High-Rise Living in Asian Cities PDF

High-Rise Living in Asian Cities
Belinda Yuen · Anthony G.O. Yeh

Editors
High-Rise Living in
Asian Cities
123
Editors
Belinda Yuen Anthony G.O. Yeh
Singapore Centre of Urban Studies and Urban Planning
belyuen8@gmail.com The University of Hong Kong
Pokfulam Road
Hong Kong SAR
Anthony.Yeh@hku.hk
Additional material to this book can be downloaded from http://extras.springer.com
ISBN 978-90-481-9737-8 e-ISBN 978-90-481-9738-5

DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-9738-5
Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York
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Contents
1 Introduction: High-Rise Living in Asian Cities . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Anthony G.O. Yeh and Belinda Yuen
2 Tall Building Living in High Density Cities: A Comparison
of Hong Kong and Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3 Physical Environment of Tall Residential Buildings:
The Case of Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Stephen S.Y. Lau
4 The Planning and Design of Environmentally Sustainable
High-Rises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Wenjian Zhu and Rebecca L.H. Chiu
5 Garden and Ecology in the Sky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Belinda Yuen
6 Legislation and Safety of Tall Residential Buildings . . . . . . . . . 81
Wah Sang Wong
7 The Value of Clean Air in High-Density Urban Areas . . . . . . . . 113
K.W. Chau, S.K. Wong, Andy T. Chan, and K. Lam
8 Liveability of Tall Residential Buildings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Belinda Yuen
9 Community Development in Tall Residential Buildings . . . . . . . 149
Stephen J. Appold
10 In the March of High-Rise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Belinda Yuen
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Appendix (CD-ROM included inside back cover)

The State of Urban High-rise Research: An Annotated Bibliography
Compiled by Belinda Yuen
v
Contributors
Stephen J. Appold Kenan-Flagler Business School, Kenan Institute of Private

Enterprise, Kenan Center, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3440, USA, appold@unc.edu
Andy T. Chan Department of Mechanical Engineering, The University
of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong
K.W. Chau Department of Real Estate and Construction, The University
of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong, hrrbckw@hku.hk
Rebecca L.H. Chiu Department of Urban Planning and Design, The University
of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong, rlhchiu@hkucc.hku.hk
K. Lam Department of Mechanical Engineering, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong
Stephen S.Y. Lau Department of Architecture, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong, ssylau@hku.hk; laustephensy@gmail.com
S.K. Wong Department of Real Estate and Construction, The University of Hong
Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong
Wah Sang Wong Department of Architecture, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong, wswong@hkucc.hku.hk
Anthony G.O. Yeh Centre of Urban Studies and Urban Planning, The University
of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong, Anthony.Yeh@hku.hk
Belinda Yuen Department of Real Estate, National University of Singapore,
Singapore, belyuen8@gmail.com
Wenjian Zhu College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Shenzhen University,
Shenzhen, China, zhuwenjian@hotmail.com
vii
Chapter 1
Introduction: High-Rise Living in Asian Cities
Hong Kong and Singapore are two Asian cities that have often been compared in
terms of their urban development. Hong Kong and Singapore have the highest urban
densities in the world. They are also distinguished by their high-rise housing devel-
opments and expanding tradition of high-rise living. Living in super tall residential
buildings of 60 or more storeys high is increasingly quite common in Hong Kong.
Although the tallest residential building is presently 40-storey, Singapore is building
50- to 70-storey housing in its city centre. This book seeks to examine the high-rise
living experience of Hong Kong and Singapore.
1.1 Compact City, High Density and High-Rise Housing

With increases in urban population, there is an urgent need to conserve land and
reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Many urban analysts have advocated more com-
pact urban living (see, for example, Clark, 2005; de Roo & Miller, 2000; Hall,
1996). Against growing dissatisfaction with urban sprawl, compact city policies
are becoming a common development consideration in both the developed and
developing countries (Jenks & Burgess, 2000; Jenks, Burton, & Williams, 1996;
Salat & Majoor, 2005). Compact urban form is perceived to be a sustainable urban
solution that can not only contain urban sprawl but also conserve the environment
(Yeh & Li, 2000), and provide the necessary population threshold for the support
of public transport (Newman & Kenworthy, 1989), especially mass transit railways.
Compact cities are characterised by central area revitalisation, high-density devel-
opment, mixed-use development and services and facilities such as hospitals, parks,
schools, leisure and fun.
Most prescriptions for high density are based on skyscrapers. Even though many
people associate higher densities in residential areas with noise pollution, crime, loss
A.G.O. Yeh (B)

