarding Arthur Bremer. Mr. Colson
mentioned something that happened the following
morning in an effort to solidify his contention that no
other conversation took place. He recalls arriving at
work somewhat late the following morning and in a
somewhat irritable mood, as a result of having
worked the previous night. Upon arriving at the office
Colson was informed by his secretary that Howard
Hunt had called and wondered why he had not heard
again from Mr. Colson. This was totally puzzling to
Colson, as he had no intention of further contacting
Hunt and did not further contact him...

Mr. Colson received a telephone call at his home


after 10:00 p.m. May 15, 1972, from Acting FBI
Director L. Patrick Grey, informing him that the entire
situation regarding Arthur Bremer was under control
by the Bureau. Mr. Grey was informed to immediately
call the President and so advise him. Mr. Grey
replied this would be done. [NARA FBI 124-10238-
10316 9.9.74 Bonner & Barnhardt]
COLSON'S CONFESSION TO SEYMOUR HERSH
In an interview with Seymour Hersh, Charles Colson stated:
"It began with Nixon saying to me, 'Whose side is he on - right - or
left-winger?'" Charles Colson then left the Oval Office to track down
Hunt, and Hunt volunteered, Colson said, to fly to Milwaukee and try
to break into the apartment. Charles Colson: "I went back and told
the President that Hunt can find out about Arthur Bremer. Nixon
said, 'It'd be great to get him out there and put some things in.' But I
don't know which of us actually said, 'Too bad we can't plant

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McGovern literature.'" After this conversation was overheard on the


White House tapes, the FBI interviewed Charles Colson about it.
G. GORDON LIDDY
In his deposition in the course of Hunt v. Weberman G.
Gordon Liddy supported Seymour Hersh's account:

Q. Do you recall Hunt ever having a discussion with you of burglary


of Artie Bremer's apartment?

A. Yes.

Q. Did he suggest that that would be a feasible idea and a good


idea, or what was the nature of that?

A. Well, what happened was that Hunt came to me, and actually, I
think he was kind of upset. And he said that Mr. Charles Colson
wanted him to enter Mr. Bremer's apartment. This is following Mr.
Bremer's, by the way, having shot former Governor George
Wallace. And it was very, very close after the fact of that shooting,
to place this in time. And Mr. Charles Colson wanted him to go in
there and to deposit therein and leave to be found by law
enforcement authorities’ spurious literature that connected Mr.
Bremer with some other persons. At the moment it escapes me
who.

And Mr. Hunt said he didn't think that was a good idea. And he was,
in effect, looking for additional argument from me with which to
persuade Mr. Charles Colson that this was not a good idea. And I
told him, I said, "You know that place is probably under seal right
now. And it's impractical because the FBI or the Secret Service or
whatever, they know where it is. They have been in there and they
know it's there. And you go put something else in there, and they
are going to know somebody else put something in there. And it's
just not a good idea."

Q. What was it that was being suggested be implanted in there?

A. Literature connecting Mr. Bremer with others whom Mr. Colson


wanted Mr. Bremer connected with for reasons of his own. And I
don't remember who they were.[Hunt v. Weberman Liddy Depo.
9.30.80]

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SEYMOUR HERSH'S ONE INACCURACY


Hersh wrote: "Felt reports that the FBI agents on the scene
will not enter until they obtain a search warrant." The FBI, like the
United States Secret Service, did not wait until they obtained a
search warrant before entering Arthur Bremer's apartment. The
United States Secret Service arrived at Arthur Bremer's apartment
at 5:00 p.m. CDT. The FBI arrived there at 5:10 p.m. CDT. At 6:20
p.m. CDT, the FBI and United States Secret Service were ordered
to leave Arthur Bremer's apartment. Without the FBI and United
States Secret Service, the press gained entrance to the apartment
and virtually ransacked it. At 7:05 p.m. CDT the FBI was back,
under Presidential orders: "FBI S.A. (deleted) advised the apartment
manager that newsmen in Arthur Bremer's apartment would be
asked to leave; and, in view of the Presidential Directive, the FBI
would seize pertinent property in Arthur Bremer's apartment. The
[apartment manager] advised he was somewhat confused by the
whole situation but said, in as much as a United States President
wanted Arthur Bremer's personal effects, the FBI could take
anything they deemed necessary." [FBI 5.15.72 - Milwaukee]

Why did Nixon order the United States Secret Service and
the FBI withdrawn in the midst of the investigation? Was it to give
Howard Hunt time to go there and plant McGovern literature? Why
did Nixon then order the FBI and United States Secret Service
back? Was it because the plan had been canceled? Would the plan
have failed anyway because the media ransacked Arthur Bremer's
apartment during the period Hunt was supposed to have been
there?

Governor George Wallace wondered: "How did anyone


know where he [Arthur Bremer] lived within an hour after I was
shot?" George Wallace believed the White House/Special
Operations Group was behind his shooting. He knew that Nixon had
funneled about $400,000 to his political rivals, had initiated an
Internal Revenue Service investigation of himself and his brother,
and had helped the American Nazi Party recruit members of George
Wallace's American Independent Party, so that the Nazis could not
vote for George Wallace in the primaries. How did Charles Colson
get Arthur Bremer's address so quickly? Nixon obtained it from the
United States Secret Service and gave it to Charles Colson. The
United States Secret Service reported that Arthur Bremer was
carrying "the identification of Arthur Bremer, 2443 West Michigan
Avenue, Milwaukee, Wisconsin" on his person. The FBI agent in

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charge of the investigation "indicated presently there was a need to


determine if such an individual resided at the above address," but
didn't call the Milwaukee FBI until 5:45 EDT (4:45 CDT).

Who was Artie Bremer? Was Arthur Bremer a Nazi willing to


spend his life in prison to insure Senator George McGovern did not
get elected President? On November 18, 1971, Arthur Bremer was
arrested while he sat in his automobile outside a Milwaukee
synagogue. He had parked in a no-parking zone, and when an
officer approached him about this, he noticed a box of .38 caliber
shells on the seat. Concealed on Arthur Bremer's person was a .38
Charter Arms revolver. He refused to say what he was doing there.
Found among Arthur Bremer's possessions was a Black Panther
Party newspaper and a Confederate flag. The FBI found "close-up
snapshots of broken glass." Was Arthur Bremer documenting his
anti-Semitic vandalism? When they interviewed Arthur Bremer's
landlady, she told them Arthur Bremer had shaved his head
approximately four months ago. Was Arthur Bremer an early
skinhead?
WATERGATE JUNE 1972
On "April 5, 1972, (?)" the Office of the Inspector General of
the CIA generated an Index Card titled "Internal Review Rolando
Martinez, Hunt, Barker, Mrs. Hunt, Tony Varona, Macco, Manuel
Artime, Tino Fuentes, Carlos Prio Paper entitled 'Activities of Hunt
and Dr. Manuel Artime in Miami and Nicaragua [English translation
of Rolando Martinez' report].'" [CIA IG File #18 Tab #1]

On June 17, 1972, at 2:00 a.m., a White House/Special


Operations Group unit was arrested inside the Democratic National
Headquarters at the Watergate Hotel. A check bearing the name of
Howard Hunt was discovered in the Watergate rooms used by the
people apprehended. A few days after the aborted Watergate
Operation, Roy Sheppard - a staff member of Nixon'S 1972
campaign who ran a pickup and delivery service - was directed by
Dorothy Hunt to go to the Executive Office Building and remove
several cartons of documents. Roy Sheppard used a Department of
Transportation pass to enter the White House grounds. The
documents he removed concerned Hunt’s White House/Special
Operations Group activities and allegedly also contained information
on Nelson Rockefeller. The fate of this material was unknown. It
was either destroyed, or shipped somewhere by Railway Express.
Hunt traveled to Los Angeles where he stayed with his attorney,
Morton Jackson. Hunt called Manuel Artime from the home of
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Morton Jackson. [FBI 139-4089-1129] The CIA released this index


card: "Hunt, E. HOWARD OR 72 M34544 /Y M /D MEM JUNE 28,
1972 PHILBY, HAROLD V3 /R PHILBY WAS A KGB AGENT 1930
63 BRITISH /Z 2572667." On June 28, 1972, the CIA generated a
highly deleted Official Routing Slip To Director, Ex. Dir. D/Security "I
suppose this is deleted at work." [CIA 41736]
DOROTHY HUNT
The FBI reported:

S.A. Mahan displayed a series of two black and white


photographs of unknown white males and series of
letters which were signed 'Bob' and Juan Carlos.
Mrs. Hunt identified the photographs as photographs
of Ernesto Herrera Iena, also known as 'Chango,' a
citizen of Argentina who she met in Tokyo, Japan,
and the other a photograph of Juan Carlos Quagliotti,
a Uruguayan national. (Deleted) S.A. Mahan then
displayed to Mrs. Hunt a .25 caliber colt automatic
pistol, and asked if she was familiar with the weapon.
Mrs. Hunt stated that this is her personal weapon,
and stated that she is surprised that it is in the hands
of the FBI, as she thought that the weapon was in a
closet at her residence. Mrs. Hunt stated that she
was given this weapon prior to 1946 when she
traveled to China to work on behalf of the U.S.
Treasury Department. She stated that she had nearly
forgotten about the gun but stated that she does not
know how of when this gun was removed from her
residence as she observed it during the evening
hours of June 24, 1972.

Dorothy Hunt was shown photos of Sturgis, Barker, McCord.


The results of this were deleted. She told the FBI she had no idea of
her husband's whereabouts.

Mrs. Hunt stated that the items that were displayed to


her earlier in the interview may have been kept by
her husband in a safety deposit box they maintained
at the Riggs National Bank at Wisconsin and M
Street. Mrs. Hunt stated that she would be willing to
meet with S.A.'s Mahan and Stukey at that bank to
review the contents of that safety deposit box for any

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further information that might be of value to the


investigation being conducted by the FBI.
HUSH MONEY
By November 1972 Hunt was blackmailing the White House
for $100,000. White House aide Fred LaRue gave Manuel Artime at
least $21,000 to distribute to the families of the Watergate burglars.
The CIA informed the FBI it had been reliably informed Manuel
Artime had given cash to Miami area individuals, who in turn wrote
checks to the Watergate Prisoners Fund. [CIA FOIA #2002 (21)
EYES ONLY Memo E.O. 11652 - D/OS Howard J. Osborn] The CIA
reported: "Mr. Silbert asked whether Hunt continued his ties with
Manuel Artime, referring to the fact that he is mentioned as Manuel
Artime's supervisor. Manuel Artime left the Agency in 1966. Were
there any contacts between 1961 and the present?" The CIA
responded: "Our records fail to reflect any information indicating that
Hunt maintained any official ties with Manuel Artime since 1961. It is
understood that Manuel Artime acted as godfather to one of Hunt’s
children, but we have no data as to any personal association which
developed subsequent to 1961." [CIA FOIA #2146-18]

THE DOROTHY HUNT PLANE CRASH

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THEORY OF CRASH OF UNITED FLIGHT 533 DECEMBER 8,


1972
Hunt could have implicated Nixon in the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy. But did Hunt have any evidence? Had
Hunt entrusted it to his wife while he was in prison? Nixon may have
believed Dorothy Hunt possessed evidence that linked him to the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

As stated, Dorothy Hunt was killed in the airplane crash of


United Airlines Flight 533 on December 8, 1972, at Chicago's
Midway Airport. UAL 533 was on its way from Washington, D.C., to
Omaha, Nebraska, with an intermediate stop at Midway Airport.
There were 55 people aboard, including five children and two
infants. After Charles Colson became a born-again Christian, he
stated: "I don't say this to many people because they think I am
nuts. I think they killed Dorothy Hunt. I really do..." Howard Hunt:
"When I see these repetitive allusions to my wife's death as having
somehow been caused by the CIA, I think that is really enough...if
my wife had been the only one killed that would have been one
thing...but 40 people..."

A detailed analysis of the Aircraft Accident Report prepared


by the National Transportation Safety Board on the crash indicated
that the Boeing 737 crashed because of instrument sabotage that
engendered pilot error. In its report, however, the NTSB attributed
the cause of the crash only to pilot error. The report was unofficial.
National Transportation Safety Board Chairman John Reed, "was
not present and did not participate in the adoption of this report."
The report went unsigned. The National Transportation Safety
Board Report blamed "the Captain's failure to exercise positive flight
management during the execution of a non-precision approach,
which culminated in a critical deterioration of airspeed in the stall
regime..."
THE FINAL DESCENT
At 2:26 p.m. the Captain ordered the crew of United Airlines
Flight 533 to do a final descent check. At 2:27 p.m., United Air Lines
Flight 533 was issued a missed-approach clearance by Midway
Airport control tower: "United Flight 533, execute a missed
approach..." Just as the sound of word "execute" began, the sound
of the stickshaker, which was a device that sent vibrations through
the cockpit several seconds before an aircraft was about to go into a

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stall, was heard on the tapes recovered from the cockpit voice
recorder. Captain Whitehouse, the pilot of United Air Lines 533, age
44, had been employed by United Airlines for almost 20 years. He
had accumulated a total of 18,000 hours flying time, of which 2,435
were in a Boeing 737. Every pilot was taught that when a stall
occurs, he should point the aircraft's nose slightly downward by
extending his flaps, then immediately accelerate the engines to
increase thrust. Hemming told this researcher:

When you get a stall you drop the nose. The last
thing you do is add power because that will tend to
raise your nose. Put you nose down first then add
power, which lessens your rate of descent. Change
the angle of attack of your wings which get more
airflow going across the wings creating more lift.
Then add power to kill the rate of descent. Your rate
of descent has slackened off, but your nose is still
pointing down.

Most survivors reported that, just before the crash, contrary


to being nose-down, the aircraft went into a very high angle of
attack. Hemming told this researcher: "Whitehouse realized he was
going to crash and tried to drag his tail to cut down his speed."
Some survivors believed that there was a rapid application of power
before impact. An analysis of the cockpit voice recorder tapes found
by the General Electric Research Corporation did not conclusively
show this power increase.

The cockpit voice recorder revealed that when the


stickshaker went off at what was thought to be 1000 feet because of
altimeter readings, Captain Whitehouse ordered the Second Officer
to release the flaps to point the airplane's nose downward and get
out of the stall. The Second Officer acknowledged the Captain's last
command by saying: "Flaps 15." The Second Officer then said "I'm
sorry." The National Transportation Safety Board stated that when
faced with a stall, the Captain had decided to reconfigure the aircraft
by extending the flight flaps because, within two seconds of the
onset of the stickshaker, he asked for "more flaps." The National
Transportation Safety Board stated that following this order, there
was a sound indicative of flap lever movement. The National
Transportation Safety Board concluded that it was Captain
Whitehouse's error - failing to realize the flaps were already
extended to 30 degrees and ordering the additional 15-degree
extension while making a non-precision landing - that caused the
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crash. The National Transportation Safety Board: "The 15 degrees


was added to the 30 degrees of extension that was accidentally
there, so the aircraft continued to stall."

Eight seconds after the Second Officer said: "I'm sorry,"


United Air Lines Flight 533 crashed into several houses located near
Midway Airport. Forty passengers and three crew members were
killed. Two persons on the ground received fatal injuries. The
aircraft itself was largely destroyed by the impact and subsequent
fire. Ground damage "precluded any determination of the pre-impact
integrity of the control system." If this was so, how did the National
Transportation Safety Board arrive at it's figure of the 30 degrees of
extension that was "accidentally" there.

Hemming told this researcher:

For the pilot to say 'flaps' then '15 degrees' - they


ain't supposed to be at 15 degrees that quickly. It's
deadly for those flaps to come up in a hurry when
you are executing a missed approach. You'll sink.
You got a stickshaker and ask for more flaps - that's
the last thing you do. You're gonna start milking them
flaps up. You're at that altitude and you have a stall,
you've got to execute a missed approach. Nose
down, full power. He's telling you what it says on the
instrument. You run that fucker to 15 degrees below
500 feet you're going to die. He said he was sorry.

There was confusion in the cockpit during crash. The cause


of this confusion would have become apparent had the flight
recorder functioned properly.
THE DISABLED FLIGHT RECORDER
Eighty-two minutes after takeoff (approximately 14 minutes
before the accident), the Fairchild Flight Data Recorder stopped
functioning: "Flight recorder examination showed that a mitre gear
(part of the drive gear assembly) had slipped on its shaft, causing
the recorder to stop functioning." The cockpit voice recorder, which
was recovered from the wreckage, revealed that when the flight
recorder went off, a light went on in the cockpit and Captain
Whitehouse asked: "Recorder go off?" The second officer: "Yeah."
Captain Whitehouse: "See what's wrong, will ya...sounds to me like
a circuit breaker...yeah, I just meant, I thought you'd better check
everything..." The cockpit voice recorder revealed the Second

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Officer activated the circuit breaker that fused the power going to
the flight recorder and reported: "It tests...I think its okay. I think its
working...it says 'Off' but the signal, the encode light comes on and
it shows, indicating taping. Christ, I can't even find the circuit
breaker for this fucking flight recorder...I don't know, I get a reaction
when I pull the AC, no reaction when you pull the DC though, you
want me to call maintenance?" Captain Whitehead ordered the
Second Officer to immediately call it in.

The recorder was installed on the day of the accident, and


had last been overhauled on November 11, 1972, only two months
before it malfunctioned. The Flight Recorder Group of the National
Transportation Safety Board found: "No evidence of recorder
malfunction in any of the parameters as determined by examining
previous flights contained on this foil medium."

The mitre gear slipped because a saboteur had loosened its


set screw. (The Kollsman Instrument Report asked: "if the

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questionable calibration arm set screws were loose...") Hemming


told this researcher:

That was very unusual. The thing is wired into the


aircraft's electrical system and has its own backup
battery. A power failure doesn't shut it down. I doubt
if it was coincidental. How many wrecks do you have
in the history of the NTSB where you could recover
the flight recorder but it didn't work?

THE TESTIMONY OF James W. ANGUS BEFORE THE NTSB


Q. Will you state your full name.

A. James W. Angus.

Q. And what is your address?

A. 57 Westervelt Avenue, Baldwin, New York.

Q. What is your occupation?

A. I am staff engineer with Kollsman Instruments Company.

Q. Will you tell us how long you have been employed by Kollsman
Instruments?

A. I have been employed with Kollsman since 1942 with the


exception of a short period of a year and a half.

Q. Would you briefly describe your background and training and


experience with Kollsman leading to your current position?

A. I have a bachelor of Mechanical Engineering Degree from the


Polytechnic Institute of Brooklyn. At Kollsman I have held assorted
positions, starting as a tool inspector, becoming an experimental
machinist and experimental technician, a designer, and finally an
engineer.

Q. Would you describe your duties and responsibilities in your


present position?

A. My primary duties are to develop pressure sensitive equipment. I


also assist in giving technical assistance in areas where it is
requested under special occasion.

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SENIOR HEARING OFFICER HENDRICKS

Exhibit 9-G is identified as a report of an examination of altimeters


and air data computers recovered from the Boeing 737, United
Airlines Flight 553. Exhibit 9-C-1 is photographs altimeters and air
data computers recovered from flight 553. Exhibit 9E, excerpts from
Boeing 737 instruction manual regarding the pilot static system.

Q. Mr. Angus, I would like for you to start by describing the altimetry
system that is install in Boeing 737, and you may use Exhibit 9E for
referral. I would like you to point out those components furnished by
Kollsman.

A. Our involvement with the 757 air data computer and the servo-
automatic computers for this particular aircraft. The central air data
computer is a device which accepts inputs of static pressure, total
pressure, temperature and electrical power. We sense the pressure
functions and by means of servo systems, compute associated
outputs that are used in various positions around the airplane. The
sensors, sender portion of the air data computer consist essentially
of mechanisms somewhat similar to what is contained in altimeters
and airspeed indicators. That is, capsules which are responsive to
the particular air pressures being supplied. And this particular
information is converted into angular motion which ultimately
becomes part of a synchotel system and combined with a servo, it
positions all of the necessary output devices in accordance with
program established by the specification for the air data computer,
the output devices are in the forms of syncros, potentiometers,
decoders, and reliability signals.

Included with the air data computer is a monitor system for each
loop. This monitor determines that the servo system is properly
following up each of the sensed values. If, as in the case of the
altimeter, the servo system were to get out of track by as much as
100 feet, it would automatically disconnect the system. The way it
does this, it cuts off the reliability signals that are sent to each of the
using devices. So that any device in the airplane receives not only
data from the air data computer, but it receives a validity signal
which indicates whether or not the information should be used. The
functions that are sent out are sent to indicators on the panel, auto-
pilot, the flight recorder, the cabin pressurization system, and the
transponder for reporting altitude. The altimeters are what are
sometimes referred to as servo pneumatic altimeters. These
altimeters have two modes of operation which are selectable by the
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pilot. In the standby mode of operation, the instrument will operate


as a normal pressure sensitive device in accordance with the
requirements of FAA/T on C10 Beacon. If it is elected, the indicator
my also operate as a servo-repeater from the altitude data
transmitted by the central air data computer. In order to operate in
this mode, the pilot must actuate a switch knob on the face of the
altimeter, which puts it in corrected mode of operation. In this mode
of operation, the overall accuracy is improved from approximately ½
a percent system to about 2/10 of a percent accuracy.

Q. The corrected mode would be the normal side of the operation?

A. I believe the way the airline uses the term, the corrected mode is
the normal side of operation.

Q. And I am sorry if I missed it, but there are two such systems in
the aircraft?

A. Yes, there are two completely different independent systems.


There is a central air data computer for the captain's side with his
own indicator, and there s a central air data computer for the first
officers side that he has his own independent altimeter. As I
understand it there are independent static systems supplying each
of these units.

Q. Where does Kollsman interface with Boeing in this system?

A. In each case there is a Boeing specification which determines


what the inputs are that you receive and what specification level
these inputs would be provided to. In the case of pressure, they give
us certain -- we have to provide certain cords on the devices that
will tie up the lines in the aircraft, electrical connectors -- it is pretty
much standardized, what pins are used for each function.

Q. I believed you mentioned the monitor tripout. Can you describe


the monitor tripout as it effects the altimeter. Does this go into the
standby mode when the CADAC trips out?

A. The air data computer will supply precise altitude information to


the altimeter. If, for some reason, the altitude module in the air data
computer determines that the information is unreliable, it will
automatically cut off the reliability signal going to the altimeter.

Q. Is there any other protection in the event of a legitimate signal


which is erroneous coming from the central air data computer?
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A. The altimeter also contains its servo-monitor. There are two basic
modes of servo detection in the altimeter. First would be if the servo
system in the altimeter does not track that output of the air data
computer. If there is a 50 foot disagreement between the altimeter
and the air data computer, the altimeter will automatically revert to
standby operation. That will be operating as a straight TSO
altimeter. At the time this occurs, there is a flag on the dial which
indicates it goes from the corrected mode to the standby mode.

Q. You said this occurs with a 50 foot --

A. Fifty foot separation, that is correct.

Now, in addition to this, we have what is known as a limiting device.


People are always concerned and rightly so, for some reason that
the servo might run away. If, for example, servo in the air data
computer were to run away, we would provide a limited device in the
altimeter and at certain pre-selected levels after the altimeter has
responded to the corrected mode. It will then be limited in total
correction capabilities at the point the monitor will cut the altimeter
off, even though the air data computer might want to drive further.

Q. What kind of error would this generate maximum?

A. The error is a variable error with altitude, so that you can take
care of increased tolerances at high altitude. At sea level this error
would amount to approximately 350 feet.

Q. At what phase of the investigation into the accident of United 533


did your participation start?

A. We started when the instruments had been recovered and they


were returned to United at San Francisco. We joined the committee
at the United overhaul base and participated with them.

Q. You participated in the examination of both altimeters and the


central air data computer, is that correct?

A. That is right, two data computers and two altimeters.

Q. And you prepared Exhibit 9-C to describe the extent of your


participation and findings, is that correct.

A. That is correct.

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Q. I would like you to refer to refer to Exhibit 9-C-1, answering the


following, if you would please. Could you use the photographs and
describe the general condition of the Captain's altimeter when it was
first received by you?

A. I might mention before we go ahead that is all of these findings,


the committee was present, and in general, I don't know of an area
that doesn't exist, the committee in general agreed with the findings.
These are not single person findings.

Q. Yes, sir.

A. The altimeter suffered primarily what appeared to be fire damage.


There was some small indication of impact damage, but the primary
source of the difficulty here was that the exterior of the case of the
altimeter, which has an enamel paint which is baked on at the time
of manufacture, this paint was actually burned off in many areas.
With this burning off of the paint, all of the pressure seals in the
instrument were no longer active.

The covered glass was cracked and it appeared to be intact, which


gave us the impression that this was a thermostress problem, rather
than breakage due to impact shock. The rear connector on the
instrument was contaminated with a fire material which more than
likely was the mating connector on the electrical harness supplied in
the airplane. This material had to actually be dug out. It was quite
solid. Then the electrical connector was cleaned off. We observed
the instrument. We shook it lightly; it didn't have any particular
noisiness inside which might indicate broken parts rolling around.
We felt the instrument was capable of further testing.

Q. May I refer you to photograph 1-1 in your exhibit, please.

A. Yes, I am looking at that.

Q. The indicated dial is set 30.035 thereabout. Have you any reason
to believe this setting had been changed since impact?

A. Yes. It is my understanding after the instruments had been


recovered at the accident site, and as I understand it, notes were
taken and photographs were taken of the instrument as mounted on
the panel, that subsequently the barrel knob was rotated to see if
the pointers were still operable and the particular setting that you
see there is the setting that happened to be left on the instrument at
the time that it was received in the United Shop.
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Q. Could you briefly describe for me the functional test unit was
subjected to?

A. This altimeter was placed in a ball jar. The reason for that was
that we could not pipe pressure into the altimeter and maintain a
reading due to the leakage from the various seals.

Without making any further adjustments to the altimeter, we


connected this bell jar, which is a sealed chamber that you can look
through and observe the altimeter inside of it, connected this
chamber to a barometer and programmed pressure into the
chamber, and each specific instance we brought the altimeter to an
indicated value in 200 foot stops, going from 0 to 2000 feet.

At each time that we reached stabilization, we measured the


pressure within the chamber by means of the barometer that was
attached to it. We then computed, based upon the indicated values,
pressure values, and the setting, we computed that the indicator
had, in its present state, had an average error of approximately 150
feet in the minus direction.

Q. In which?

A. In the minus direction. We then took the same altimeter and just
rotated the barrel knob to the 29-92 position, which is the standard
position for performing tests on an instrument of this type, and then
programmed corrected pressures into the instrument. And putting
corrected pressures into the instrument, we then read the
instrument error. Now, the instrument error in this case averages out
to approximately minus 120 foot value. The reason for the
disagreement in this particular case between the first test and the
second test -- excuse me. Am I getting ahead? Do you want the
reason now?

Q. Yes, go right ahead.

A. The reason we felt the disagreement existed was because due to


the high temperature exposure of the unit, the operation of the
fundamental mechanism was not as smooth as it would be in
normal conditions. And operating somewhat erratically, you would
not be perfectly sure exactly where the first level was when we were
setting the pointer on the instrument. The second case, you
program in a very specific pressure, vibrate the instrument, and then
take a reading when it settled out. So using a control standard that

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is much more precise in the second case, the results tend to be


more meaningful.

Q. And the error was still in the same direction?

A. Same direction, but much more repeatable all the way up. Used
the same 2000 foot altitude test span and 200 foot increment.

Q. Okay, do you have any explanation as to how the low effect


offset may have occurred?

A. Yes. The subsequent examination of the instrument after taking


the case off revealed that the instrument internally, where the
mechanism is located, had reached temperatures approaching 360
degrees Fahrenheit.

We have since taken an equivalent instrument of the servo


pneumatic variety and subject that instrument to a basic calibration.
The instrument was seasoned overnight in the normal operation that
you season these instruments to, which is to expose it to plus 70
degrees. The next morning it was rechecked again and the
instrument was a stable instrument. We had to ascertain this fact
first.

Then we placed the instrument in an oven. Now I am saying in an


oven because you are essentially placing it in air which is heated to
a specific temperature level, but it is no a high circulation factor. It is
something -- there is a gentle fan in there that just keeps the air
moving at a slow pace. This particular instrument was placed there,
kept there for one hour at 360 degrees -- excuse me, let me go
back.

In the test condition, we did not expose it to 360 degrees because


that happens to be coincident with the melting temperatures of the
solders used in the instrument, so for the purpose of the second
instrument, to keep the data valid, we operated this at 300 degrees
Fahrenheit. No, under these conditions, after aligning the instrument
to return to room temperature, we the retested it and we have an
average minimum error of 85 to 90 feet. Now that does not appear
in the report because we just finished the test Monday. I received
the data by phone on Tuesday. We will give you a supplement on
that.

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Q. Do the results of the pressure testing this particular altimeter in


this manner; reflect operation in the servo mode as well as the
stand-by?

A. No. When we were finished testing the instrument as noted


previously, using control pressure inputs, that was as far as we went
on the testing in San Francisco. At that point we concentrated our
testing on some of the central air data computer testing. We
subsequently resumed testing on this back at Elmhurst in our plant
with the team present.

After verifying our initial data, we took the instrument out of the
case, we found that all of the electrical components had been
exposed to very high temperatures, capacitors had exploded, solder
had melted. But the basic pressure mechanism was intact. So we
could not operate the instrument in servo mode. We tried in
California but we just blew fuses. At that point we just stopped; we
didn't want to damage it.

Q. Can you describe the condition of the first officer's altimeter one
as described by you?

A. The first officer’s altimeter was in very poor condition as received.


This instrument was subjected to extensive fire and impact damage.
The fire damage present was at a level that actually melted the
aluminum away, which means it was in the temperature band of
1100 degrees Fahrenheit. The base of the instrument was split
open, and a goodly portion of it was missing. The rear mechanism in
the instrument, which is the pressure sensing section, was also
missing. The front end, the cover glass, and flange assembly, was
missing. The display elements were still on the face of the
instrument. Essentially all that we could say was present was a
mechanism body with associated burned-out electrical components
and the display portion of the instrument.

Q. Would you refer, please, to photograph 2-1 in Exhibit 9-C-1. Is


this a photograph of the first officers altimeter?

A. Yes, that is a photograph taken at United as it was received.

Q. Can you explain the significance of the dial reading or apparent


pointer positions and also the reading on the baro set on the
altimeter as found?

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A. The pointer positions are what are referred to in the trade as


uncoordinated. The relative position of the pointers cannot exist
based upon the normal reading that is present in the instrument.
The baro set was approximately 30,685.

Q. Was there any indication on the dial of the instrument such as


impact markings?

A. No.

Q. Anything to give you a clue as to what the altimeter may have


been reading on impact.

A. No. We have very carefully examined the dial components under


a binocular type microscope using lights and we could not find any
signs that could be attributed to an impact mark.

Q. Would you briefly describe the significance of the photos that you
have labeled 2-6, 2-7, and 2-8 in establishing the uncoordinated
positions of the pointers?

A. Yes. While we were at United, United made available to the team


a recently serviced altimeter in their possession of the same type.
We very carefully measured reference points on each pointer of the
first officers unit and then positioned the corresponding point on the
sample altimeter to that value, and then photographed, the purpose
being when you look at the photograph of the good instrument and
the photograph of this instrument which had been damaged in the
accident, it become readily apparent the pointers are
discoordinated.

Q. The primary central air data computer, can you describe the
coefficient of that component when you received it?

A. The air data computer received what we would consider a


moderate amount of impact damage. By that I mean the cases were
dented in several areas on each unit. The front face of the computer
was also damaged rather significantly, and there was fire damage
around various areas. Let me just check which ones -- the captain's,
first the captains computer unit was not severely damaged, but the
first officers unit was very badly burned to the point where even the
knobs could not be rotated.

Q. Were the units, the internal portions, in operable condition?

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A. Yes, they were operable.

Q. Could you describe for us, please, the tests to which these units
were subjected?

A. Testing accomplished on the air data computers consisted, first,


of isolating all of the output devices to obtain position data at the
point of power cutoff to the computer. This was followed by a check
of the altitude sensor by disconnecting it electrically from the
computer, and running it strictly on a pressure function to determine
the operability of the sensor, and again, there are means in there to
determine the point at which power was cut off.

At this point we got both computers - we had the sensors and


everything reconnected. We programmed standard pressures into
the computer and measured the output of the --- find the sink rows.
This was to determine if the signals going to the altimeter were
within specification requirements.

In the case of the first officer's air data computer, it read


approximately 3 ½ degrees low. This is roughly 45 to 50 feet. The
captain's altimeter was well within spec, in general it was within
approximately 7 feet. We then checked the correlation of the
encoder, which is used by the transponder. This is checked by
comparing the point at which you transition from one code value to
the next as compared to the altitude data being transmitted to the
indicator in the panel. This was in general less than one degree on
both units, which is within 14 feet.

And individually we tried --- we worked the servo unit up to air data
computer and ran them through the same range, 2,000 feet. The
altimeter connected to the captain's air data computer generally
responded to less than 10 feet. First officer's was between minus 30
feet and 50 feet. Following this, we ran what we call a coast test of
the servo. This test was to determine if the computer was being
driven as it would be in the case of a descent and power was cut off,
would the computer continue to move, thereby destroying the
validity of the original set of data we took off the output devices. This
test was run at top rates of descent, 1,000 feet per minute and
2,500 feet per minute. In the case of the captain's altimeter, so-
called coast effect was less than 7/10. The first officers altimeter
approximately two feet. We considered this gave the original output
devices reasonable values that we could accept.

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Subsequent to this we performed a monitor check. This took special


test equipment and this was done back in New York. What we did in
this case was we isolated the modules for the air data computer and
used jump cables, so that electrically they were connected even
though they were set aside on some special test boxes. This allows
us to, with the computer and the particular modules concerned, tied
together, we can inactivate the servo, but still have power applied,
and determine whether then monitors were still operating. The
monitors on the both the first officer's and the captain's operated
properly. This and some subsequent testing also verified not only
did the monitors operate, but at the time that the monitor operates,
the encoder output was cutoff automatically.

At one point in time the subject came up, were the sensors capable
of performing when submitted to assorted acceleration factors, as
you might have when the aircraft might pull some G's if you made a
sharp pull up.

We made some special test pictures and adapted the altitude


modules to a centrifuge. Units were tested individually for this. We
subjected them from zero to one, back to zero; from zero to four
G's, back to zero; then up to ten G's and back to zero. This was
done at an altitude level of approximately 500 feet. The first officer's
altitude module from the air data computer at 10 G's, the output
varied 3 ½ degrees, which would be equivalent to 100 feet. The
captain's module was within two degrees at 10 G's, which would put
it at approximately 50 to 60 feet. There is no requirement for the 10
G's. The test was performed in any case. In further testing of the
units, we became aware that when the overall air date computers
were fired up for a short period of time, the reliability signal coming
from the airspeed modules was in the unreliable state and then after
approximately 30 seconds to a minute, reliability signal would come
back on, indicating a valid state. This was an unusual condition so
we decided to pull the airspeed sensor modules off and check them.
This was the captain's incidentally, in case I didn't mention that.
When we opened the airspeed sensor, we found there was a gear
disengagement at the output stage on this particular sensor. The
sensor has subsequently --- gear has been reengaged and
everything operated normally.

We were concerned because when we looked at his particular


sensor, the gearing is protected with stops, what we call stops in
terms of functions, high and low; and also side stops so that the

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gears can't disengage by moving axis. All stops were in place. That
particular sensor, we checked all the records, dates back to 1967.

We subsequently, as I mentioned, re-engaged the gears properly


and then we took the sensor to our test laboratory and performed a
shock test in the direction that was indicated as if this
disengagement occurred due to shock. We felt that it would
probably come in the fore and aft direction of the airplane so we
checked it in that direction and levelwise what we did, we said we
were not going to try to break it, the normal shock test for a unit of
this type would be to expose it to 15 G's for approximately 11
millisecond pulse. In this case we first tested it at 20 G's, then we
tested it at 25 G's. The instrument stayed in the sink and there was
no disengagement. We stopped at this point because we felt that
there may be further testing required for some other functions and it
would not be conducive to break the instrument to prove one point.

The air data computers were made ready again and at the request
of United, we ran what we called some computer step function tests.
These tests consisted of programming pressure changes into the
sensor and measuring the time that it would take the output of the
air data computer to become stable at the secondary pressure. This
was done for values of a thousand foot step function, 500 foot stop
function, 200 feet and 100 feet. In the case of the captain's 1,000
foot function, the response of the overall system, -- this is, the air
data computer, it was 5 seconds. When you get down to 100 feet,
you are talking 3 or 2 ½ seconds. Subsequently we took the
computers back up and in order to determine the operation of the
monitors, we ran the air data computers at high velocity, and
velocity chosen was that value at which point the servo would just
indicate at the edge of the monitor trip. We're talking roughly 100
feet. The captain's air data computer would run at 21,400 feet per
minute and the first officer's approximately 18,000 feet per minute.
Now, that essentially completed the testing that was done on the air
data computers.

Q. Thank you Mr. Angus. I may have misunderstood something, but


I would like to refer you to page 10 in Exhibit 9-C. This test concerns
the position evaluation of the sink rows with relation to the output of
the central air data computer. I think I heard testimony, but you
spoke of figures of 45 to 50 feet for the first officer's and 7 feet for
the captain's primary unit. I would like clarification of what the 45 to
50 feet and the 7 feet are in reference to.

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A. Those values don't appear on page 18. The values you are
referring to come about on page 21, which is the programming
correct pressure into the unit and measuring the output finding sink
roll. The data on page 18 is the reading in the "as received" stats of
each output module.

Q. Could you explain the page 18 figures for me again sir? I am


specifically interested in trying to correlate the position of the sink
rows in the "as received" condition to the known pressure altitude.

A. The sink rows that is used to drive the altimeter on the flight
panel were read out, using an angle position indicator. Captain's
read out, converted to feet, read out 652 feet; first officer's read out
558 feet. Now this difference here corresponds to 54 feet, but there
would be some small difference depending upon the time sequence
of power off, small differences in calibration, things of this nature.

Q. What barometric pressure would these figures refer to, sir?

A. These just refer to the "as received" state. They don't refer to any
barometric pressure. They are measured against what we all call
standard altitude. Standard altitude sometimes referred to by pilots
at times as QNH altitude. This would be in the case of the altimeter,
altimeter set for 29.92 power setting. If you wanted to convert these
QNH values, it would be necessary to add the appropriate offset
that would correspond to the local baro setting.

Q. How does the pilot produce the QNH baro set into the system?

A. He introduces it to the air data computer. He uses this in terms of


his altimeter. When he program the baro setting into the altimeter it
automatically puts the baro setting in whether he be using it in
standby or servo mode of operation. It puts in an additive factor,
adds so many feet to the display.

Q. So in order to correlate the "as received" position of the sink rows


in the central air data computer to a given elevation on a given day,
we would have to apply the QNH correction, is that correct?

A. That is correct.

Q. Have you done that for these figures?

A. The difference between the standard altitude and the pressure


setting, as we were notified, 30.035 comes out to 120 feet. At 120
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feet, each of these values, that would be the indicated value being
presented to the crew at the time of power cut off.

Q. And knowing the elevation of the impact site is about 620 feet
above mean sea level that represents an error of about 150 feet,
100 feet. Is that correct?

A. That is correct.

Q. Thank you. The encoders verified were correlated with the sink
positions?

A. That is correct. The photo transmission point is always at the 50


feet point. The captain had a 652 foot value so that was into the
next code bit, which was 700 feet.

Q. Now I would like to refer you to page 27 in this. Again it may be


misunderstanding on my part, but I thought that I heard you say that
the acceleration test showed an error of approximately 100 feet.
And on page 27 I see a statement that all three positions maximum
deviation of model sensored was one degree or 27 feet, for
acceleration from zero to 10 G's.

A. When we do a test that is not a standard test for that particular


equipment, we always try, particularly in the case of an accident,
equipment, we always try to get an equivalent item. So in this
particular case we took a sensor that was in stock and first ran the
test through on the sensor. That particular sensor was within one
degree on all the tests. The data for the two sensors involved is
contained on the next page, and that data contains the difference
values that I quoted previously.

Q. Were there any other significant findings in the evaluation of the


units other than those already discussed?

A. On point we did, on the air data computers we did check the


friction level of this and the friction level was down on the order of 2
feet. I think it was two feet on one and seven feet on the other one.
We have checked the captain's altimeter for lead effect on the
captain's, and he is coming out very close to what we consider
nominal.

Q. And Mr. Angus, I can't find it right now, but in the report there is a
reference to white flaking material in the static report of one of the
central air data computers. Could you amplify that a little for me?
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A. Angus: Yes. After we had resumed testing this equipment in


Elmhurst, when we were running the monitor test, as I previously
mentioned, we had to remove the altitude modules from the Central
Air Data Computer so we could run a jumper cable. So it would be
possible to interrupt the servo motor pilot. When we separated the
module, I am not sure which one it is, that was the first officers unit.
When we took the first officer's altitude module off the computer
chassis. There was a white, flaky, material over the connecting port
as used to connect the module into the plumbing with the central air
data computer that goes to the connection tubes. There was a small
deposit, probably two or three cubic millimeters, of very flaky
material. We had noted back at United in San Francisco that one of
the static lines had some water in it which looked to be like it might
be water that had accumulated because of fire. The water wasn't
clean.

Q. Was there any analysis of the white, flaky, material?

A. We, that white flaky material was placed in a sealed box and it is
available to the Board if they want to spectrograph it. Now the
general assumption on the flaky material is this is contained on a
stainless steel pressure port which fits into an anodized aluminum. It
was just felt his loose -- all the people called in with reasonable
chemical background indicated it was more likely an aluminum
oxide.

CHAIRMAN BURGESS: What?

THE WITNESS: An aluminum oxide.

MR. STREET: I have no questions.

MR. LAYNOR: I wasn't through.

CHAIRMAN BURGESS: I am sorry, Mr. Laynor is still continuing.

MR. STREET: I am sorry.

(Discussion off the record)

BY MR. LAYNOR

Q. Mr. Angus, I believe in your testimony you commented to the fact


that to your knowledge of these systems are connected to two
completely independent static systems. It is true then that both static

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systems will have to be effected in a similar manner to cause


essentially the same error in the system?

A. It would appear that way due to the fact they have this more than
tolerance difference in the particular outputs of the computers.

Q. Are the static systems, again to your knowledge, you could refer
to exhibit 9-E, were the static systems which feed the central air
data computer common in any way to the captain to the captain or
first officers air speed indicators?

A. First of all, you are talking, "as received" correct?

Q. Yes, sir. First of all, as I understand it, the central air data
computer themselves transmit no information to the air speed
indicators in the cockpit. It this true?

A. This is correct.

Q. And the airspeed indicators?

A. The pitot input -- the panel requirements for pilot pressure come
off separate pitot tubes according to this diagram. In other words,
there is a pilot tube that supplies the captain's panel, a pilot supply
for the first officer's panel, pilot for each air data computer
independently.

Q. How about static systems, sir?

A. It would appear to be the same way for the static except in the
case of static there, they cross over -- in other words, there is a right
and a left pitot static tube tied together to provide what is called a
balanced pitot static. I think in this case there were dual statics for
each side, thus providing a line for the indicator separate.

Q. Okay. I realize that the static system installation is not in your


area of responsibility, but can you discuss possible reasons why the
static system errors -- although of a magnitude reflected in the sink
row telepositions in the central or data computers, could have
occurred? Can you offer any rational explanation as to why the
central air data computers could have been reading in the direction
they were?

A. I am afraid I will have to pass that at the moment.

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THE TWO DISABLED ALTIMETERS


James Angus testified that he found contaminant: "The rear
connector on the instrument was contaminated with a fire material
which more than likely was the mating connector on the electrical
harness supplied in the airplane. This material had to actually be
dug out." He found flaky material: "There was a white, flaky, material
over the connecting port as used to connect the module into the
plumbing with the central air data computer that goes to the
connection tubes. There was a small deposit, probably two or three
cubic millimeters, of very flaky material." No spectrograph was run
on the flaky material and there was no scientific evidence indicating
that it was aluminum oxide.

Hemming told this researcher: "When you land a big bird,


you have got to know your precise altitude." At the time of the
missed approach, the altitude of United Air Lines Flight 533 was
thought by the First Officer to be approximately 1,000 feet above
sea level. When the National Transportation Safety Board
interviewed witnesses to the crash, however, it discovered that the
aircraft descended from the cloud base at an estimated altitude of
only 400 feet, heading in a northwesterly direction. Shortly thereafter
it veered to the right, as the pilot began to execute the missed
approach, and was on a northerly heading when the crash occurred.
By this time, more altitude had been lost.

No meaningful altitude indications were obtained from either


of the altimeters. Captain Whitehouse's altimeter was virtually intact,
but "because of heat damage to the internal components, no
assessment could be made of the pre-impact accuracy..." When
Captain Whitehouse's altimeter was disassembled at the Kollsman
Instrument Corporation, technicians observed and photographed
foreign matter in its gears. BELOW: photograph titled "Captain's
Altimeter - Gear with contaminant in teeth." Angus never mentioned
this.

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THE DISENGAGED AIRSPEED INDICATOR


The Captain's airspeed indicator had also been tampered
with. When it was tested, it remained at the high end of the airspeed
system. The technicians from Kollsman Instruments reported:

The condition was isolated to a gear and a sector


(non-linear) which had become disengaged. This
allowed the output shaft to assume a high airspeed
position regardless of the input airspeed value."When
the technicians from Kollsman Instruments

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discovered this problem, they were, according to


Angus, "concerned because when we looked at this
particular sensor, the gearing is protected with stops,
what we call end stops in terms of functions, high and
low; and also side stops so the gears can't disengage
by moving axle. All stops were in place. That
particular sensor, we checked the records back to
1967.
THE CENTRAL AIR DATA COMPUTER
The National Transportation Safety Board also discovered common
errors in two independent systems that "could have been
transmitted from the Central Air Data Computer units to the altimeter
of the First Officer." This static error may have been caused by the
contaminant that was found in the altitude modules of the Central
Air Data Computer. Hemming told this researcher:

The Central Air Data Computer tells you if you've


sprung a leak somewhere, or if something is
contaminating your system etc. A little computer tells
you right away, 'turn on your de-icer' various
procedures. It's a warning system that tells you not to
believe your gauges.

THE PREMATURE POWER FAILURE


The Central Air Data Computers were recovered and both
units were capable of normal operation, but their fine altitude
synchros showed an altitude higher than crash site's. Electronic
measurement of the #1 fine altitude synchro in Captain's Central Air
Data Computer altitude module showed a phase angle that
corresponded to 772 feet above sea level. A similar measurement of
the First Officer's #1 fine altitude synchro corresponded to 718 feet.
The technicians at Kollsman Instruments checked the fine altitude
synchro #2, and got similar readings. They checked the Coarse
Synchro #2, the Cabin Pressure Potentiometer, and the TAT/EPRIL
and obtained identical readings. This was odd, since when electrical
power was removed for any reason, the altitude synchros did not
move, but remained in their position at the moment of power
removal. This indicated that the power going to the Central Air Data
Computer was cut off at an altitude higher than that of the crash
site, before the plane crashed, instead of on impact with the ground.
Nonetheless, the NTSB concluded: "The static system errors

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reflected in the Central Air Data Computer readings at impact do not


have a bearing on the events at Midway."

Even if we accepted the statement of the National


Transportation Safety Board that pilot error was responsible for the
crash, all the aforementioned malfunctions could have contributed to
pilot error. The strongest evidence of sabotage was that the flight
recorder had gone off 14 minutes before the accident, so the
National Transportation Safety Board claimed it had very little to
work with when it conducted its investigation. To compensate for
this, it extrapolated flight path data from the traces registered by the
flight in the Automated Radar Terminal Service (ART-III) at O'Hare
International Airport, which had been tracking Flight 533. The
National Transportation Safety Board, however, admitted that data
obtained in this manner was far from precise, precluding an
accurate determination of the nature and tempo of the events during
the 61 seconds before impact.

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SHERMAN SKOLNICK

Researcher Sherman Skolnick was the first to point out that Flight
533 was sabotaged. Skolnick, however, added charges that Captain
Whitehouse had been poisoned, and that Midway Control Tower,
the Serrelli Mob and El Paso Natural Gas were in some way
involved. Skolnick, who is Jewish, is an advisor to the crypto-Nazi
organization, Liberty Lobby, which published Spotlight. Andrew St.
George and Mark Lane were also connected with Liberty Lobby.
Hemming told this researcher: "A.J. just because they don't like
Jews you're prejudiced against them. Just because they gassed a
few million, you're getting all upset."
ANALYSIS: INSTRUMENT SABOTAGE
The technology involved in loosening the set screw on the
flight recorder, just enough so that the instrument would stop
functioning 15 minutes or so before landing, indicated that this was
a professional job. Someone had also manually disengaged the
gears on Captain Whitehouse's airspeed indicator, and had rewired
the plane's electrical system so that it would stop functioning prior to
landing. In 1993 the final report of the National Transportation
Safety Board on United Air Lines Flight 533's crash was still
available to researchers, but the National Transportation Safety
Board had routinely destroyed documents it was based on, since
they were over 15 years old. The report mentioned the Central Air
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Data Computer readings, and the disabled flight recorder was noted
in the cockpit voice recordings transcription; no mention, however,
was made of the contaminant or the premature power cutoff.
NIXON
Minutes after the crash, 50 FBI agents rushed to the scene,
conducting interviews and seizing evidence. John Reed, the
Chairman of the National Transportation Safety Board, protested the
actions of the FBI after the House Government Activities
Subcommittee had pressured him to do so. In a letter to Acting FBI
Director William D. Ruckelshaus, John Reed wrote that "for the first
time in the memory of our staff" the FBI had interviewed witnesses
and listened to control tower tapes before investigators for the
National Transportation Safety Board did. William Ruckelshaus
responded that the agents were investigating a Crime Aboard
Aircraft, and were within the law, although he did admit that more
than 50 agents were on the scene. [FBI 149-10024-12]

Nixon contemplated using the FBI to obtain documents he desired.


White House/Special Operations Group member Jack Caufield said
Charles Colson told him the Brookings Institution possessed papers
needed by the Administration, and that the FBI had adopted a policy
of coming to the scene of any suspicious fires in Washington, D.C.
Jack Caufield believed Charles Colson had hinted that he should
start a fire at the Brookings Institute enabling the FBI to make its
appearance and steal the desired documents. [Wash. Post
11.22.74; Jack Anderson 8.9.74] G. Gordon Liddy reported: "The
operation that we planned was to purchase several used fire
engines from the market where they are available, have them
painted and declared in the colors of the Washington, D.C., Fire
Department, to have our Cuban assets dressed in the fireman's
uniforms and attending the engines, to have a penetration which
would then, during the period of time there would be no one there -
so no one would be hurt - start a fire in the Brookings Institution.
The first engines to respond would be ours. It would be our people
who would enter, and in the guise of putting out the fire, they would
take whatever it was that Mr. Colson wanted out of the Brookings
Institution. [Hunt] came to me with this task from his principal, who
was Mr. Colson."

One day after the crash of United Air Lines Flight 533, Nixon
appointed Egil Krogh Under Secretary of Transportation. Egil Krogh
controlled the parent agency of the National Transportation Safety
Board, the Federal Aeronautics Administration. Ten days later,
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Nixon appointed Alexander P. Butterfield as the head of the Federal


Aeronautics Administration. Barker stated that the death of Dorothy
Hunt caused Hunt to give up blackmailing the White House and
plead guilty. This benefited Nixon. John Dean discussed Mrs. Hunt’s
death with Nixon:

Dean: Mrs. Hunt was the savviest woman in the world. She had the
whole picture together before her death.

Nixon: Great sadness.

Nixon considered granting Hunt clemency if he were convicted in


the Watergate affair: "I, uh, question of clemency...Hunt is a simple
case. I mean, uh, after all, the man's wife is dead, was killed." When
the FBI examined Dorothy Hunt's remains, it found $10,000. Hunt
denied this was hush money, and he claimed it was going to be
used to purchase a franchise for a Holiday Inn. The FBI investigated
Hunt’s claim, and discovered that it was not normal for such a fee to
be paid in cash and that such a fee would have had to be paid at
the main office in Memphis, Tennessee.

Nixon: I said of course commutation could be considered on the


basis of his wife, and that is the only discussion I ever had in that
light. (March 21, 1973)

Haldeman: Then I've got a subpeona to appear in Federal Court in


Illinois...

Nixon: What's that about?

Haldeman: In that matter of the murder - of the plan to murder


several dozen people.

Nixon: On what grounds are they getting you there?

Haldeman: The airline crash where Mrs. Hunt died. They apparently
have me as a factor in crashing the airplane of something. (exhales)

Nixon: Keep the faith.

Haldeman: Yes sir.

Nixon: God

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Haldeman: Never worry (May 11, 1973)

CLYDE SNOW
The same man that did the analysis of the tramp shots for
the House Select Committee on Assassinations also did some
investigative work on the Dorothy Hunt plane crash. First he was
asked to identify the body of Dorothy Hunt, than he was asked to
determine if Howard Hunt was a tramp in Dealey Plaza on
November 22, 1963. Snow is an expert on the Hunt family!!!

REPORT OF AIRCRAFT ACCIDENT


(Identification Report)
UNITED AIR LINES, FLIGHT 553
BOEING 737
Midway Airport
Chicago, Illinois
8 December 1972
Clyde C. Snow, Ph.D.
Civil Aeromedical Institute
IDENTIFICATION
AIRCRAFT ACCIDENT: UNITED AIR LINES FLIGHT
553
BOEING 737
MIDWAY AIRPORT
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
December 8, 1972.

On the evening of December 8, 1972, 1 traveled from


Washington, D.C., to Chicago, Illinois, to participate
in the human factors investigation of the United Air
Lines Flight 553 which had crashed near Midway
Airport earlier that afternoon. Upon arrival, I was
assigned to the Human Factors Group with the
request that I aid in the identification of the victims. At
this time (approximately 1:00 a.m., 9 December
1972), I called the Cook County Coroner's Office and
was informed that gross external descriptions of all
the bodies had been completed as well as complete
necropsies on two of the three male crew members.
Further work was suspended until the next morning.

On Saturday morning, 9 December 1972, I arrived at

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the Coroner's office at 8:30 a.m. By this time, a


United Air Lines team under the direction of Dr.
Joseph Kidera had been organized and was
gathering background information useful in
identification from the victim's next of kin. The
evening before, the identification division of the
Chicago Police Department had begun sorting and
cataloging personal effects of the victims. The FBI
Disaster Squad, under the direction of special agent
Beverly Ponder, had arrived from Washington and
immediately set to work to collect fingerprints from
those bodies from which prints, were obtainable.
Although final positive identification (in the form of a
signed death certificate) is the responsibility of the
Cook County Coroner, coroner officials lacking
identification specialists of their own agreed to accept
as positive identifications those made through the
combined efforts of Dr. Kidera's team and the FBI
Disaster Squad.

Unfortunately, before this arrangement was agreed


upon several bodies were released by coroner
authorities on the basis of clothing, personal effects,
or visual identification by relatives. A preliminary
inspection of the bodies revealed that many were too
badly burned for fingerprinting and that identification
would have to be based on dental evidence. An
inquiry to coroner officials revealed that the dentist
ordinarily used as a consultant in such cases was not
available on weekends. Since one crew member, at
this time, had not been identified and, at best, the
identifications made the previous evening could only
be considered tentative, it appeared that priority
should be given to the organization of a dental
identification team. After clearing with Dr. Kidera, I
was granted permission to organize such a team by
Cook County Coroner authorities.

1. Each body was first examined by the FBI and if


prints were available they were taken.

2. The body was next examined by this investigator


and two United Air Lines physicians serving on Dr.

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Kidera's team. This examination yielded an


assessment of the individual's sex, age, race,
stature, weight, and evidence of old surgical
procedures, deformities, and anomalies useful in
identification.

CLYDE C. SNOW, Ph.D. 24 January 1973

SNOW had a chance to go through the pocket litter of the


victims of the crash. For the NTSB cover up see
http://libraryonline.erau.edu/online-full-text/ntsb/aircraft-accident-
reports/AAR73-16.pdf

NIXON AND THE DOROTHY HUNT PLANE CRASH

Nixon: I said of course commutation could be considered on the


basis of his wife, and that is the only discussion I ever had in that
light. (March 21, 1973)

Haldeman: Then I've got a subpeona to appear in Federal Court in


Illinois...

Nixon: What's that about?

Haldeman: In that matter of the murder - of the plan to murder


several dozen people.

Nixon: On what grounds are they getting you there?

Haldeman: The airline crash where Mrs. Hunt died. They apparently
have me as a factor in crashing the airplane of something. (exhales)

Nixon: Keep the faith.

Haldeman: Yes sir.

Nixon: God

Haldeman: Never worry (May 11, 1973)


THE WATERGATE TRIAL JANUARY 1973
Hunt’s Watergate break-in trial began on January 10, 1973.
He was charged with Burglary and Eavesdropping. On January 14,
1973, Hunt offered to plead guilty to three of the six charges of an
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

indictment handed down by a Federal grand-jury. This offer was


made one month after the United 533 crash. The New York Times
reported: "Hunt, a CIA agent for 20 years, had found the public
interest in him to be extremely disagreeable...He wore dark glasses
and a hat low on his forehead..." [NYT 1.14.73] Hunt pleaded guilty
to Wiretapping, Burglary and Conspiracy. Hunt was given a long
prison sentence by Federal Judge John J. Sirica, who wanted to
pressure him into incriminating his superiors in the Nixon White
House. On January 18, 1973, Barker and Sturgis entered guilty
pleas. They were both released on bail pending sentencing. Nixon
continued to distribute hush money to the Watergate burglars. In
late January 1973 Manuel Artime gave $45,000 to Sturgis. On
February 2, 1973, Judge John J. Sirica said he doubted if the
Watergate trial got to the bottom of the case. On March 29, 1973,
Hunt was granted immunity.
WILLIAM BUCKLEY

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated this


index card on September 21, 1973:
IG File #13 Tab 4 Internal Review
M/R by Fredrick N. Evans with routing sheet and
attachment. Subject: Watergate - William F. Buckley.
Jack Anderson, Frank Sturgis, William F. Buckley,
Howard Hunt, Fred Evans, Fred Silva, Thomas
Garrity, Curtis McSherry, David Phillips.
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Frederick K. Silva was in Guatemala from 1969 to


1971, in Ecuador 1971 to 1973, Colombia 1975 to
1978 and Chile 1978 to 1980.

William Buckley maintained a close friendship with Hunt. By


1964 William Buckley was a syndicated columnist. William Buckley
suggested Oswald was a KGB agent, and in an article written in
1975 entitled: "Who Killed Everybody?" he ridiculed assassination
research. On December 28, 1973, the U.S. Appeals Court released
Hunt, pending his appeal. A week after his conviction, Hunt and
Mario Lazo appeared on William Buckley's television program,
Firing Line. Mario Lazo stated: "You know when we left Cuba, my
wife and I, we left with $2. To lose everything that you've made your
entire life at the end of a long life is very bad. To lose a friend the
way Barker lost his friend [to Castro's firing squad], the way this
gentleman recently lost his wife [Dorothy Hunt] is much
worse...politics is a very dirty business, you know that. The
Americans all know that. McGovern and his campaign compared
Nixon to Hitler on three occasions publicly, and the Nixon
Government to the Hitler henchman. This is the Communist line."
Christopher Buckley, William’s son, recalled,

Pup’s boss at the CIA in Mexico in 1951 was E.


Howard Hunt. HOWARD was — you may have heard
something about this — indicted in 1972 after locks
were jimmied open at the Democratic National
Committee headquarters at the Watergate, in an
effort, among other things, to sabotage George
McGovern’s presidential campaign. Pup left the
C.I.A.’s employ in 1952, but he remained friends with
Hunt and was godfather to — and, indeed, trustee for
— the Hunts’ children. As Watergate unfolded, I
found myself home from college some weekends, in
the basement sauna with Pup after dinner, listening
to him as he confided his latest hush-hush phone call
from Howard. It was dramatic, even spooky, stuff.
The calls would come at prearranged times, from
phone booths. One night, Pup looked truly world-
weary. Howard’s wife, Dorothy, had just been
killed in a commercial-airline crash while on a
mission for him, reportedly delivering hush
money to Watergate operatives.

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“It turns out that there’s a safety-deposit box.”I was


21, an aspiring staff reporter on The Yale Daily
News. Watergate was a very big story. No: the
biggest story since the Fall of Rome. Oh, how my
little mouth salivated. Not that I could repeat a single
word of any of this. “A safety-deposit box?” “There’s
a Mr. X, apparently. The way it works is this: I don’t
know his identity, but he knows mine. Howard has
given him instructions: if he’s killed - ” “Killed?
Jesus.”“ - if something happens…In that event, Mr. X
will contact me. He has the key to the safety-deposit
box. He and I are to open it together.” “And?” Pup
looked at me heavily. “Decide what to do with the
contents.”“Jesus, Pup.” “Don’t swear, Big Shot.”
“What sort of contents are we talking about?” This
next moment, I remember vividly. Pup was staring at
the floor of the sauna, hunched over. His shoulders
sagged. He let out a sigh. “I don’t know, exactly, but it
could theoretically involve information that could lead
to the impeachment of the president of the United
States.” This conversation took place in December
1972. [NYT 4/22/09]

Rolling Stone Magazine reported two of Hunt’s daughters,


Kevan and Lisa, still hold their father responsible for the tragedy of
their mom's death. St. John also believes sabotage was involved.
He thinks that the Nixon White House wanted to both get rid of his
mother and send a message to his father. Nonetheless, he says he
tries not to place blame.

She got on that plane willingly and lovingly, because


that's the kind of woman she was," he says. "They
had lots of marital problems…He was unfaithful to my
mom, but she stayed with him. He was a swinger. He
thought of himself as a cool dude, suave,
sophisticated, intellectual. He was Mr. Smooth. A
man of danger. He was perfect for the CIA. He never
felt guilt about anything. But when it came down to it,
she had his back, and she could hang in there with
the big dogs. She was really pissed at Nixon, Liddy,
all those guys, and she was saying, 'We're not going
to let them hang you out to dry. We're going to get
them. Those motherfuckers are going to pay.' So I've

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never held what happened against him. I had


bitterness and resentment, but I always knew he did
what he had to do given the circumstances."

In May 1974 Manuel Artime was targeted for assassination


by a group that called itself Zero. In January 1975 Orlando Bosch
was in Panama, where he joined a failed assassination plot against
General Omar Torrijos. The Drug Enforcement Administration also
planned to assassinate Omar Torrijos at this time. The Senate
Permanent Investigations Subcommittee inquired into reports that
Drug Enforcement Administration official William Durkin participated
in discussions within the Drug Enforcement Administration about
assassinating Omar Torrijos. [DEA Paul Smith Memo 2.10.75]
Another Drug Enforcement Administration memorandum stated: "It
was alleged that a discussion concerning assassination involved the
possibility of killing Mr. Noryago [Noriega], the principal assistant of
the President of Panama, and that Smith and Durkin actually
proposed that he be killed." [DEA Wolf Memo 3.24.75 cited in
DEFEO Rep 6.18.75] In October 1975 Manuel Artime associate

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Edgardo Buttari died. Carlos Prio Soccarras delivered his eulogy.


Gaeton Fonzi: "In 1975 an informant called the office of Senator
Schweiker and said that Manuel Artime's friend in Mexico City
claimed that Manuel Artime had guilty knowledge of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Manuel Artime,
moving in and out of the country on business, could not be
interrogated before Senator Schweiker's mandate expired." In
September 1976 Manuel Artime, Anastasio Somoza, and agents of
the Chilean Junta met in Miami. By 1976, the Bay of Pigs Brigade
veterans were heavily engaged in narcotics trafficking and began
killing each other off. Between February 1976 and February 1977,
six Brigade members were killed. Manuel Artime told The Miami
News that he feared for his life. Four months later, in October 1977,
Manuel Artime got stomach and liver cancer. On November 3, 1977,
Gaeton Fonzi contacted Manuel Artime. He had agreed to be
interviewed by the HSCA. Gaeton Fonzi: "I contacted Manuel Artime
to take his sworn statement. Before I could, Artime went into the
hospital and was told he had cancer. By mid-November 1977 he
was dead, at age 45." Manuel Artime told Gaeton Fonzi AMLASH
was proposed by JFK and that he was listening to the radio when
President Kennedy was assassinated. On August 2, 1981, General
Omar Torrijos, 52, was killed in the crash of a Panamanian Air
Force plane in bad weather over western Panama. The pilot, co-
pilot, a mechanic, two bodyguards and a dentist were also killed.
The wreckage of the plane was recovered by the Panamanian
National Guard. Manuel Noriega succeeded Omar Torrijos.

HUNT 1974 TO 1995


On January 9, 1974, John Richards of the CIA generated a
MFR on Hunt which mentioned Fred Goodrich. [CIA IG File #12 Tab
#50] On February 4, 1974, John C. Richards and F. P. Goodrich, IG
File #12 Tab #50, Internal Review M/R by John C. Richards.
Subject: Watergate / Hunt." On February 26, 1974, Howard J.
Osborn generated a memo on Hunt that was an "EYES ONLY
envelope to be opened by Donald F. Chamberlain, Scott D.
Breckinridge and John C. Richards." On September 28, 1974, John
D. Morrison Jr. and Raymond Rocca, met with Hunt and his
attorney, William Snyder, in regard to Hunt making certain changes
in Undercover.

These concern the fabrication of the (deleted as of


2010) for a Mexican operation, and entry into the

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(deleted as of 2010) in Mexico City, and (deleted as


of 2010)...Essentially these changes disguise the
identity of the fabricated newspaper, and remove a
reference to journalists as agents, delete the word
(deleted as of 2010) to make the entered Embassy
non-specific... [CIA OC 74-1755]

I n April 1977 Hunt was mentioned in FBI File 89-10127 p2.


On March 8, 1975 Hunt wrote this to Robert Olsen of the
Rockefeller Commission
While I can appreciate the Commission's desire not
to release its finding piecemeal, please bear in mind
that I am slated to return to prison and I greatly fear
that the sinister allegations of my involvement in the
Kennedy assassination will have inflamed the prison
atmosphere to the point of menacing my life. For this
reason, I request that the Commission's verdict on
the photographs purporting to show Sturgis and
myself as arrested tramps in Dallas be made public
as soon as possible. Moreover, I am requesting
Judge Sirica to shorten my sentence, and I fear that
my motion is already seriously prejudiced by the false
assertions current in the face of official silence.

In October 1977 Hunt sold the rights to his next spy book
and received $250,000 for the movie rights to Undercover. In 1992
Mark Lane wrote Plausible Denial. It became a best seller. Time
Magazine stated that the book "claims Watergate burglar E. Howard
Hunt played a key role in killing JFK." Hunt claimed: "Lee Harvey
Oswald was a man of the Left...he emigrated to the Soviet Union, he
came back and worked for Castro in the Fair Play for Cuba
Committee. He killed JFK, and the Left has been unable to confront
the lamentable fact that it was a man of the Left who killed their
hero." When asked to comment on Coup D'Etat In America and
Plausible Denial, Hunt stated: "These things were of some import to
me 10 years ago..." On June 24, 1995, Hunt declared bankruptcy. In
August 2004 Hunt was interviewed by Ann Bardach:

Ann Bardach: I know there is a conspiracy theory saying that David


Atlee Phillips—the Miami CIA station chief—was involved with the
assassination of JFK.

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Hunt: [Visibly uncomfortable] I have no comment.

Ann Bardach: I know you hired him early on, to work with you in
Mexico, to help with Guatemala propaganda.

Hunt: He was one of the best briefers I ever saw.

Ann Bardach: And there were even conspiracy theories about you
being in Dallas the day JFK was killed.

Hunt: No comment.

Laura Hunt: Howard says he wasn't, and I believe him.

Slate: Any regrets?

Hunt: No, none. [Long pause] Well, it would have been nice to do
Bay of Pigs differently. [http://www.slate.com/id/2107718/]

In a memoir, American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA,


Watergate & Beyond, Hunt, 88, wrote:

One of the great mysteries of the twentieth century is


whether there was a conspiracy to kill John F.
Kennedy. Let me say clearly that if there was such a
scheme, I had nothing to do with it. I was not in
Dallas on November 22, 1963; I was not part of a plot
to kill the president; and I had no knowledge of the
planned assassination. The thought of perpetrating
any crime against the president, even though I
disagreed with many of his policies, is completely
against my innermost convictions, as anyone who
truly knows me would attest.

A few years after Hunt wrote this he would tell his son St.
John Hunt that he was approached by Frank Sturgis to be part of a
Kennedy assassination plot but ended up as a “benchwarmer.”

But this matter has cost me a lot of hardship and


pain, as conspiracy buffs have linked my name to the
terrible crime. It started in 1975 with a book that I
shall not name here, in which the authors published
photographs of three bums who were arrested on

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Dealey Plaza that day, asserting that two of the men


pictured were myself and Frank Sturgis. The
resemblance is only visible by somebody with an
active imagination or someone examining doctored
photos. The FBI was able to track down the bums—
Gus Abrams, John Gedney, and Harold Doyle—
whom they hauled in and interrogated. They didn't
know me and I didn't know them.

It is true that cannabis gives one a ‘flight of thoughts’ so I


might very well have an active imagination. “Doctored photo” does
this ring a bell. In The Photographic Evidence this researcher claims
that the photos of Hunt were “doctored” by the CIA. Then Hunt
repeated the dirty lie circulated by former Dallas FBI FO SAC Oliver
“Buck” Revell.

I gave a thorough account of my whereabouts in


Washington, D.C., that day, sued the authors, and
thought that the situation was pretty much taken care
of at the time. [Hunt dropped the lawsuit against this
researcher two days before it was scheduled to go to
trial] However, I had no idea about how JFK
assassination conspiracies would morph and
reconstitute themselves. In a way, it's like the famous
Hydra. You cut off one head, and two grow back. I
don't think Frank was part of a plot against JFK. He
was a congenial guy who would follow orders but had
a room-temperature IQ. He was also very
discretionally challenged and would never have been
able to keep such a huge secret until his death. He
was very incensed by Marita Lorenz's story
connecting us to the plot, thus expanding her
allotment of five minutes of fame to fifteen. So basi-
cally I don't think Sturgis was part of a conspiracy to
kill John F. Kennedy, simply because nobody who
was intelligent enough to concoct such a wide-
ranging plot would have trusted him. As for Frank
Sturgis, although he always craved action and felt
that Kennedy had betrayed Brigade 2506, this was
not the way he would have evened the score. And if
he had been involved in the killing, he would have
somehow passed the knowledge on to me—hinted at
it in the very least. We spent a lot of time together as

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bunkmates in prison in Danbury, Connecticut, after


Watergate, and I'm quite sure he could never have
kept this information from me, as we had a good
relationship and he thought of me as his boss in
covert affairs.

THE LAST “CONFESSION” OF HUNT

Before he died his son, St. John Hunt, came to visit him. In
August 2003 his son found him writing down the names of men who
had indeed participated in a plot to kill the president. He had lied
during those two federal investigations. He told St. John about his
own involvement, too. Then he got better and went on to live for four
more years.

Rolling Stone reported,

Howard Hunt’s connection to the JFK assassination


came about almost serendipitously, when in 1974 a
researcher stumbled across a photo of three tramps
standing in Dallas' Dealey Plaza. It was taken on
November 22nd, 1963, the day of Kennedy's
shooting, and one of the tramps looked pretty much
like E. Howard.

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I discovered the tramp shots on November 22, 1973. The


reason I am not given credit is that Rolling Stone owner Jann
Wenner instructs his writers never to mention me by name due to
my having invaded his offices in the early 1970’s and retrieved
some files regarding Rolling Stone’s connection with the Vietnam
War via Max Palevsky, a Cold War liberal. My antagonistic
relationship with Bob Dylan also plays into my being banned. In any
event in 2003 actor Kevin Costner, who had played Jim Garrison in
the Oliver Stone film JFK said that he could arrange for Hunt to
make $5 million for telling the truth about what happened in Dallas.
Hunt did not go for it. St. John explained how he first came to
suspect that his father might somehow be involved in the Kennedy
assassination.

Around 1975, I was in a phone booth in Maryland


somewhere, when I saw a poster on a telephone pole
about who killed JFK, and it had a picture of the three
tramps. I saw that picture and I fucking -- like a
cartoon character, my jaw dropped, my eyes popped
out of my head, and smoke came out of my ears. It
looks like my dad. There's nobody that has all those
same facial features. People say it's not him. He's
said it's not him. But I'm his son, and I've got a gut
feeling. And then, like an epiphany, I remember
1963, and my dad being gone, and my mom telling
me that he was on a business trip to Dallas. I've
tried to convince myself that's some kind of false
memory, that I'm just nuts, that it's something I heard
years later. But, I mean, his alibi for that day is that
he was at home with his family. I remember I was in
the fifth grade. We were at recess. I was playing on
the merry-go-round. We were called in and told to go
home, because the president had been killed. And I
remember going home. But I don't remember my dad
being there. I have no recollection of him being there.
And then he has this whole thing about shopping for
Chinese food with my mother that day, so that they
could cook a meal together.

St. John’s father testified to this during the Hunt v Weberman


lawsuit saying that he and his wife often cooked meals together.

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Well, I can tell you that's just the biggest load of crap
in the fucking world. He was always looking at things
like he was writing a novel; everything had to be just
so glamorous and so exciting. He couldn't even be
bothered with his children. That's not glamorous.
James Bond doesn't have children. So my dad in the
kitchen? Chopping vegetables with his wife? I'm so
sorry, but that would never happen. Ever! That fucker
never did jack-squat like that. Ever! After seeing that
poster of the three tramps I read two dozen books on
the JFK assassination, and the more I read, the more
I was unsure about what happened. I had all these
questions and uncertainties. I mean, I was trying to
sort out things that had touched me in a big way.

Later that week, Hunt gave Saint John two sheets of paper
that could be termed a “limited hangout.” Hunt was not about to
implicate the Republican Party in the assassination by naming
Nixon so he blamed it on Lyndon Baines Johnson. He connects
Lyndon Johnson to Cord Meyer in order to dirty-up those socially
connected to JFK. He also hated Meyer for censoring the books that
Hunt wrote while both men worked at the CIA.

Cord Meyer discusses a plot with [David ATLEE]


Phillips who brings in William Harvey and Antonio
Veciana. He meets with Oswald in Mexico
City…Then Veciana meets w/ Frank Sturgis in Miami
and enlists David Morales in anticipation of killing
JFK there. But LBJ changes itinerary to Dallas, citing
personal reasons.

As stated Antonio Veciana revealed the fact that Phillips and


Oswald were seen together so Hunt wanted to dirty him up but had
to dirty-up Phillips in the process. Gordon Winslow reported,
“Veciana was for dialogue with Castro which makes him an outcast
in many circles here. He takes the side of Guiterrez Menoyo who
now lives in Cuba.” William Harvey was in charge of assassination
plots but these plots were carried out within the framework of the
CIA. For some reason unknown to me Hunt made it clear he hated
William Harvey so decided to dirty him up while he was at it. Hunt
told the SSCIA:
And I should say that the relationship with the
Praeger Publishing Company had been in existence
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for quite a period of time and I think they were


managed by Cord Meyer International Division, if I'm
not mistaken, or possibly the Covert Action Staff. But
what we received were ongoing operations. We were
sent the case files for the (deleted as of 2010) project
for the (deleted as of 2010) for the (deleted as of
2010)."
Hunt under oath, has repeatedly sworn to have not met
Sturgis until Watergate. In the next few paragraphs, Hunt goes on to
describe the extent of his own involvement. It revolves around a
meeting he claims he attended, in 1963, with Morales and Sturgis. It
takes place in a Miami hotel room. Here's what happens:

Morales leaves the room, at which point Sturgis


makes reference to a "Big Event" and asks Hunt,
"Are you with us?" Hunt asks Sturgis what he's
talking about. Sturgis says, "Killing JFK." Hunt,
incredulous, says to Sturgis, "You seem to have
everything you need. Why do you need me?" In the
handwritten narrative, Sturgis' response is unclear,
though what Hunt says to Sturgis next isn't: He says
he won't "get involved in anything involving Bill
Harvey, who is an alcoholic psycho." After that, the
meeting ends. E. HOWARD goes back to his
"normal" life and "like the rest of the country…is
stunned by JFK's death and realizes how lucky he is
not to have had a direct role."

In American Spy Hunt wrote, “Morales was rumored to be a


cold-blooded killer, the go-to guy in black-ops situations where the
government needed to have someone neutralized. I tried to cut
short any contact with him, as he wore thin very quickly.
[http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/13893143/the_last_confe
ssions_of_e_howard_hunt/8]
If Hunt was lying about knowing Sturgis prior to Watergate
maybe he was lying about his whereabouts on November 22, 1963.
St. John Hunt’s story is consistent with his 1975 interview by the
Rockefeller Commission “Hunt testified that he was in the
Washington. D.C., metropolitan area throughout that day, and his
testimony was supported by two of his children (a son who is nine
years old could not recall if his parents were present of absent that

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day; the fourth) and youngest Hunt child was not born then.” This is
about as close to a confession as one is going to get.

THE BIG EVENT

This is another scenario that Hunt gave to his son:


Late 1962 LBJ recruits Cord Meyer 1963 Cord Meyer
discusses a plot with David A Phillips who brings in
Bill Harvey and Antonio Veciana. Antonio Veciana
meets with Oswald in Mexico city that summer.
Antonio Veciana meets with Frank Sturgis and enlists
David Sanchez Morales in anticipation of killing
Kennedy there. LBJ changes location of “big event”
to Dallas Texas citing personal reasons. In Miami,
Frank Sturgis tells Hunt that he is buying guns for an
op code named “the big event.” Sturgis brings David
Sanchez Morales to a meeting with Hunt in which
“the big event” is referred to. After Morales leaves
Frank Sturgis says “Are you with us?” Hunt replies
that he can’t make a decision without knowing what
“the big event” is. When Sturgis says “killing
Kennedy” Hunt is incredulous. Hunt does not seem to
have a lot of faith in Sturgis and says, “You seem to
have everything you need, why do you need me?”
Sturgis replies that Hunt could help by lending
credibility as well as aiding in the clean up. Hunt says
we wont get involved in anything that involves Harvey
because he is an alcoholic and a psycho. Hunt
doesn’t see Sturgis until many years later. In
Danbury Federal Prison Hunt and Sturgis reflect on
the “Big Event” and Sturgis reveals that Oswald fired
from the rear but the fatal shot was fired by a pro
from out of the country. The name of this man was
told to Hunt by Sturgis.

Once again Hunt is mixing disinformation with real


information. Cord Meyer was president of the United World
Federalists who believed in giving up a degree of American
sovereignty to a world government. He was involved with
OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD, to influence world media. Hunt was
involved in this and had a beef with Meyer. As for LBJ, Hunt a
lifelong conservative Republican was not about to finger Nixon. Hunt
hated Veciana because Veciana was aligned with Manolo Ray.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

When Ray was admitted into to FRD Hunt allegedly resigned in


protest. Hunt, who attended Brown University and came from a
patrician family in upstate New York (Hunt’s Point in the Bronx was
named after one of his ancestors) was considered an elitist by
Harvey, who had wrecked the CIA careers of people he labeled as
such. Harvey was in Rome at the time of the “big event” and had no
need to know. This is what Hunt thinks of Harvey “he was a brain-
addled pistol-toting drunk and very much under the thumb of his
wife, who would have made the perfect concentration camp guard.”
[Hunt American Spy] Hunt told St. John Hunt:

It seems to me that BILL HARVEY was the most


likely candidate [to give Phillips orders in a JFK
conspiracy] because it was an off key operation and
nothing that was being handled through regular
channels. I think Harvey had some hidden grieves
and hidden aggressions that people didn’t take care
of or get interested in before Kennedy’s
assassination and at that point Harvey became a
person of interest let’s say or even more than that
because so many accusations have been launched
in his direction: procuring and transporting weaponry.
Harvey would have been in charge. Well if he was in
that chain yes because Harvey had the seniority. I
hate to fall back on that but that is true. He did.
Phillips and I were basically the same rank and I
didn’t have to take orders from him and he didn’t
have to take orders from me so it was a wash. Too
add on to that a little bit Bill Harvey was senior to
both of us by several grades because when he
jumped over to CIA I think he got at least a one grade
and he had been a deputy to Angleton and very
deeply involved in counter-espionage activities.
Harvey’s rank was such and his position was such
that any President could have talked to him. And if
Harvey felt his grip on his position was loosened or
being loosened he would have taken steps to remedy
that.

Before the missiles crisis:

Harvey posted an old slogan somewhere the agency


premises that said “The tree of liberty must be

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nourished by the blood of patriots” and this incensed


Bobby Kennedy. It seems ridiculous. You would think
that Bobby would have embraced that particular
philosophy but he did not and I guess he figured
Harvey was trying to steal some of the glory what
that was going on in those days. Harvey was a very
strange and complicated individual. A lot of people
have suggested that alcohol had taken control of him
and that basically affected his judgment. He always
had a gun on him particularly in Rome. Claire Boothe
was the Ambassadress at that and as I said and as I
indicted Harvey even carried guns into restaurants
and he would pull them out slap them down on the
table to the dismay of other diners and then he’d
settle down to an afternoon of drinking not eating
much because he was way overweight but certainly
drinking and he was a tough. First of all he never
should have been put in that position. Appointments
that were made in CIA to positions of responsibility
were always baffling to me. Why was Mr. X sent here
and why was Mr. Y sent there? I tried to satisfy
myself by saying inwardly the director who makes
these appointments must no more about them than I
do and should. And I would let it go at that. Why did
they bring Bill Harvey up from South Africa? Why
was he sent there in the first place? We had no
interest in South Africa. Maybe Nelson Mandela who
was still in prison but beyond that nobody could
figure out where the U. S. interest was and Harvey
was not the best representative that we could have
come up with. It is quite a jump from to set yourself
up in splendid isolation and it is another thing to use
that isolation as a tool so that you are an immediate
suspect in the case of a capital crime. [Harvey was in
Rome at the time of the assassination.]

Hunt went out of his way to dirty up Harvey, however, there


is no evidence linking Harvey with the coup. On January 24, 2007 E.
Howard Hunt died of complications from pneumonia at North Shore
Medical Center. He was 88. Prior to this he suffered from lupus,
pneumonia, cancers of the jaw and prostate, gangrene, the
amputation of his left leg. The LA Times reported in his obituary,
"Conspiracy theorists also alleged that he was involved in the

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assassination of President Kennedy, whom he held in contempt for


failing to send U.S. forces to bail out the Bay of Pigs invaders when
Cuban troops had them surrounded."

DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS POST COUP


In 1965 Phillips was promoted by the CIA from agent to
officer, and sent to the Dominican Republic after the April 1965
invasion of that country by the U.S. military. Clark Anderson became
the FBI Legal Attaché in the American Embassy, Santo Domingo,
Dominican Republic, a few weeks later. Phillips explained on
September 30, 1980:

A. I happened to be in Washington, D.C., when he and a large


number of other FBI agents who spoke Spanish were told to get on
the next plane and report to the Dominican Republic. And when I
arrived there to take over that station, Clark Anderson was in charge
of the FBI contingent.

Q. You got a promotion around that time, made head of station


around that time, somewhere around this time.

A. Shortly before all of this happened in the Dominican Republic.

Q. After the assassination and before the Dominican Republic


situation.

A. Um-hum.

Q. You were head of the Cuban operations group of the Western


Hemisphere Division somewhere around that period of time?

A. 1968, 1969.

Q. Did you ever have occasion of meeting FBI S.A. WARREN


DeBrueys?

A. Yes. I remember having been in touch with him either...that name


is very familiar. I knew a lot of FBI people. [Phillips Depo. Hunt v.
Weberman]

DeBrueys told this reseacher:

I knew David Phillips when I was undercover, and


assigned to the Dominican Republic revolution for
about six months in Santo Domingo and DAVE was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

the CIA Station Chief. I don't recall that I contacted


him subsequent to that time. I think, maybe when I
was in Brazil, he may have been there a short period
of time. I never thought of this before.

In Santo Domingo in 1965 Phillips called the Dominican


strongman General Elias Wessin y Wessin - "a completely patriotic,
anti-communist, atrocious man" - and told him to get out of his own
country. [Washington Times 3.30.88]

Hemming told this researcher:

We had a new Cuba being born in the Dominican


Republic. Everybody went there. Marcello went there.
They were there to clean them people out - and they
did. That was Murder Incorporated. They went down
there, and they took out everybody.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

When Sturgis was asked if he knew DeBrueys he


responded: "Possibly, you know we're going over years." [Depo.
Hunt V. Weberman p99]
Phillips was questioned in the course of Hunt v. Weberman:
Q. I am sure you have heard of Mitch Werbell. He is a rather
notorious character in the news from time to time. Did you ever
actually know him during this period of time in the 1950's when you
were in the Agency?

A. In the 1950's?

Q. 1954?

A. Not in the 1950's. I certainly have seen him since and heard a
great deal about him.

Q. All right. Did you have any occasion to meet him prior to 1968.

A. I don't think I ever met Mitch Werbell, III, in the sense of shaking
hands and being introduced. I was Chief of Station in the Dominican
Republic in 1965, during the crisis. Werbell was presently living at
the Hotel Embajador along with all the newspapermen. And he was

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

around Santo Domingo with all sorts of contraptions strapped to his


body, large cases, cameras, tape recorders and so forth, wearing a
pith helmet and looking just like the character of a CIA agent, which
he was not.

Q. During the Cuban activities with the Agency, did you ever know a
public relations firm run by Werbell in Cuba prior to Castro?

A. A public relations firm? I don't recall...I had a Public Relations


firm in Cuba...My responsibility laid with my Chief of Station in the
U.S. Embassy. I was what was known as a deep cover. I did not
have an office at the Embassy. Paul Bethel was the Press Attache
or Assistant Press Attache in Havana when I was there. I knew him.

Q. Jay Mallin?

A. Newspaperman? Yes, I knew Jay Mallin. [Phillips Depo. Hunt v.


Weberman]

Circa 1968, Phillips became Chief of the Cuban Operations


Group of the Western Hemisphere Division, a job that involved
"keeping tabs on Cuban preoccupations in Europe, Latin America
and the Caribbean." He later became Second Consul (CIA Chief of
Station) in Brazil and Venezuela. In September 1970 Phillips
became the Deputy Chief of the Task Force on Chile of the
Directorate for Plans. At this time he was assigned to the Foreign
Service as First Secretary, U.S. Embassy, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Phillips told F. A. O. Schwarz Jr. of the SSCIA that he plotted to de-
stabilize the Chilean military by kidnapping General Schneider, the
leading constitutionalist in the Chilean Army.

Schwarz: What did you actually do in order to insure, if I may use


your words correctly, that General Schneider would not remain in
office, what were the things besides contacting people that the
Agency did?

Phillips: Well, to make it an absolutely accurate description, certainly


we are not at any one time zeroing in on General Schneider as the
only thing.

Schwarz: But that was not the problem, was it?

Phillips: It was a problem.

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Schwarz: It was the main problem, wasn't it? You needed a coup,
and you knew the political solution wouldn't work. You knew the
greatest problem. You needed the Army. You knew the problem in
having the coup was that there was a constitutional mentality, crazy
constitutional mentality in the Chilean military, right?

Phillips: I didn't say that sir.

Schwartz: Okay. I am sorry. You knew there was a constitutional


mentality, and that that was the problem?

Phillips: That is true. And consequently, I suppose, was probably the


number one problem.

Schwarz: He was the number one problem?

The Chairman: And he was the commander in chief of the army.

Phillips: That is true.

Schwarz: And the leading constitutionalist?

Phillips: That is true.

Schwarz: What did you do?

Phillips: Entertained all possibilities, talked to people, and said what


can you do, and looked to people to support, and looked for General
Viaux with his ideas, and turned those off. And looked toward the
Valenzuela group, I think it was. And they seemed to have much
more capability and to be much more serious and so forth. I
suppose if someone said, try to bribe General Schneider, and
someone said, alright, let's do it, then someone else said General
Schneider can't be bribed. And those men went so far as the
kidnapping of General Schneider. And we were aware of that.

Schwarz: You were aware of and approved, didn't you, the


kidnapping of General Schneider?

Phillips: Not in the case of General Viaux, because we turned him


off. But in the other case we were aware that part of their plan was
the possibility of a kidnapping, yes.

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Schwarz: And you offered through (Deleted as of 2010) whom we


will come to in a moment, $50,000 if they could accomplish it, didn't
you?

Phillips: I think that was the correct sum, yes.

Schwarz: And you gave them prior to their attempt on October 19


some tear gas masks to help accomplish the kidnapping.

Phillips: That is true.

Schwarz: And subsequently you provided to the Valenzuela group


some machine guns, didn't you?

And those were going to be used in a kidnapping effort by the


Valenzuela group, and you knew that, didn't you?

Phillips: I recall that they were going to be used by the group, and
that kidnapping was part of their plans. I can't recall that they said
they needed them specifically for the kidnapping. I do recall that the
reason was -- the automatic reaction from Latin America is, why do
people need arms when they have got arms everywhere all over
Latin America.

And they said something about, their own arms could be identified,
and they needed some that couldn't be identified. I don't recall if it
was specifically mentioned that it was just for that. It was certainly
understood that they might very well be used.

Schwarz: But draw the line again. You thought assassination was a
bad thing?

Phillips: I did.

Schwarz: On the other hand, you believed, at least in your capacity


in performing your duties, whether you personally believed it, you
believed that kidnapping of General Schneider was a good thing?

Phillips: Absolutely not, since I said in my personal capacity I


thought the whole idea was a bum idea.

Schwarz: I tried to put you in your official capacity.

Phillips: In my official capacity I realized that the removal from office


of General Schneider was an important element of any successful

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military coup. I make that statement in the context of what I have


said previously that I didn't really think it was going to work all along.

Schwarz: In your official capacity you thought the kidnapping was a


good thing?

Phillips: I thought it was a necessary thing if there was going to be a


coup.

Schwarz: And the submachine guns were made by the Agency with
the knowledge that they might be used in the in the kidnapping.

Phillips: Yes.

Schwarz: Now put together, if you can, and explain how you fit, how
you make them consistent, the attitude against assassination and
the supply of very deadly weapons. You will agree that machine
guns are very deadly weapons?

Phillips: I do sir.

Schwarz: Put together the attitude against assassinations and the


supply of very deadly weapons to be used in a very dangerous
activity, which is kidnapping -- and remember, of course, that the
man did die. Although not through those submachine guns.

Phillips: Yes, I do. May I ask you to rephrase that question. I am not
quite sure of it.

Schwarz: It is not seeking a fact, Mr. Phillips, it is seeking an


explanation of how you can make consistent on the one hand your
testimony of opposition to assassinations, which is given with great
credibility from its appearance, how can you put that together on the
one hand with your testimony as to what was actually done as far as
supplying deadly weapons for a purpose which was highly
dangerous, in a context when in fact the man died when he was
kidnapped.

Phillips: Well, of course, this is a very complex, and complicated,


question you are asking. I think that the answer is that if you are
going to involve yourself in foreign endeavors, that you very seldom
find a situation in which you are capable of placing stop and go
buttons on the machinery that you have set in motion.

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In the Dominican Republic the involvement of the Agency of the


U.S. Government in the death of -- I like to think of that not as an
assassination, but tyrannicide -- I just don't see how in the world
anyone could have pushed a stop button for the General Tony
Imbert type of thing. [Church Comm. Test. 7.31.75 pgs. 28-33
NARA SSCIA 157-10002-10165]

Phillips admitted that he ran an operation in 1970 to prevent


Salvador Allende from taking office.
PHILLIPS, HUNT AND THE OVERTHROW OF SALVATORE
ALLENDE
On October 15, 1970, Thomas Karamesssines met with
General Alexander Haig and Henry Kissinger to formulate a plan to
stop socialist Salvador Allende Gossens from assuming power.
Howard Hunt had a hand in this as the following documents appear
in a file entitled POSSIBLE ADDITIONAL AGENCY SUPPORT
FURNISHED Howard Hunt.

The CIA:

SECRET 181408Z OCT 1970 CITE SANTIAGO 562

IMMEDIATE HEADQUARTERS

REFS: Santiago 551, Santiago 558

1. Station co-optee met clandestinely evening


October 17, 1970, with two Chilean Armed Forces
Officers who told him their plans were moving along
better than thought possible. They asked that by
evening October 10, co-optee arrange furnish them
with eight to ten tear gas grenades. Within 48 hours
they need three 45 caliber machine with 500 rounds
ammo each. One officer commented he has three
machine guns himself, but can be identified by serial
numbers as having been issued to him, therefore
unable to use them.

2. Officers said they have to move because they


believe they are now under suspicion and are being
watched by Allende supporters. One officer was late
to meeting having taken evasive action to shake
possible surveillance by one or two taxi cabs with

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dual antennas which he believed being used by


opposition against him.

3. Co-optee asked if officer had Air Force contacts.


They answered they did not, but would welcome one.
Co-optee separately has since been trying to contact
a Chilean Air Force General and will keep trying until
established. Will urge Air Force General to meet with
Officers ASAP. Co-optee commented to Station that
Air Force General has not tried to contact him since
referenced talk.

4. Co-optee comment: Cannot tell who leader of this


movement is, but strongly suspects it is Admiral
Roberto Viaux. It would appear from his contacts,
actions and alleged Allende suspicions about them
that unless they act now they are lost. Trying to get
more information from them on the evening of
October 18, 1970, about support they believe they
have.

5. Station plans give six tear gas grenades (Arriving


on October 8, 1970, by special courier) to co-optee
for delivery to Armed Forces Officers instead of
having false flag officer [Henry J. Sloman - an
American who carried a false passport who could
pass for a Latino] deliver them to Viaux group. Our
reasoning is that co-optee dealing with active duty
officers. Also false flag officer leaving on evening of
October 18, 1970, and will not be replaced. Hence,
important that co-optee with Armed Forces Officers
be strengthened by prompt delivery what they
requesting. Request Headquarters agreement by
1500 hours local time October 18, 1970, on decision
delivery of tear gas to co-optee Vice False Flag
Officer.

6. Request prompt shipment three sterile 45 caliber


machine guns and ammo per para 1 above by
Special Courier if necessary. Please confirm by 2000
hours local time October 18, 1970, that this can be
done so co-optee may inform his contacts
accordingly.

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The CIA was puzzled about the request for sterile weapons
because the co-optee planned to lead the coup:

If co-optee plans to lead coup, or be actively and


publicaly involved we puzzled why it should bother
him if machine guns can be traced to him. Can we
develop rationale on why guns must be sterile? Will
continue make effort provide them but find credulity
stretched by Navy officer leading his troops with
sterile guns? What is special purpose of these guns?
Will try send them whether you can provide
explanation of not.

A CIA cable stated:


RESTRICTED HANDLING
OCTOBER 18, 1970.
IMMEDIATE SANTIAGO, EYES ONLY (Deleted).
REF: SANTIAGO 562
Submachine guns and ammo being sent by regular
(deleted)[diplomatic] courier leaving Washington
0700 hours October 19, 1970, due to arrive Santiago
late evening October, 20, 1970. Preferred use regular
(deleted as of 2010) courier to avoid bring undue
attention to OP. Releasing Officer C/WHD (Deleted
as of 2010) Authenticating Officer (Deleted as of
2010). [CIA FOIA 5851 Att to Doc 4048]

Roberto Viaux had left the Chilean Army in 1969. Viaux's


plan was to kidnap the head of the Chilean armed forces, General
Rene Schneider, and blame his abduction on the left. His attempted
kidnapping culminated in the murder of General Schneider, who
was a strict constitutionalist. General Schneider was succeeded by
General Rene Prats, who also upheld Allende's right to assume
power. After Allende was overthrown, General Viaux's prison
sentence for the murder of General Schneider was reduced to
lesser charges and he was freed from prison.

Phillips worked closely with Thomas Karamessines and


Richard Helms in the overthrow of the Allende Government of Chile.
In 1972 Phillips was under Foreign Service cover as First Secretary,
U.S. Embassy, in Caracas, Venezuela. In 1973 Phillips rose to Chief
of the Western Hemisphere Division, a position second only to
Deputy Director. Phillips claimed that in 1973 he sent a cable to the

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Santiago CIA Station instructing it not to work with the military men
who were plotting the demise of the Allende regime. Salvador
Allende was finally overthrown on September 11, 1973. Antonio
Veciana told Gaeton Fonzi: "Bishop was involved with the plan to
dispose of Allende in Chile. That was one of his jobs." Allegations
were made concerning the involvement of Phillips in the car
bombing of former Allende Cabinet Minister Orlando Letelier.

On March 16, 1976, Veciana told Gaeton Fonzi:

Although all of BISHOPS plans against Castro failed,


there were other plans against other people that did
not fail. He knows - he says there is no doubt - that
BISHOP was involved in the plan to dispose of
Allende in Chile. He knows that by the contacts in
Chile BISHOP had. All the connections I had in Chile
were given to me by BISHOP.
DAVID PHILLIPS: McGOVERN-STYLE LIBERAL DEMOCRAT?
Phillips denied these allegations, and claimed he was a
McGovern-type liberal Democrat who would not have engaged in
any anti-democratic operations. [NYT 9.3.75] The Washington
Times commented on Phillips book, Nightwatch: "He made it a tale
of moral conflict, emphasizing his inner turmoil over some of what
he was told to, and did, in Guatemala, in Chile. He played up his
politics: his 'dismay' at the election of RICHARD Nixon, whom he
paints as a man of shadow; his disdain for E. Howard Hunt." Phillips
stated: "I wouldn't have treated Howard Hunt as roughly as I did if I
didn't know I was going out on a college tour" he says. "I didn't have
to say 'Gina [PHILLIP'S second wife] and I cast our vote for George
McGovern.'" Phillips told the United Press that Castro had nothing to
do with the Kennedy assassination: "For the first time I agree with
Castro. Oswald was undoubtedly the sole killer." [UPI Dispatch 05-
12 09:58 AED]

THE ASSOCIATION OF RETIRED INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS


On March 21, 1975, Phillips resigned from the CIA. He had
been Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division for two years.
Phillips formed "The Association of Retired Intelligence Officers,"
whose goal was to defend ex-CIA men like Hunt against charges
stemming from the Watergate break-in, as well as to counter the
efforts of CIA defectors like Victor Marchetti and Philip Agee. A legal
fund was established to sue authors who accused CIA agents of
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

committing crimes. First to be sued was Gaeton Fonzi. [Circuit Court


for Montgomery County, Maryland, Phillips vs. Washington
Magazine et. al. Law No. 57691] Eventually all of Phillips' charges
against Gaeton Fonzi were dismissed, but Fonzi incurred high legal
bills. Member of this organization included Sam Halpern.
DAVID PHILLIPS AND WATERGATE
On May 2, 1973, the FBI contacted David Phillips and asked
him about the source of the information contained in a CIA
memorandum dated April 13, 1973, to the FBI regarding payments
made by Manuel Artime. Phillips refused to divulge his source.
When the FBI met with the CIA/OS Director, the agents were told
that Phillips' information came from the Chief of Station, Miami. [FBI
WFO 139-166 4.24.73 McLean Virginia MJK:pag p208, 4.24.73
MJK:mml 207 poss. serial 2393] On July 26, 1973, Manuel Artime
was the Subject of an FBI investigation. Character: Interception of
Communications. Most of this document was deleted. [Miami Field
Office File 139-328]

In December 1976 Phillips was called to testify before a


Federal Grand Jury investigating possible perjury in Congressional
testimony about American efforts to oust Salvadore Allende. Other
called before that same Grand Jury included John A. McCone and
Hal V. Hendrix, former director of public relations of ITT in Latin
America. By 1988 Phillips was suffering from cancer. [Who's Who
1972; Wash. Times 3.30.88; NYT 5.10.75, 12.21.76] He died of
cancer on July 10, 1988. A document transfer and cross reference
sheet indicated "There is a restricted (deleted) folder on the Subject
of his 201 held under (deleted)." [CIA 201-88764] While in Havana
Phillips used the name Michael M. Choaden. Choaden subsidized a
movie about Venezuela on behalf of CIA.

BERNARD BARKER POST COUP

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STURGIS AND BARKER 1960

The CIA described Barker’s post coup activities:

“Barker frequently conducted investigations which resulted in


valuable operational information for the CIA. To assist Barker in his
activities, he was given a five week full-time trade craft training
course in 1964. [Barker’s citizenship was restored in 1964.]" On
January 21, 1964, the Chief of the Special Affairs Section, Desmond
FitzGerald asked JMWAVE if it had any interest in Barker. On
March 4, 1965, the Chief of Station JMWAVE reported on Barker’s
Operational Progress for February 1965:

During the period under review AMCLATTER/1


[Barker] was transferred from the PW Branch to the
CI Branch for future handling. Subject's files were
turned over to CI on January 27, 1965, and he was
informed by his PW case officer of his proposed
transfer at a meeting on February 2, 1965. A
subsequent meeting was scheduled for February 8,
1965, with AMCLATTER/1 and the PW case officer
at which time the latter introduced him to the CI Case
Officer. Subject appeared to be pleased with this turn
of events expressing the wish that he could be put to
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

more frequent use and be given a heavier work load.


He said that he had enjoyed his 2 ½ year association
with his previous case officer but looked forward into
getting into a new line of activity, preferably some
type of PM activity or investigative work, which he
claims to enjoy as a result of his previous police
experience in Cuba. Subject was told by CI case
officer that his duties would remain essentially the
same as they had been and that he should continue
his coverage of exile activities with emphasis on any
rumors of impending raids on Cuba.

On February 18, 1965, Subject was introduced to


AMBLINK/1 and was told that AMBLINK/1 would
keep in daily touch with him either by telephone or by
personal meeting. Subject and AMBLINK/1 know one
another from the time when they were working in
Cuba and both seem pleased with the current
arrangement whereby they will be in contact with one
another. In addition to this daily contact meetings are
held with Subject and AMBLINK/1 about once a week
by the CI case officer to discuss Subject's reporting
as well as any difficulties he may have encountered,
or any guidance he may need. For all practical
purposes, however, AMCLATTER/1 is being handled
by AMBLINK/1. Subject knows nothing of about
AMLINK/1 other operational duties and contacts, and
the latter has been instructed to limit his discussions
with AMCLATTER/1 to any mutual business at hand.
AMCLATTER/1 knows AMLINK/1 by true name
(which he knew in Cuba) and his home telephone
number. During the absence of AMLINK/1 from the
area the CI case officer will meet directly with
Subject.

PRODUCTION:

Subject provided a number of useful reports during


the period under review mainly concerned with MIRR
bombing missions over Cuba and details concerning
the ransacking of Artime's house. The following
disseminations were made as a result of the Subject
production:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A. (Deleted) (WAVE 7900; February 3, 1965) from


Frank Fiorini: Alleged Abortive Air Raid over Cuba by
the MIRR.

B. WAVE 8261 (Rybat February 13, 1965):


Ransacking of Artime's house.

C. (Deleted)6710 (WAVE 8326; February 16, 1965)


from Frank Fiorini: Planned Air Strike Against
Havana by the MIRR.

D. WAVE 8419 (Rybatt February 17, 1965):


Additional information on the ransacking of Artime's
house.

E. (Deleted)6727 (WAVE 8394; February 17, 1965)


from Frank Fiorini: Decision of Orlando Bosch Avilla
to Use Cuban Pilot on MIRR's Air Strike of Havana.

F. WAVE 8521 (Rybat February 20, 1965). Additional


information on the ransacking of Artime's house.

G. (Deleted)6747 (WAVE 8618 February 23, 1965)


from Frank Fiorini and Bill Johnson: Insistence of
Orlando Bosch Avila that the MIRR Bomb Havana.

FINANCES

Subject was paid his February salary in the amount


of $433.77 (This amount is arrived at after
withholding his income tax from $500.)

FUTURE PLANS

AMLINK/1 will continue to contact Subject on a daily


basis either by telephone or by personal meetings
and will see that Subject's reports are promptly
relayed to the CI case officer. Subject has been
instructed to continue his coverage of exile activities
with emphasis on prompt reporting of any impending
exile raid on Cuba. Subject will also continue to
report in writing any conversations that he has had
with Cuban exiles who appear of operational interest
and will explore his wide array of contacts for any
information that may lead to the identification of
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Cuban intelligence assets operating in the area. In


this connection Subject is currently exploring a lead
involving two Cuban mulatto women who allegedly
have hit the bolita numbers frequently (six or seven
times) and for large sums of money. Subject, who
has a theory that Fidel Castro may be using the bolita
racket to fund agents in the U.S. is trying to learn the
identities of the two mulattos. He has been cautioned
not to delve too deeply in this matter however, since
he may become involved with local underworld
elements who may take drastic action against him in
the belief that he is working for the local FBI or the
police. Subject said that he is well aware of this
possibility and is making very discreet inquiries with
the assistance of certain friends (Cuban ex-
policemen) who are bolita runners and who know that
he has no interest in their bolita activities per se
except to learn the identities of the two Cuban
mullato women. Subject said that his friends, in
addition to possibly helping him, would like to know
the identities of the two women since they would then
play the same number as the two women and make
some money on their own. (Deleted). Ted Shackley.
[CIA FOIA D002232]

Handwritten notes indicated: "WAVE 8521 dated February


20, 1965. Mentions Barker reporting on Fiorini re a robbery of
Artime's house and Fiorini'S meetings with Miami Police concerning
the robbery. File (Deleted) WAVE 8419 February 18, 1965. More
information on robbery of Artime's residence. (Deleted) and Fiorini
(File (Deleted) Also mentions Frank Campbell (Sturgis alias). WAVE
8261 February 13, 1965. More of same."
BARKER LEAVES THE CIA
In 1966, when Barker was monitoring the Bay of Pigs
Brigade elections for the CIA, he attempted to influence its outcome:
4. As explained in Reference A, AMCLATTER/1's
contract was not renewed in April 1966 because
plans were underway at that time to terminate him.
His performance for the past several months has
been practically nil, not because he has not been
eager for work, but mainly due to the fact that he is
not suited for what has to be done. He started

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

working for JMWAVE in April 1960 as a Principal


Agent, and during the period preceding the Bay of
Pigs he handled a number of political action agents
and spotted and developed several candidates for
recruitment. Since such of this activity was sore overt
than covert, he was thoroughly blown as a WOPACT
asset, and eventually became known in the area as a
sort of WOPACT spokesman, a role which, he
enjoyed and encouraged. As times changed and the
Station began concentrating- on more covert
activities, AMCLATTER/1 became something of a
security problem, since any statements or opinions
expressed by his concerning various individuals or
exile groups were either mistaken for "official leaks"
or "policy".

5. AMCLATTER/1's strong points have been his


dedication and enthusiasm for his work. He has,
however, been somewhat of a problem in that be is a
"heavy handed" operator who trios to impress his
contacts with his Importance, thereby committing a
number of indiscretions. A good example of this can
be found in his performance during the recent
election of officers in the 2506 Brigade.
AMCLATTER/1 had a number of contacts in the
Brigade and was instructed to monitor, without
specifically asking questions, the pre-election
activities of the Brigade through his contacts. Instead
of monitoring the activities of his contacts however,
be began hammering away at them, instructing them
to work against certain candidates. This gave the
impression that WOFACT was attempting to rig the
elections through AMCLATTER/1. This immediately
came to the Station's attention, as some of these
contacts were working for JMWAVE and complained
through their case officers that AMCLATTER/1was
throwing his weight around and giving the impression
that he was running the election WOFACT. As a
result, AMCLATTER/1 was reprimanded and told a
second time that he was to report only what he heard
about the elections and not to actively seek
information. Instead of heeding this advice, he again
sought on his contacts and "chewed" them out for

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

getting him in trouble… AMCLATTER/1 strong points


have been his dedication and enthusiasm for his
work. He has, however, been somewhat of a problem
in that he is a 'heavy-handed' operator who tries to
impress his contacts with his importance, thereby
committing a number of indiscretions...His home
address did appear on a Cuban intelligence service
censorship list which possibly contained the names
and addresses of alleged Cuban intelligence agents
in the U.S., but the validity of the list was never
confirmed and he was SRWIRLED on this matter in
April 1964 with overall favorable results. [CIA 201-
251689 8.26.66]
The CIA: "Barker’s contract at $500 a month was renewed
yearly until his termination July 31, 1966, which was amicable and
resulted from the change in times and the resulting change in CIA
activities in which Barker did not fit because of his previously widely-
known association with the Agency. [No Agency contact has been
maintained with him since that date.]" Barker was given a job in
Chicago. Richard Helms told the Ervin Committee: "We found out
he was involved with certain gambling and criminal elements, and
we didn't like the cut of his jib, and we cut him off." Richard Helms
subsequently retracted this statement. Barker recalled one of the
early meetings of the White House/Special Operations Group during
his Ervin Committee testimony: "We did go to this meeting, we did
speak in Spanish to two or three persons that were in the old Cuban
Revolutionary Council."

BARKER AND LEONARD GLASSER OCTOBER 1971


Miami architect Leonard Glasser reported that in October
1971, Barker told him he needed building blueprints that included
the details of the air-conditioning system and the air intake ducts of
the Miami Beach Convention Center in which the Republican and
Democratic conventions were to be held. Leonard Glasser: "He
came to me and said he had a client in Puerto Rico who wanted to
build a convention hall. It was a logical story. We were in the same
building and threw business each other's way. But the city doesn't
release things without authorization and they didn't have any of the
plans around. Then he said 'Could you get the air conditioning
plans?' This was unreal because what the hell would anyone want
them for?" G. Gordon Liddy: "We had planned to sabotage the air

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

conditioners in the convention center in Miami at the time the


Democrats were in convention there." [Miami Herald 6.25.72]

DAVID LEMAR CHRIST POST COUP

RECORDED CONTROL DESK


TRANSMITTAL OF INVESTIGATIVE REPORTS
TO: Chief, Personnel; Security Division ATTN: Chief, Clearance
Branch
SUBJECT: CHRIST, D. L.
NR November 14, 1963 --- [line going to NAN]
Status of Case CLOSED
November 27, 1963
RECEIVED PSB November 22, 1963
FROM Chief: Investigation Division

CHRIST'S ALIBI
Wilma Christ stated:

I talked to him at his office the day Kennedy was


assassinated. He called me - and ah - or I called him
I guess. I called him. But he knew. I remember my
younger son was just coming home from school. So
that would have been about 3:00 p.m. I don't really
remember but I think I called him. Because I heard it
on the T.V. I don't remember what time he came
home from work. He came back that night. Oh, yeah.

A HSCA CIA document revealed:


Memorandum For: Legislative Counsel
Attention: Roger Gabrielson
Subject: HSCA Request
Reference: HSCA Memo 77-0058/12 December 22,
1977 (OLC 77-5685)
1. Per your request concerning Item 1 of Reference
the following information is submitted:
Question: David L. Christ.
Reported to have been in Dallas on November 22,
1963
A. We have searched for time and attendance
records on David L. Christ to determine his duty

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

status on November 22, 1963. We have been


informed that T & A records for all employees have
been destroyed, and therefore we do not know his
duty status on November 22, 1963.
B. We have searched the financial records of David
L. Christ to determine if he was in travel status on
November 22, 1963. We did find that Christ
performed travel to Boston, Mass. on November 26,
1963, and returned to Washington, D.C., on
November 27, 1963. Transmitted to you separately
are copies of his travel voucher and Request for
Advance of Funds concerning his travel to and from
Boston. It may be worth noting that Christ signed the
request for advance of funds on November 20, 1963,
and his secretary signed a receipt for the advance of
funds on November 21, 1963.
C. We have not conducted a search for any records,
memos, letters, buckslips etc. that might be in our
files and contain initials or a signature of CHRIST
signifying action by him on November 22, 1963. Such
a search would require an extensive effort, and may
not prove fruitful, but we are willing to make the effort
if requested.
D. In addition, we have not attempted to question or
obtain statements from Christ's colleagues who may
recall seeing or talking with Christ on November 22,
1963. Once again we are not sure such an action
would be fruitful, but we are willing to make an effort
if requested."
[Roger Gabrielson, Harold P. Clark, Special Assistant
DDS&T -1455-78 CIA FOIA 17477]

MFR
HSCA – A Projection April 26, 1978 Roger S.
Gabrialson

(b.) David Christ was questioned about his activities


on November 22, 1963. He resembled the
“unidentified man” of Dallas. Our records on his exact
activities are vague. As this is a “flashy” issue, the
Committee may press for a public hearing. This

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

would jeopardize Christ and the others and would be


tantamount to having the U.S. Government admit
publicly to an old CIA operation on Cuban soil at a
time when the Adminstration may be courting Cuba.

(c.) E. Howard Hunt may be called to discuss a report


of the assassination which he purportedly wrote while
at the Plumber’s Unit. HSCA has requested access
to our file on Hunt / Watergate. We have no known
records of any such report.
David Christ,
David Christ was arrested in Cuba while on CIA
assignment and was released months prior to the
Kennedy assassination. He later resigned. The
Committee has a photograph of three unidentified
tramps in Dallas near the scene of the assassination
which is remarkably similar to a picture of Christ
taken when he arrived in the U.S. after release from
prison. Christ was interviewed by the Committee and
claims he was on duty at Headquarters on 22
November. DDS&T tried to locate time and
attendance records for 1963, but they have been
destroyed. Present or former employees who can
attest to Christ's presence at Headquarters on 22
November have not yet been contacted. The
Committee has not pursued this matter further and it
is still open with the Committee.

Record Number 104-10147-10269

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

HSCA INTEREVIEW OF DAVID CHRIST ALIAS


DANIEL CARSWELL
Gary Cornwell and I interviewed Daniel Carswell on
16 February 1978. Carswell stated that he had been
in Cuba on two occasions. He was there for one
week in the end of August and one week before his
arrest in September 1960. After his arrest he spent
one month in the Columbia prison in Havana. He was
then transferred to the Cabana prison and was there

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

until his trial in December 1960. Carswell met William


Morgan at the Cabana prison. He stated that Morgan
had all kinds of escape plots and that he, Carswell,
had nothing to do with Morgan other than to tell him
that he was not interested. Carswell stated that while
at the Cabana prison he met six other Americans. He
could only remember the names of three of them:
James Gibson, James Bean and Dick Beck. After his
trial, Carswell was transferred to the Isle of Pines. He
said there were approximately 20 Americans in the
Isle of Pines at the time. He remembered the names
of three of them; John Jentile, Austin Young and
Damo Proheus. Carswell was released on 21 April
1963. He returned to the U.S. with a group of
approximately 20 other Americans. It was his
memory that he landed at Opa Loma Air force Base
in Florida. On his return, he said, he weighed
approximately 135 pounds. Carswell did not return to
work until August 1963. He said that the first time he
was in Dallas was around 1969-70. He said that he
was in his supervisor's office when he heard the
news of the assassination. Carswell said that he
met John Martino while he was in the Cabana prison.
Martino told him he was in prison for installing
electronic equipment in the Havana casinos. Martino
was very talkative and said that he had been
associated with the Batista government. Martino
never specified who he was working for at the time of
his arrest. Martino was, as far as Carswell can
remember, never transferred to the Isle of Pines and
was released prior to Carswell’s release. Carswell
met David Phillips once in (country) in the 1950’s.
Carswell stated that a Dick Clements told him about
Mitch Werbell a year and a half ago. All he
remembers is that Werbell was referred to as an
arms dealer. Carswell said that he could not be sure
about Bernardo de Torres because he had met a lot
of Cubans and their names were confusing. Carswell
said that he had met Howard Hunt once but did not
know him personally. Anything Carswell knows about
John Rosselli and Charles Siragusa, he says, comes
from reading the newspaper. Carswell knew William
Harvey in 1957-58 and termed him a "tough

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

operator." Carswell says that he had never heard of


Lee Harvey Oswald or Jack Ruby before the
assassination. Mr. Carswell was shown two
photographs. The first he recognized as himself
taken when he returned to the U.S. from Cuba. He
admitted that there was a striking similarity with the
second picture but said that he had never seen it
before and had no idea of who it was. Carswell
claimed that he had never been involved in any
assassinations. The second picture was a blow up of
one of the tramps photographed in Dallas on
11/22/63. Carswell said that he got the scar above
his left eye when he was a child.
RECOMMENDATIONS:

1. General photo analysis to determine if the photo of


Carswell and of the tramp are the same individual.

2. Specific photo analysis to determine if the tramp In


the Dallas photo has a scar above his left eye.

CIA’S REPORT ON THE INTERVIEW

1. On February 16, 1978 Gary Cornwall and Dan


Hardway, HSCA, interviewed Subject in Room 1115
of the Key Bridge Marriot Motel. The room was
procured by the Office of Security in the name
Carswell and the key was turned over to Hal Clark,
DDS & T…

2. On arrival at the room Hardway was gone but


Cornwall turned over their notes and left.

3. Christ asked Cornwall if he could talk about his


interview and was told there was no objection. After
Cornwall left Christ said that he was shown two
pictures – one of himself as he got off the plane
returning from Cuba and the other of the unidentified
person (presumably the Carswell from Dallas). Christ
says the resemblance between himself (as he got off
the plane) and the man in Dallas was astonishing.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Christ thinks he convinced them that he was not the


same person.
5. Shepansk turned over the attached release to Mr.
Cornwall in the Hotel room and Mr. Cornwall gave
Mr. Shepanek a envelope addressed to Admiral
Turner which was turned over to Rodger (?) OCC on
(?) 1600 hours. O/SA/DO/O Norbert Shepanek
Norbert A. Shepanek, 70, a retired Central Intelligence
Agency intelligence officer who was awarded a Career Achievement
Medal, died of leukemia April 22, 1994. Shepanek, who lived in
McLean, was born in Chicago. He grew up in Chicago and Poland.
After Poland and Germany went to war in 1939, Shepanek served in
the Polish underground until returning to this country in 1940. The
following year, he entered the U.S. Army, then served in Europe. He
held counterintelligence posts there after the war. Later in the
1940s, he returned to the United States with his wife about 1946
and later returned to live in Germany when he served abroad in the
CIA.
CHRIST DECEMBER 1963

Documents dated December 11, 1963 and December 19,


1963 concerned Christ are still withheld as of 2010 as are numerous
other files on CHRIST.

CHRIST 1964

On July 17, 1964 Christ was granted a cryptographic


clearance.

DT/ISOL EYES ONLY June 1, 1964


C/OS/TR
Visit of Mr. David Christ to ISOLATION
1. Mr. David Christ is schedulated to visit ISOLATION on June 14,
1964 to make a presentation on his experience with SAS.
2. Mr. John Mertz requests you read the attached file before Mr.
Christ goes to ISOLATION. The file explains the complications and
will you guidance on the situations to be avoided.
3. Please return file at you earlier convenience.
DONAL J. McGrath
Cc: C/PPS/TR
Mr. John Mertz

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

In December 1965 CHRIST became part of PROJECT RHYOLITE.


On January 12, 1966, the CIA reported: "Recently, a source of the
Security Research Staff advised that he had recently been in
contact with Juan A. Rodriguez Jomolca, who is active in the DRE in
charge of Latin American activities. Rodriguez told source he was
acquainted with a Dan Caswell, while both were imprisoned in
Cuba."

CHRIST 1967

REQUEST FOR APPOINTMENT OF CHANGE IN


STATUS OF TOP SECRET CONTROL OFFICERS
April 21, 1967
TO: CIA TOP SECRET CONTROL OFFICER
C/GMS/DDS&T
David CHRIST
This individual has been selected by the director of
his office to serve as an emergency courier. This
decision is based upon the nature of his assignment
and the needs of his office. Harry J. Murphy
TO: DIRECTOR OF SECURITY
FROM: CIA TOP SECRET CONTROL OFFICER
1. It is requested that you approve this designation.

In March 1967 a CIA A REQUEST FOR APPOINTMENT OF


CHANGE OF STATUS TOP SECRET CIA CONTROL OFFICERS
read, “In the performance of his duties Mr. Christ is required to carry
TS material between Headquarters and the Ames Building.

REINVESTIGATION PROGRAM – PROCESSING


SHEET
David LEMAR CHRIST: FILE NUMBER 43872
OFFICE DD/ S & T / OFFICE OF RESEACH AND
DEVELOPMENT
DATE OF LAST INVESTIGATION: JULY 1957 (FBI –
0)
DATE OF LAST POLYGRAPH: JUNE 12, 13, 1960
FOLLOWING ACTIONS ARE BEING TAKEN:
LETTERS SENT TO PERSONNEL, MEDICAL
STAFF AND A & E JUNE 6, 1967
PHS AND APPENDIX 1 SENT TO SUBJECT FOR
COMPLETION.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

NAME CHECKS, POLICE AND CREDIT CHECKS


COMPLETED SEPTEMBER 20, 1967: FAVORABLE
NEIGBORHOOD INVESTIGATION: FAVORABLE
CASE PENDED TO SEPTEMBER 1972 FOR
REINVESTIGATION
(DELETED) HE IS NOW AN OPEN “CIA
EMPLOYEE.”
BASED ON REVIEW OF THIS CASE, CURRENT
INVESTIGATION AND INTERVIEW, NO
PERTINENT INFORMATION WAS DEVELOPED
WHICH WOULD CHANGE SUBJECT’S SECURITY
STATUS. SRS INTEREST WAS NOTED.
INVESTIGATION COMPELETED CASE CLOSED
SEPTEMBER 25, 1967.

APRIL 29, 1968 SECURITY VIOLATION REPORT

NOVEMBER 13, 1968 AGENCY IDENTIFICATION


CARD REQUEST

DECEMBER 19, 1968 TERMINATION


UNDERSTANDING

JUNE 30, 1969 OUTSIDE ACTIVITY REQUEST

This document was generated regarding Christ “Leave the


Talent-Keyhole Program in the Talent Control System November
24, 1970.” Christ voluntarily retired from the CIA in October
1970. In November 1971 the CIA stated: "Mr. Christ's imaginative
leadership and inspiration to those working with him, his broad
scope of interest, his resourcefulness and philosophical devotion to
the cause of the Agency and the United States have provided this
Agency with an individual whose unique efforts and
accomplishments over his 20 years service are worthy of
recognition." He received the Intelligence Medal of Merit. Former
CIA Director Richard Helms was asked:
Q. And do you have any knowledge of an individual whose name is
Daniel Carswell?

A. Daniel Carswell, no.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

(Whereupon Mr. Weberman conferred with Mr. Miller out of the


hearing of the others and off the record, after which the following
occurred)

THE WITNESS: I've heard the name of Carswell someplace, but I


don't know whether it was the Judge who didn't become Supreme
Court Justice or just where I've heard the name, but I can't elucidate
in this context.

By Mr. Miller (Resuming):

Q. All right, do you know whether or not Charles Siragusa operating


on behalf of the Agency, made an effort to get Mr. Carswell out of
Cuba on behalf of the Agency?

A. No, I don't know anything about the operations he was


conducting in Cuba.

Q. I asked you earlier about a Mr. CARSWELL, who you did not
recall. I'm going to show you a photograph.

A. I don't know anything about this man. He doesn't he doesn't send


any thing to, any message to me.

[Helms Depo. Hunt V. Weberman 5.17.79]

In December 1970 Christ was President and General


Manager, Research and Development Division of Devenco Inc. 150
Broadway, New York City. CHRIST held a top secret clearance.
Devenco had developed an invisible electronic prison fence which it
demonstrated to various law enforcement agencies. The company
was also developing “Electronics, (all frequencies) including radar,
communications and servro-mechanisms, optimum filters, basic
communications equipment and infra-red.” Devenco was also into
developing acoustics, high frequency electromagnetic
phenonomena and physical research (crystals, optics, chemical
cells etc.)

Another Devenco project was described thusly:


This paper discusses the analysis and design of a
vehicle location, monitoring, or communications
system that exploits the readily available traffic light
system. Optical path transmission of digital data from
the traffic-light-heads to passing vehicles permits

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

direct, unambiguous location information to be


obtained without any additional spectrum utilization.
Location information is processed in the vehicle and
combined with vehicle identification and status data
for subsequent automatic reporting to a base station.
Reporting to the base station is done through the use
of the vehicle-to-base communications radios that
already exist in vehicles that need such location or
status information (such as police cars); or
equipment can be readily added because the service
and channel assignments already exist, as in the
cases of school-bus and public transportation
vehicles.
In January 1971 Christ worked for the Itek Corporation and
received a Top Secret, Industrial Security, CIA clearance. This
researcher has been unable to find any record of the Disco/Itek
Corporation; however the Itek Corporation was heavily involved in
CIA contract work. The CEO of Itek in 1975, Franklin T. Lindsay,
was a former official of the CIA. Itek developed the cameras used in
the Corona Spy Satellites.

[http://www.nro.odci.gov/corpr.htm]

Christ, David Lamar – o/c 43872 – CHR


Subjects CHR was a GS 16 Agency employee
assigned to DDS&T/ORD. Christ began with this
Agency in 1950 and retired on October 30, 1970.
David L. Christ was granted a ISA/Top Secret in
December 1950. Note: Flagging action as follows:
(DELETED as of 2010)
He was approved for Domestic Contacts Division use
in August 1971 valid through August 1976.

On June 30, 1969 Christ requested permission “To


investigate and probably establish a new small
company for computerized trouble-shooting of home
appliances. This is strickly preliminary; no conflict of
interest is involved nor interference with Subject’s
Agency responsibilities.
MEMORANDUM FOR: C/PSD/OS
ATTENTION Mr. Joseph Hossick
SUBJECT: CHRIST, DAVID LAMAR #43872

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

1. During the last week in November 1970, Mr. David


L. Christ, Chief of the Applied Physics Division, Office
of Research and Devolopment, retired from the
Agency. He is currently employed by Devenco of
New York City.

2. ORD has contractual relationship with Devenco


and it is desired that the TOP SECRET clearance of
Mr. Christ be activated so that he may be involved in
this Agency-sponsored work.

3. While he was in ORD, the subject held several


special clearances and it has been learned that he
will require SI & TK in his present status as a
contractor’s employee, When his TOP SECRET
clearance has been activated we will file a separate
request to cover the special clearances.

4. It is therefore requested that the subject be


processed for an Industrial Security Approval at the
TOP SECRET level.

Security Officer
ORD/DD/ S & T
In July 1972 he either worked for or started Household Data
Services of Reston, Virginia. Among other devices the company
produced Carrier Current Audio Systems, Wireless
microphone/Body Wires and Low Power Audio/Video Transmitter.
He was cleared for this job by DISCO. In November 1972 CHRIST
began working as a consultant for Applied Technology of Arlington,
Virginia. On April 23, 1973 the CIA issued a Request for Industrial
Security Approval SECRET for Applied Technology A Division of
Itek Corporation, 645 Almanor Avenue, Sunnyvale, California.
Applied Technology conducts research into electronic warfare
devices and other high tech defense projects.
JUNE 1974
On June 20, 1974 Christ’s CIA File was flagged and
reviewed by Frederick N. Evans in relation to matters pertaining to
Watergate and forwared to the Inspector General by CIA Office of
Security. It was reviewed in relation to McCord CIARDS matter. In a

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

CIA Memo entitled INFORMATON IN REGARD TO WATERGATE


dated May 24, 1973, this appeared:
6. With regard to contacts or associations with Mr.
McCord, David Christ Donald Reiser, Thomas Noe,
Jim Stephan, and John Van Dewerker had dealt or
worked with him as Chief of the Tech Division / Office
of Security but none has had any association since
that time.

7. No one in ORD knows of any contacts Mr. Hunt or


Mr. McCord may recently have had with the Agency.
Sayre Stevens. Director of Research and
Development.
In relation to his employment with Household Data Services
Christ agreed:

I am aware that any classified information that I or my


organization may possess, compile or acquire as a
result of the contemplated or existing relationship
with the U.S. Government may affect the national
defense of the United States. I am also aware of and
accept the fact that I have a personal and individual
responsibility for the protection of all such information
in my possession no matter how acquired. Signed,
David L. Christ August 7, 1975.

In 1975 the CIA noted CHRIST'S file contained the "following


flags of interest."

1. Cross reference sheet - January 4, 1971 with


0=607446/Cuban Imprisonment of Agency Audio
Technicians

2. A sealed envelope to be opened only by


designated officials.

3. Watergate file review. [CIA File 0-602744]


From May 1975 to November 1975 visited with Charles
Gandy and Mr. Mineberger for the purpose of reviewing a
CLASSIFIED RFP by NSA.
• From his first assignment to the National
Security Agency in 1955 as an Air Force 1st

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Lieutenant until his retirement as a civilian in 1986,


Mr. Charles L. Gandy made significant contributions
to the fields of signals intelligence, information
assurance, and counterintelligence. His work in
research, development, and deployment of quick
reaction capabilities greatly strengthened cryptologic
community support to the highest levels of
government. Although most of the details must
remain classified, Mr. Gandy's contributions enabled
the NSA to anticipate key activities of foreign
adversaries and determine where our own
vulnerabilities existed. Much of this engineering work
was in sensitive signals analysis and
countermeasures development Mr. Gandy's work in
the field of remote control collection systems was
applied during the Vietnam War, and helped save the
lives of countless thousands of Americans.

Sometime in 1975 James W. Franklin, CIA Chief, Offical


Cover Branch, Cover and Commerical Staff asked the Department
of the Army to cancel CHRIST’s official cover backstop. On August
15, 1975, the Deputy Director for Science and Technology sent the
following memorandum to the Office of the Inspector General,
Subject: Disclosures by Walter Szuminski.

1. Recently Walter Szuminski reported some events


to me which may have relevance to the assassination
plots against Fidel Castro. These events relate to a
time Szuminski was in a Cuban jail from September
1960 to April 1963 and shortly after his release.
Szuminski, Thorton Anderson and David Christ were
arrested when they were attempting to make an
audio installation. CHRIST resigned some years ago
[CHRIST was at CIA from 1956 to 1970] but Thorton
J. Anderson and Walter Szuminski are still OTS
employees.

2. Briefly, the first part of Thorton J. Anderson story is


that while in prison, Anderson identified a weapon
pictured in a Cuban newspaper, and described as
having been confiscated from would-be assassins, as
CIA equipment. The second part of his story is that
after his release and return to duty, members of the
Counter-Intelligence Staff showed him ZRCHEST
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

files tending to prove that the Counter-Intelligence


Staff had tried to negotiate with their contacts in the
underworld in an attempt to buy his release. I asked
Szuminski to write these matters up, which he did in
two memos attached.
3. I conducted a limited investigation of the
assassination weapon story, in that I cabled some
questions to Anderson who is now PCS Yokosuka,
Japan. Reply does not corroborate the essential point
of Szuminski’s story. My questions and Anderson’s
response are attached. Also I checked with Dan
Hogan who has a long background in the particular
branch of OTS which would have been involved in
the preparation of the assassination weapon. He was
familiar with the weapon, but could not recollect
every obtaining one for use in Cuba, nor could
anyone else in the branch. Just about the same time
we obtained copies of the photographs given by Fidel
Castro to Senator McGovern, ostensibly to illustrate
all the way in which the CIA had attempted to get
Castro killed. Hogan checked the photos and there
were none which showed a modified High-Standard
.22 cal pistol. His memo is also attached. Thus I have
no corroboration for Szuminski’s story.

4. With respect to the account by Szuminski of CI


Staff’s underworld contacts, I merely replayed the
story to the present head of the CI Staff and he
promised to check it out.

5. It does not seem to me there is anything else I can


or should do about these matters at this time.
However, I thought it would be advisable to relay
these stories to you in case you would wish to
conduct more extensive investigations.
[CIA OTS David S. Brandwein, Director, Office of
Technical Services Memo 8.15.75]

The memos stated:

During the period September 1960 through April


1963, while a prisoner of Cuban G-2 at Isle of Pines,
there were occasional newspapers and magazines
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

that were smuggled into prison that had headlined


stories about alleged CIA assassination teams that
had landed in Cuba, and how certain Cuban G-2,
through its superior intelligence, had apprehended
these teams, seized their equipment, shot the
leaders of the group, and sent the rest of the team to
jail for long prison terms. One of these reports had
particular significance for myself and the two other
Agency employees who were at the time being held
at the Isle of Pines. An article in the Cuban Army
Magazine Verde Oliva was being distributed through
the prison by local authorities. This was an unusual
happening since no books, newspapers, or other
reading material was permitted to the prisoners. In
any case, the magazine featured the story of a group
eight to 12 men that had been apprehended by the
Cuban G-2, after landing on the north coast of Cuba
in a rubber boat. The mission of the group, according
to the article, was to assassinate Fidel. At first glance
this was not unusual since everyone landing on the
coast was usually charged with this. The thing that
made this particular effort stand out in my mind was
the detailed interview of the leader of the group. The
weapons were U.S. military hardware - Springfield
rifles with spotting scopes, I.R. sniperscopes, ammo,
plus a modified hi-standard .22 caliber silenced
pistol. Among our group was one engineer who had
an intimate knowledge of special weapons produced
for the Agency and there was no doubt in his mind
that the hi-standard .22 was Agency equipment.
Years later I had the opportunity to handle similar
equipment, and this confirmed in my mind what I saw
in Cuba was the same equipment. [NARA
1993.08.11.17:52:17:680028]

John Mertz commented,

No, none of them knew about guns. They didn't come


into contact with that. They were audio technicians,
electronics guys. The two other guys worked for
CHRIST. They worked for Technical Services in the
audio division. They were wiretappers. They were
clerks. CHRIST was Chief of Technical Service's

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Audio Division. The Cubans thought he was a private


operator.

[NARA 1993.08.11.17:55:17:870028]

DAVID LEMAR CHRIST AND EDWIN WILSON

Edwin P. Wilson was born May 3, 1923, at Napa, Idaho. He was six
feet four inches tall. He came from a poor family and was 14 when
his father died and he became the provider. He joined the Marines
in 1952 and served nearly three years before his discharge as first
lieutenant. On November 1, 1955, the day of his discharge from the
Marines, he joined the CIA in Korea. He was a Staff employee of the
Office of Security of the CIA from 1955 to 1960, after which he
became a staff agent. During this time Edwin P. Wilson said he
worked on security for the U-2. He was used by the International
Organizations Division in international labor union affairs and later
was used by Special Operations Division to run a Washington, D.C.,
maritime proprietary. Ex-CIA contract employee Ernest R. Keiser
said he saw Edwin P. Wilson in Miami in April 1961. Jack Anderson
reported that Wilson was involved in the Bay of Pigs invasion and in
a scheme to have dolphins attach explosive charges to Cuban
ships. Edwin P. Wilson told private detective Richard Bast that in
1964 he served as an advance man for Senator Hubert Humphrey,
while still working for the CIA. Edwin P. Wilson resigned from the

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CIA in February 1971 and became a contract agent for Naval


Intelligence. The Navy set him up in a proprietary very similar to the
one he had used while with the Agency for the purpose of providing
non-official cover to the Office of Naval Intelligence agents serving
overseas under a Project known as Task Force 157. Task Force
157 was a group of about 75 agents who gathered intelligence
around the world under the cover of export-import operations.
Wilson's assignment was to set up a front called Consultants
International, through which agents would be run and supplied. It
was a joint CIA/Navy operation. Wilson, as paymaster, was able to
embezzle a fortune from the operation. Naval Task Force 157 was
shut down by then-Navy Intelligence Director Bobby Inman because
of the behavior of Edwin P. Wilson. [Jack Anderson Wash. Post
6.30.77] Wilson had lunch with Inman in early 1976 and told Inman
that he would employ his contacts in the Congress to lobby on
behalf of Inman's naval budget requests if Inman in return would
help funnel government contract's to Wilson's businesses. [Wash.
Post 9.12.81] Mr. Wilson was terminated by the Navy in early 1976.
In June 1976 Edwin P. Wilson and former CIA Agent Frank Terpil
obtained a military contract from Libya worth tens of millions of
dollars. Frank Terpil's wife was the secretary of William F. Buckley.
Terpil knew David Phillips. Author Jim Hougan reported that Terpil
told him he had been introduced to Phillips by Hal Hendrix, who had
a daughter Terpil knew. Terpil told Hougan that Phillips used the
name BISHOP when he knew him at the CIA. Terpil checked the
name BISHOP in CIA indices and found that BISHOP was David
Phillips. [The Last Investigation, Fonzi, page 364]

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THE CIA WHITE PAPER ON WILSON

The Libyan Case first came to the Agency's attention


on September 7, 1976, when Kevin Mulcahy, a
former Agency employee, contacted Theodore
Shackley, Associate Deputy Director for Operations,
and advised Mr. Shackley that he wished to meet
with Agency officials to discuss the activities of a firm
he was associated with known as the 'International
Technologies Incorporated.' Mr. Mulcahy indicated
that the firm was ostensibly involved in a project in
Libya to clear World War II mine fields. But Mr.
Mulcahy had become suspicious that more than mine
clearing was involved. Early on September 8, 1976,
Mr. Mulcahy was in touch with Mr. Thomas A. Cox of
the Inspector General's Office who met with Mr.
Mulcahy later in the day. During this meeting Mr.
Mulcahy indicated that he had come across some
documents in the office of Edwin P. Wilson which led
Kevin Mulcahy to conclude that Inter-Tech
Incorporated was involved in a program to teach
covert sabotage techniques to individuals in Libya
and that the mine clearing project was merely a
cover. Mr. Wilson is a former Agency employee and
according to Mr. Mulcahy, he is the owner of Inter-
Technology. Mr. Mulcahy gave Mr. Cox copies of the
documents-- one of which was a proposal to conduct
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

a program to teach covert sabotage techniques and


other clandestine trade craft using the cover of mine
sweeping operation. The second was a copy of a
contract between Inter-Technology and John H.
Harper, a former Agency employee, under which Mr.
Harper agreed to go to Libya to teach mine disposal
techniques for one year at a salary of $98,000. It was
during this meeting with Mr. Cox that Mr. Mulcahy
alleged that a current Agency employee was
receiving payments from Inter-Technology in return
for arranging to have an Agency contractor,
American Electronics Laboratory, manufacture
sophisticated timing devices. Mr. Mulcahy alleged
that he personally had delivered the money to our
employee on several occasions at the Ramada Inn at
Tyson's Corner, Virginia, and that our employee had
taken a cut of $3,700 from the $15,000 cash payment
which was made to the contractor for the timing
device.

In both his phone conversation with Mr. Shackley and


his meeting with Mr. Cox, Mr. Mulcahy behaved in an
excited an emotional fashion and appeared to Mr.
Cox to be under the influence of alcohol. In addition,
Mr. Mulcahy had been interviewed by a
representative of the FBI on September 6, 1976, and
on September 7, 1976, behaved in a similar fashion
and did not impress the FBI agent as a reliable
informant. Mr. Mulcahy limited his conversation with
the FBI agent to the allegations regarding the
activities of Inter-Technology in Libya and did not
mention any information concerning our current
employee. The FBI prepared a report for his
Headquarters but apparently did not place much
credence or significance in Mr. Mulcahy' story.

Following receipt by the Agency of the information


from Mr. Mulcahy, internal checks were conducted
which tended to confirm certain aspects of his story.
The Agency employee did have official dealings with
American Electronic Laboratory and the American
Electronic Laboratory employees mentioned by Mr.
Mulcahy did have security clearance for work on

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Agency contracts. Our employee, however, is not an


authorized contracting officer. In addition, the Agency
received and independent report from a retired
Agency employee that Mr. Wilson had approached
him on September 3, 1976, with a proposal to
undertake a mission to Libya which would involve
teaching explosive manufacturing techniques to
individuals nominated by the Libyan Government.
The offer included a salary of $100,000 per year and
other fringe benefits. When the retired employee
declined the offer, Mr. Wilson pressed him for the
name of someone else who might be qualified to
handle the job. A name was provided but this person
also refused Mr. Wilson's offer.

Based on the foregoing a decision was made by the


Deputy Director of the CIA to formally refer this case
to the FBI. Mr. Vernon Weimar, FBI Liaison Officer,
was briefed on the case on September 13, 1976, by
the Director of Security and also met with the Deputy
Inspector General on the same day...On September
21, 1976, a second memorandum was forwarded to
the FBI containing additional information which had
come to the Agency's attention -- the most significant
of which was the fact that a former operational asset
of the Agency had reported on September 19, 1976,
that he also had been approached by Mr. Wilson.
The asset and two fellow members of the Florida
Cuban community had been requested to meet Mr.
Wilson in Europe. They met in Geneva, Switzerland
on September 15, 1976, where Mr. Wilson and a
second individual, identified only as 'Frank' but
believed to be a former Agency employee by the
name of Francis E. Terpil, proposed that the three
Cubans undertake the mission to teach covert
sabotage techniques in Libya and to undertake an
assassination mission of a Libyan who had 'defected'
to Egypt. The three Cubans declined and returned
immediately to the United States where one of them
contacted his former Directorate of Plans Case
Officer to report the approach by Mr. Wilson. [The
FBI was given biographic material on the individuals
involved by the CIA]

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

During his contacts with members of the Agency,


Kevin Mulcahy mentioned two other firms as being
involved in supplying material to Inter-Technology for
the Libyan project. These firms were Scientific
Communications Inc. and 'Household Electronics,'
subsequently identified as Household Data Service, a
firm owned by a former Agency employee, David L.
Christ. Both of these firms have contracts with the
Agency. The role of Household Data Services has
not as yet been made clear, but Scientific
Communications Inc. was providing timing devices to
Inter-Technology for use in Libya. A representative of
Scientific Communications Inc. has stated that his
company’s participation was legal and he was not
operating under the impression that there was a CIA
connection with the project.

The Office of Security is aware that since his


departure for the Agency in 1971. Mr. Wilson has
been engaged in sales efforts in the international
arms and electronic equipment field. His activities
have come to the attention of the FBI on several
occasions in the past few years and investigations
have been conducted in terms of failure to register as
an agent of a foreign power and similar matters.
However, Mr. Wilson has also been of concern to this
office and to the FBI due to associations in 1967,
1968 with Kenneth B. Tolliver, a former Staff Aide to
Senator James Eastland. Mr. Wilson reported at the
time on Mr. Tolliver's suspicious activities, believing
him to be an agent of Rhodesian or South African
Intelligence. However, it was subsequently
determined that Mr. Tolliver had been recruited by
the KGB, and was later run as a double agent by the
FBI...Tolliver has admitted that he passed Mr.
Wilson's name to the KGB as having been employed
by the CIA.

During the period of his association with the Agency


as well as during his subsequent association with the
Navy, Mr. Wilson has been active in many business
ventures, presumably on his own time. As a result he
has managed to become a man of some apparent

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wealth, as evidenced by this residence in Upperville,


Virginia, which is described as a 1,600 acre farm.

A final point in regard to Mr. Wilson concerns a


phone conversation he had with Kevin Mulcahy's
mother on September 22, 1976. Mr. Wilson had
returned to the United States, had heard that Kevin
Mulcahy was spreading stories about him (Wilson)
and had called Mrs. Mulcahy seeking information
about Kevin. During this conversation Mr. Wilson
made the statement to the effect that Kevin 'might get
killed along with the others' as a result of this
problem. When Mrs. Mulcahy challenged him on this
apparent threat, Mr. Wilson immediately backed
down and stated that he meant that he (Mr. Wilson)
might get killed, not Kevin. However, in a later
interview with the FBI, Donald Mulcahy, Kevin's
father and also a former Agency employee, spoke
well of Mr. Wilson and stated that Kevin has a long
history of fabricating stories. He pointed out that
Kevin was of that moment hospitalized for
detoxification. [Edwin P. Wilson also threatened to kill
the wife of prosecution witness Peter R. Goulding
and the federal prosecutor.]

Another key figure in this case is former Agency


employee Francis E. Terpil. He was employed by the
Agency from 1965 until 1972, at which time he was
asked to resign under prejudice as a result of an
unauthorized trip from New Delhi to Kabul. Since his
resignation he has been active in the sale of arms
and electronic equipment in the Middle East and has
frequently come to the attention of the Agency as a
result of his efforts to leave the impression that he is
still employed by the Agency. He has been of interest
to the FBI on several occasions since 1972 in regard
to charges such as failure to register as an agent of a
foreign power and the illegal exporting of positive
audio devices. Mr. Terpils role in the Libyan case is
not entirely clear although his name does appear on
the proposal found in Mr. Wilson's office regarding
the teaching of covert sabotage techniques, and he is
believed to be the 'Frank' who participated in the

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pitch made to the three Cubans in Geneva. Recent


cable traffic indicates that Mr. Terpil is connected
with a company known as Stanford Technology
Corporation which is engaged in electronic
equipment sales in the Middle East and may be
bidding for some of the business connected with the
IBEX project in Iran.

A remaining former Agency employee whose name


has been mentioned by Kevin Mulcahy but whose
role in this matter has not been determined is DAVID
L. CHRIST. CHRIST owns an electronics firm known
as Household Data Services, in Reston, Virginia.
This firm currently has some contracts with the
Agency. Kevin Mulcahy has never specified what part
MR. Christ and his firm play in this case, and no
other information concerning them has come to our
attention as yet.
Raymond M. Reardon of the Special Analysis Group commented:

Aside from the allegation originally made by Kevin


Mulcahy, there is no indication that the Subject
[Christ] was ever involved in the Libyan case. The full
file on the Libyan Case is held in Special Analysis
Group.
ATLAS POWDER COMPANY
Christ was also connected to the Libyan flap thought the
Atlas Powder Company. Raymond Reardon noted: "Christ at one
time (1940's) worked for the Atlas Powder Company in Reynolds,
Pa. FBI report indicates Ed Wilson may have had a contact in Atlas
in connection with obtaining export license." [CIA Reardon SAG
2.25.77]
CHRIST AND WILSON
There was no indication in Christ's CIA file that he was ever
questioned about his connection with Wilson. According to Jack
Anderson, the supplies provided to Libya included explosives
concealed in common household items like ashtrays, lamps, coat
hangers etc. [Anderson Wash. Post 12.20.82] CHRIST was an
explosives expert. Were these products designed by Household
Data Services and assembled in Libya? The Washington Post
reported "Prosecutors charged that Wilson arranged with a
California explosives dealer to buy and ship 42,300 pounds of C-4
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

explosive, from Houston to Libya on October 3, 1977, aboard a


chartered cargo jet. Government testimony indicated that part of the
C-4 was used to make exploding lamps, toasters and other booby
traps for Libyan terrorists." Edwin P. Wilson also hired John Henry
Harper, a former CIA explosives expert, to construct these explosive
devices. The Washington Post reported

John Henry Harper was one of the first explosives


experts recruited by Wilson from the ranks of his
former CIA colleagues to help the Libyans build
exploding lamps, ashtrays, coat hangers, teapots and
other terrorist instruments. The purpose of these
exploding devices, which were assembled in a
hideaway desert laboratory at the Winter palace of
Libya's deposed monarch, King Idris, according to
the investigative summary, was described by Wilson:
'You know, the colonel (Qaddafi) may sometimes
have some young colonels or some officers or
something that are getting out of line that he wants to
send a present to. [9.12.81]
EDWIN WILSON: THE CIA'S MOST NOTORIOUS RENEGADE
Wilson amassed $14 million dollars. He had real estate
holding that included a 2,400 acre farm in Upperville, Virginia. Much
of this came from his dealings with the Libyans. Wilson bribed
government officials. He contracted former Green Berets to go to
Libya and teach Libyans the techniques of terrorism. The guns and
explosives (C-4) that he sold the Libyans would be used against
Libyan dissidents and American civilians. He arranged for the
assassination of Omran El-Mehdawi, a former finance attache and
second secretary in the Libyan Embassy, in Fort Collins, Colorado.
In May 1979, Robert A. Manina, an associate of Edwin Wilson, had
his Jaguar blown up in his driveway of his home in Kitchener,
Ontario, Canada. Eugene Tafoya, the same man charged in the
shooting of Omran El-Mehdawi, was charged in this bombing.
[Wash Post 8.3.82] Wilson planned to sell the Libyans nuclear
technology which could have resulted in the loss of millions of
American lives. He was a truly amoral individual and his association
with David CHRIST was indicative of where CHRIST stood within
the CIA. Edwin P. Wilson first surfaced in the press during the
investigation in April 1977 of the assassination of Orlando Letelier.
Bob Woodward wrote:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

A former CIA explosives expert and three Cuban


exiles will soon be sought by Federal authorities for
questioning in the interrogation of last year's
Embassy Row murder of former Chilean Ambassador
Orlando Letelier, according to informed sources.
Edwin P. Wilson, the former CIA operative, and the
three Miami-based Cuban exiles came to the
attention of Federal officials when they learned that
Wilson was under FBI investigation in an unrelated
assassination plot abroad. Wilson allegedly sought to
recruit the three Cubans to kill a political opponent of
Libyan leader Col. Omar Quadaffi last year,
according to the sources. Wilson heads a small
consultanting firm here called Consultant's
International. It is involved in the arms export
business. Wilson was out of the country yesterday
and could not be reached for comment. In reviewing
the information developed in the Libyan investigation
of Wilson investigators have established three
possible connections with the Letelier case. Wilson
had a secret contract with the Libyan government to
provide detonation devices called 'timing pencils' a
tube filled with chemicals that can be remotely
controlled to trigger explosions. Such a timing pencil
is believed to have been used to detonate the bomb
that exploded beneath Letelier's car. The three
Cuban exiles arrived in the Washington, D.C. area
just three days before the September 21, 1976,
bombing of Letelier's car. One of the Cuban exiles,
an explosives expert believed to have been trained
by the CIA in the late 1960's, met in Miami recently
with a close associate with other Cuban exiles who
have been suspects in the Letelier case. [Wash. Post
4.12.77]

Wilson's attorney, Seymour Glanzer, represented one of the


main figures in the Letelier case, Michael Townley, who pleaded
guilty and testified against Cubans for a reduced sentence. In 1995
DINA chiefs Manuel Contreras and Pedro Espinoza were sentenced
to six and seven years respectively for ordering the Letelier
assassination. In 1996, Michael Townley, who was under the
witness protection program, was summoned to testify before an
Argentinean magistrate who was investing the murder of Chilean

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

General Carlo Pratt and his wife in Buenos Aires. In 1996 Townley's
associate in DINA, Eugenio Berrios, who was involved in sarin
attacks on Chilean dissidents and who helped Townley construct
the bomb that killed Letelier was found shot to death on beach in
Uruguay. His hands were cut off and his fact was stripped off in an
effort to prevent identification. Edwin P. Wilson was indicted in
absentia on April 23, 1980. From 1979 to 1980 Edwin P. Wilson
lived in Tripoli. During this period Wilson met with United States
Attorney E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. in Rome. Wilson offered to
kidnap two suspects in the assassination of Orlando Letelier -- Jose
Dionisio Suarez and Virgilio Pablo Paz -- if the charges against him
were dropped. [Wash. Post 7.26.81] Jack Anderson alleged that
Wilson was connected with Samuel Cummings of INTERARMCO.
[Wash. Post 10.9.81]
RAPHAEL QUINTERO AND RAOUL VILLAVERDE
The Washington Post reported:

Both prosecution witnesses [against Wilson],


Raphael Quintero of Vero Beach, and Raoul
Villaverde of Miami, said they were veterans of the
1961 Bay of Pigs invasion and had met Wilson during
the preparations for that abortive CIA operation. A
third Cuban American, Villaverde's brother Raphael,
who also was allegedly recruited for the death plot by
Wilson, died in a boating accident [in the Bahamas]
in March 1980.

Villaverde's speedboat exploded and he disappeared at sea.


Hinkle and Turner named Raul Villaverde, Rafael 'Chi Chi' Quintero,
Lois Posada Carriles, Felix Rodriguez (aka Max Gomez), Frank
Fiorini, and Ricardo Chavez as members of Operation Forty. Hinkle
and Turner stated that Joaquin Sanjenis directed Operation Forty for
almost ten years, until his death and that Sanjenis was initially under
the overall control of Howard Hunt. The Christic Institute alleged that
Thomas Clines, an associate of Edwin Wilson, and Ted Shackley
were involved with Operation Forty. The explosion aboard
Villaverde's craft was later ruled an accident. In the 1980's the
Villaverde's played a key role in the La Penca conspiracy by
traveling to Chile and recruiting Amac Galil, as the assassin to plant
a bomb at a press conference held by Castro's secretary, Eden
Pastora. [Cockburn, Out of Control p99] The Villaverdes were also
involved with the Nugan Hand Bank, which was connected to
Werbell through Rear Admiral (retired) Earl P. Yates. [Tribune,
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Australia, 4.13.83] Wilson and his associates were experts at


constructing and planting explosive devices. Raphael Villaverde was
going to testify against Wilson. He died in an explosion.
THE DEATH OF KEVIN MULCAHY AND WALDO H.
DUBBERSTEIN
Kevin Mulcahy, the son of a career CIA official, resigned
from his job as a communications specialist with the CIA in 1968
and in 1976 joined Wilson, Terpil and others in the Libya project,
claiming he thought the activities had the agencies blessings.
Mulcahy said he later split from Wilson after Wilson ordered him to
procure a heat-seeking Redeye missile for the Libyans from the
General Dynamics Corporation. Mulcahy was concerned the missile
might be used in a terrorist attack on a commercial jetliner. On
October 26, 1982, Kevin Mulcahy, 39, died in at a run down motel in
Edinburg, Virginia. Mulcahy had been asked to leave the hotel after
shooting birds shot out of his window. Mulcahy was found wedged
between the screen and front door of the Mountain View Hotel
where rooms rented for $50 a week. Clad only in street cloths, and
grey sports coat and slacks that were dropped to his knees.
Mulcahy was discovered by Linda Messick at 8:00 a.m.: "He was in
a hunched up position with his arms crossed." Della Morris, 71, a
year long resident of a cottage next to the one rented by Mulcahy
said Mulcahy stayed in his cottage most of the week, except for two
trips to obtain what she believed to be alcohol. After motel owner
David Stalker told Mulcahy he would have to leave, he piled
Mulcahy's belongings in Mulcahy's pick up truck then left. Though
Stalker said Mulcahy told him that he was going to the University of
Virginia Hospital in Charolottesville, to get a second opinion on a
recently diagnosed cancer, Mulcahy did not leave. Police later found
the keys to his truck inside the locked cottage. Della Morris
observed Mulcahy at this time: "He was staggering. He kept
slumping over the steering wheel and would lean on the horn every
so often. Then he started hollering for David Stalker for about 20
minutes. He kept fading off. I didn't hear no more of him the whole
night." In Mulcahy's truck police said they found five suitcases, a
quilt, a carton of cigarettes, the 12-gauge shotgun and a canvas
windbreaker containing an unopened bottle of wine. Three of the
suitcases were filled with documents from the CIA, notes and tape
recordings. The suitcases were given to the FBI. [Wash. Post
10.28.82] The cause of death was "exposure and complications of
existing health problems...bronchial pneumonia and emphysema." It
was suggested that Mulcahy had been locked out of his room and

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

died of exposure after the temperature fell to 40 degrees A case of


12 empty wine bottles were found in Mulcahy's room, but his blood
alcohol level was low. Mulcahy turned down a chance to be in the
Federal Witness Protection program. His death was definitely
suspicious. Why had he discharged his weapon? Why didn't he get
in his car and turn the heater on? The weather was not below
freezing, why should he have frozen to death? On April 29, 1983,
Waldo H. Dubberstein, a former associate of Edwin P. Wilson, was
killed with a shotgun that he had recently purchased. He left a
suicide note declaring his innocence. Dubberstein, 75, lived with a
German woman aged 32. His death was ruled a suicide. Waldo H.
Dubberstein, 75, had worked for the CIA from 1947 to 1971, when
he left for the Defense Intelligence Agency. Waldo H. Dubberstein
was indicted for unauthorized disclosure of classified information,
and he had access to design plans for nuclear weapons. [Wash.
Post 5.3.83] He was accused of meeting with the Libyans with the
knowledge of the Defense Intelligence Agency. He faced 57 years
in prison.
SECORD AND THEODORE SHACKLEY

Secord first met Wilson through Thomas G. Clines, a CIA official in


1972 and Wilson's case officer at the CIA. Secord testified at
Wilson's trial that at meetings with Wilson in Iran and Belgium in the
late 1970's and in 1980 Wilson offered data about Libyan military
activities. [Wash. Post 2.4.83] Edwin P. Wilson was in touch with
Theodore Shackley. He said he had provided the CIA with
information on Libya plans to build a nuclear bomb. John Heath, a
former employee of Edwin P. Wilson, said Edwin P. Wilson had

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

bragged that he was going to sell nuclear technology to Libya.


Edwin P. Wilson threatened to kill John Heath during a conversation
he had with him from Edwin P. Wilson's jail cell in New York.
Theodore Shackley admitted being in contact with Edwin P. Wilson,
but said he cut off contact with him after allegations of his misdeeds
arose. The House Intelligence Committee could not find any
evidence of official contact between Wilson and Shackley and Cline.
[Wash. Post 2.3.83] An associate of Wilson, Douglas M. Schlacter,
testified that he met with Thomas G. Clines and Theodore Shackley,
during which time they discussed obtaining information on the
Soviets, Koreans etc. Shackley and Clines were partners in a
consulting firm in Rosslyn, Virginia.When Edwin P. Wilson sent a
letter to the U.S. Customs Service which stated that the Tencom
Corporation of Northbrook, Illinois, was a supplier of aircraft parts to
Libya, Myles Ambrose represented Tencom.

WILSON'S TRIAL
On February 13, 1982, Schlacter pleaded guilty to one count
of transportation of explosives in return for his testimony about
Wilson. Edwin P. Wilson was lured back to the United States on
June 16, 1982, through the efforts of Ernest R. Keiser and Seymour
Hersh. They convinced him he could meet with U.S. Government
representatives in the Dominican Republic without fear of arrest, by
showing him a letter on National Security Council stationary which
authorized a meeting, but when he arrived in the Dominican
Republic with a false passport, he was flown to the United States.
Edwin Wilson's defense was that he worked for the CIA at the time
of his dealings with Libya and he had done so at the request of the
CIA. His mission was to set up a proprietary in Libya to mask
espionage operations on Soviet tanks, MIG fighters and mines.
Richard V. Secord, deputy assistant secretary of Defense in charge
of Mideast arms sales and Bobby Inman of the CIA, testified that
Wilson was not working for the CIA at the time he made the arms
sales. [Wash. Post 11.10. 82] On December 21, 1982, Edwin P.
Wilson was sentenced to 15-years for smuggling arms to Libya in
1979. In January 1983 Edwin P. Wilson and his son conspired to
have five witnesses and two prosecutors murdered. Wilson
associate Alexander Raffio accused Wilson of attempting to ship
explosives to the PLO while he was in prison, via telephone calls to
Wilson's office in London, England.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

CHRIST, WILSON AND THE HSCA


HSCA investigator Dan Hardway was sent the newly
released Christ documents then contacted in June 1994. Dan
Hardway: "I don't remember any of that. We did not look at the stuff
about his involvement with Wilson. I don't recall having interviewed
him. I remember the name. Some critics suggested he was QJ/WIN.
Mankel was QJ/WIN." Scott Malone reported that Edwin P. Wilson
claimed to have special knowledge of the Kennedy assassination.
Hemming told this researcher:

I ran across Wilson in the 1960's. Ed Wilson was


working for the Mossad penetrating terrorist
networks. He did a dangerous, dirty job. His
grandfather was a Jew. He's a patriot. He got hung
out to dry like I did. I had people visit him a while
back and talk to him. We can knock his conviction
down if he talks about certain things.

Frank Terpil was arrested in Cuba in September 1995. [Wilson,


Edwin #08237-054 USP Atlanta POB PMB Atlanta, Ga. 30315]

THE CIA'S INVESTIGATION OF CHRIST


IN REGARD TO THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
KENNEDY
The second investigation of Christ by the CIA's Office of
Security and the Office of the Inspector General began as a result of
an August 2, 1977, Freedom of Information Act request for records
and photographs of DANIEL L. CARSWELL filed by this researcher.
[NARA 1993.07.12.17:17:49:590280] The CIA already knew Christ
was connected with Edwin P. Wilson, of its most notorious
renegades. My request was not answered immediately: "As long as
Office of Security is still investigating, we'll not respond." David S.
Brandwein, Office of Technical Services, determined the Carswell
file was exempt from release. Copies of his letter to this researcher
were sent to "DDO, OTS, Mr. Hetu. OGC, OGC\Ziebell, ips/chrono,
ips/F-77-730; 731;769 and F-76-173. F-77-367; F-77-326." CIA was
hesitant about turning over Christ’s files to the HSCA.
Let’s discuss the Christ case I feel it is a shotgun
approach to review the file on the basis presented. I
would certainly cooperate to give them everything on
the (deleted) angle – the whole file is another matter
– unless it is approved by D/OS. At this point the
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

predication is weak and I don’t want (?) to get into the


habit of reaching for the Security Files in all cases.
Another note on that document read, Note: The IG
never did review Christ’s (deleted) file. The
information he was looking for was confirmed though
another source and Mr. Young withdrew his requests.
RMR November 1, 1977. [From Security Analysis
Group Routing and Record Sheet October 12, 1977]

THIS RESEARCHER OFFERS THE FBI THE TRAMP SHOTS


The FBI's Letter Head Memorandum of March 29, 1978, at
Washington, D.C.:

At 4:13 p.m., March 17, 1978, Alan Jules Weberman,


approached an FBI employee in the Interview Room
at FBI Headquarters and said he had been reviewing
the Freedom of Information Act release of the FBI
investigation into the assassination of Kennedy. He
stated that he had a series of four photographs he
wanted to submit to the FBI concerning three
unidentified individuals who were held as suspects by
the DPD for a short period immediately after the
assassination. Weberman is sure he can identify two
of the three individuals, one being Daniel L.
Carswell...Mr. Weberman was advised that this
information would be provided to the appropriate
personnel at FBI Headquarters, and he would be
contacted at 6 Bleecker Street if it became necessary
to obtain his four photographs.

The FBI investigated my background and in a Memorandum


from F.X. O'Brien to Mr. Moore

…a review of Bureau files discloses that Weberman


was the Subject of Bureau file 100-472405,
captioned, 'Alan Jules Weberman - Subversive
Matter - Youth International Party and Bureau file
190-1636, which is an Freedom of Information Act
file. File 100-472405 shows that Weberman in 1974
was employed as a writer by the Alternative Press
Syndicate and he attended the YIP Smoke-In which
was held in Washington, D.C. on July 4, 1973. In
August 1973 he was reportedly handling YIP

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

business for his apartment in New York City. He was


one of the organizers of a demonstration in
Washington, D.C. on November 23, 1973, which was
held to promote interest in the reopening of the
investigation of the Kennedy assassination. The file
was closed in 1974. A preliminary investigation
regarding him was instituted on April 28, 1976, for the
purpose of determining his activities with YIP and
their plans for disrupting the Democratic National
Convention held in New York City. It was determined
that he did not engage in any violent acts nor did he
exhibit a propensity for violence and the case was
closed.

It was up to William Webster, who had succeeded FBI


Director Clarence Kelley on February 9, 1978, as FBI Director, to
decide if the FBI should re-examine the tramp shots. Former FBI
Director Clarence Kelley became a Wackenhut Security Company
Director. Wackenhut Directors included Admiral William Raborn, the
Director of the CIA from April 28, 1965, to June 30, 1966. On April 6,
1978, FBI Director William Webster or someone acting on his behalf
again sent the March 29, 1978, Letter Head Memorandum regarding
my offer to the FBI to Robert L. Keuch. Attached to the Letter Head
Memorandum was a form that recommended refusing my offer:

This is submitted for your information, and no further


investigation will be conducted, unless specifically
requested by the Justice Department. Note: A review
of Bureau file 64-47305 discloses that Daniel L.
Carswell was referred to in file captioned,
'Repatriation of American Citizens, Havana, Cuba,
January 3, 1963, Internal Security, Cuba and Bureau
file 105-38509 captioned Joaquin Angel Ossorio, aka
Joaquin Jack Ossorio - Internal Security - Cuba.
Bureau file 105-38509 discloses that on July 29,
1963, New York was requested to interview Daniel L.
Carswell, 14 Faton Place, Eastchester, New York
regarding his knowledge of Joaquin Jack Ossorio.

Ossorio was connected with Mike McLaney and William


Morgan and might have been imprisoned with Christ in Cuba. The
next page of this document has also been withheld [Document 33
p2 & enc. Pg. 1] (Deleted by FBI) “As the Department may recall,
the FBI has conducted previous investigation to identify the three
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Subjects in custody of the Dallas Police Department on November


22, 1963. As late as April 21, 1975, the FBI reported to the
Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States that
extensive photographic examination caused the FBI to conclude
...that neither E. Howard Hunt nor Frank Sturgis appear as any of
the three derelicts arrested in Dallas, Texas..."

The memo contained a review of FBI files on me that omitted


the FBI's conclusion that I was non-violent. [FBI Bufile 64-47305;
Document 32; Document 33 p2 & encl. p1; Document 31 p82; FBI
62-109060-1ST NR 7890X4] On April 13, 1978, a memo from the
"Director, (62-109060)" to Assistant Attorney General Keuch, of the
Criminal Division. Attached to this memo was a copy of an article
from the YIPster Times which concerned the Hunt v. Weberman
lawsuit. "NOTE: The attached media article is furnished for your
information as it may bear on the motivation of Weberman when he
approached this Bureau on March 17, 1978." [FBI 62-109060-1st
NR 7894] I never heard from the FBI. In June 1978 I tried to
subpoena Daniel L. Carswell to testify in the matter of Hunt V.
Weberman by sending the subpoena to the CIA. John D. Morrison,
Acting General Counsel, stated: "Upon receipt of attached
subpoena I caused to be conducted search of all appropriate
personnel records of this Agency, and based upon that inquiry have
now determined that no individual by the name Daniel L. Carswell is
employed by the CIA." [ltr. to Marvin Miller 6.13.78]
CHRIST AND THE HSCA
In the spring of 1978, the HSCA asked the CIA if it could
interview Christ. Christ met with the HSCA at CIA Headquarters.
The HSCA exhibited the tramp photographs to Christ, who
conceded the tramp resembled him. He said: "It's not me. I was at
CIA Headquarters on November 22, 1963." Wilma Christ was asked
if she was aware that her husband had been questioned by the
HSCA. She said she was unaware of this. Many documents about
Christ were withheld, including several generated by HSCA
investigator Dan Hardway.

[NARA 1993.07.14.18:23:02:280620 and NARA


1993.07.14.18:40:24: 680620] Some are illegible. [CIA Job
#80Fo1357A Box 35 Folder 8; NARA 1993.08.11.17.57:51:150028]

Withheld documents included one dated September 20, 1960.


[NARA 1993.08.11.18:10:13:370028]

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DECLASSIFIED February 2003


Memo to: C/HRG
Subject: Walter E. Szuminski

1. Szuminski, David Christ and Thronton Anderson


were arrested and imprisoned in Cuba (1960) under
the names of Edmund Taransky, Daniel Carswell and
Eustace Danbrunt; their true names were not known
at that time. In 1963 Christ's pseudo (Carswell) was
linked to the three tramps picked up Dallas after the
assassination. During investigation, Christ was
interviewed by HSCA staffers.

2. The initial approach (August 1993 release) was to


protect Szuminski and Anderson plus not link Christ
and Carswell. The result was a large number of DIFs
in Christ's Security Pile. In the DIF-Review, Carswell
was acknowledged as Christ's pseudo, and
Anderson and Szuminnki's true names could be
released as long as not linked with pseudos (see
Name List).

4. Before names are listed as "release” on the Name


List, they are checked against a variety of sources:
CCS, Security, retiree card file (HRG), CIRA list,
personal knowledge of HRG reviewers and
coordinated with DO reviewers. There was
apparently a lot of discussion over the release of true
names. HRG's position was that given HSCA interest
in both Carswell in Dallas and the possible tie time in
Cuba and assassination, Christ can be considered a
JFK figure. Since he had been an was overt
employee since 1963, retired overt and is now dead,
most of the documents on him are releasable.
Anderson and Szuminskl also retired overt and are
open members of CIRA.
5. There is no file on Szuminski in the JFK collection.
I located 9 items which mention Szuminaki by true
name or pseudonym in the four volumes of David
Christ's file (Box 40, volumes 25):
1 hand written (true name)

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

1 cable reporting arrest (pseudonym)


3 memos discussing arrest (pseudonym)
2 memos with reference to imprisonment (true name)
2 copies of a memo with both true name and
pseudonym (true name is deleted on 1 copy & left in
on the other)
Copies of the items are attached.

6. There are numerous memos on Agency contact


with Mrs. Christ during the imprisonment. I have
attached one for your information

7. The four volumes on David Christ covers his entire


career with the agency. In addition to the details on
the Cuban operation and imprisonment, subjects
include clearances, cover, security violations and
assignments. Many of the memos on Christ are
signed by a John C. Mertz. He is on our release list,
but there is no information on source for release. We
assume that name is at least checked with CCS. [3
Deleted as of 2010]
APPROVED FOR RELEASE 1999
CM HISTORICAL REVIEW PROGRAM
INSPECTOR GENERAL 78-321
February 16, 1978
MEMORANDUM FOR: Special Assistant to the DDO
(Mr. Shepanek)
Director of Security (Mr. Reardon)
FROM: S. D. Breckinridge
Deputy Inspector General
SUBJECT: HSCA Interests in a Mr. Carswell

1. Pat Carpentier of OLC phoned me today to say


that Mr. Blakey had stated that he had "public
information" to the effect that an Agency employee
named Carswell had in some way been identified
with a man of a similar name who was in Dallas on
the day of President Kennedy's assassination. In a
later conversation with Lyle Miller it seemed that one
of the vagrants picked up by the Dallas police, and
publicized later, may have been the one. We did a
quick check of our Watergate and Investigation file
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

indexes and found the name Carswell, which was the


alias of one of the three TSD employees arrested in
Havana in September 1960 in connection with audio
operations there. They were released in April 1963.

2. The reason that OIG has files on this matter was


because of allegations in connection with Watergate
that James McCord had been involved in Cuban
operations. The inquiry into that allegation led to this
particular event.

3. The true name of the man with the alias of


Carswell was David Christ. The files in DIG reflect
nothing about him in connectiorintlh Dallas. However,
another of the three TSD men arrested in Havana,
Walter E. Szuminski, had some recollections in 1975
about CIA equipment that may have had a re-
lationship to assassination attempts on Fidel Castro.

4. While our files suggest no tie between the


Carswell alias and someone by that name in Dallas
the fact that there is some reference to a possibility of
Castro assassination attempts may he pertinent to
the present inquiry, although Szuminski's
recollections appear to have been in error. Copies of
the papers in the 1G files are being forwarded to
SA/000 and Office of Security, because of their
respective equities in some of the information. My
personal impression is that this has nothing to do
with anything, but it is forwarded for their review and
such future research as may seem appropriate.

S. D. Breckinridge
Attachments: As Stated
SD Breckinridge:js (16 February 78)
Distribution:
1 - each SA/ODO Shepanek) w/atts
1 - each 0/Security (Hr. Reardon) w/atts '
1- OLC w/o atts
1- IG Subject (Leader Task Force folder) watts 1 -
SOB Chrono w/o atts
[NARA ID 1993:08:11.17:48:17:650028 -
Breckinridge 2.16.78]
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

CIA wanted no picture of CARSWELL included in the final report:

Page 267, Figure IV, lower right photograph. A


photograph of a former employee, associated in the
report with a man known as Daniel Carswell, should
be deleted. The photograph was provided the
committee for identification purposes only and is not
to be used. The employee in question was involved
in many sensitive overseas operations. To avoid
exposing his identity in this manner and thereby
certain clandestine operations, as well as protecting
his personal safety, the Agency photograph must be
deleted. Beyond this, the man currently owns a
private business with a large clientele and this
exposure could also be harmful to his business.

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NODULE TWENTY-THREE

NIXON, RUTH PAINE, MORALES, DE TORRES, BRINGUIER


AND ANGLETON AFTER THE COUP

Nixon IS HAPPIER THAN A PIG IN SHIT

Nixon TAPES IN REAL AUDIO

NIXON AND THE BAY OF PIGS DOCUMENTS


In January 1969, immediately after assuming office, Nixon
called in aide John Ehrlichman and told him he wanted all of the
CIA's documents concerning the Bay of Pigs. Richard Helms was
questioned about this:

My recollection is that sometime between his being


elected and the next election, in other words, in about
mid-term I guess it would have been, he asked me
for some information about the Bay of Pigs and I

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

think about the Diem episode in Vietnam, and maybe


something about Trujillo in the Dominican
Republic...He made the request to me through Mr.
Ehrlichman.

Nixon was the White House action officer of the Bay of Pigs
invasion, so it was logical that he would be interested in them. H.R.
Haldeman recalled that June 1969, John Ehrlichman stopped by his
office and told him:

Those bastards in Langley are holding back


something. They just dig their heels in and say the
President can't have it. Period. Imagine that. The
Commander-in-Chief wants to see a document and
the spooks say he can't have it...from the way they're
protecting it, it must be pure dynamite.

H.R. Haldeman reported the President summoned Richard


Helms. Richard Helms and Nixon had a heated argument. Richard
Helms refused to give Nixon the documents. Nixon subsequently
told John Ehrlichman to forget about the CIA Bay of Pigs
documents. Documents about the Bay of Pigs invasion have been
recently declassified and nothing startling has appeared. Why did
the CIA refuse to give Nixon these documents in 1969? In 1970
Donald Kendall, and his associate, Augustin Edwards, a Chilean
Pepsi-Cola bottler, met with Nixon to discuss the destabilization of
the Salvador Allende regime in Chile. In June 1971 Nixon discussed
obtaining the Bay of Pigs documents with H.R. Haldeman, John
Ehrlichman and Henry Kissinger. On September 18, 1971, Nixon
held another conference about the Bay of Pigs documents. John
Ehrlichman's notes:

BAY OF PIGS / Order to CIA / President is to have


full files or else. Nothing withheld. President was
involved in Bay of Pigs / President must have full file
deeply involved. Must know all facts.

The Bay of Pigs invasion took place five months after Nixon
left office. How deeply involved could he have been? A
memorandum dated October 7, 1971, to Nixon, generated after
John Ehrlichman met with Richard Helms for 20 minutes, stated:

The President wants to see all the documents


requested. He recognizes that many are sensitive

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and could damage the Agency if used by the wrong


people, even Richard Helms suggests, some White
House Staff.

Hunt was on the White House Staff at this time. On October


8, 1971, John Ehrlichman met with Nixon and Richard Helms. His
notes read:

Purpose of Presidential request for documents: must


be fully advised in order to know what to duck. Won't
hurt agency nor attack predecessors.

How could Nixon have been held responsible for the Bay of
Pigs? What charges did he have to duck? Was Nixon talking about
the Bay of Pigs invasion or was he talking about the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy? John Ehrlichman was contacted in
November 1993:

Nixon was interested in the Bay of Pigs because it


was one of Kennedy's conspicuous failures. No, it
was not a veiled reference to the Kennedy
assassination. I just don't know anything about that
part. I never heard Nixon say anything like that. He
was concerned because Richard Helms had been a
part of the Bay of Pigs, and was now the Director of
the Central Intelligence Agency. He was concerned
to know what Kennedy had, and had not, done.

Richard Helms was not involved in the Bay of Pigs. This was
why President John F. Kennedy appointed him DD/P. When Nixon
won the 1968 Republican Presidential nomination, Jack Caufield
headed his Security staff. Edgardo Buttari and Bernard Barker ran
"Cubans for Nixon/Agnew" in Miami. On June 17, 1972, Nixon was
informed that Dealey Plaza team member Sturgis had been
arrested. When news reached him that Barker had Hunt’s White
House telephone number on his person, Nixon became alarmed.
Nixon knew Hunt was the key to the assassination of President
John F. Kennedy. On June 23, 1972, Nixon breakfasted with two
former members of the Warren Commission, Gerald Ford and Hale
Boggs. Hemming:

Who would use the Dealey Plaza team to do a third


rate burglary? Risk the whole operation on the DNC?
These are people willing to kill people. These are

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

people that have killed fucking people. These are


people in the business of killing people. This is
serious shit. Here they are doing a third rate burglary.
Jesus Christ!

Hunt was asked by the SSCIA when he first met Nixon:

Met with him, I never met with him. I have met him on
several occasions but I never had a private seance
with him. I met him first at Harvey's restaurant in
about 1953, and I next saw him in Montevideo where
I interpreted for him for a while. I was CIA Station
Chief down there and we were waiting for General
Walters to arrive, and I served as an interpreter. I
next saw President Nixon at a formal White House
reception. He recalled, or said he recalled our
previous meetings and I told him I was now working
for Chuck Colson and he said, yes, I know all about
that.

Baron: While you were in the Nixon White House you


did not have a direct line to the President?

Hunt: I never met the President.


THE SECRET OF THE BAY OF PIGS
This researcher was the first to discover that when Nixon
referred to the Bay of Pigs, he was really referring to the Kennedy
assassination. On June 23, 1972, Nixon called H.R. Haldeman into
his office. The White House tapes:

Nixon: O.K., just postpone (scratching noises)


(unintelligible). Just say (unintelligible) very bad to
have this fellow Hunt, ah, he know that? If it gets out
that this is all involved, the Cuba thing would be a
fiasco. It would make the CIA look bad, and it is likely
to blow the whole Bay of Pigs thing which we think
would be very unfortunate, both for the CIA and for
the country, at this time, and for American foreign
policy. Just tell him to lay off. Don't you?

Haldeman: Yep, that's the basis to do it on. Just


leave it at that.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Nixon: I don't know if he'll get any ideas for doing it


because our concern political (unintelligible). Helms
is not one to (unintelligible). I would just say, lookit,
because of the Hunt involvement, basically this...

Haldeman: Yep, good move.

Nixon wanted Richard Helms to suppress the Watergate


investigation since it led to Dallas. The first thing on his mind was
Hunt: "Just say very bad to have this fellow Hunt, ah he know that?"
What does "ah he know that" mean? The words were "Helms knows
that." Nixon continued: "If it gets out that this is all involved, the
Cuba thing would be a fiasco." If it was revealed that Hunt was
involved in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy,
America would realize Oswald'S alleged connection to Fidel Castro
was bogus and "It would make the CIA look bad..." Hunt was a CIA
Staff member when he was involved in the assassination of
President Kennedy, "and it is likely to blow the whole Bay of Pigs
thing," and it would expose the conspiracy to assassinate President
Kennedy, "Which we think would be very unfortunate, both for the
CIA and for the country, at this time, and for American foreign
policy." This would destroy the effectiveness of the CIA, and would
hurt America's anti-Communist foreign policy. Nixon added, "at this
time," because he believed that in retrospect, the American people
would thank him for having been part of the conspiracy to
assassination President Kennedy. Nixon: "Just tell him to lay off,
don't you." Tell Richard Helms to make sure the investigation is
quashed, "won't you?" Finally, Nixon told H.R. Haldeman that he
hoped Richard Helms didn't think he was just playing politics, and
that even if Hunt were exposed, the secret of the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy would not be revealed. He then
instructed H.R. Haldeman to impress upon Richard Helms the
danger of exposing Howard Hunt to public scrutiny. In another
conversation later that day Nixon told H.R. Haldeman:

When you get in, when you get in [to see the CIA
people] say; 'Look the problem is that this will open
the whole, the whole Bay of Pigs thing, and the
President just feels that' ah, without going into the
details, don't, don't lie to them to the extent to say
there is no involvement, but just say this is a comedy
of errors, without getting into it, the President
believes that it is going to open up the whole Bay of
Pigs thing again.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Nixon instructed H.R. Haldeman to tell the CIA that Hunt’s


arrest could reopen an investigation into the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy. Nixon did not deny that he was involved
in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, and admitted he
made had an error in judgment when he used the same crew in
Watergate: "a comedy of errors." Nixon knew that when Hunt’s
photograph was published someone might recognize him as one of
the tramps. Clearly, Nixon was referring to something other than the
Bay of Pigs invasion.

H.R. Haldeman:

The President believes that it is going to open up the


whole Bay of Pigs thing again." Assuming Nixon was
referring to the Bay of Pigs invasion why would
Hunt’s arrest have opened up the whole Bay of Pigs
thing again? Hunt claimed that all he did was prepare
the radio messages for the Bay of Pigs invasion.
John Ehrlichman was asked why Hunt’s arrest would
blow the Bay of Pigs: "I think that was a contrivance.
I don't think Nixon really thought that. I think he was
trying to come up with what somebody might say to
justify interfering with Hunt’s arrest, in other words,
an excuse to get involved in the matter...sometimes
he didn't think of very good excuses.

Later that afternoon H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman


met with Richard Helms and the Deputy to the Director of the
Central Intelligence Agency, Vernon Walters, who had been
appointed in May 1972. Each of these men, in 1973, had a different
recollection of the details of the meeting. Richard Helms testified
that H.R. Haldeman asked him to have FBI Director L. Patrick Grey
quash the Watergate investigation to prevent the FBI from running
into a CIA operation. Richard Helms said he refused to do this.
Richard Helms:

He [Haldeman] also at that time made some what to


me was an incoherent reference to an investigation in
Mexico, or an FBI investigation, running into Bay of
Pigs. I do not know what the reference was alleged to
be, but in any event, I assured him that I had no
interest in the Bay of Pigs that many years later, that
everything in connection with that had been dealt
with and liquidated as far as I was aware and I did
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

not care what they ran into in connection with that. At


some juncture in this conversation, Mr. Haldeman
then said something to the effect that it has been
decided that General Walters will go an talk to Acting
Director Grey of the FBI and indicate to him that
these operations - these investigations of the FBI
might run into CIA Operations in Mexico and that it
was desirable that this not happen and that the
investigation, therefore, should be either tapered off
or reduced or something, but there was no language
saying stop, as far as I recall.

Richard Helms said that H.R. Haldeman mentioned an


"investigation in Mexico." Nixon'S reelection committee laundered
campaign contributions through Mexico. Richard Helms said H.R.
Haldeman told him the Mexican money laundering operation "ran
into" the Bay of Pigs. These events had occurred 11 years apart.
Richard Helms claimed he was confused: "I do not know what the
reference was alleged to be" but admitted Bay of Pigs was a
reference to something other than to the aborted Cuban invasion.
Had Richard Helms told H.R. Haldeman to tell Nixon not to worry
about the Bay of Pigs, that all the evidence had been destroyed or
doctored, witnesses had been liquidated and he did not care if
Hunt’s identity was exposed to the public? In his Ervin Committee
testimony, and during his Hunt v. Weberman deposition, Richard
Helms used words such as "terminate," "disposed of," "you may
suddenly rise from that seat and ascend to Heaven." Later that
afternoon Richard Helms testified:

I recall, as I said earlier this morning, that Mr.


Haldeman made some reference to the Bay of Pigs; I
referred to it as an incoherent reference because it
was frankly, in my recollection, I don't know exactly
what he, what point he had in mind, but I reacted to
that question very firmly. Now the Bay of Pigs is the
rubric for a very unhappy event in the life of the CIA.
A dead cat that has been thrown at us over the years
ever since and, therefore, it is one to which I am
likely to react rather quickly, for the simple reason
that the Bay of Pigs was long since over, the
problems arising from it had been liquidated. I was
well aware of this, and I didn't care what any
investigation had to do with the Bay of Pigs that could

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have gotten into anybody involved with it, about it,


below it or above it, I didn't care, and I was trying to
make it clear to Mr. Haldeman on that occasion. The
fact that some of those people who broke into the
Watergate had at one time had relationship with the
Agency, including Martinez who had them up until
just a few days before, didn't make any difference to
me. I mean there was nothing that anybody was
going to find out about investigating them that was
going to bother us as far as I was aware. [Ervin
Hearings p3275]

Either Richard Helms was deliberately playing dumb or he


was genuinely unaware of the CIA's connection to the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy - an unlikely possibility. In May 1979
Richard Helms was questioned about this meeting:

Q. All right. Do you recall having a meeting on June


23, 1972, with Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman and
Deputy Director Vernon Walters?

A. You mean the meeting that came about as a result


of the so-called 'smoking pistol?'

Q. Something to that effect.

A. Most publicized meeting in history.

Q. Perhaps. Perhaps.

A. Yeah, I do. I do recall that one.

Q. Do you recall whether or not the individuals who


were representing the White House interests were
concerned about the exposure of Mr. Hunt’s
involvement with the Bay of Pigs and with the
Agency?

A. Well, the two White House representatives were


Haldeman and Ehrlichman and I don't, I obviously,
memory is very fallible, but I don't recall Mrs., Mr.
Hunt’s name ever coming up in connection with the
meeting...I was not distressed. I was attempting to be
emphatic. I did not like Mr. Haldeman attempting to
blackmail me by indicating in some fashion or other
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that by raising the Bay of Pigs it was going to frighten


me into doing something that they wanted us to do
and I wanted to get this stopped, this whole
approach, and so I was emphatic in my reply to him,
that I didn't care about the Bay of Pigs, which is true
to this day, as it was then, and Haldeman's effort in
his book, to tie the Agency into Watergate, I regard
as disreputable.

Watergate Counsel Fred Thompson asked H.R. Haldeman


how Richard Helms responded to his statement that other unrelated
CIA activities would be exposed. H.R. Haldeman responded,

The only area where there was a response to that,


and it was in my interpretation sort of a curious
response, was on the CIA problem, question of
whether there was a CIA problem with relation to the
Bay of Pigs, and on that one Mr. Helms jumped very
rapidly and very defensively to say, 'That is of no
concern at all. We don't want to get into that at all.' It
was sort of a different reaction than the flat and calm
reaction that there had been no CIA involvement in
Watergate. There was - well, it's not germane.

In The Ends of Power, H.R. Haldeman wrote:

The President asked me to tell you this entire affair


may be connected to the Bay of Pigs and if it opens
up, the Bay of Pigs may be blown. Turmoil in the
room, Helms gripping the arms of his chair leaning
forward and shouting, 'The Bay of Pigs has nothing
to do with this! I have no concern about the Bay of
Pigs!' Silence. I just sat there. I was absolutely
shocked by Helms' violent reaction. Again I
wondered, what was such dynamite in the Bay of
Pigs story? Finally I said, 'I'm just following my
instructions, Dick. That is what the President told me
to relay to you.' Helms was settling back. 'All right' he
said. But the atmosphere had changed. Now,
surprisingly, the two CIA officials [Helms and Vernon
Walters] expressed no concern about the request
that Walters go see FBI Director L. Patrick Grey...

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According to H.R. Haldeman, when Richard Helms realized


that Nixon was going to use Hunt’s involvement in the Kennedy
assassination to quash the investigation of Watergate, he became
violently angry, but he calmed down and realized Nixon was right.
Richard Helms agreed to help cover up Watergate.
WHITE HOUSE TAPES
The White House tapes supported H.R. Haldeman's version.
When he reported to Nixon at the Oval Office at 2:20 p.m., H.R.
Haldeman told Nixon: "No problem, Grey called Helms and said, 'I
think we've run right in the middle of a CIA operation.'" Nixon did not
believe Richard Helms would have acted so expeditiously: "Grey
said that?" Haldeman answered:

Yeah, and (?) said nothing we've done at this point


and ah (?) says well it sure looks to me like it is (?)
and ah, that was the end of that conversation. (?) [I
told them] the problem is that it tracks back to the
Bay of Pigs and it tracks back to some other leads
run out to people who had no involvement in this,
except by contacts and connection, but it gets to
areas that are liable to be raised. The whole problem
(?) [revolves around] Hunt. So at that point he kind of
got the picture. He said we'll be happy to be helpful
(?) handle anything you want. I would like to know
the reason for being helpful, and I made it clear to
him he hasn't going to get explicit (?) generality and
he said 'Fine.' And Walters (?) Walters is going to
make a call to Grey. That's the way he put it, and
that's the way it was left."
VERNON WALTERS' VERSION
Vernon Walters' version supported H.R. Haldeman's
account: "On June 23, 1972, at 1:00 p.m. Haldeman asked me to
call L. Patrick Grey and tell him to stop the Watergate investigation."
Richard Helms had Vernon Walters call L. Patrick Grey, and
Richard Helms spoke with L. Patrick Grey himself; in a
memorandum dated June 28, 1972, Richard Helms informed
Vernon Walters:

Acting FBI Director Grey telephoned me this morning


to cancel our meeting scheduled for 2:30 p.m. this
afternoon...I...made two points to Acting Director
Grey:
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(1) That I would appreciate his calling off interviews


with (deleted) and (deleted) (this he agreed to do).
(2) That Kenneth Harry Dahlberg was no CIA agent
and that we had no ties to him. I stated that our last
verifiable contact with him was in May 1961. Grey
confirmed that this was the same Kenneth Harry
Dahlberg about whom he was inquiring as soon as I
identified the gentleman as the President of the
Dahlberg company in Minneapolis.

Richard Helms told L. Patrick Grey that he was going out of


the country, but Vernon Walters would meet with him. Richard
Helms advised Vernon Walters:

It is up to the FBI to lay some cards on the table.


Otherwise we are unable to be of help. In addition,
we still adhere to the request that the FBI confine
itself to the personalities already arrested or directly
under suspicion and that it desist from expanding this
investigation into other areas which may well,
eventually, run afoul of our operations. [RR p200;
CIA FOIA #2698-2]

Richard Helms told L. Patrick Grey precisely what Nixon had


told him to say.
H. R. HALDEMAN AND THE SECRET OF THE BAY OF PIGS
H.R. Haldeman mulled over Nixon'S references to the Bay of Pigs. It
was often suggested that President Kennedy was killed because of
the Bay of Pigs. In The Ends of Power, he wrote:

It seemed that in all those NIXON references to


the Bay of Pigs NIXON was actually referring to
the Kennedy assassination.

In May 1993 H.R. Haldeman was contacted by telephone:

I don't remember that I did say that. My problem is I


don't remember in my own mind connecting the Bay of
Pigs and the Kennedy assassination. I know that
obviously Kennedy was connected with the Bay of
Pigs, and I know there was some strange connection
that got into the tapes on the Watergate thing of my
mentioning the Bay of Pigs to Helms, I don't remember

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now and I don't know that I was referring to the


assassination then.

H.R. Haldeman was read the quotation in question: "What


that has to be is Joe DiMona, my coauthor, not me. But I left it in, so
I have to take responsibility for it. I don't make that connection
myself." H.R. Haldeman was asked: "Where did he get this idea?"
He answered: "It beats the hell out of me. DiMona had a lot of ideas.
DiMona had a lot of CIA contacts and all that so..." It was pointed
out to H.R. Haldeman that Nixon became very upset when he
discovered Hunt had been exposed to public scrutiny. He answered:
"For some reason he knew that pushed a button with the CIA." It
was pointed out to H.R. Haldeman that Hunt was present in Dallas,
disguised as a tramp. He stated:

This is all beyond my knowledge and purview. I see


where you're wandering around and probably
DiMona was too, and he may have been working with
the same theory you were, I don't know. I can't help
you with it.

H.R. Haldeman, 67, died of stomach cancer on November


12, 1993. Hemming told this researcher: "Nixon was talking about
where the same people are doing shit right on up through, and
pointing to, the Kennedy assassination." Marina Oswald asked this
researcher: "What do you think the 16 minutes of erased tapes are
talking about? The Kennedy assassination." In American Spy Hunt
wrote:
Nixon, on the Watergate tapes, made some famous
statements about me. He said, "Howard Hunt, he
knows too much. This is going to open up the whole
Bay of Pigs thing." He said something about "if you
open that scab, there's a lot of stuff that's going to
come out." I was extremely surprised to find that out
and even more perplexed when H.R. Haldeman
wrote in his memoirs that "Bay of Pigs" was code
language for the Kennedy assassination. In my mind,
this proves that the president was even crazier than
anybody gave him credit for. Does this mean he
started to believe that he had something to do with
the assassination, that I was involved, and that there
was some terrible secret to uncover? Well, Ronald
Reagan thought that he had fought in World War II,

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when what he was truly remembering was a movie


that he starred in. So anything is possible. In Nixon's
perspective, anyone who was not under his direct
authority had to be dealt with very cautiously. And if
he thought that I knew things that were only available
to limited associates, then that would be cause for
alarm on his part. Try as I might, I don't know what
he meant by that. The bare facts of the Bay of Pigs
simply support the conclusion that we all know—that
the United States trained these men, launched them,
and that the necessity at the time of concealing the
American hand was what in the long run destroyed
the Bay of Pigs operation. It's possible, knowing that
Nixon was taping himself, that he started to use the
Bay of Pigs as a euphemism for Project Gemstone
(detailed later) or for the Watergate break-in itself, as
the Cubans involved were all BOP veterans. Now
that makes sense. I did know too much about
Watergate. It was something he wanted to hide. It
was a conspiracy that would end his presidency.

HUNT'S ACTIVITIES IN THE 1960'S: JULY 1, 1972

Colson: Hunt is a fellow who I would trust. I mean, he's a true


believer, a real patriot. My God, the things he's done for his country.
It's just a tragedy he gets smeared with this. Of course, the other
story that a lot of people have bought is that Howard Hunt was
taken out of the country by the CIA. Well, he's certainly done a lot of
hot stuff...Oh Jesus. He pulled a lot of very fancy stuff in the sixties.

(Withdrawn Item. National Security.)

Nixon: Well, I don't agree. If anything ever happens to him, be sure


that he blows the whistle, the whole Bay of Pigs.

Colson: He wrote the book.

Nixon: Blow their horn.

Colson: He tells quite a story, coming in here during that period


crying and pleading with Kennedy...

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The intriguing thing here is the withdrawn item. There is


nothing like a withdrawn item to get your imagination going. But it is
never a smoking gun, it is always just a large piece of the puzzle.
The next line, "be sure that he blows the whistle" makes more since
if it read "be sure that he doesn't blow the whistle." The Bay of Pigs
thing was the Kennedy Assassination.

June 21, 1972

Nixon: Hunt worked for Kennedy, he worked for Johnson, now he


worked for the White House. That's the whole story about him...And
he worked for the CIA. He worked in the Bay of Pigs. I mean, he's
done a lot of things. So I've got to guess is that, I mean, it could be
isolated instances. If the man's worked for various things, he's
worked for...Hunt must be a pretty good guy though.

Colson: He's got one of the most interesting careers of anybody I've
known. The tragedy is that the guy is a dedicated patriot...God.

Nixon: Of course and he deliberately decided he is not going to be


around, is that right? That is what I hear.

Colson: I don't know.

Haldeman: He isn't around-

Colson: You know he's-

Nixon: Well, you know, you don't want him in here, Bob.

Colson: He came to me in February and he said: This is the only


year I care about; the most important thing that ever happens is this
man be re-elected; I just want to help. And you hate to see the poor
guy get it.

Nixon: Oh well.

Colson: It just happens...he's lived through this before.

Nixon: What the hell, the Bay of Pigs.

Colson: He lived in exile once before and so forth.

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Haldeman: He's used to this sort of stuff...It's part of his life.

Nixon: He's written 42 novels.

JUNE 30, 1972

Nixon: He wouldn't do such a stupid thing. The White House thing, I


mean this fellow, what's his name, Hunt?...This Hunt fellow, did you
ever meet Hunt? I've never seen him.
APRIL 28, 1973

Nixon: You know the thing about that is that Colson never told me
about Hunt, that he knew Hunt, until after the Watergate thing.

Erlichman: Is that right?

Nixon: I never heard of E. Howard Hunt, no, sir, no. No sir...I had
understood he said he doesn't know Hunt well, or something like
that. I think that's apparently been his line...But afterwards he said
he was an intimate friend.

Hunt may have met Nixon when Hunt was a CIA Chief of
Station in Latin America, however, this would have been a brief and
forgettable encounter. In Give Us This Day Hunt described Nixon as
the White House Action Officer for Bay of Pigs. It was during this
period that Hunt had his first significant contact with Vice President
Nixon. Nixon worked with Hunt on the assassination of Nixon'S rival,
John Kennedy, in 1963. In 1971 Nixon reassembled many of the
members of this hit squad and used them against other political
rivals. At this point Nixon expressed a familiarity with the talents of
Hunt as evidenced by the June 30, 1971 reference to Hunt. Nixon
knew that one of Hunt’s talents was surreptious entry. On June 21,
1972 Nixon pretended he was not well acquainted with Hunt: "Hunt
must be a pretty good guy though." It is interesting to note the
reference here to Hunt having lived in exile. There is no such
reference to a period of exile in Undercover, Hunt’s autobiography.
Haldeman had Hunt disappearing to a Spanish speaking country:

Haldeman: But Hunt disappeared or is in the process


of disappearing. He can undisappear if we want him
to. He can disappear to a Latin American country.
But at least the original thought was that that would

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do it, that he might want to disappear (unintelligible)


on the basis of these guys, the Cubans-....

Perhaps this explains Hunt’s murky assignment in


Spain in 1964, the nature of which remains unknown
even to the CIA. Note that Nixon knew the exact
number of novels authored by Hunt. On June 30,
1972 Nixon denied he had ever met Hunt and on
April 28, 1973 Nixon claimed he had never even
heard of Hunt until after Watergate. This contradicts
earlier recordings. Nixon was a liar.

HOW FAR BACK DID HUNT'S MISDEEDS GO?

Nixon: Of course, this, Hunt, that will uncover a lot of,


a lot of, you open that scab there's a hell of a lot of
things in it that we just feel that this would be very
detrimental to have this thing go any further.

Nixon: The one that is really going to pull the plug on


Colson is Hunt... I don't think he'd pull the plug on his
earlier ventures for us, do you? (April 10, 1973)

Nixon: Well, your major guy to keep under control is


Hunt - because he knows about a lot of other things.
(March 21, 1973)

STURGIS AND THE SECRET OF BAY OF PIGS


Sturgis believed Nixon'S references to the Bay of Pigs
concerned the assassination of President John F. Kennedy:

Several times Nixon asked Helms for the Kennedy


assassination files but Helms refused to give it to
him; refused a direct order from the President. I
believe Nixon would have uncovered the true facts in
the assassination of President Kennedy and that
would have taken off the heat in Watergate, because
Nixon wanted the files the CIA felt they had to get rid
of him. Nixon was lucky he wasn't killed.
Assassinated like President Kennedy.

Sturgis told the same "exclusive" story to Steve Dunleavy of


the National Star and to Malcolm Abrams of the Midnight Globe.

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Sturgis said that Watergate was a plan to set up Nixon by the CIA
because Nixon had asked for information on the Kennedy
assassination that would indicate Castro was behind it. Sturgis also
named Robert Bennet as "deep throat." In 1995 Oliver Stone
suggested that Nixon was involved in the assassination of John
Kennedy. John Erlichman reacted:

Stone has Nixon dragging the chains of JFK's


assassination with him. I saw no signs of this. The
only time I recall Nixon raising the subject was the
day Bobby Kennedy announced for President in
1968. Nixon and I were in a hotel in Oregon,
watching television. Nixon shook his head. 'I was in
Dallas just before Jack was shot' he said 'and that
was bad. But this' - he motioned toward the TV - 'is
going to unleash wild forces that can only be worse
for the country. Stone also has me asking Haldeman
about Nixon'S 'thing' regarding the Bay of Pigs.
Haldeman explains that the fixation is connected to
JFK'S murder. He and I said nothing of the kind, then
or ever." [Newsweek 1.8.96]

The Nixon Foundation commented:

The charge that the 37th President of the United


States had any knowledge of, and indirect moral and
operational responsibility in the murder of the 35th
President of the United States is so reprehensible
that it should render wholly illegitimate any text or
narrative in which it is contained.
HUNT BLACKMAILS NIXON
As stated, Hunt blackmailed Nixon for $1 million. The White
House tapes:

Nixon: Let me put it this way, let us suppose that you


get the million bucks, and you get the proper way to
handle it. You could hold that side?

Dean: Uh-huh.

Nixon: It would seem to be worthwhile...my point is,


do you ever have any choice on Hunt?...I don't think
we need to go into every fucking thing Hunt has

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done...There is nothing in it for Hunt. Let me ask you


this (?)[Will the Watergate Grand Jury go back over
everything he's done prior to that time?] There might
be something?...We protected Helms from one hell of
a lot of things. Of course this Hunt, that will uncover a
lot of things. You open that scab there's a hell of a lot
of things and we just feel that it would be very
detrimental to have this thing go any further...Yeah,
but the point that I make is this, is really of course
you know, it's the limits of his testimony...If he
testifies just on the Watergate that's fine. Your major
guy to keep under control is Hunt...I think. Because
he knows...about a lot of other things [This line was
transcribed in the White House's version of the tapes
as "Your major guy to keep under control is Hunt?...I
think...Does he know a lot?"]...But at the moment,
don't you agree that you better get the Hunt
thing?...Hunt, of course, who is most valuable in my
opinion, might, uh, blow the whistle...and his price is
pretty high, but at least ah, we should buy the time on
that...For Christ sakes get it...

Hunt’s silence about the conspiracy to kill President


Kennedy was worth $1 million and Nixon told John Dean: "It would
seem to be worthwhile." What choice did Nixon have? "Do you ever
have any choice on Hunt?...I don't think we have to go into every
[illegal] thing Hunt has done." Nixon wondered if Hunt would testify
about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy before a
Grand Jury: "What's in it for him?" He asked Dean if the Watergate
Grand jury would delve in Hunt’s past since: "There might be
something...you open that scab..." Nixon wasn't worried about
Watergate: "If he testifies just on the Watergate that's fine. Your
major guy to keep under control is Hunt...because he knows about a
lot of other things...Of course this Hunt, that will uncover a lot of
things [Dealey Plaza]." In a televised address Nixon said he
considered long and hard whether he should pay blackmail to Hunt
because of Hunt’s threat to expose "a potential national security
problem of serious proportions." At this time Nixon claimed he knew
of none of Hunt’s activities other than the Ellsberg break-in.

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NIXON'S SECOND TERM: CARL SHOFFLER AND EDMUND


CHUNG

On November 7, 1972, Nixon was reelected in a landslide, carrying


49 states. Carl Shoffler, one of the arresting police officers at
Watergate, advised the Ervin Committee that in January 1973, a
week before the Watergate trial began, Edmund Chung, an
acquaintance, approached him about the arrests. Carl Shoffler and
Edmund Chung had served together at the U.S. Army Security
Agency in Warrenton, Virginia. Carl Shoffler testified that Edmund
Chung suggested he was in some way involved with those arrested,
and appeared to be seeking some unspecified assistance. Carl
Shoffler said that Edmund Chung indicated that he was going to
make a report on his three-hour meeting with Carl Shoffler, and that
his people would not be pleased unless he cooperated. Carl
Shoffler met with Edmund Chung again in mid-April 1973. Carl
Shoffler stated that Edmund Chung asked him if there was any way
Watergate could be made to look like a set up, and suggested that
Carl Shoffler might say that he had prior knowledge of the
prospective arrests. Edmund Chung allegedly offered Carl Shoffler a
large sum of money. Carl Shoffler told this researcher: "There was a

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conflicting viewpoint on that. My interpretation of his offer was


different than his feeling toward the offer. The one thing that is clear
to both sides was that there was an offer made. The perception of
why the offer was made was in dispute." Carl Shoffler had no idea
who was behind Edmund Chung.

The Senate Select Committee on Campaign Activities


interviewed Edmund Chung. Edmund Chung denied any knowledge
of efforts either to conceal facts related to Watergate, or to induce
others to alter their testimony. He said he called Carl Shoffler after
seeing his name in the newspapers and had dinner with him.
Edmund Chung told the staff that there was a second evening spent
with Carl Shoffler in mid-April 1973, but that on this occasion, Carl
Shoffler did not have much to say about Watergate and seemed
obsessed with the idea that Edmund Chung was a CIA agent.
Edmund Chung denied being a CIA employee. The employer of
Edmund Chung, the U.S. Army Security Agency, was interviewed
about him. His superior advised that the military duties of Edmund
Chung had been classified and that Edmund Chung held a Top
Secret Crypto clearance. Edmund Chung's superior claimed he was
unaware of a Chung/CIA connection. [Minority Report SSCIA
Investigation of Advance Knowledge of Illegal Political Espionage.]
WATERGATE CONVICTIONS
On January 15, 1973, five of the seven Watergate
defendants pleaded guilty, hoping to avoid a wider investigation.
Sturgis, Barker, Rolando Martinez and Virgilio Gonzalez were asked
by Judge John Sirica if pressure had been put on them by higher-
ups to enter this plea. They were asked if they had received any
payments from the White House. They replied negatively. Barker
indicated he was prepared to implicate no one in the conspiracy
beyond Hunt, whose name was already linked to Watergate. On
January 30, 1973, the two remaining Watergate defendants, G.
Gordon Liddy and McCord, were convicted. On October 20, 1973,
Nixon dismissed Archibald Cox, the Watergate Special Prosecutor
who pressed for the White House tapes. United States Attorney
General Elliot Richardson and his deputy, William Ruckelshaus,
were also dismissed in what has come to be known as 'The
Saturday Night Massacre.'
THE DEATH OF BEVERLY KAYE
While their disposition was being debated by Congress and
the Courts, the White House tapes were kept in the safekeeping of
White House Secret Service Agent Stephen Bull. On December 22,
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1973, the secretary of Stephen Bull, Beverly Kaye, 42, told her co-
workers she was feeling ill. A White House physician was
summoned, and was accompanying her downstairs in an elevator,
when she reportedly collapsed. She died, according to doctors at
George Washington Hospital, of a massive stroke. [Wash. Post
12.22.73] On August 5, 1974, Nixon released the White House
tapes. Four days later, on August 9, 1974, Nixon resigned, and
Gerald Ford became President.
THE WARREN COMMISSION AND WATERGATE
Nixon wanted former Warren Commission Counsel Arlen Spector
for his Watergate defense. He settled on Herbert J. Miller. In 1954
Herbert J. Miller was the former deputy of Richard Bissell. In this
capacity he was involved with the U-2. [Powers, Man Who Kept the
Secrets, p120] In the late 1950's Herbert J. Miller was part of a law
firm retained by the Board of Monitors of the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters. In 1961 Herbert J. Miller , the third-
ranking U.S. Assistant Attorney General, was appointed head of the
Criminal Division of the Justice Department by United States
Attorney General Robert Kennedy. In 1964 Herbert J. Miller became
the liaison between the Justice Department and the Warren
Commission. [WCR p479] Warren Commission consultant, Leon
Jaworski, became a Watergate Special Prosecutor. Warren
Commission Counsel Joe Ball became an attorney for John
Ehrlichman, and Warren Commission Assistant Counsel Charles N.
Schaffer became co-counsel to Watergate defendant John Dean.
John Dean was represented by Bernard Fensterwald's associate,
Robert McCandless, as well as Charles N. Schaffer. [Schorr, Daniel
Clearing The Air pub. 1978]

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NIXON AND WILLIAM C. SULLIVAN


William C. Sullivan, the head of the Domestic Intelligence
Division of the FBI, played a key role in the cover-up of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy. William C. Sullivan
advised J. Edgar Hoover on the aspects of the assassination that
led to Angleton, Nixon, Hemming and the CIA. In late November
1963 William C. Sullivan was going to circulate, at government
expense, posters of Oswald, which depicted him as a leftist. H.R.
Haldeman reported that when William C. Sullivan was called before
the Warren Commission to testify, "the CIA literally erased any
connection between the Kennedy assassination and the CIA. In fact
Angleton called William C. Sullivan and rehearsed the questions
and answers that they would give."

In the early 1960's William C. Sullivan initiated OPERATION


HOODWINK, a program that targeted the Communist Party. The
purpose of HOODWINK was to persuade members of organized
crime that Communist Party was after them. This was intended to
provoke mafia attacks on the Communist Party. By the late 1960's
HOODWINK became COINTELPRO, a dirty tricks operation
directed primarily against the New Left. [FBI 92-6054 NR 8.17.67] In
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

1969 William C. Sullivan became the middleman in the Nixon


Administration's special wiretaps program on 13 government
officials and four newsmen. William C. Sullivan took transcripts of
these wiretaps to White House aide Robert C. Mardian for
safekeeping. At this time, Nixon hinted to William C. Sullivan that he
planned to drop J. Edgar Hoover, and name a new FBI Director.
William C. Sullivan supported this move, since he believed that J.
Edgar Hoover put too many restrictions on the war against domestic
dissidents. An FBI document dated February 17, 1975, Aides Initial:
WRS Intelligence Coverage Domestic and Foreign Cabinet 6
Drawer 1 Folder X stated:

Internal memoranda setting forth FBI technical and


microphone coverage on black extremists and New
Left Subjects and organizations for background in
connection with Hoover's meeting with Richard
Helms, Director of the CIA, Admiral Noel A. Gaylor,
Director of the National Security Agency, and the
Attorney General. Memoranda from Hoover reporting
results of meeting wherein Helms desired to discuss
broadening operations particularly of the very
confidential type. Hoover reports he was no
enthusiastic about such extensions by the FBI in view
of hazards involved. Helms was to make an in-depth
review of what he and Gaylor wanted and thereafter
would call for another meeting.

Nixon claimed that the reluctance of J. Edgar Hoover to fight


domestic dissidents was the reason he formed the White
House/Special Operations Group. J. Edgar Hoover, however, forced
William C. Sullivan, 56, out of the FBI on September 30, 1971. On
October 8, 1971, Nixon discussed the J. Edgar Hoover problem with
Attorney General John Mitchell:

For a lot of reasons he oughta resign...He should get


the hell out of there...maybe I could just call him and
talk him into resigning...If he does go, he's got to go
of his own volition...that's why we're in a hell of a
problem...I think we've got to avoid any situation
where he can leave with a blast...
…I told you that bizarre story that Edgar Hoover
refused to investigate because Louis Marks, Mark's
daughter was married to that son-of-a-bitch Ellsberg.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

(May 8, 1973)The problem we've got with some of


this in the Ellsberg stuff, you see, Edgar Hoover
wouldn't do the job because (Patricia) Marks, his
closest friends daughter, was married to Ellsberg and
wouldn't do it, and that's why some of that crap was
done in the White House. (April 29, 1973).

THE DEATH OF J. EDGAR HOOVER

J. Edgar Hoover died on the evening of May 1, 1972, at his home in


Washington, D.C. His housekeeper discovered his body alongside
his bed at 9:00 a.m. The Justice Department said he died of natural
causes. No autopsy was performed. J. Edgar Hoover, age 77,
succumbed to high blood pressure; he had been suffering from a
heart ailment for some time. In November 1973 Mark C. Frazier
interviewed Watergate burglar Felipe De Diego. Mark C. Frazier
tricked Felipe De Diego into obliquely acknowledging having
burglarized the home of J. Edgar Hoover. [Harvard Crimson
11.10.73] "Two burglaries took place at Hoover's Washington home.
The first was in the winter of 1972 to retrieve documents that might
be used for blackmail against the White House. "After the first
burglary," according to Diego, "a second burglary was carried out;
this time, whether by design or misunderstanding, a poison, [of the]
thyon phosphate genre, was placed in Hoover's personal toilet
articles. Hoover died shortly after that."

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

There is no such poison as “thyon phosphate” as it was probably


spelled phonetically. There is an organophosphorus compound
containing the elements phosphorus and carbon, whose
physiological effects include inhabitation of acetylcholinesterase,
which is vital for nervous system functioning. The pesticides
malathion and parathion and virtually all nerve agents are
organophosphorus compounds. Most exposure victims experience
bradycardia (slowed and weakened heart rate) but pulse rate may
be increased initially and tachycardia (The heart normally beats at a
rate of about 60 to 100 beats per minute at rest. A rate faster than
100 beats a minute in an adult is called tachycardia) is more
common in very severe poisoning. Parathion is rapidly absorbed
through the skin and may cause systemic poisoning. In January
1976, 79 persons in Jamaica were acutely poisoned by the
organophosphorus insecticide parathion. Seventeen died. It was
ironic that J. Edgar Hoover, who was known for planting bugs, might
have been assassinated with a bug killer.
Researcher Tony Summers reported that in 1988 Sturgis said that
Felipe De Diego told him about a break-in at the home of J. Edgar
Hoover immediately after his death: "Felipe told me about it. I
suspected the CIA was behind it. I told him, 'I guess our friends
probably wanted to go over there and see what kind of documents
Hoover had stashed away.'" When Tony Summers asked Sturgis if
he had been involved, he said: "I'm not saying 'yes' to my
involvement. Let me say 'no' to that. It opens up a can of worms."
[Summers Secret Life J. Edgar Hoover p416] The FBI reported:
"Subject BERNARD L. BARKER'S bank account showed large sum
of money in his account in May 1972 amounting to $89,000. Barker
withdrew money in cash." [139-4089-311] The White House/Special
Operations Group was interested in the death of J. Edgar Hoover.
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Sturgis, Barker, Humberto Lopez and Pablo Fernandez attacked


demonstrators at his funeral. Humberto Lopez told the FBI that he
was

…secretary of the Authentico Party headed by Carlos


Prio Soccarras...He stated that the Authentico Party's
office is located next to the office of Bernard Barker
Associates. He advised that he has been on
speaking terms with Bernard Barker for several
years. He stated that, upon the death of John Edgar
Hoover and upon learning that Mr. Hoover would lie
in state on May 3, 1972, Barker asked him as a
representative of the Authentico Party to be his guest
and go to Washington, D.C. to pay respects to the
Director. Lopez stated he thought this was an
excellent idea, as he was a great admirer of Mr.
Hoover, and accepted the invitation. He stated that
while in Washington, D.C., there was a brief melee
with a hippie group who were engaged by the Miami
contingent, but that no arrests were made although
there was some press coverage to the incident... The
following individuals stayed at the motel with him:
Pablo Fernandez, Angel Ferrer, Reinaldo Pico, and
FRANK Fiorini. The others he believed stayed in an
older hotel which was located relatively close, namely
Barker, Martinez, V. Gonzalez, H. Gonzalez, and De
Diego. Lopez explained that other than his work with
the Authentico Party he does not consider himself an
activist, and other than his slight relationship with
Barker, he was never closely associated with any
other individual in this group. He advised that, while
he believed Barker paid the fare and lodging, he was
given his ticket by Rolando Martinez, and that his
hotel room which was single was also paid for by
Martinez. He believed that his airline ticket and hotel
registration was under the name Manuel Garcia.
Relative to his background, he stated he was
employed in the Ministry of Government under Dr.
Grau in Cuba. In August 1960 he sought asylum in
the Embassy of Brazil and stayed there until March 1,
1961, when he received asylum in Venezuela and
was at the Embassy in Venezuela until he entered
the United States on September 10, 1962, and was

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assigned INS # 11261938. [FBI 139-4089-34,


6.30.72]

Kalpana Srinivasan of The Associated Press reported:


George Washington University Professor of forensic
science James Starrs was granted access to the
District of Columbia medical examiner's records to
reinvestigate how Hoover died. No autopsy was
performed. Starrs said nothing in Hoover's medical
history would suggest he was a candidate for a heart
attack. Without an autopsy, other causes of death are
still open, he said. "Everything thus far indicates
there was nothing of sufficient medical history to write
this off as a heart attack," Starrs said. Hoover's death
was the subject of a panel at the American Academy
of Forensic Science meeting on February 13, 1998 in
San Francisco, California. "The main suggestion was
that it was part of the Watergate scene in the 1970s,"
Starrs said. [Seattle Times January 19, 1998]

INFORMATION CONCERNING REINALDO PICO RAMON


During the period of November 1, 1963, to December 31, 1963,
Bernard Barker’s Operational Progress Report indicated:

The following disseminations of Subject's production


were made during the reporting period:

a. UFG-3986 (cable) from Reinaldo Pico: Unification


of Activities by Manolo Ray.

b. UFG-4004 (pouch): Cover sheet data.

c. UFG-4041 (cable) from Reinaldo Pico. Plans of


Ray and Cisneros to Infiltrate Cuba for JURE.

e. UFG-4183 (pouch) from Frank Fiorini: Possibility


that Harvey Manning Participated in Air Strike over
Cuba. [CIA FOIA D002246]
A proposal has been submitted to JMWAVE Training
Branch for a short course in basic tradecraft to equip
Subject for a possible Principal Agent role in FI or CI
operations. It expected that do to the heavy training
schedule; this course cannot be started before early
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

March. Meanwhile we have Subject prepare a study


of his current and post Contacts for more specific
exploitations.
The CIA's Inspector General's Office generated these
index cards:

COHEN, Clement E. (DELETED)


Reinaldo PICO Ramon
TIME-LIFE
Justo Manuel CHINEA
Gardner HATHAWAY
DDO/WH FILE REVIEW
IG File 36, Tab 10

Memo for Chief/WHD from Gardner R. Hathaway C/WH/3


Subj: Personalities Mentioned in (Deleted) 20590 (re: biographic
information)
----------
Halper, Sam
November 17, 1972
(Deleted)
Time Magazine
Pico, Reinaldo
DDO/WH FILE REVIEW 74
IG FILE 36, Tab 10
Caracas 20590 to Director. Subject: Attempt of Sam Halper of Time
to Prove that CIA Engaged in Hostile Activity Against Time.

Gardner Hathaway was a forty year veteran of the CIA who


became its Counter-Intelligence Chief in 1984. He joined the CIA in
1950 and was assigned to the Soviet/East European Division. By
the late 1950's he was running ops against the Poles out of Berlin.
In 1964 Hathaway served in Brazil during the U.S. backed
overthrow of President Juan Goulart. From 1967 to 1972 he was
posted to Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, and served through
numerous military dictatorships. By 1973 he was Chief of Station in
Montevideo . In July 1974 he was transferred to Argentina where he
worked with the death squads in arranged the murders of the
"disappeared." [Counterspy SU 1980] As CI Chief, Hathaway
handled the defection of Vitaly Yurchenko in 1984. In 1987 he
testified in trial of Clayton Lonetree, the Marine accused of spying
for the Soviets. Hathaway was involved in the Edward Lee Howard

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

flap. Instead of going to the FBI, Hathaway recommended that ex-


CIA Agent Howard see a psychiatrist. Hathaway was reprimanded
by CIA Director R. James Woolsey for his handling of the Aldridge
Ames case. [Wash. Post 10.20.94] He retired on February 22, 1990.
AMES ON ANGLETON
The New York Times stated:

'The culture in which Mr. Ames flourished was


shaped by a reaction to Mr. Angleton'S excesses,'
Mr. Woolsey said, 'Skittish of smearing innocent
people, the Agency did not police itself properly.' On
this point Mr. Woolsey and Mr. Ames agree: the
legacy of witch hunts made it extraordinarily difficult
for the Agency to conduct an effective mole hunt...
'You would wind up with people throwing up their
hands and saying 'I can't do it,' Mr. Ames said. 'You
would wind up with JIM Angleton doing AngletonIAN
things. People would be fired all the time for no
grounds. You've got two or three or four thousand
people running around doing espionage. You can't
monitor it. You can't control it. You can't check it. And
that's probably the biggest problem with an
espionage service. It has to be small. The minute you
get big, you get like the KGB or you get like us.' [NYT
7.28.94]

Aldridge Ames was a serial killer. The information he


supplied the Soviets led to numerous arrests, murders and
disappearances. Ames would have been too frightened to do what
he did when Angleton had still been Chief of CI because he might
have been investigated arbitrarily, for example, if Angleton was
investigating everyone whose name began with "A." If Ames had
acted as mole for the Soviets he would have been detected after
Angleton received the first allegation about him from a woman CIA
employee in November 1989:

A woman employee of the Agency who knew Ames


well reported that he had bought an expensive house
and was living beyond his means. The informant also
knew that Ames had access to the compromised
Soviet cases in which agents had disappeared. And
she knew Ames well enough to know that Rosario's
family was not wealthy. Based on this information,
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Dan Payne, a young CIA investigator assigned to the


mole hunting unit, began a financial inquiry into Ames
lavish spending. [Wise, Nightmover, p187]

That month Ames was reassigned to the Counter-


Intelligence Division. He could have been appointed to the mole
hunting committee that CIA Director William Webster had appointed,
which was led by Hathaway. If this had occurred Ames would never
have been detected because he would have been in charge of
investigating himself. The CIA did not turn the investigation over to
the FBI until the summer of 1993. The CIA covered up this
penetration for four years. The Ames case leaves little doubt that
the CIA has engaged in cover ups that were against the interest of
the American people.

In June 1972 WILLIAM C. SULLIVAN received a call from


Attorney General Richard G. Kleindienst, inviting him to return to
Washington and help establish an National Narcotics Intelligence
Office within the Justice Department. [Unger, Sanford FBI] Less
than a year after leaving the FBI William C. Sullivan was back,
working with FBI Director L. Patrick Grey. When L. Patrick Grey
resigned, under fire for destroying Watergate documents, William C.
Sullivan was considered for FBI Director, but Clarence Kelley got
the job instead. The appointment of Clarence Kelley came as a
surprise to William C. Sullivan. On March 13, 1973, Nixon told John
Dean he was going to destroy the image of the late J. Edgar
Hoover. William C. Sullivan was the key to this scheme. John Dean
told Nixon that William C. Sullivan would cooperate if he got back
into the Bureau. John Dean then suggested William C. Sullivan's
"desire in life is to set up a domestic national security intelligence
program" and that "you could put him out in the CIA or
someplace..." Nixon: "We will do it. There is no problem with William
C. Sullivan. He is a valuable man." William C. Sullivan never got a
position with the CIA, and he returned to New Hampshire, where he
was hired by the Atomic Energy Commission. Researcher Tony
Summers reported:

In 1975 William C. Sullivan responded in opaque


fashion to a question from a Congressional
Committee about Oswald. Asked whether he had
seen anything in the files to indicate a relationship
between Oswald and the CIA, William C. Sullivan
replied, 'No...I think there is something on that, but
you asked me if I had seen anything. I don't recall
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

having seen anything like that, but I think there is


something on that point...it rings a bell in my head.'

William C. Sullivan died in a hunting accident on November 9, 1977,


just before he was scheduled to testify before the HSCA. He was
mistaken for a deer and shot in the neck by Robert Daniels, the son
of a Corporal in the New Hampshire State Police. The FBI did not
investigate the accident. The investigation was conducted by the
New Hampshire Fish and Game Department. Robert Daniels was
charged with shooting a human being mistaken for game and plead
nolo contendere. He was fined $500 and his hunting license was
suspended for ten years. The Soviet News Agency Tass speculated
that it was a strange story that William C. Sullivan was killed in a
hunting accident, and claimed William C. Sullivan held files which
might have shed light on the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy. In November 1977 HSCA investigator James P. Kelly was
told by Tim Ingram of the House Government Operations
Subcommittee that William C. Sullivan had informed him that some
of his records had been destroyed in a barn fire at the home of his
sister, near Bolton, Massachusetts. [HSCA Memo Kelly to Fenton
4.28.78] The death of William C. Sullivan was accidental. No link
could be established between Daniels and the intelligence
community. More Soviet propaganda like the Hunt letter. William
Kunstler repeated these allegations to this researcher.

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Nixon was quoted as saying that if United States Attorney


General Robert Kennedy had instituted ten more wiretaps, he would
have discovered the "OSWALD PLAN." When the press questioned
him, he said: "I said if ten more wiretaps could have been found the
conspiracy, if there was a conspiracy, or the individual, then it would
be worth it. As far as I'm concerned I am no more an expert on that
assassination than anyone else."

JUNE 21, 1972

Nixon: Hunt worked for Kennedy, he worked for Johnson, now he


worked for the White House. That's the whole story about him...And
he worked for the CIA. He worked in the Bay of Pigs. I mean, he's
done a lot of things. So I've got to guess is that, I mean, it could be
isolated instances. If the man's worked for various things, he's
worked for...Hunt must be a pretty good guy though.

Colson: He's got one of the most interesting careers of anybody I've
known. The tragedy is that the guy is a dedicated patriot...God.

Nixon: Of course and he deliberately decided he is not going to be


around, is that right? That is what I hear.

Colson: I don't know.

Haldeman: He isn't around-

Colson: You know he's-

Nixon: Well, you know, you don't want him in here, Bob.

Colson: He came to me in February and he said: This is the only


year I care about; the most important thing that ever happens is this
man be re-elected; I just want to help. And you hate to see the poor
guy get it.

Nixon: Oh well.

Colson: It just happens...he's lived through this before.

Nixon: What the hell, the Bay of Pigs.

Colson: He lived in exile once before and so forth.

Haldeman: He's used to this sort of stuff...It's part of his life.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Nixon: He's written 42 novels.

JUNE 30, 1972

Nixon: He wouldn't do such a stupid thing. The White


House thing, I mean this fellow, what's his name,
Hunt?...This Hunt fellow, did you ever meet Hunt?
I've never seen him.

APRIL 28, 1973

Nixon: You know the thing about that is that Colson never told me
about Hunt, that he knew Hunt, until after the Watergate thing.

Erlichman: Is that right?

Nixon: I never heard of E. Howard Hunt, no, sir, no. No sir...I had
understood he said he doesn't know Hunt well, or something like
that. I think that's apparently been his line...But afterwards he said
he was an intimate friend.
Hunt may have met Nixon when Hunt was a CIA Chief of
Station in Latin America, however, this would have been a brief and
forgettable encounter. In Give Us This Day Hunt described Nixon as
the White House Action Officer for Bay of Pigs. It was during this
period that Hunt had his first significant contact with Vice President
Nixon. As documented in Coup D'Etat in America Data Base Nixon
worked with Hunt on the assassination of Nixon'S rival, John
Kennedy, in 1963. In 1971 Nixon reassembled many of the
members of this hit squad and used them against other political
rivals. At this point Nixon expressed a familiarity with the talents of
Hunt as evidenced by the June 30, 1971 reference to Hunt. Nixon
knew that one of Hunt’s talents was surreptious entry. On June 21,
1972 Nixon pretended he was not well acquainted with Hunt:
Hunt must be a pretty good guy though." It is
interesting to note the reference here to Hunt having
lived in exile. There is no such reference to a period
of exile in Undercover, Hunt’s autobiography.
Haldeman had Hunt disappearing to a Spanish
speaking country:

Haldeman: But Hunt disappeared or is in the process


of disappearing. He can undisappear if we want him
to. He can disappear to a Latin American country.
But at least the original thought was that that would
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do it, that he might want to disappear (unintelligible)


on the basis of these guys, the Cubans-....

Perhaps this explains Hunt’s murky assignment in Spain in


1964, the nature of which remains unknown even to the CIA. Note
that Nixon knew the exact number of novels authored by Hunt. On
June 30, 1972 Nixon denied he had ever met Hunt and on April 28,
1973 Nixon claimed he had never even heard of Hunt until after
Watergate. This contradicts earlier recordings and clearly
demonstrates that Nixon was a liar.

HOW FAR BACK DID HUNT'S MISDEEDS GO?

Nixon: Of course, this, Hunt, that will uncover a lot of,


a lot of, you open that scab there's a hell of a lot of
things in it that we just feel that this would be very
detrimental to have this thing go any further.

Nixon: The one that is really going to pull the plug on


Colson is Hunt... I don't think he'd pull the plug on his
earlier ventures for us, do you? (April 10, 1973)

Nixon: Well, your major guy to keep under control is


Hunt - because he knows about a lot of other things.
(March 21, 1973)

NIXON, VESCO AND CHOTINER

Ehrlichman: Vesco...was going around hot-shotting,


saying that the White House was behind me and so
on, and I had to say that he was to get no special
favors or consideration. Just after he got out of jail,
he was using Mitchell's name and my name and
everybody's name - I've just met him. I don't know
him. But his people have been brought into my
office... Murry Chotiner's been working for him.

Nixon: What the hell's he doing for him?

Ehrlichman: He (Chotiner) comes in. He tried to see


me and I wouldn't see him. My assistant (Tod R.
Hullin) talked to him and he had a deal. Vesco would
fix us up in South America. He'd act as an operative
down there and he'd do this and that if we got him off
the criminal prosecution. And then there's an element
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of blackmail, that the worst isn't yet out and that its
going to hurt the administration if they tell all they
know, and this, that and the other thing.(March 16,
1973)
ANGLETON AFTER THE COUP
ANGLETON IS FORCED TO RESIGN

On December 30, 1974, Angleton resigned from the CIA


because of the flap caused by Seymour Hersh's exposure of the HT
LINGUAL mail opening program. This article led to the formation of
the Rockefeller Commission. Raymond Rocca, Newton S. Miler and
William J. Hood resigned as well. William Hood commented: "I didn't
resign at all. I had put my retirement papers in long before the
Seymour Hersh article. It was my luck it would have to coincide with
it." The Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, William Colby,
had wished Angleton to resign for some time but yielded, "because I
feared that Angleton'S professional integrity and personal intensity
might have led him to take dire measures." David Phillips spoke with
Angleton on the day he resigned. [Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors
p211] Raymond Rocca wrote a Memorandum for the Record about
Angleton'S dismissal in which he stated that it occurred because of
Seymour Hersh's article. He said that Angleton desired that he or
Newton S. Miler be the next Chief of Counter-Intelligence. Director
of the Central Intelligence Agency. William Colby, did not go for it
and, although he did not ask either of these men to leave the
Agency, "He did request that they stay on in their positions for a
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

transition period." [2.27.75] Angleton subsequently claimed that as


the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, William Colby
reduced the Counter-Intelligence staff from 280 to 80 during his
1973 to 1976 tenure.

Police state...Soviet bloc...fragmentation...I had a son in the infantry


in Vietnam. Went from private to corporal. Angleton was asked if the
boy was wounded or killed? "I think he's okay."
WHO STRUCK JOHN?

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In December 1974 Angleton told The New York Times: "A


mansion has many rooms and there were many things going on
during the period of the bombings. I'm not privy to who struck John."
Angleton was saying that the CIA (a mansion), has many agents
(rooms), and during the anti-Castro exile bombings of Cuba (the
period of the bombings), the plot to assassinate President Kennedy
was formulated (there were many things going on.)"I'm not privy to
who struck John." (I know who killed John Kennedy). In his
deposition during the course of Hunt v. Weberman, Angleton stated
that the quotation had nothing to do with the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy and was similar to "Who killed Cock
Robin?" Angleton:

The question had to do with the many charges


regarding massive domestic operations attributed to
me and it had nothing, the John does not refer to
John F. Kennedy. It's a slang expression of 'Who
struck John?' Well, I wasn't prepared to go into all of
the allegations made by Seymour Hersh which had
me the number one culprit - the man wearing the
black hat, so to speak, for a whole, massive, massive
domestic situation. I was just quoting from the Bible.

Angleton knew how his words would be perceived by those


who believed the CIA was behind the assassination of President
John F. Kennedy. The quotation from the Bible read: "In my father's
house are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you."
[John 14, line 2] John the Baptist (and David CHRIST) and we are
expected to believe there was no irony intended? When he made
this cryptic statement Angleton threatened to talk if CIA made him
the scapegoat for its domestic operations scandal. Angleton
possessed the evidence to do this. Nonetheless, when researcher
Paul Hoch pointed out to the CIA that "Regardless of what Angleton
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

now says he meant by this comment, an intended reference to John


Kennedy seems as likely as any other explanation." The CIA
responded: "Mr. Hoch's willingness to attribute sinister implications
to such a common phrase is both humorous and revealing. It belies
the impression of reasonably objective scholarship he has sought to
project in his memorandum." [CIA 1634-1088 4.29.75] The
Rockefeller Commission: "The whole Angleton quotation makes it
clear that he was being asked about CIA activities occurring during
the period of anti-war bombings...The period of the anti-war
bombings didn't begin until 1967 or 1968, some years or more after
President Kennedy's death." Angleton was questioned by attorney
Marvin Miller:

Q. Did you ever discern any direct involvement by Oswald with the
Agency?

A. None, whatsoever.

Q. Any interest in him prior to the assassination?

A. I cannot answer that because I don't have my records. In other


words, I am not trying to avoid responding to it, but what is, since I
don't have access to any of my records, I can only say that now it
appears where I'm on very wobbly ground, the trip to Mexico. And, I
don't recall the details any more as to the trip to Mexico made by
Oswald. I don't remember whether it was before or after, and I can't
remember whether we were notified, when we were notified. I know
that in my memory all matters concerning Oswald came to, came to
light, so to speak, after the assassination.

ANGLETON 1978 TO 1987


ANGLETON'S HUNT DOCUMENT
In 1977 HSCA investigator Edward Lopez reported he heard about,
but had not seen, a CIA document signed by Angleton and Richard
Helms projecting:

Some day we are going to have to account for Hunt’s


presence in Dallas on November 22, 1963.

Edward Lopez commented in June 1993: "It could have


been someone in CIA who told us about this document, someone
we interviewed. It is possible that Angleton could have told us about

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this document during his interview. I bet it was, it is very possible it


might have been Angleton himself who told us. I think it was him."

The existence of such a document might have been too


good to be true. First: no CIA Staff member would have put a
statement like this in writing. Second: why would Angleton have
revealed its existence? Would he want to buttress the theory Hunt
was in Dallas, when doing so might have revealed his own role in
the coup? After the call from Edward Lopez in 1977, I called my
friend and former associate, Victor Marchetti, who said it looked like
"the Agency was going to burn Hunt during a limited hangout."
Victor Marchetti agreed to investigate. Victor Marchetti testified that
he received information that two other reputable journalists were
working on the story. Victor Marchetti called William R. Corson, who
allegedly verified that such a document existed. Victor Marchetti:

Dr. Corson, who then elaborated upon the [document] and told me it
was written by James Angleton and written to former Director
Richard Helms, that it had been initialed by Sammy Halpern....One
point here I met with Dr. Corson. He claimed that he had discussed
the matter with James Angleton. And that it was from him, he had
gotten the story from Angleton, he said that Angleton said he wrote
the memorandum, gave the date, January 7, 1966, and it was from
him...And besides wondering about Hunt’s presence in Dallas, on
that faithful day...Angleton wrote in the memo Hunt was not involved

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in any sort of an operation for him, and asked if he was doing


something for the Director? He said the Director, who was then
Richard Helms, sent the memorandum down to the Deputy Director
of Plans, who was FitzGerald and he is now dead, where it was
initialed by one of his aides, Sammy Halpern. Corson said Angleton
seemed to be very worried about the fact that he completed the
memorandum, and said something about how the CIA had aided in
Hunt’s Chinese cover story. [Hunt v. Spotlight 2.1.85 p68]

The notes of Victor Marchetti read:

Meanwhile V. M., asked B.C. to check out memo,


with his sources on committee and in intelligence
circles, no solid confirmation, but he felt A. J.'s
information was accurate."

William R. Corson was a career Marine officer who served


as a Naval attaché; as a member of the U.S. Country Team for
Communist China; as a member of the Far East Inter-Agency
Defector Committee; as a Secretary to the President's Special
Group (CI) Joint Department of Defense - CIA Counterinsurgency
Committee Staff; as a Special Assistant to the Director of Advanced
Research Projects of the Department of Defense; and as the Officer
in Charge of the Southeast Asia Intelligence Evaluation Program
(Systems Analysis) which was headed by the Assistant Secretary of
Defense. William R. Corson was interviewed telephonically by this
researcher on June 1993: "I saw JIM [Angleton] on and off all the
time." William R. Corson was then asked about CI/SIG: "That's an
acronym that I am unfamiliar with. I have a pretty good
understanding of the operations that JIM had. That's a new one. I

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just never heard of it. It sounds like it should be more associated


with the Office of Security, rather than with Angleton'S outfit."
William R. Corson said he did not recall if he did, or did not, verify
the existence of the document to Victor Marchetti. [Corson William
telephone 301-299-3608] On August 20, 1978, The Wilmington,
Delaware, Sunday News Journal, ran an article by Joe Trento
entitled: "Was Howard Hunt in Dallas the Day JFK Died?" It read:

Washington: A Secret CIA memorandum says that


Hunt was in Dallas the day JFK was murdered, and
that top Agency officials plotted to cover up Hunt’s
presence there. Some CIA sources speculate that
Hunt thought he was assigned by higher-ups to
arrange the murder of Oswald. Sources say Hunt,
convicted in the Watergate conspiracy in 1974, was
acting chief of the CIA Station in Mexico City in the
weeks prior to the Kennedy assassination. Oswald
was in Mexico City, and met with two KGB Agents at

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the Russian Embassy there immediately before leaving for Dallas,


according to the official Warren Commission report. The 1966
Secret memorandum, now in the hands of the HSCA, places Hunt in
Dallas on November 22, 1963. Richard Helms and James Angleton
initialed the memorandum, according to investigators. [In other
descriptions of the document, it was dated January 7, 1966, and
initialed by both Desmond FitzGerald and Sam Halpern of the Office
of the Inspector General of the CIA.] According to sources close to
the HSCA the document reveals, 'Three years after Kennedy's
murder Helms and Angleton were elevated to their highest positions
in the CIA, [Angleton was CI Chief from 1954 to 1974. He was not
promoted during this period; Helms was elevated to the position of
the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency] they discussed the
fact Hunt was in Dallas on the assassination day and that his
presence there had to be kept Secret.' Helms and Angleton thought
that news of Hunt’s presence in Dallas would be damaging to the
Agency should it leak out. Helms and Angleton felt that a cover story
giving Howard Hunt an alibi for being elsewhere the day of the
assassination, ought to be considered.' Committee sources told the
Sunday News Journal that both Helms and Angleton had been
questioned by Committee investigators but that the issue of the

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memo was not raised with either witness...When Angleton was


questioned by committee staffers, he was evasive according to a
source who was present. Angleton could not be reached for
comment. Asked to explain why a potentially damaging coverup plot
would be put on paper, one high level CIA source said, 'The memo
is very odd. It was almost as if Angleton was informing Helms, who
had just become Director, that there was a skeleton in the family
closet that had to be taken care of and this was his response...It
was also learned from CIA sources that during the time the Warren
Commission was investigating the Kennedy assassination, Angleton
met regularly with a member of the Commission, Allen Dulles.
Dulles on a weekly basis, briefed Angleton about the direction of the
investigation.'
Later, Joe Trento explained his sources let him see the
memorandum. This was Joe Trento's first article about the
assassination and it was picked by the Associated Press. The
HSCA did not have this document. Edward Lopez said he heard of
it, but had not seen it, yet Joe Trento described his source as close
to the HSCA. Angleton was questioned by the HSCA. Still later in
the piece, he described the source as inside and outside the CIA.
Angleton had been inside the CIA as its CI Chief, and outside the
CIA when he was forced to resign in December 1974. The part of
the document Joe Trento quoted from which gave it some degree of
authenticity was the reference to providing an alibi for Hunt: the CIA
considered placing Hunt at meeting in Washington, D.C. with
Richard Helms, Enrique Williams and Sturgis. When Angleton
testified in Hunt v. Weberman, he was asked about this
memorandum. He replied that no such document existed. Angleton
was asked if Joe Trento had spoken with him about the article.
Angleton testified:

After publication, I had a telephone call from Trento.


He said he was calling from the office of William
Corson, who is the Penthouse representative, and an
ex-Marine Colonel and he, I think his first question
was, 'Have you heard from Howard Hunt?' and I said
'No' and his next questions, it was a whole series of
staccato questions, and I told him my lunch was
getting cold and I was at the Army-Navy club and that
was the end of it.

In his deposition during the course of Hunt v. Weberman,


Angleton said he knew Joe Trento since 1976. Why did Angleton

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claim Joe Trento waited until after the piece was published to
contact him? Logically, Joe Trento should have contacted Angleton
before the article went to press, since Angleton'S initials were
allegedly on the document. According to Angleton, the first question
Joe Trento asked Angleton was: "Have you heard from Hunt?"
rather than "Can you confirm the facts of the article?" This sounded
as if they had had previous contact. In 1993 Joe Trento told Dick
Russell that Angleton was his source for the document:

In 1978 Angleton called and asked me to come down


for lunch at the Army-Navy Club. He said he wanted
to talk to me about something. This was as the
HSCA's investigation was winding up, and he told me
a number of things concerning the Kennedy
assassination and its aftermath. Then he explained
some very complicated counter-intelligence
operations. 'Did you know Howard Hunt was in
Dallas on the day of the assassination?' What I am
trying to tell you is, 'Some very odd things were going
on that were out of control.'

Joe Trento elaborated:

James Angleton was dead, and my bond was no


longer in effect. There are a few things you must
understand. You have Hunt going on to Dallas to kill
Kennedy.

According to Joe Trento, after their conversation, Angleton


arranged for the Hunt memorandum to be delivered to him.
Angleton claimed he had simultaneously alerted the HSCA using
Senator Howard Baker as his intermediary, and had sent a copy to
Senator Howard Baker's Committee. Joe Trento added:

It was all handled in a way that Angleton was not the


source...My guess is it was Angleton himself who
sent Hunt to Dallas, because he didn't want to use
anybody from his own shop. [Russell, Man Who
Knew Too Much, p475]

Joe Trento was asked why a footnote in the HSCA Report stated:

During the course of the HSCA a rumor was


circulating that the HSCA had uncovered a

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memorandum in CIA files indicating Hunt was in


Dallas on November 22, 1963. The rumor was not
founded on fact. In addition, Hunt gave the HSCA a
sworn deposition in which he denied the allegation,
and the HSCA found no evidence that contradicted
Hunt’s deposition. [HSCA R p91]

Joe Trento: "I can't deal with what they said in the Report.
But if you believe everything in that HSCA Report..." Joe Trento told
Dick Russell that Senator Howard Baker gave the memorandum to
the HSCA. Dick Russell wrote this in his book. Senator Howard
Baker's aide, Fred Marcum, stated in June 1993:

I took the page from Russell's book in and discussed


that with Senator Baker, and he has absolutely no
recollection of any of that ever happening. And he
even went back and talked to some staff people who
would have been aware, who were involved in things
of that nature, and they concurred, nobody has any
memory of that whatsoever.

Robert Blakey stated:

I don't know if that memorandum exists. There was a


controversy of some kind about that we found a
memorandum in the CIA that indicated that Hunt was
in Dallas that day. We never found a memorandum
like that. We never got it from any source. We never
had any evidence that Hunt was anywhere other than
with his family in D.C. Period. And everything else is
just smoking mirrors by critics of one kind or another.
This memorandum does not exist. It never happened.
It is a lie. The story has done great damage to Hunt.

Joe Trento advised:

Call Blakey and ask him about a break-in that


occurred in the HSCA safe involving a CIA official.
Two hundred documents were stolen out of the
HSCA safe after my story appeared. The CIA
reassigned this man. That's when the memorandum
was removed, along with documents of more
significance.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

When Joe Trento was asked if he copied the document,


Trento was non-committal. He was told, "I assume you did not copy
it since if you had, the burglary would be irrelevant." He answered,
"They didn't want the copy." I asked: "They wanted an original?"

No. They didn't want the document, period. Can I


make a challenge to you? I want you to write that I
don't have the document. And I'm putting you on
warning now. We'll go to court and I'll take everything
you have.

Trento does not have this document. When Joe Trento was
informed that Senator Howard Baker had disclaimed any knowledge
of the document he stated: "I'm glad that you're so trusting that a
guy, who had to leave the Senate because he faced a 12 count
indictment, is your source. Did you talk to Howard Liebengood? He
was the Baker aide who dealt with Angleton." Howard Liebengood,
formerly with the Senate Select Committee on Presidential
Campaign Activities, was contacted. He said he had had contact
with Angleton, but was never given the document. Howard
Liebengood:

I have never seen the document. I have seen the


tramp pictures and heard the theory that one was
Hunt. I can damn well guarantee you I never got
anything from Angleton. Baker's never seen it, never
heard of it, neither have I. I spent a lot of time with
JIM Angleton over a number of years and we talked
about lots of things, including the Kennedy
assassination. He believed Oswald was a Soviet
sleeper agent. I wouldn't even want to begin to
speculate what went on in JIM Angleton'S mind. I
never figured him out.

Had Angleton forged this document or fabricated its


existence as part of his campaign to dissuade the HSCA from
investigating the Hunt/Dallas connection or was the document for
real? By having created this document and perpetrating the leak
that the HSCA had it in its possession, when it clearly did not,
Angleton maneuvered the Committee into a position of
defensiveness at its own guilt about damaging Hunt’s reputation.
The HSCA believed Hunt was being unjustly accused as to his
presence in Dallas. Ellis Rubin called the HSCA and demanded a
public hearing about this document. [HSCA 180-10083-10453] In
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1985 Hunt testified: "A memorandum, spurious or not, had been


foisted off on the Committee by the CIA or by a private individual."
ANGLETON'S DEPOSITION IN HUNT V. WEBERMAN
On May 17, 1979, Angleton was deposed regarding the
document. First, he denied any professional or social relationship
with Hunt. A CIA attorney who accompanied Angleton that day
stated: "A search was undertaken to locate a document and effort
proved negative." Angleton was given a copy of the Trento piece.
After reading it, he remarked:

A. I say, I've never read so much disinformation all the way on


through, and I think I will probably turn this over to my attorney for
my own purposes. I mean, I'm serious about this: this is really
extraordinary.

Q. Now in that article you just read, there's a CIA source quoted in
there to the effect that Mr. Hunt thought he'd been assigned to
arrange for Oswald'S murder. Do you recall that in the article?

A. I don't know. I can't. I mean this thing jumps all over the place.

Q. Having now read the Marchetti and Trento articles, do you recall
ever having seen any memoranda, or ever having any information
or inquiries regarding thoughts by the CIA on Mr. Hunt’s
involvement with the events that occurred in Dallas?

A. Never. Emphatically never. I would also like to further add that


any matter of great importance that would have come to our
attention would not have necessarily have been the Subject of a
memorandum. It would have been a telephone call immediately to
the Director or to the Deputy General, the Deputy Director and there
would, and the modus operandi would be, that there would be a
meeting immediately, before the sun set, so to speak, so I couldn't
see myself sitting down, writing a memorandum. I would be on the
Secret phone or jack box stating, 'We've received such-and-such
information.'

Q. I am quoting from the Trento article, "HSCA sources told the


Sunday News Journal that...Helms and Angleton had been
questioned by HSCA investigators but that the issue of the memo
was not raised with either witness."

A. I made a long statement to the HSCA in my first


appearance...when I was under oath regarding that allegation.
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Q. The allegation that Hunt was in Dallas?

A. That's right. I stated it was a fabrication...I, of course, when I


made the statement I took, I mean, my, I charged them as to their
security of allegiance because in other words, I was speaking from
all source information on a variety of delicate subjects on the
understanding that, by way of a letter from Carlucci of CIA, that
there was an arrangement between the HSCA and the Agency, the
Agency would have the right to delete classified information, and I
wanted also to be, know what, where I stood in terms of my oath in
terms of disclosure. Therefore, I was perfectly free to speak with all
source information, knowing that it would be going through the
Agency prior to publication. And so, therefore, I was concerned
when I read this article that quoted HSCA members, alleged HSCA
members speaking to Trento.

Q. When did you first read the Trento article?

A. I think on that - somebody sent it to me very shortly after it was


published.

Q. All right. Did you contact Mr. Trento?

A. I'm not certain. I know that when I read it, that it was very near
my appearance, and I think it may have stimulated my inquiries to
the Agency about parameters and my oath and all that type of thing.
In fact, I think they hand-delivered to me, because of a little
slowness on their part, what the agreement was.

Q. Did you make any inquiry of the HSCA whether or not they had
such a memo?

A. I did. I volunteered, but they didn't give me any statement one


way or the other.

Q. You volunteered what?

A. I volunteered the Trento article with that, which I don't think they
had even seen it.

Q. Did you ask the staff how did Trento get this information?

A. I did indeed; charged them as to their security. They were


embarrassed. They didn't admit or deny, but their whole demeanor
was one of being quite shocked.

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Q. Did you ever talk about this article with Mr. Helms?

A. I discussed the general problem of Trento with Mr. Helms. I might


add that Mr. Helms lives, has a summer place in Llewes and,
therefore, he has friends in Wilmington, and he has his Sunday
afternoons ruined by telephone, long distance telephone calls from
people from Wilmington who'll give him the good news regarding
Trento's latest.
HELMS' DEPOSITION IN HUNT V. WEBERMAN
Later that afternoon Richard Helms testified:

Helms: I happened to see it on the day it appeared,


but I have no knowledge of any such memorandum,
and I thought that the allegation, such as it was, that
Hunt had been in Dallas, had been disposed of by
the Rockefeller Commission Report, and I know
nothing further about this. I don't even know where
Mr. Trento is alleged to have gotten his information
from. Trento's article rather sweetly and gently
suggests that either Angleton or I may have been a
mole in the Agency. I suppose that is the honest
history which we ought to protect?"

The honest history that Helms made reference concerned a


remark this researcher made to Richard Helms during his
deposition. Helms was shown a copy of CHRIST'S photograph:

Rubin: May I ask where that photograph comes from, what is that
piece of paper?

Weberman: It is from an underground newspaper.

Helms: An underground newspaper? I didn't know we had


underground newspapers. Do we have underground newspapers in
this country?

Weberman: Fortunately, yes, we do.

Helms: But, they're underground from what or from whom? This is


for my edification.

Weberman: They're underground from people who want to suppress


the truth about American history, okay?

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Richard Helms said he complained to Gannett Incorporated,


the parent company of The Sunday News Journal, which then sent
a reporter to interview him. Neither Angleton, Richard Helms nor
Hunt sued Joe Trento. Hunt explained: "I am a man of limited
means and I can't afford to sue everyone, kooks included, who
make false, defamatory statements about me." Joe Trento stood by
his story, and a retraction was never printed. Ellis Rubin warned: "I
can't say that The Sunday News Journal is an underground
newspaper, but I hope to bury it soon." The CIA obtained the
original manuscript of the Joe Trento article. [CIA 22309 rel. 3.91]
Ellis Rubin died on December 12, 2006. He had been fighting
cancer for more than six years.
Hunt made reference to Trento’s article in his testimony
before the HSCA:

From time to time, magazine articles rake over the


cold ashes of supposed involvement in the Dallas
assassination. And the more malicious underground
press frequently dwells boldly on the subject,
maligning and defaming me to my continuing
detriment. Against these injurious falsehoods, I have
found myself helpless, for the agitators and profiteers
accept no answers save those they prescribe in
advance. Last August, two newspapers—Spotlight,
published in Washington, D.C., and the News journal
of Wilmington, Delaware—printed similar stories
concerning me that I found profoundly disturbing.
Their burden was that this committee had received
from the Central Intelligence Agency a memorandum
purportedly initialed by Director Richard Helms in
1966, stating that some day it might be necessary to
reveal that Howard Hunt was in Dallas on the day of
President Kennedy's assassination. Copies of both
stories have been furnished to this committee
together with my request that a copy of the alleged
memorandum be furnished to me. To date, the
committee has not responded to my request, and I
now renew it: I demand that the committee confirm or
deny receipt of such a memorandum, and if the
memorandum indeed exists, that it be furnished to
me so that I may refute its contents in their entirety.
Because I was not in Dallas on the day President
Kennedy was killed, I know that the purported
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memorandum is spurious. The veil of mystery


surrounding it, however, is exceedingly damaging to
me. The charge has been made; the committee is
said to be the source of the false information, and it is
within your power to set the matter straight once and
for all. Fair play demands it, and simple justice
requires it. Thank you.
ANGLETON’S HSCA TESTIMONY

Miss Brady. Did you have contact with Bernard Barker, Howard
Hunt or Eugenio Martinez during your CIA career?

Mr. Angleton. None of them.


Miss Brady. At any time?

Mr. Angleton. No. I want to explain the Hunt business. One of the
things that this Joe Trento, the reporter, gave out that he learned
from this Committee, he put it that he learned from the Committee
that they had a memorandum between myself and Dick Helms to
the effect that I wrote a memo to Dick saying that Howard Hunt was
in Dallas at the time of the assassination and I was suggesting or
proposing a cover-up.

Miss Brady. To whom?

Mr. Angleton. To Helms. Now, when I was called before I the


Watergate Committee I was challenged about some such and such
in the Executive Office Building. I didn't even know what they were
talking about. I determined that that is where all the Watergate
people were hanging about, Hunt. I kept getting all these
threatening telephone calls from Seymour Hirsch of the New York
Times and all of that. I couldn't honestly understand what they were
talking about until the whole Hunt thing hit the fan and they arrested
Hunt and so on.

Then a journalist came to me and told me that there was in


inspector Bast, he called himself Inspector Bast, who is supposed to
be a well to do man, a lawyer of some sort, a private investigator in
McLean, and he had invited Colson to his swimming pool and that
he had a hidden microphone in the shrubbery and that Colson told
him that Angleton had recruited Hunt and was running Hunt in the
White House as his agent and that Hunt reported to Angleton daily.

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Bast was reported to have this tape recording which he made


known to this journalist. The journalist was going to print all of this.

Miss Brady. When was this? During the Watergate period?

Mr. Angleton. Sometime maybe a little after or during. So I laughed


at this fellow and told him, I said 'That is just about as crazy as
anything I have ever heard." I said, "If you pursue that", I told him,
"You will be exposed on this. I never met Howard Hunt in my life.”
He was arrested on a Friday or Saturday. The first working day I
asked the Office of Security to supply me with eight by ten photos of
his security badges. In our organization you go to hundreds of
meetings without knowing all the people. It is part of the
compartmentation, if you would like. Therefore, I had to be doubly
sure because the newspaper picture of Hunt was about this big and
you couldn't get any features out of it. So, when they showed me
the photographs, I had never seen Hunt in my life.

The curious thing here, and I never explained it to the (press or


anybody), is the fact that my Deputy's name is Jim Hunt and I just
let them go along, since they started the myth, let them live with it.
But Jim Hunt being retired and playing golf, I saw no reason to give
an explanation and ruin the 19th hole so to speak. So, when Trento
called me at the Army-Navy Club, one of the things he also said to
me at that time was, "Has Hunt been in touch with you?" Again he is
on that same Colson-Bast et cetera, route as the others.

Miss Brady. So it is fair to say, apart from whatever was made


known publicly about the Watergate incident, you had no
independent knowledge of Hunt's activities with the Agency?

Mr. Angleton. No. Later when he was picked up, yes, I called for his
file and read his file. I might also add that I feel quite honestly that
the man has suffered a great deal, I mean a very great deal, the
death of his wife and all the things he went through and tragedies
and trying to put his life back to gather again with all these character
assassins still running after him. He paid his price. But I am a little
sympathetic with the fellow without ever knowing him.

Miss Brady, Was there ever really any Agency document about
Hunt's whereabouts’ on November 22, 1963?

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Mr. Angleton. I don't remember any such thing. As I said, Hunt didn't
mean a thing to me until after the Watergate.

Angleton freaked out when Hunt got arrested. He


immediately asked for his photograph so he could compare it
against that of the Hunt tramp and do a damage assessment
evaluation. Charles Colson was a member of the Nixon
administration who later founded a prison ministry. Christ helped
him find the and I don’t mean David Christ. Colson was not making
shit up about Angleton. He was telling Bast what he knew. Bast was
a sneaky BASTard. When I visited his office he even recorded me!

In American Spy Hunt wrote,

In August 1978, a former CIA agent, Victor Marchetti,


put out an article about the assassination in Spotlight,
a weekly magazine published by the Liberty Lobby, a
right-wing group that regularly published articles and
advertisements with anti-Semitic, white supremacist,
and neo-Nazi slants. In this article, the author relied
on a "1966 CIA memo" from Allen Dulles to James
Angleton, which revealed that Frank Sturgis, CIA
agent Gerry Patrick Hemming, and I had been
involved in the assassination plot. The memo was
supposedly in the hands of the House Special
Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), which was
scheduled to hold hearings later in the month. The
memo, of course, was either fictitious or forged, as it
has apparently never seen the light of day and was
never published by the HSCA.

There are two possibilities here. By adding Frank Sturgis


and Gerry Patrick Hemming to the document Hunt is either trying to
discredit it further or is confirming its existence having seen the
actual document himself. Hemming was never a CIA Agent however
he was the CIA contract employee who brought Oswald into the
plot.
In 1978 Angleton founded the Security and Intelligence
Fund, a group similar to Phillips' Association of Retired Intelligence
Officers. Founding members included Newton S. Miler and Sam
Papich. I met Angleton in 1978. When he shook my hand, he
squeezed it. In 1980 then-Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency Stansfield Turner convinced Congress to approve a special
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

fund to compensate CIA officers victimized by Angleton. In 1984


Angleton was a member of the National Strategy Committee of the
American Security Council. Other members included General
Lyman Lemnitzer, Claire Booth Luce, Dr. Robert Morris, Charles J.
V. Murphy and Dr. Stefan Possony, who died in April 1995.
Angleton died of cancer at Sibley Memorial Hospital in Washington,
D.C., on May 12, 1987, five days after former CIA Director William
Casey died of pneumonia following an operation for brain cancer.
Angleton was 69.
THE PAINES AFTER THE COUP
THE TELEPHONE CONVERSATION

Michael Paine related the events of November 22:

When it happened I was eating lunch with a


colleague at a bowling alley. Someone told me the
President had been shot and we dashed back to lab
to listen to the radio. And my colleague, Frank
Krystinik, was urging me to call the FBI and tell them
that LEE worked there. Oh, no I thought. Everyone is
going to be jumping on him. The obvious target there.
I couldn't see why LEE would do that. If he was a
rational body he's gonna get Johnson, but he shot

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Kennedy. I took Johnson to be more to the right. I've


come to realize since, I didn't take into account Lee's
close connection with Cuba, which would have
changed the complexion somewhat of what he might
had felt toward Kennedy. But he did say to me that
he thought Kennedy was the best President we've
had in his lifetime. He also said that he thought
change wouldn't come about, except through
violence.

Frank Krystinik had a slightly different version of events:

On November 22, 1963, Krystinik and Paine were in


the office of the Bell Helicopter Company laboratory
when they heard the news that the President had
been shot. There was some discussion about the
exact location of where the shooting had occurred, so
they looked it up in the Dallas City map. Paine said
with surprise "That is right next to the Texas School
Book Depository Building." Krystinik then said, "Well
isn't that where LEE Oswald works?" Paine said,
"Yes, but he does not even own a gun." [WCD75
p724]
THE TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
On November 26, 1963, Dallas Confidential FBI
Informant T-4, advised that he had received
information that a male voice was overheard in a
conversation which took place between telephone
number CR-5-5211, Arlington, Texas, and telephone
number BL-3-1628 [Michael Paine's home telephone
number], Irving, Texas, on November 23, 1963.
Informant advised the exact time of this conversation
was not available, and that it was not known from
which of the telephone numbers the call originated.
Informant advised that the male voice was heard to
comment that he felt sure Lee Harvey Oswald had
killed the President, but he did not feel Oswald was
responsible, and further stated: 'We both know who
is responsible.' [WCD 206 p66; FBI DL 100-10461
RPG;gmf]

The FBI reported:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

It should be noted that the only telephone call


between telephone number CR-5-5211, Arlington,
Texas, and telephone number BL-3-1628, Irving,
Texas, during the period November 22, 1963, to
November 26, 1963, was the one call on November
22, 1963, which, according to the telephone company
records, indicates that Mrs. Michael Paine was
calling collect from CR-5-5211, the place of
employment of her husband. Previous information,
furnished by Captain Paul Barger, Irving, Texas,
Police Department, to the effect that he had received
information from individual he could not recall
concerning a telephone conversation which took
place on November 23, 1963, between telephone
numbers CR-5-5211, Arlington, Texas and BL-3-
1623, Irving, Texas, has been reported. Mrs. Ruth
Paine, 2515 West 5th Street, Irving, Texas, has
previously stated that on November 22, 1963, at
about 1:00 p.m., her husband telephoned from his
place of business, and advised her that the President
had just been shot. Mrs. Paine denied having any
conversation with her husband at his place of
employment on November 23, 1963.

The telephone records of Michael Paine, BL-3-1628


indicated that on November 22, 1963, a collect call was placed
"from Arlington, Texas, number CR-5-5211. Mrs. Michael Paine was
calling." [FBI DL 100-10461 1.23.64 Robert Lish] Wesley Liebler
questioned Ruth Paine about this telephone conversation:

Liebler: You have previously been questioned about a supposed


telephone call that was supposed to have been made from Michael
Paine's office to your home shortly after the assassination, and I do
not represent that I have knowledge of such a call, that such a call
was ever made, but as you know, there were rumors to the effect
that this man and woman together in the conversation - that one of
them said he really wasn't responsible for the assassination, and
they both knew who was and I think both of you and Michael have
testified about this before and have denied there was any such
telephone conversation between you and anyone. Was there a
telephone conversation of any kind between you and Michael
between your residence and Michael's office on November 22,
1963, or November 23, 1963?

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Paine: I have testified to the fact that Michael called. I don't know
whether it was from the cafeteria where he had been eating, or
more likely from his office, to my home, on November 22, 1963.

Liebler: Was that the only telephone conversation between those


two numbers on those two days that you know of?

Paine: Yes.

Ruth Paine commented told this researcher, "It rings no bells


for me. I must say I am not impressed with the quality of FBI
reporting." Michael Paine stated:

I've heard that a couple of times, way back, for many


years. When I first heard that said, I thought that they
must have overheard me talking to my father very
shortly after the evening or the next day of the
assassination. In this conversation I said to him
rather emphatically 'We know how he got that job at
the Depository.' Which we did. Immediately after the
assassination, I assumed the phone was tapped.

Frontline reporter Scott Malone reported "T-4" has not been


identified. It has been suggested that "T-4" was an illegal wiretap
put on Michael Paine's telephone after the assassination. Note how
Barger placed the date of the tap later in time. By November 23,
1963, he had received permission to tap Michael Paine's telephone
from the courts. The telephone records, which are generally fairly
accurate - they are used as evidence in court - placed the call on
November 22, 1963. Note how Barger had also forgotten the source
of this information. The telephone records indicated that Ruth Paine
placed a collect call to Michael Paine from his office to his home yet
no one at Bell Helicopter testified that they saw Ruth Paine at the
facility that day. Marina Oswald testified that Ruth Paine was not
absent any time during that entire day. Yet telephone records
indicated that some time on November 22, 1963, probably shortly
after the Kennedy assassination, Ruth Paine went to Michael
Paine's office. Marina could have watched the children. Michael
Paine was not there, so she called him at his house. Perhaps
Michael Paine went to Ruth Paine's home, and finding that she was
not there he drove home, where he received a telephone call from
his wife calling collect from his office. Not realizing his telephone
would be tapped in so short a time, Michael Paine commented that
he felt sure Lee Harvey Oswald had killed the President, but he did

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not feel Oswald was responsible, and further stated: 'We both know
who is responsible.' They both thought that the CIA was
responsible, because people connected with the CIA had told them
to befriend Oswald.
WHEN DID RUTH PAINE KNOW OSWALD WAS A SUSPECT
Ruth Paine testified that after she heard that President
Kennedy had been shot in the vicinity of the Texas School Book
Depository, she thought that

LEE might be able to say somewhat about what


happened, had been close to the event. This was my
thought, that we would know somebody who would
be able to give or possibly give a first hand - I never
thought of him as a violent man. He never said
anything against President Kennedy, nor anything
about President Kennedy. I had no idea that he had a
gun.

She said she told Marina what had happened. During one
part of Ruth Paine's testimony before the Warren Commission she
was asked:

McCloy: You said you were sitting on the sofa. While you were
listening or looking at the television, was there any announcement
over the television of a suspicion being cast on LEE?

Paine: It had been announced that they had caught someone in a


theater, but there was no name given.

McCloy: So up to this point there was no suggestion that LEE was


involved.

Paine: No, not until the officers came to the door. [Paine Test. To
WC p70]

Ruth Paine testified that Michael Paine arrived at her home in the
mid-afternoon. She was asked:

Jenner: Now would you please tell me exactly to the best of your
recollection the words of your husband as he walked in the door.

Paine: I don't recall his saying anything.

Jenner: Now his words if any with respect to why he had come.

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Paine: I asked him before he volunteered. I said something to the


effect of "How did you know to come?"

Jenner: What did he say.

Paine: He said he heard on the radio at work that Oswald was in


custody, and he came immediately to the house.

Jenner: And that is what you recall he said.

Paine: That is right...I might interject one recollection if you want of


Michael having telephoned to me after the assassination. He
wanted to know if I heard.

Jenner: Did he call you before he arrived at your home?

Paine: He called, he knew about the assassination. He had been


told by a waitress at lunch time. [Paine WC test. P110]

Ruth Paine was lying about the events of the day. First she
testified that she did not know that Oswald was a suspect until
Dallas Police Officers came to her door. Later she said she heard it
from Michael Paine.
HOSTY, ODUM, HOWE AND DeBRUEYS
The FBI reported that on November 26, 1963, material of
various types which had been recovered by the Dallas Police
Department from Oswald'S and Ruth Paine's residence were turned
over to Howe, Hosty and DeBrueys. [WCE 2077 p139] The post-
assassination investigation of the Paine family was conducted and
directed by FBI Agents Bardwell Odum, Kenneth Howe, WARREN
C. DeBrueys and James P. Hosty. S.A. Hosty questioned the
Paines 15 times. Ruth Paine believed Oswald was guilty because of
"massive circumstantial evidence that surrounds his relationship, or
where he was, what he had, at the time of the assassination."
Michael Paine did not believe that Oswald could have been a
provocation:

You can weave any kind of a plot you want, but he


was not a provocation. I don't see that. When the
assassination occurred I didn't suppose that he had
done it. I didn't think he could, because it didn't fit
with my understanding of what his objectives would
be. The only way I could figure a reason for him
doing this was his convoluted argument that you get
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

in Johnson and Johnson being more to the right,


would have angered the left more. It struck me as a
spur of the moment action which wasn't the result of
much advance planning. And it struck me that he
must have done that after he had seen the
motorcade route published a day before his visit. He
saw it was going to go right by his building there. Get
himself on the map. What's he gonna take his rifle
for, if he wasn't going to assassinate the President?
Oswald was not an instrument of the right. He was a
bona fide leftist, no question of his sincerity....

Michael Paine was asked, "You have no CIA-connection?"


He responded, "No connection with that. The closest connection I
have had, that I knew of, was I took a trip with the Presbyterian
Church Choir. We went to Germany and we had an FBI person who
was a choir member. He couldn't dare go into East Germany. We
took a little tourist trip there." Michael Paine was asked if he
believed the CIA was involved with overseas assassinations. He
said, "Yes, I do. I think it is bad for us. I think they're clumsy. Well,
not just clumsy..." He was asked if he believed the CIA might have
been involved in any domestic assassinations.

I don't speculate a lot" Michael Paine said, "but if


there was going to be a conspiracy in which Oswald
was involved, then it would have been with some
other little buddies who loved Cuba, and were still
incensed at Kennedy for the Bay of Pigs. I have no
idea what motivated RUBY, and why he felt so
outraged as to deprive the nation of a trial of this
person. I don't know about RUBY'S organized crime
connections.

The Kennedy assassination reunited the Paines; Michael


Paine moved in with his wife and child.
THE MISSING MINOX
When journalist Earl Goltz interviewed Dallas Police
Detective Gus Rose, one of the officers who searched the Ruth
Paine's home after the assassination, Gus Rose remembered
having found a "small German camera and black case on a chain
and film." Gus Rose inventoried the evidence and turned it over to
FBI Agent Warren C. DeBrueys, who identified the Minox camera as
a Minox light meter. Michael Paine stated: "I did have a light meter
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for a Minox. I kind of forgotten that I had a light meter. And it looked
like a half-size version of a Minox camera. It had the same leather
case and flexible metal chain. They didn't get it at the same time.
They got the camera later." If a Minox light meter was found among
Oswald's possessions, was there a camera that accompanied it?
Michael Paine, who stored his possessions in the same garage as
Oswald, was questioned about this. He said:

He owns a Minox camera and that camera is at his


home in Irving, Texas. Several years ago he dropped
this camera in salt water off the coast of Cape Cod,
Massachusetts, and after retrieving it, soaking it in
kerosine and cleaning same, it appeared to be in
good working condition. Thereafter, someone bent
the shutter by pulling the lens out too far, and, to the
best of his knowledge, it is not now in working
condition. He stated that he did have some cans of
film, and that some of them were probably exposed
film, but that the pictures made on this film were at
least five years old. He stated that he had a case for
the camera and other accessories including a light
meter. He stated that when the police came to his
house on November 22, 1963, they took the entire
contents on a drawer containing photographic
equipment which included the items mentioned
above with the exception of the camera. He stated
that this camera was in his garage at that time and
that although he mentioned the camera to the police,
they did not seem interested in it. He stated that he is
sure Lee Harvey Oswald never used this camera,
and he is of the opinion that it is not in working
condition at the present time. Mr. Paine stated he
had no knowledge of a 'no admittance' sign which
was picked-up by the police at his residence. He
stated this sign is not his and he has never seen it
before. [FBI DL 100-10461 1.31.64 Bardwell Odum]

On February 1, 1964, Ruth Paine gave FBI SA Bardwell


Odum a Minox III camera, serial number 27259.
THE THREE UNDEVELOPED ROLLS OF FILM
The Dallas Police Department found three undeveloped rolls
of Minox film in Michael Paine's garage. "Two Minox cassettes, one
containing film; two containers with unexposed Minox film."
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Detective Gus Rose said he found one roll in Oswald'S sea bag.
This researcher applied for these photographs under the Freedom
of Information Act. The FBI stated: "In as much as the material you
requested is of great historical interest, these pages are being
released to you without excisions." [ltr. Allen H. McCreight FBI
6.12.78] The FBI Laboratory Report on the exposed film stated that
two of the rolls had been exposed in Michael Paine's camera but the
other was not:
FBI LABORATORY
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
WASHINGTON D.C.
Bureau request November 25, 1963

Request comparison of Minox film recovered from


possessions of Lee Harvey Oswald in the
assassination of President Kennedy, November 22,
1963, Dallas, Texas, case with specimen Q5.

Result of examination:

It has been determined that the questioned Minox


film designated as specimen Q5 in this case was not
exposed in the same camera as Minox film recovered
from the possessions of Lee Harvey Oswald (Item
377) in the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, November 22, 1963, Dallas, Texas, case.
[FBI 62-109060-NR 12.2.63 #174]

Michael Paine was contacted in July 1993. He said,

All the ones that I've seen copies of prints of, have
been taken by me, yes. I took a camera with me. I
bought the camera originally because I wanted
something I could carry in my pocket all the time. I
was hoping you could make good pictures with that
camera, but it was very tricky, everything had to be
right. So it didn't have any use, I thought." It was
pointed out to Michael Paine that the Minox is most
often used for photographing documents. He agreed,
"It was noted for that purpose, yeah. It was, of
course, good for, it could take pictures up close.
When I got to Korea I took along a little developing
tumbler about the size of a glass. But the water we

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had was out of the rice paddies, and I thought it


would leave little specks of dirt, so I never tried
developing the things I did in Korea. I guess I never
used it again. I used a different camera,
stereoscopic. It's news to me that there should be a
roll mixed-in with mine. That seems very odd.
THE PHOTOGRAPHS
The two rolls of Minox film that were taken with Michael
Paine's Minox camera contained photos of a trip to Europe. The roll
that was not taken with Michael Paine's camera seem to have been
photographed in either Qemoy or Matsu. The photographs depicted
several Marines horsing around on a large military vessel; a shot a
tanker and LST-845P, shots of an island from offshore; shots
entering a harbor; Asian children walking past a heavily fortified
military base; a Chinese funeral passing the perimeter of the base,
and a photo of Oswald with an M-16.

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Nothing that is too startling. There is a photo of Gerry


Hemming holding a Huk in a garrot at Subic Bay.

Oswald possessed a Minox camera while he was in the


Marines. JFK CIA document 1993.06.18.16:24:34:590000 is a piece
of an envelope from SR/CI/R listing contents as "One folder XAAZ-
22448 May 5, 1965, State Department Files 1963. 2) Paine photos
removed and attached to DBA 64420, from which they had been
taken."

During the Garrison Investigation in 1968 Marina Oswald testified,

I like Ruth Pain and appreciate what she did. I was


advised by the Secret Service not to be connected
with her, seems like she was…not connected…she
was sympathizing with the CIA. She wrote letters
over there and they told me for my own reputation, to
stay away.
RUTH PAINE POST COUP
On September 17, 1965, Ruth Paine asked Mr. Maceo Smith
of the Federal Housing Administration for the names of Negro
families interested in purchasing houses in Irving, Texas, and asked
for help in furthering her efforts in this regard: "Mr. Smith advised
that Mrs. Paine obtained his name by contacting a principal of an
Irving, Texas, school and asking for the name of a Negro who might
be able to help her in her integration efforts." Ruth Paine's request
was transmitted to E. J. Dee, Director, Federal Housing
Administration Insuring Office, Dallas, Texas:

Mr. Dee stated he is of the opinion some Negro


people of the Irving, Texas, area have been
contacted by Mrs. Paine, but they, the Negroes, do
not want anything to do with her. He said he arrived
at this opinion as he, Dee, was contacted by a leader
of the Negro community of Bear Creek near Irving,
Texas, who told him they did not want to have
anything to do with Ruth Paine, and asked Mr. Dee if
he could keep her away from them.

In June 1976 Ruth Paine was living on a yacht in Fort


Lauderdale, Florida. In 1991 she became U.S. Coordinator of Pro-
Nica, a project of the southeastern yearly meeting of the American
Friends Service Committee. In this capacity she had dealings with

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the Sandinistas. When questioned by the Warren Commission in


1964 Paine was asked:

Jenner: What is your personal attitude towards the


Castro regime?

Paine: I have very few opinions about it. I suspect


that the press is correct, that it is used for a jumping
off ground for people, for Communist deputies going
to Central American countries, trying to stir up
trouble. That I object to strenuously. That the people
of Cuba have Castro as a leader is not of any
particular offense to me. I do think he has more
popular support than his predecessor.

In 1991 Ruth Paine put out a newsletter about Nicaragua,


describing it as "a roller coaster of ups and downs, a kaleidoscope
of progress and decay...Unemployment is estimated at 50%. The
central government is broke. The AID funds account for about one
third of the Government of Nicaragua's budget. Nicaraguan men
and women have discovered what a free society can mean to them,
and they are not likely to forget it." As of 1992 Ruth Paine was living
in Managua, Nicaragua, and St. Petersburg, Florida. This
interviewer spoke with Ruth Paine during the Summer of 1993 and
pointed out some of the facts contained in this book. She stated,

Mostly I don't like to do interviews much. But anyway,


you're an interesting guy though.

Can you see why I am convinced that there was a


conspiracy involved?

I certainly see that, yes. From the vantage point I


had, it didn't look that way. Because here he was,
already a very strange guy. He had a rifle, and he
was doing clandestine things, like having an
assumed name. Made him look a little strange. He
was a very unstable kind of guy.

In December 1994 Ruth Paine was living in St. Augustine,


Florida, and working in Tampa, Florida as a school psychologist and
still did volunteer work for the Quakers. [Xmas card 12.30.94]
Hemming told this researcher:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Ruth Paine's a fucking patriot, she doesn't know shit


from Shinola. Don't read nothing, don't wanna know,
don't give a fuck. And they're loyal till the day they
die. They believe what's told to them. They're like cult
members out of Waco, or Georgetown. 'Drink your
Kool Aide, drink it before goes bad.' She's a religious
fucking fanatic. They'll believe shit out of the fucking
book. God is on their side. That's the kind of fucking
people they are. Very valuable fucking people. They
never give yaa...Now, that she would be in touch with
an Oswald, that's saying something. They don't
expose people like Ruth Paine to fucking dimwit
numbfucks. She was babysitting the guy regarding
some knowledge he had acquired in the Soviet
Union. She was told to put him in the Texas School
Book Depository. They don't tell why. They put a 14
inch nigger dick between her legs and that's it. They
do what the fuck they're told. You don't tell some
fucking cunt what's going on. She's not going to
betray anyone. She'll keep her mouth shut until the
day she fucking dies. Her relatives in the CIA were
serving their country. If they were used and abused,
it's not their fault. They are not the enemy. They were
complete fucking dupes. In Angleton'S business, the
people that are closest to you, that know too much,
are scared. They're always scared.

MARINA OSWALD POST COUP

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Hemming told this researcher: "Here's a broad that's been


played like a violin, threatened to be deported with her two girls left
behind. She was put in the path of Oswald in the Soviet Union so
that they could get hooked up. She doesn't describe anything in any
detail. So much of what she would ordinarily know, she doesn't
know. And that sends up a flash right there." Marina Oswald told
this researcher: "How dare he call me 'a broad?' It's absolutely not
true. I just went to the dance. It was simply fate, freak accident."
After November 22, 1963, Marina Oswald was befriended by John
and Katia Jacobs of Alexandria, Virginia. John Jacobs was the radio
officer for the 1959 American National Exhibition in Moscow. In
1961 John Jacobs joined the USIA. [FBI 105-82555-3583, LHM
6.21.67 Tampa FL] Marina Oswald told this researcher in 1994: "I
never heard of him." Marina Oswald associated with Ilya Manatov,
an Estonian national who attended the University of Latvia during
the German occupation. In late 1945, a U.S. citizen sponsored the
immigration of Ilya Manatov to America. He was hired by Sun Oil,
and given a CIA clearance. Ilya Manatov served as an interpreter for
Marina Oswald.
MARINA'S OSWALD'S SEX LIFE: JAMES HERBERT MARTIN
James Herbert Martin was the business manager of Marina Oswald.
James Martin knew Jack Ruby. When asked by the FBI if he had
any criminal connections, James Herbert Martin told them that he
had a cousin-by-marriage named Al Cervantes, presently Mayor of
St. Louis, Missouri, and Cervantes was a friend of Frank Costello.
The Warren Commission noted that Marina Oswald was having
sexual relations with James Herbert Martin, who was married. The
possibility of deporting Marina Oswald for moral turpitude was
investigated. Warren Commission investigator Richard Mosk
concluded: "Mrs. Oswald did not commit adultery since D.C. Stat.
Title 22 301 provided that when such an act is committed between a
married man and a woman who is unmarried, the man only shall be
deemed guilty of adultery...The statues of the District of Colombia
do not make fornication a crime."

On February 19, 1964, the FBI obtained a lengthy statement


from Marina Oswald

…regarding sex incident involving herself and her


former manager, James Herbert Martin. This
statement reflects the following: While residing at Inn
of Six Flags under the surveillance of the Secret
Service she was informed by a Secret Service Agent
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that James Herbert Martin [a manager at Six Flags]


had invited her and her children to reside at his
home. She accepted the invitation to visit the Martin
home on Thanksgiving, and while she was at the
Martin home on that occasion accepted an invitation
from Mr. and Mrs. Martin to reside with them. She
moved into their home about November 29, 1963,
until February 9, 1964, until her trip to Washington
the week of February 3, 1964, she was under United
States Secret Service surveillance at the Martin
house.

Shortly after beginning residence at the Martin


house, her intuition told her that James Martin had
feelings of love toward her. On New Year's Eve, after
refusing to be kissed by James Herbert Martin when
he asked to give her a New Years kiss in the
presence of his wife, James Martin subsequently
caught her in the hallway and told her he loved her
and then kissed her. She believed him to be sincere.

Following this event James Herbert Martin almost


daily professed his love to her and frequently hugged
her and kissed her, but always surreptitiously. He
also propositioned her to have sexual relations, but
she refused. She did tell James Herbert Martin she
was willing to be his mistress, and they made plans
when she would have a place of her own, and he
would visit her clandestinely. James Herbert Martin
also gave her several gifts.

About January 4, 1964, James Herbert Martin took


her alone to the La Tunisia Restaurant, Dallas. Two
Secret Service agents occupied a table nearby. They
enjoyed a good dinner. James Herbert Martin
professed his love to her and she replied everything
would be fine if it were not for his family. She did not
have sexual intercourse with James Herbert Martin at
the Martin home.

Following her testimony in Washington on Friday,


February 7, 1964, she and James Herbert Martin and
June ate together and thereafter took a walk in
Washington. They returned to the hotel at 7:00 or
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

8:00 p.m. That evening they slept together and


engaged in sexual intercourse. They slept together
the entire night. This was done with Marina Oswald's
consent and there was no force whatsoever on the
part of James Herbert Martin.

While in Washington, United States Secret Service


Agent Leon Gopadze told her there were rumors
James Herbert Martin loved her and these rumors
might be so detrimental as to lead to her deportation
from this country. Martin told her he had friends who
could fix up a fictitious marriage which would forestall
deportation.

On Sunday, February 9, 1964, Robert Oswald came


to the Martin home in Dallas and took Marina and
June to the cemetery to visit the Oswald grave.
Robert suggested she leave the Martin residence,
and she agreed to do so, and accompanied Robert to
his home in Denton, Texas, the same day. On
Tuesday, February 11, 1964, she called Martin on
the telephone at his home from Robert Oswald's
home, while Mrs. Martin listened on extension. They
engaged in a three way conversation. She told Martin
she was dispensing with him as a manager and as a
lover and suggested that Mrs. Martin be told the
whole truth. On February 14, 1964, she sent
registered letters to both Martin and Thorne, which
dismissed them as manager and lawyer
respectively."

J. Edgar Hoover:

Mr. Rankin asked if I didn't think that business about


her being willing to be James Herbert Martin's
mistress was a strange thing, and I stated I did. That
it shows certainly the complete lack of any character,
and the thing that also impressed me was, if you look
at the picture of Marina when this happened and the
picture of her afterwards, it is almost like two different
people, as in the second picture of her she is not
unattractive... Somebody got hold of her and got her
fixed up and that probably put ideas in her head also.
I stated there was no question this fellow Martin was
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making love to her. I stated that if this kind of thing


gets out before it is nailed down and the Commission
reaches a conclusion as to what and what not to
believe, it would be bad.

The attorney of Marina Oswald, John M. Thorne, FBI files

reflect that he was interviewed as Special Agent


applicant, April 1951. Recommended unfavorably
and all paper forwarded to Bureau. He was reported
to have received LLB Degree, Southern Methodist
University, June 1951. Dallas file 94-152-69 in a
memo entitled (Deleted as of 2010) Dallas Division.
The OSI furnished a list of reported (deleted as of
2010). In this list is one John M. Thorne, Grand
Prairie, Texas. File 145-134 reflects a PCI advised on
March 1, 1958, that two males and two females had
appeared at a tourist court and had taken about three
reels of film for a car and into the tourist cabin. PCI
believes that these persons were showing the films
and possibly making others. PCI said this person,
John M. Thorne, come to the tourist courts on an
average of two or three times a week.

Priscilla Johnson was asked if she noticed any indication that


Marina Oswald might be a sexually active individual: "I have no
comment."
HEMMING: NO PORK ROLL FROM OSWALD
Hemming told this researcher:

She wasn't getting any pork roll from Oswald


anyway. The guy was practically fucking impotent.
The pressure was a little bit too much for him. He had
periodic impotence. He probably wouldn't have eaten
her box either. If he'd have gone to Cuba with me he
would have learned all them techniques. The guy had
fucking stresses and strains you wouldn't believe.
This guy couldn't figure what time of day it was.
When a guy has trouble with trade craft, you know he
hasn't been played back to you. When you fuck up
some of the basic stuff, and have to be led by the
hand. He was a fuck-up." Marina Oswald: "They put
me right away in the hands of the people that I

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trusted. FBI have a tape of everything, telephone and


the things like that. They have a big list, in case if I
tell the truth, or honest, or dwell into something, they
will do everything in their power to compromise me. If
I make waves right now, please listen to me, I'm
telling you the truth, you know how much material
and garbage gonna pour all over me? 'How can you
trust that person when she's a so in so. When she's
no good?' This stuff was stashed away for blackmail
purposes. I wonder who is the people who is cooking
all this up? The FBI? I didn't have an affair with
Martin. I responded to his advances when the Secret
Service arranged a suite in Washington, D.C. They
taped everything. You don't have to be a fallen
woman. When you're husband gets killed and you
just want somebody's hand around you, just to hold
you, when the whole world is against you, you
definitely respond. For that one thing I have been
blackmailed for many years. I did not break up the
family. I didn't ask him to come to me. He showed
kindness to my kids. That was all pre-fab before, to
subject me to deportation, even with approval of his
wife. Tell me about the Walker thing again. Are you
telling me that I lied? Listen to me. It would be more
advantage to me that I could say now, 'I was scared,
they twist my arm, I said that as a lie.' Don't you
understand that? I'm not saying Lee was there. I
wasn't there. But I am telling you what happened as
he told me. I will be telling you this until I go to grave.
Better I should say it right now that I lied about. You
know what I mean. I think we ought to finish on that.
People who tell you lies you believe them. When I tell
you the truth you question it. So if you measure me
by that stick I don't think we can continue this
conversation.

After Marina Oswald left the home of Robert Oswald she


moved in with Declan Ford. She retained William A. McKenzie as
her attorney. William A. McKenzie advised the FBI "it would be to
the welfare of the Bureau not to interview Marina Oswald
concerning the Nixon affair until his return because of her fatigue
resulting from many interviews, particularly the long interview of
today of an intimate nature." [FBI 105-82555- NR 2.29.64 199]

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Profits soon became available to Marina Oswald. Life


magazine paid Marina Oswald $5000 for the Oswald/Rifle
photograph and she received another $25,000 for other
photographs in her possession. Marina Oswald told this researcher:
"The amount of money that they claim I was paid by this and that is
not true." Isaac Levine offered her $25,000 for the rights to her story
in book form, although no book materialized until 1977, when
Priscilla Johnson's Lee and Marina was published. The HSCA
asked Marina Oswald why the book took so long to get into print:
"Well, it is not an easy book to write about, especially when you try
to be so accurate and not just to bluff around because it was lots of
research." Marina Oswald received $70,000 in contributions from
unnamed sources. In 1964 Marina Oswald married Kenneth Jess
Porter. In 1965 Marina Oswald asked a Dallas justice of the peace
for a peace bond against her husband. She said he had slapped her
and threatened to kill himself. "We got into an argument today"
Marina stated "He slapped me in the face and tried to put the
children outside so that he could be alone with the gun he carried. I
am afraid that he might try to do me bodily harm." Porter was
released from the Dallas County Jail after posting $15,000 peace
bond. [Dallas Morning News 8.19.65] In the 1970's Marina and her
husband invested some of their money in a Dallas bar the
subsequently failed. In 1975 Kenneth Porter managed a sewing
machine outlet and Marina sold children's clothing in a department
store at a suburban shopping center. [Newsweek 8.11.75] Marina
Oswald told this researcher: "I was too stupid to be involved in
espionage. I was working in a Seven-Eleven. Someone was stealing
money. They were dragging me and another clerk to take lie
detector tests at the time. I asked, 'Why manager doesn't take lie
detector test?' That was in my FBI file?" It was pointed out to Marina
that the men who took part in the coup benefited from the coup.
Nixon, Hunt, Sturgis and McCord ended up in the White House, not
as cashiers in Seven-Elevens.

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DE TORRES AFTER THE COUP

An article appeared in the St. Petersburg Times that stated


“February 20, 1964 Cuban invasion Brigade 2506 members have
threatened to resign their special U.S. Army training to fight Fidel
Castro on their own, a Bay of Pigs veteran claimed here today. The
168 exiled officers training here since last year have become
impatient with US policy toward Cuba said Jose Morales Cruz.
However brigade veterans are not expected to make any definite
until after next Monday when they meet with their acting chief,
Eneido Oliva and members of the Defense Department at Fort
Benning, Georgia. Juan Jose Peruyero, Bernardo DE TORRES and
Andres Basol said the problem stemmed from a lack of action rather
than discontent with army life, state Morales Cruz.

The CIA:

His brother Carlos was the liaison between the


Intelligence Department of the [Brigade] Association
and the LNERGO (the true name was deleted, not
supposed to be), and provided the necessary means
to guide Subject in his position. Carlos provided
information on all matters of importance to the
LNERGO. (once again deleted when not supposed to
be) About the time Bernardo De Torres was involved
in the Garrison investigation it was said that he liked
to boast of his influence and contacts. (Deleted). [CIA

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Traces on Sources of Information (deleted) To:


(Deleted) Miami From CAS Miami 10.1972]

Bernardo De Torres was interviewed by the Miami FBI Office


on March 3, 1964, relative to a reported plot by members of the Bay
of Pigs Brigade to carry out a raid against Cuba. Bernardo De
Torres told the FBI that

…although he was a permanent resident of the


United States, and considers himself loyal to the
United States, he felt compelled to fight against the
Castro Government in Cuba, because Cuba was the
land of his birth. He said that he did not believe he
would be imprisoned for violation of the Neutrality
Statutes, for the reason that the United States is also
committed to the fight to overthrow Castro and
further, the United States was involved in violation of
neutrality in its support of the Cuban invasion of April
1961.

On May 18, 1966, Bernardo De Torres was briefly contacted


by the Miami FBI Field Office concerning the anti-Castro plans of
the Association of Veterans of the Bay of Pigs. He was the military
leader of the association, and had been working on military plans,
which he declined to reveal. In 1972 Hemming put former Los
Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty in touch with CARLOS De TORRES.
HSCA investigator ED LOPEZ wrote a report on Bernardo De
Torres.

A report of May 12, 1967, from the FBI office in New


Orleans stated that on May 11, 1967 CARLOS
Bringuier appeared at that office and said that on the
proceeding day he had been telephoned by Rene
Carballo, a Cuban refugee in New Orleans. Carballo
said he was conducting his own investigation of the
JFK assassination and was providing the results to a
reporter from the New Orleans States Item. He said
that the head of the training camp in Lake
Pontchartrain was know as “el Mexicano” and that
this man accompanied Oswald to Mexico City.
Carballo questioned Bringuier concerning the latter’s
contacts with the FBI. Bringuier denied such
contacts.

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Ed Lopez included the above in his De Torres file. Rene


Carballo might be related to Robert Carballo, a close associate of
Bernardo De Torres. In May 1972 Bernardo De Torres was
considered for “intelligence type informant” by the Bureau of
Narcotics and dangerous drugs. He gave two cards to the BNDD
agent, one of which listed as a supervisor of sales for Werbell’s
Military Armaments Corp. and the other from Defense System
International. Bernardo De Torres told the agent that he comes to
Mexico on an average of once a month to sell arms and audio
equipment and he claimed to be in contact with Mexico’s Minister’s
of Defense and Education. “Reason for approach to BNDD is that
subject claims to have information on high-placed GOM officials
involved in narcotics traffic and protection. Subject said he is willing
to work for BNDD on fixed salary basis.

On September 14, 1976 Miami confidential source advised


three Cubans, including Bernardo De Torres (Manolo Camargo
Saavedra and Robert Carballo flew to D.C. to meet with Chilean
Naval Attaché, Rear Admiral Ronald McIntyre at Chilean Embassy,
September 7, 1976. They desired to unite as many exiles as
possible in Florida in order to influence same to vote favorably for
any bills or foreign aid which would help the Chilean Government.
They also met with Clemens who told them he had high government
contacts and asked for $50,000 to deposit in D.C. ban. Cubans
became disgusted and returned to Miami.

DE TORRES AND THE LETELIER ASSASSINATION


Bernardo De Torres was called before a Federal Grand Jury
in 1976 that was probing the Letelier murder. Bernardo De Torres
had attended a meeting with Hector Duran, Bay of Pigs Brigade
member Armando Lopez Estrada, the head of DINA (the Chilean
secret police) and American Richard Townley, during which the
assassination of Orlando Letelier was discussed. [Covert Action July
1978] Jack Anderson reported that Robert Carballo, who is head of
the Veterans of the Bay of Pigs Brigade might be in danger of
assassination. His predecessor, Juan Jose Peruyero was shot to
death in Miami in January 1977 because he was going to talk to the
FBI about the Letelier assassination. Carballo was a suspect in that
hit. [Jack Anderson April 22, 1977]

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ROLANDO OTERO IMPLICATES DE TORRES

A Response to Green List Request No. 104574 was requested for


Rolando Otero Hernandez (born April 18, 1941, 201-285923) on
September 21, 1960, by Betty Vetter of Western Hemisphere/4. The
request was stamped P.O.A. Expedite. The CIA stated that Rolando
Otero was a former SAB Team Leader, recruited February 1964,
who was never used on a JMWAVE mission, and was terminated
August 26, 1964, for a security violation. He was re-recruited in
September 1964 for (deleted) Project in which he served until
December 1964. In the spring of 1975 Orlando Bosch ordered
Rolando Otero to begin a series of actions against the United
States. On October 13, 1975, a bomb exploded in a luggage locker
at Miami's International Airport. In December, Rolando Otero
bombed Miami's Federal Building, Post Office, FBI Field Office, and
Police Department. A bomb exploded in luggage locker at New
York's LaGuardia Airport. Numerous people lost their lives. The
New York City Police Department Detectives Lou Fontaras and
Kenny Cohen told me Croatian separatists were responsible for the
bombing. Rolando Otero said he was in the Dominican Republic
when the LaGuardia bombing occurred.

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Bay of Pigs veteran Frank Castro was a witness to Otero's


presence in the Dominican Republic. Frank Castro, who lived in the
Dominican Republic, was close to Joaquin Balaguer, the President
of the Dominican Republic. Frank Castro said that Otero entered the
Dominican Republic on January 4, 1976. In 1977 Frank Castro was
linked to Pablo Gustavo Castillo, who was charged with a bombing
in Miami, and a murder in Mexico. [Miami News 3.17.77] In 1983
Frank Castro was indicted for conspiracy and smuggling marijuana
into Beaumont, Texas. The charges were dropped in June 1984. In
June 1988 Frank Castro was indicted for Neutrality Act violations for
having taken part in a "military expedition and enterprise to be
carried on from thence against the territory of Nicaragua." [88-6098
CR USDC SD FL cited by Brewton p304] Rolando Otero left the
Dominican Republic on January 23, 1976, for Chile, where he
remained until he was extradited to the United States in May 1976,
and charged with the bombing of Miami Airport. U.S. Attorney
Robert Rust was in charge of the case. On August 25, 1976,
Rolando Otero was acquitted by a Federal jury in Miami, however,
on the same day he was scheduled to be released, he was indicted
on identical state charges. Maurice Ferrer expressed sympathy for
Rolando Otero.
OTERO AND HOWARD HUNT
Retried in January 1977, Rolando Otero testified he was the
youngest recruit at the Bay of Pigs Brigade training camp, and had
been trained by Hunt. Ellis Rubin stated:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Hunt does not know Otero. Hunt never met Otero. He


has never trained anyone in the use of explosives.
Hunt’s only connection with the Bay of Pigs operation
was as the political liaison officer between the CIA
and the Bay of Pigs invaders. He had nothing to do
with any military operations or training. This is
another misuse of Hunt’s name by those who would
take license because Hunt was involved in the
Watergate situation. [Miami Herald 8.24.76]
Just before Hunt was released from prison, he testified at the
trial of Rolando Otero. Hunt told the jury he had never seen Rolando
Otero before in his life.

MAX GONZALEZ (MAXIAM EMILIO GONZALES)


On December 22, 1976, Joe Crankshaw of the Miami Herald
reported:

At least two other persons may have been involved in


the December 1975 wave of bombings in Miami for
which Rolando Otero is to stand trial in Fort Walton
Beach January 10, 1977, according to court
records...An informant's testimony that he saw Otero,
Ricardo Morales, and two unidentified men in a Little
Havana Restaurant, discussing bombings, and later
saw Otero outside a washroom at the state attorney's
office minutes before a bomb exploded there...Other
depositions by Metro detective Danny Benitez reveal
that investigators have been talking to an informant
who has testified that he saw Otero and three other
men in a Little Havana restaurant, discussing the
bombings. The informant, identified by other sources
as Max Gonzalez, now serving a prison sentence on
bad check charges, and who is a former associate of
Frank Sturgis - said he later saw Otero in the 6th
floor hallway of the Metro Justice Building minutes
before a bomb exploded in a washroom outside the
state attorney's office. Gonzalez also said that one of
the men in the restaurant was Richardo Morales,
expected to be a key witness against
Otero...Gonzalez said Otero, Morales and the two
other men were discussing bombings, and how much

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dynamite or plastic explosives would be needed. But


Gonzalez's testimony to the police differs slightly
from a notarized statement he gave to the Miami
Herald last October in that he stated he saw the
conversation take place in the Rodeo Restaurant and
Lounge, but his depositions and interviews with
police have placed the talk in the Rancho Luna
Restaurant. Prosecutors Yoss and Adorno said they
did not expect to call Gonzalez as a witness in the
case.

On December 21, 1976, the Miami News reported:

…a confidential informant has told Metro


investigators that he saw bombing suspect Rolando
Otero near a bathroom in the Dade County State
Attorney's Office only 30 minutes before a bomb
exploded there on December 4, 1975, a court
deposition reveals. A 150 page transcript of two
lengthy sessions on December 8, 1976, and
December 9, 1976, among Otero, defense attorney
William Clay, Assistant State Attorney George Yoss
and Metro Organized Crime Bureau Detective Danny
Benitez was filed last week with the county clerk's
office. The informant's story, if it holds up, could
represent new evidence against the 33-year-old
suspect, who faces trial on nine bombing charges in
state court next month. In the transcript, the detective
described meeting the informant on the day after the
explosion. He told the detective he had overheard
several men discussing politics and bombs in Little
Havana's Rancho Luna bar-restaurant. One of them
was a pock-marked Latin who argued loudly. A few
weeks later the informant said, he twice saw the
same man carrying a package on the sixth floor of
the Metro Justice Building. It was only 30 minutes
before the noon explosion. Subsequently, the
detective said in the deposition, the informant
identified Otero's photo as a that of the pock-marked
man. The informant also later recognized Otero at a
chance meeting in the Dade County Jail. In August,
Otero was acquitted of setting nine bombs in the
Miami area after a long trial in Federal Court. The

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case presented against Otero was largely


circumstantial, but the informant's story puts the
suspect close to the bombing scene at a critical
moment, and could be crucial at his new trial, set to
begin January 10, 1977.

On January 11, 1977, the Miami Herald reported that the judge in
Otero's state trial "instructed the state prosecutors to have a
perspective witness, Max Gonzalez, brought from Fort Pierce
Correctional Center to Fort Walton Beach so that defense lawyer
could quiz him about any testimony he might give at Otero's trial." In
February 1971 Maxiam Emilio Gonzales was arrested for Grand
Larceny, accused of having stolen $150 from Angel Rosa during a
used car deal. In August 1973 Gonzalez was arrested for passing a
worthless check. In April 1974 Gonzalez was arrested for passing a
worthless check. In July 1974 Gonzalez was arrested for passing a
worthless check. In June 1975 Gonzalez was arrested for passing a
worthless check. Max Gonzalez worked with Sturgis on
OPERATION SWORD. Max Gonzalez was an informant for
Detective Danny Benitez. Sturgis was an informant for Detective
Benitez. Max Gonzalez, who had not come forward during the first
trial of Rolando Otero, was in jail as usual, facing eight felony
charges for passing worthless checks, when he remembered he had
overheard Rolando Otero discussing bombings in a Little Havana
restaurant. The man with whom Rolando Otero was discussing the

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bombing with was Ricardo Morales. What did Sturgis have against
Otero? Why did he instruct Gonzalez to make up this story about
Otero? In March 1977, after his conviction, Otero hinted he had
inside knowledge of the Kennedy assassination he wished to offer
in return for a lighter sentence. Was Sturgis aware that Otero was
contemplating doing this in January 1977? Hemming stated that this
was a different Max Gonzalez.

Richardo Morales was scheduled to testify that he heard


Rolando Otero boast that he planted the bombs that exploded in
late 1975, however, Morales never appeared. Other evidence
against Rolando Otero included a lift of his thumb print on a remnant
from the Miami Airport locker. Otero was only convicted of the Miami
Airport bombing.
OTERO TRIES TO MAKE A DEAL WITH THE FBI
In March 1977, Rolando Otero was interviewed in prison awaiting
sentencing. The FBI reported on the interview:

On March 1, 1977, ROLANDO OTERO interviewed


at the Okaloosa County Jail, Crestview, Florida,
where he is presently incarcerated waiting sentence
following his conviction on state charges relating to
bombing incidents in Miami, Florida, area. Present
during interview with Otero were and Robert
Rosenblatt and Bill Clay. These attorneys were
present in Okaloosa County, Florida, this date in
connection with several motions filed in Circuit Court,
Shalimar, relating to Otero's state conviction. Otero is
scheduled to be sentenced on state charge on March
17, 1977, at Shalimar, Florida. The presence of these
attorneys during interview was at their request.
Attorneys for Rolando Otero stated prior to the
interview that they had no knowledge as to specifics
which Otero was to provide FBI relating to the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

During the interview with Otero, who spoke broken


English, Otero alleged that he had information
regarding the Kennedy assassination. Otero declined
to provide any specific information regarding this
matter. Otero advised that it was his personal opinion
that 'CIA, FBI and Secret Service at a high level were
involved in the assassination.' When Otero was
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

asked for specifics as to this opinion, he declined to


furnish such information. Throughout interview, Otero
alleged that he had information concerning the
Kennedy assassination that would 'embarrass FBI.'

Initially, Otero advised that he would be willing to


testify before the HSCA, headed by Mr. Sprague,
concerning the 'concrete' information he had on the
Kennedy assassination. Rolando Otero's condition
for this testimony was for his state conviction on
bombing charges to be dismissed by the FBI, or
government intervention on his behalf with Florida
authorities.

Otero was informed that the FBI could not enter into
such an agreement. During the later part of the
interview with Otero he related that if this condition
for his information was not met by the end of this
week, he would then release information to the media
on limited basis concerning the Kennedy
assassination, and in turn provide similar, but more
detailed, information to HSCA. He also claimed at the
same time he would furnish other information relating
to Cuban activities in South Florida and South
America, which he alleged would be of
embarrassment to the FBI.

After the contradiction in his stated intentions in this


matter were discussed with his attorneys it was
determined that he initially meant to advise that he
would be willing to withhold information he claimed to
have concerning the Kennedy assassination, in view
of its alleged embarrassment to the Bureau, if the FBI
would intervene with state authorities concerning the
state charge, resulting in the dismissal of the state
charge against him, otherwise he would provide the
information he had in his possession to both the
media and the HSCA.

At this point, Otero, with his attorneys present, was


specifically and unequivocally advised that the FBI
wanted him to furnish any and all information he
might have relating to the assassination of President
John F. Kennedy and other matters to the HSCA, as
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

a was his stated 'desire' and that the FBI would have
no part in his withholding such information.

After this point was made clear to Otero, he advised


that in view of this he would be willing to testify
before the HSCA without condition concerning
information relating to the Kennedy assassination,
the specifics of which he declined to furnish the FBI.

Following this remark, OTERO stated that he had


knowledge of a Cuban by the nickname of “Bambi”
who was currently in jail in Venezuela charged with
being involved in the crash of a Cuban airliner. He
said that this individual had at one time been located
in the New York City area and had also participated
in the 2506 Brigade which participated in the Bay of
Pigs invasion. He said that he would be willing to
provide additional information concerning this
individual to the Congressional Committee.

At the conclusion of interview with Otero he and his


attorneys were informed that Otero's stated desire to
testify before the HSCA would be furnished by FBI to
appropriate authorities.

[FBI 62-117290-454X19]

A few weeks later Rolando Otero told a Miami reporter: "The


killers of Kennedy are alive and living in Miami." The testimony of
Rolando Otero to the HSCA was classified, although researcher
Dick Russell obtained a copy:

They had a rumor in the Cuban community, like


Kennedy was a Communist, he's against us, he's
messing up the whole cause. Before the Kennedy
assassination they called a meeting of these people,
and they said they had to be ready because there
was going to be a coup d'etat in the United States.
[Russell, Man Who Knew Too Much p538]

Rolando Otero told Gaeton Fonzi that Cuban exile Juan Adames
(Hemming claimed the name was Juan Aldama Abreu) told him that
BERNARDO DE TORRES had some connection with the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Gaeton Fonzi: "From

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Otero I got the very detailed contention that, when both were in the
Broward County jail, Adames said that BERNARDO DE TORRES
personally knew Oswald."
MEMO June 15, 1977
TO: Tannenbaum
FROM: Fonzi
Re: Adames & Otero interviews.
Enclosed are rough notes of my latest interviews with
Juan Adames and Rolando Otero. This was my
second interview with both men and the first with
Adames where I identified myself and my affiliation
with the Committee. The additional information
developed in both interviews strengthens my opinion
that we have a possibly significant new area of
investigation which should be given attention.

Here are some of the important points developed in


the interview with Adames:

- His experience in the Dominican Republic


revolution reveal Mitch Werbell to be an extremely
important character in that operation whose
connections go up to the highest levels of the
military-intelligence community.

- Werbell had very close association with Paul


Bethel. I have always thought Bethel to be a key
figure. He was press attache in the Havana Embassy
and was probably the CIA's liaison-coordinator with
anti-Castro groups in Miami. He was one of the first
persons Veciana was told to see when he arrived
here. Bethel is a very close friend of David Phillips
whom, Bethel himself told me, was working covert
propaganda in Havana...

- That DE TORRES himself does have past


experience in assassination involvement.

- That Werbell does have a special relationship with


Andrew St. George, and that our assumption about
that relationship (see Memo May 22, 1977) may be
right.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

- Although we get a partial corroboration of what


Otero had told us Adames had told him about DE
TORRES having some connection with the Kennedy
assassination, from Adames we don't get the
information that DE TORRES was involved or that he
was on the scene on November 22, 1963. That's
specifically why I went back to Otero. From him I
again got the very detailed contention that Adames
told him, when both were in the Broward County Jail,
that DE TORRES was involved in the Kennedy
assassination and that he personally knew Lee
Harvey Oswald.

Otero said he would be willing to testify under oath to


that. Corroborating to some extent Otero's story is
what Otero's girlfriend Kathy told Otero's lawyer, Bob
Rosenblatt, a few weeks ago. She said that during
the brief period that Adames was out on bond, he
came to see her regarding possibly helping Otero.
However, without being asked about it, Kathy
volunteered that Adames seemed interested in what
Otero might have told her about this fellow De
TORRES.

Conversely, Adames says nothing to us about


meeting Otero in the Broward County jail (though
records indicate they were there at the same time) or
his visit to Kathy. I didn't want to question him about
it specifically because I did not want to reveal to him
our lead to him was Otero, and if we ever get them
both under oath, that could be a significant point to
put some pressure on.

I tend to put more validity to Otero's information since


we have made no deals with him and he has nothing
to gain, as a far as a I can see now, from feeding us
misinformation. There's a possibility as a far as a I
can read it now, that Adames may be weighing the
value of his information, holding back to see if the
situation will develop where he can get the best price
or deal for it.

Adames is undoubtedly a con man and there is a risk


in using him that he will sell out, but, on the other
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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

hand, he could be of immense value in developing


the details of DE TORRES possible involvement. On
that assumption, I told him I would make an effort to
expedite his situation to either a work release
program or parole. This week he has been
transferred to the Broward County Prison, which may
be preliminary to placing him on the work release
program. I'm checking on that, but I would like him to
think, it's so, that we had something to do with it.
Adames, as a a risk to society, is minimal or nil. I feel
we should make an effort to expedite his situation in
order to use him most effectively, or at least do
something to make him feel we were instrumental in
what is going to happen to him anyway.

I also feel we should perhaps consider at some point


a subpoena duces tecum for De Torres regarding
those photo he allegedly has in his bank vault. I think
we should combine it with a 24-hour surveillance
program when he gets it. [NARA HSCA 180-10092-
10141]

Juan Adames, was incarcerated for possession of a forged


driver license. Gaeton Fonzi elaborated:

Otero said his source had told him that Oswald was
sent to Russia as a CIA agent. The decision to kill
Kennedy was made before Oswald'S return to the
United States. Most of the final planning and
coordination took place at meetings held at the
Dallas YMCA building. Bernardo De Torres posed as
a photographer in Dealey Plaza on November 22.

Gaeton Fonzi checked with Juan Adames and was told,

I would not put anything past De Torres since I know


that's the kind of business he's involved in. He led me
to believe he had some photographs from down
there, but I don't know from when. He said they were
in a bank vault. The more I think about it, if De Torres
was involved in anyway, Mitch Werbell must have
been." [Fonzi, Last Investigation Ch. 28]

Hemming 1994:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

Juan Adames worked with Lucian Conein. I did time


with Otero. Somebody tried to poison him in the
Okalusa County jail. They gave the poison to the
wrong guy and almost killed him. Otero can tell you
something about Dealey Plaza. De Torres was
military leader of the Brigade in the 1970's. He
worked with Anslinger and the Federal Bureau of
Narcotics for years. Him and his brother. They
worked around Gene Marshall. He is still operational.
He had dealt with people like Adames before. De
Torres don't read this stuff. Unless someone in the
government brings it to his attention and that ain't
Fonzi's fault or your fault. I could give a rat's ass for
Adames. His case officer will fry. De Torres did
surveillance of Oswald in New Orleans and in Texas,
Dealey Plaza. He don't sue. If you use De Torres
name, the son-of-a-bitch will kill you. You put that
kind of a guy's name on [the Net], the son-of-a-bitch,
and you're dead. You wanna be a martyr? This guy is
a fucking professional killer. He won't do it
personally. He has people that work for him. He'll
wack your fucking ass in a heartbeat. I wouldn't
bandy his name about. Fonzi didn't use his name,
neither did Propper, a former U.S. Attorney. [Propper
used the name.] I guess they're all cowardly fucks
anyway. Maybe you're the only one with any balls?
Bernardo De Torres is afraid of me. He think's I'm
even more evil than he is. I made him a partner in
Parabellum, and got him on Werbell's payroll. That's
a long story. It has nothing to do with JFK yet. The
HSCA wouldn't give him immunity, so he wouldn't
talk.

In March 1977 Rolando Otero was sentenced to 40 years.


Released from prison in the late 1980's, he attempted to extort
money from his lawyers by threatening to bomb them. State and
federal warrants were issued for his arrest. As of 1996 Rolando
Otero was a fugitive. Hemming intimated that the DE TORRES
brothers might have been individuals who offed many JFK
witnesses:

I don't see people on the periphery, people that don't


have a direct link. People that couldn't prove shit,

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

they just fill in blanks, what with the nasty FBI running
around talking to everyone's dog, putting shit
together, who would feel threatened? Not the real
shooters. They could give a fuck. But who's out there
that feels threatened that may have been running
dope, or doing all kinds of crazy shit, who is
somebody now. Who is somebody now? Who is
somebody in the fucking community now? I know one
of them made money in the dope trade and turned
that money around and used it against Fidel again.
The Contras. And these people live comfortably.
Their associates are politically prominent. They could
erroneously say, 'This guy could cause us a
problem.' There are cold-blooded motherfuckers out
there that do this shit for practice. It don't mean
nothing to them. I mean these people love their work.
Good thing the American people don't know about it.

It depends on how the job was done. Shooting a guy


with a rifle - that's Cuban. Karate chop, Jim Koethe,
he's linked to me cause he interviewed me in 1963
when I went through Dallas. [Koethe, a reporter, was
killed by a karate chop to the neck in Dallas on
September 21, 1964. His murder remained
unsolved.] If you're talking about someone who had
an apparent heart attack or something, those are the
Cuban technicians.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

BERNARDO DE TORRES AND INTERPEN MEMBER ED


COLLINS

Homicide and suicides often accompany intelligence


community flaps. One cannot dismiss the possibility that certain
people were murdered by psychos like Bernardo De Torres as a
result of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. These few
deaths set off a wave of paranoia. Many people believed that
anyone who was remotely connected to the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy and died died as a result of their
connection to the Kennedy assassination. The dead witnesses to
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy became part of
America's folklore, even though perhaps only a few witnesses were
killed.

The CIA had already developed MK NAOMI, and had the


capability to commit murder which appeared as natural or accidental
death. But did a United States Government agency do this to its
own people to cover up a crime perpetrated by men working at its
highest levels? More importantly, the man who was willing to

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answer the lingering questions about the assassination of President


John F. Kennedy, Gerry Patrick Hemming, was still alive. Why
murder people who only possess a small piece of the puzzle and
overlook Gerald Patrick Hemming? Hemming told this researcher:
"They consider me part of the fucking team." The possibility that key
witnesses were killed by CIA agents and contract employees must
not be entirely ruled out.
THE HSCA AND THE DEATHS OF THE JFK WITNESSES
The HSCA studied the deaths surrounding the assassination
of President John F. Kennedy. It began by compiling a list of 21
names of people whose "deaths were considered by the critics to be
mysterious." The HSCA compiled data on those 21 names: the
Library of Congress supplied clippings on their deaths, autopsy
reports and police reports and death certificates. From this
sampling, its conclusion was that "the available evidence does not
establish anything about the nature of these deaths that would
indicate that the deaths were in some manner, either direct or
peripheral, caused by the Kennedy assassination or any
subsequent investigation." But out of that list of 21 names compiled
by the HSCA, only six were listed in this data base as significant.
For example Edward Voebel and William Stuckey were not
included. Since the data base of the HSCA was erroneous, it was
no surprise that its conclusions were inaccurate.

Bernardo De Torres fit Hemming's description although I


have no evidence Bernardo De Torres ever committed a crime. The
CIA reported: "In conversation Subject stated he is private detective
employed by U.S. Government and is sales supervisor for Central
and South American of Defense System International. Has
suspicious visitors and there are rumors that he and brother
involved in illegal activity." [CIA 201-295213]

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

DAVID MORALES

David Morales, Porter Goss, Felix Rodriguez, Barry Seal, and other
members of Operation 40
In March 1965 Joseph B. Ragan asked CIA for a Request for
a Security Clearance for Morales so he could work in the CIA’s
Counter Proliferation Division. According to CIA agent Tom Clines,
Morales helped Felix Rodriguez capture Che Guevara in 1965.

We all admired the hell out of the guy. He drank like


crazy, but he was bright as hell. He could fool people
into thinking he was stupid by acting stupid, but he
knew about cultural things all over the world. People
were afraid of him. He was big and aggressive, and
he had this mystique. Stories about him permeated
the Agency. If the Agency needed someone action-
oriented, he was at the top of the list. If the U.S.
government as a matter of policy needed someone or
something neutralized, DAVE would do it, including
things that were repugnant to a lot of people.

In 1966 Ted Shackley was placed in charge of CIA secret


war in Laos. He recruited Morales to take charge at Pakse, a black
operations base focused on political paramilitary action within Laos.
Pakse was used to launch military operations against the Ho Chi
Minh Trial. In 1969 Morales moved to Vietnam where he officially
worked as a Community Development Officer for the International

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Development Agency but in reality was involved with Operation


Phoenix – an assassination program aimed at the Vietcong
infrastructure.

Morales moved to Chile in 1970. He was a member of the


team that used $10 million in order to undermine left-wing forces in
the country. Morales told friends that he had personally eliminated
several political figures. He was also involved in helping Augusto
Pinochet overthrow Salvador Allende in September, 1973. After
arriving back in the United States Morales moved to Washington
where he became Consultant to the Deputy Director for Operations
Counter Insurgency and Special Activities. Larry Hancock believes
that during this period he provided advice to right-wing governments
(Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, Brazil and Argentina) as part of
Operation Condor. The CIA reported,
Upon his return from Vietnam in 1971 Mr. Morales
was assigned to FR Division, [deleted 24] where he
was targeted on Latin American (deleted as of 2010).
This assignment was initiated by Latin American
Division in an effort to get at the rich operational
potential afforded by the presence of [deleted 24 as
of 2010] of numerous Latin American officials. Mr.
Morales, with his long years of experience in Latin
America, and his native fluency in Spanish, proved
ideal for this assignment. He developed numerous
assets who were later pursued successfully and
recruited in the field and he made several significant
recruitments of his own. Following the FR
assignment, Mr. Morales returned to the Latin
America Division where he completed his final year
with the CIA. He served TDY as Acting Chief of
Station, [deleted 16-19 as of 2010] for some months.
During this period, “there was more activity and
accomplishment flow out of the [deleted 16-10] that
had been seen in years. The remainder of his
Agency time was spent in a TDY to [deleted 11 as of
2010] and in the Cuban Operations Group, where his
contribution was also very large.
HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi traced Morales to Wilcox,
Arizona shortly after Morales' death, and talked to his lifelong friend
Ruben Carbajal and a business associate of Morales' named Bob
Walton. Walton told Fonzi of an evening in the spring of 1973, after

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

many drinks, when Morales went into a tirade about Kennedy and
particularly his failure to support the men of the Bay of Pigs. He
claimed "Kennedy had been responsible for him having to watch all
the men he recruited and trained get wiped out". Morales finished
this conversation by saying "Well, we took care of that son of a
bitch, didn't we?" Carbajal, who had been present at the confession,
corroborated it.

Another example of Morales indiscretion was allowing his


photograph to be taken by Kevin Schofield at the El Molino
restaurant on 4th August, 1973. The picture appeared in the Arizona
Republic with the following text: “Feted by friends at a fiesta
Saturday was former American counsul to Cuba, David Sanchez,
left, who was in that country when Castro took over… In
government service for 28 years, Sanchez is now consultant in the
office of deputy director for Operations Counter-insurgency and
Special Activities in Washington.” Soon afterwards Morales left the
CIA. However, he continued to make regular trips to Washington.
When asked about this by his friend Ruben Carbajal, Morales
replied: “Oh, they run into some problems, I have to go up there and
take care of them. These people never let go of you.” Morales built a
new house at El Frita, which is about half-way between Willcox and
the Mexican border. Morales told another friend, Robert Walton, that
he had put in the best security system in the United States. Walton
said, “What do you need so much security for? You're still thirty
miles from the Mexican border.” Morales replied, “I'm not worried
about those people, I'm worried about my own."

Gaeton Fonzi, staff investigator for the House Select


Committee on Assassinations (HUCA) found out about Morales
from CIA asset, Paul Bethel, who worked for David Atlee Phillips.
Fonzi had also read David Phillips’s autobiography, The Night
Watch. It includes a reference to a CIA agent who used the code-
name Hector (William (Rip) Robertson) and his “sidekick ‘El Indio’, a
massive American of Mexican and Indian extraction I had seen only
briefly during the revolt (the CIA-stage 1954 Guatemala coup) but
was to work with in other operations over the years.” El Indio was
Morales.

When Fonzi interviewed David Atlee Phillips on behalf of the


HSCA he asked him about Morales. Phillips said that Morales was
an unimportant figure in the CIA and suggested that he might have
died as a result of his heavy drinking. At this stage Morales was still

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

alive. What is more, Morales was far from being an important figure,
he had in fact been Chief of Operations at JM/WAVE in 1963 and at
the centre of the operation to kill Fidel Castro. Fonzi also discovered
that Morales had worked very closely with John Rosselli, who also
played a key role in the plots against Castro. Rosselli was to be one
of the first people to be interviewed by the HSCA but went missing
in July 1976. His body was later discovered in the Intracoastal
Waterway in North Miami. He had been cut up and stuffed into a 55-
gallon steel drum. Morales began to worry about his own health
during the HSCA investigations. Rip Robertson had died in 1970
and could not be interviewed. William Pawley committed suicide in
1977 when he was asked to appear before the HSCA.

David Sanchez Morales made his last trip to Washington in


early May, 1978. Ruben Carbajal had a drink with Morales a few
days later. Carbajal told him he looked unwell. He replied: “I don’t
know what’s wrong with me. Ever since I left Washington I haven’t
been feeling very comfortable”. That night he was taken to hospital.
Carbajal went to visit him the next morning. As Carbajal later
recalled: “They wouldn’t let no one in, they had his room surrounded
by sheriff’s deputies.” Later that day (8th May) the decision was
taken to withdraw his life support. Morales’s wife, Joanne, requested
that there should not be an autopsy. Hunt stated that Morales was
part of the conspiracy to kill JFK

I was in several meetings here in South Beach that


took place in Dave’s quarters which was being used
as a safehouses at that time. Morales was a
background figure and he really never came into my
kin. I think he was well thought of but he was really
kind of a pre-operational sense that Morales knew a
lot but he was not a leader, he didn’t give commands
he followed orders and that is quite a difference.
Sturgis and Morales, and people of that ilk, stayed in
apartment houses during preparations for the big
event. Their addresses were very subject to change.
So that’s where a fella like Morales had been one
day, you’d not necessarily associate him with that
same address the following day. In short it was a
very mobile experience. Let me point out at this point,
that if I had wanted to fictionalize what went on in
Miami and elsewhere during the run up for the big
event, I would have done so. But I don’t want any

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unreality to tinge this particular story – or the


information, I should say. I was a ‘benchwarmer’ on it
and I had a reputation for honesty.

Hunt is giving up Morales, who Gaeton Fonzi identified as a


player when he worked for the HSCA. I didn’t believe the men
involved would let a Mexican-American into the fold, but apparently I
was wrong. I noticed the photo of the dark skinned Latino with the
walkie-talkie but I believe I read an article somewhere, possibly in
Computers and Automation, that the walkie-talkie was actually part
of a car. Without photo-enhancement it is difficult to tell if it is
Morales or not but Hunt clears this up by naming him as a player.
Morales was close to Bernardo De Torres as Bernardo De Torres
was a Bay of Pigs Brigade military and intelligence officer. Hunt’s
“benchwarmer” remark is highly significant. For year he denied any
association with the big event. Since an operation such as this is
carried out on a need-to-know basis there are no “benchwarmers” in
an operation of this magnitude. This document was released in
2003:

NOTE FOR: Fredrick C. Wickham


William McNair
FROM: [03]
OFFICE IMS/ESG/HCS
Date April 11, 1998

We (HCS and DA/OIM/JFK Team) have been


discussing the subject of aliases, accommodation
addresses, alias documentation, and pocket litter in
general and in particular concerning David Morales
with the ARRB staff (Jeremy Gunn, Michelle Combs,
and Bob Skwirot) over several meetings with a
various mix of attendees. I believe Gunn will accept
alias documentation and information thereto to be
redacted when release could compromise
agreements between the Agency and other
governments, be they State i.e. (drivers licenses) or
federal (i.e. Social Security) and Federal Aviation
Agency. Pocket litter will be released i.e. National
Rifle Association Card, Rotary Club card etc. But
Gunn wants Morales aliases, especially for those that
might apparently only have been used I the 1960’s
timeframe. We have tried to “clarify” the need to

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protect aliases, even though more than 35 years old,


and in the case of Morales, for a deceased employee
(whom the ARRB has released). Attached you will
find an example of one of our “clarification memos.”
More specifics about Morales and his aliases, and so
forth, follows:

In some 47 documents currently being discussed,


there are 27 in the 1960 -1966 timeframe and 20 in
the 1971 – 1975. In some of the documents the same
alias was used in both timeframes as was the
accommodation addresses, some with apparently
non-connected “co-addresses.” Of the re-checked
aliases, both are still in the records as “active”
although apparently in Morales file, there is a
notation of at least one possibly compromised. In at
least one of the 1975 documents, one of more
probably non-connected co-addresses are listed at
the same PO Box. Because of earlier releases of
“driver’s license” or “permit” when we fully redacted
names and addresses, we have a problem now
releasing the alias used exclusively in the 1960’s
along even the state part of the address, let alone the
street portion less the specific house number
because it would expose the state government
collusion or the perception thereof. Some of these
are complicated by the previous release of
Washington Field Office. We have tried to explain
there is no way to identify which aliases Morales
might have used in which operations and no way to
identify which operations or officers would be subject
to expose if the Morales aliases and addresses are
released.

[http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docI
d=60484&relPageId=1]

CARLOS BRINGUIER & THE DRE POST COUP

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SOLOMON PRATKINS
On December 21, 1963, the Miami FBI Field Office received
information that one Hose Antonio Juan had received a letter from
his son living in Cuba wherein it was alleged that RUBY had visited
a Mr. Pranski in Havana in late 1962 or early 1963. On December
24, 1963, the DRE released a letter from a woman in Havana which
stated RUBY had a meeting in 1963 with Solomon Pratkins, a G-2
agent who used a gift shop for a front. The FBI reported: "The
statement that RUBY visited Communist Cuba last year, as
attributed to a New Orleans Cuban exile, refers to one CARLOS
Bringuier, a New Orleans delegate to the DRE." [FBI Memo Rosen
to Belmont 2.11.64 44-24016-1110, NR 3.9.64, NR 3.12.64] On
December 24, 1963, the DRE affiliate in Cuba published the
Solomon Pratkins story in its underground mimeographed paper,
Accion Cubana, founded in May 1960. [FBI-109-609-6] This
periodical was allegedly funded by Fulgencio Batista. [CIA March 1,
1962 To: C/WHD from Chief of Station WAVE] The FBI requested
by memo dated January 7, 1964, that the CIA attempt to verify this
rumor through sources in Cuba.

On January 9, 1964, Angleton received this memo:

9 January 1964 SAS 64-18


MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief Cl/Staff
James Angleton
SUBJECT Memo received from AMTOUT-1

Attached is a translation of a memo sent to Carlos


Marquez Sterling. Sterling gave a copy of the memo
to AMTROUT-1, an SAS/EDE asset, who passed it
on to us. "The Brigadier of Giron, Sr. Evidio Pereira.
who is in constant communication with Cuba, informs
the General Delegate of the Movimiento Patriotic()
Cuba Libre, ... news of great importance.

1. Notify the Pentagon of this fact: Ruby, the


assassin of Oswald was in Havana a year ago. He is
a friend and customer of a citizen named Praskin,
owner or manager of a novelty shop for tourists
located between Animas y Trocadero, Paseo dui
Prado, in front of the Hotel Sevilla.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

This information, received in Miami, as noted at the


beginning of this memorandum, were received by
Brigadier of Brigade 2506, Evidio Pereira, who is
ready to verify them. New York, 29 December 1963.

Pereira is probably Evidio B. Pereira Acosta, DPOB


12 March 1927, Graf, Carrilo, Las Villas, 201-298242,
member of Brigade 2506. There are no SAS traces
on Praskin.
Angleton reported to the FBI on January 30, 1964, that an
unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by RUBY to Cuba in
late 1962, or early 1963, had been received from Havana in the
form of an article in Accion Cubana. [CSCI 3/779,814] Angleton
advised that the allegation could possibly be verified through one
Pereira Acosta who resided in Miami, Florida. [FBI 44-24016-1047]
In March 1964, the CIA reported that it's source who furnished lists
of passengers flying from Mexico to Cuba could not locate RUBY,
Rubenstein, etc. [FBI 44-24016-1222] Martino also told the FBI the
Solomon Pratkins tale. On August 2, 1976, after Sturgis revived the
Pratkins tale in the media, the CIA commented:

The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI 3/779, 814


on January 30, 1964, that an unevaluated and
unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba in late
1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana.
This report was actually based on a two page
mimeographed newsletter entitled 'Accion' which was
mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked
December 28, 1963, purportedly by an underground
anti-Castro group. This newsletter, received in Miami
on January 13, 1964, by the anti-Castro group known
as the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile
community and was the subject of a newspaper
article in the January 29, 1964, edition of the Miami
News under the headline 'Ruby Visited Cuba --
Exiles Say.' R. Wall DC/CI/OG.

THE DRE IN MADRID


On December 3, 1963, the CIA reported that on:

1. November 27, 1963, the CIA Station, Madrid,


received the following information from Source Two:

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

On the morning of November 22, 1963, Amparo


Godinez, the owner of the Marquesa De Cuba bar
located in Madrid, overheard former Cuban journalist
Baston Baquero tell Rosendo Canto Hernandez,
editor of Accion Cubana, that he had received a letter
stating Kennedy would be killed that day.

2. Source Two received information on November 26,


1963, from Maria Manuela de Canal whose address
is Plaza Del Nino Jesus No. 6, 2nd floor, Apt. D,
Madrid. Maria Manuela de Canal is a close friend of
Amparo Godinez. Source Two en route JMWAVE
area from Madrid and unable learn further details of
alleged conversation.

3. Since AMWORLD program requires that any


contact between (illegible) and ODYOKE not be
revealed in any follow up on this information, Madrid
Station may wish to center inquiries on Baston
Baquero via liaison with local service.

4. Have not passed above to 30FGA Miami.

On December 5, 1963, C/WH 3 cabled the CIA Station in Madrid:

1. Please follow up this case. Suggest you have


Source 3 question persons mentioned to see if any
foundation at all to this story. Imperative that Source
1 [Baston Baquero] not be revealed as source
(deleted).

2. Please slug all traffic on assassination. [CIA 321-


123]
SECRET 051645Z
WAVE INFO DIR CITE MADR 9854
RYBAT TYPIC (Deleted) 8ITE AMWORLD]
REF WAVE 8447 (IN 72832) **
1. Cuban journalist line 3 para 1 ref is Baston
Baquero (deleted). Staff Officer GROWERY saw him
on November 26, 1963, when President's death was
naturally discussed. At no time did Baston Baquero
give any indication he had any advance word or
rumor that GPIDEAL would be killed. If he had

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

received letter reported para 1 or any other


information concerning killing, however, will query
him directly.

2. No index.

C/S COMMENT: DISSEMINATION APPLICABLE TO


RYBAT GRFLOOR CABLES.

**On morning of November 22., owner of bar


“Marquesa de Cuba” in Madrid overheard former
Cuban journalist tell one Canto that he had received
a letter stating GPIDEAL (3) would be killed that day.

On December 7, 1963, the CIA Station in Madrid sent


this cable to C/WH 4:

1. Source 1, [Baston Baquero] questioned by Source


Two on the night of December 6, 1963. Baston
Baquero said "he and Rosendo Canto Hernandez,
Alberto Salas Amaro, and Jose Chelala Lopez after
attending lecture together at Syndical Palace,
Madrid, entered bar 'Marquesa De Cuba' at about
8:00 p.m. on the night of November 22, 1963. They
were told by bartender, who was alone at the time,
that President Kennedy had been assassinated.
Salas Amaro called his wife who confirmed this, and
group went to UPI office nearby to read the ticker.
They later returned to bar to have drinks and then the
group broke up.

2. Baston Baquero said Amparo Godinez was in the


bar when group returned, but refused his invitation to
drink and left almost immediately. This was the only
time Baston Baquero saw Amparo Godinez during
that day. He did not see him on the morning of
November 22, 1963.

3. Baston Baquero said he received no word, verbal


or written or even rumor that President Kennedy
would be killed and any allegation that he made any
statement to this effect at any time to anyone is
completely absurd and absolutely untrue.

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COUP D’ETAT IN AMERICA VOLUME SIX

4. Baston Baquero added that Rosendo Canto


Hernandez, editor of Accion Cubana who is a well-
known American hater, was the only person in the
bar to express satisfaction at Kennedy's death. [CIA
345-139, 315-119, 277-105; Allen v. DOD CIA
12129]

525

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