Centre of Urban Studies and Urban Planning, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong
e-mail: Anthony.Yeh@hku.hk
B. Yuen, A.G.O. Yeh (eds.), High-Rise Living in Asian Cities, 1

DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-9738-5_1, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011
2 A.G.O. Yeh and B. Yuen
of privacy and increased demand on infrastructure, Yeh (2000) has argued that high-
rise high-density urban environment if properly planned and managed may offer
“good” density. Better planning, design and management can reduce the impact of
high density, making the living and working environment less crowded. Tall build-
ings can help to mitigate some of the negative effects of high density. Urban density
is the number of people living in an area, often measured by persons per square
area. Building density is the percentage of land occupied by buildings. Crowdiness
which is the main problem of high-density living is more related to building den-
sity and liveable space. With a fixed density, the decrease in building density may
be achieved by making the buildings taller to increase the extended shared space
and reduce crowding of the environment with the same amount of living space per
flat (Fig. 1.1). If there is a need to increase density, some of the negative effects
of the increased density (e.g. feeling of crowding and withdrawal which are mani-
festations of the desire for more personal space) can be reduced by building taller
buildings.
Theoretically, tall buildings and high density may not be directly related. The
increase in the number of storeys in a building may not necessarily lead to a big
increase in density if the floor area per dwelling unit increases proportionally with
the increase in the number of storeys. However, most cities would increase the num-
ber of storeys without increase in dwelling area because of high land price and the
need to increase urban density due to limited land. In some extreme cases such as
Hong Kong there is also a decrease in dwelling area in order to make housing more
affordable because of high land price. The resultant urban form is increased resi-
dential height and a big increase in the density. Clearly, not everyone is in support
of increased residential height. There are debates on both the research and policy
front to support and condemn taller building construction. Equally, much has been
written about the myths and benefits of compact city development (see, for example,
O’Toole, 2009).
Fig. 1.1 Building height and

building density with same
population density
1 Introduction: High-Rise Living in Asian Cities 3
The research debate on high-rise housing largely involves investigation of the

quality of life including social and health impacts of living in tall buildings. While
some have pointed to the negative effects relating to concerns of children’s safety
and mental health (e.g. Costello, 2005; Jephcott & Robinson, 1971; Young, 1976),
others have observed that high-rise living may bring positive benefits and satis-
faction such as spectacular view, privacy and quietness (see Conway & Adams,
1977; Johnson, 2002; Yuen et al., 2006). With globalization, lifestyle and techno-
logical advancement, many more are revisiting the high-rise debate and agreeing
with Church and Gale (2000) that
It is . . . wrong to identify tower blocks as ‘vertical slums’ and insist that they should all be
flattened. Many are clearly acceptable places to live for their residents (p. 19).
The policy debate, by contrast, is more concerned with strategic policy and alter-
natives. The debate has come full circle. It is punctuated by initial wide support
for high-rise living – that it is the ultimate, ideal, modern dwelling form (see,
e.g. Helleman & Wassenberg, 2004) to intense pressure to stop this construction
following evidence-based research that high-rise living is harmful to its residents
and resurgence in recent decades to once again include high-rise housing in urban
agenda. In Asia, high-rise public housing development has been continually used by
Hong Kong and Singapore in meeting their housing needs and making their high-
density environment more liveable. In the United States and United Kingdom after
the period of abandonment in the 1970s high-rise housing is once again now being
built but largely by the private sector in prime urban locations. There is a similar
trend in Europe and elsewhere (New South Wales Department of Planning, 2005;
Turkington, Van Kempen, & Wassenberg, 2004). Whatever the desire, a change is
happening; living in flats may and could increasingly become an urban norm for
many more people in cities in the coming decades.
The definition of tall buildings by the Council of Tall Buildings and Urban
Habitat is a building of 10 storeys or more. If we use this as the definition, then
the residential buildings in Hong Kong and Singapore, which are increasingly 50
or more storeys high, can be considered to be “super tall” buildings. In this sense,
Hong Kong and Singapore represent the extreme cases of tall residential building
environment and high urban density. Equally, the perception of tall building is not
so much by the height or number of storeys but in relative terms of tallness (Yusoff,
Driscoll, & Beedle, 1986). In other words, human response is a central variable in
the consideration of tallness and its receptivity. Yet, in many cities, the urban revo-
lution of high-rise housing has largely proceeded with little explicit recognition or
understanding of the social context in which this form of housing is delivered or its
social outcomes (Helleman & Wassenberg, 2004; O’Toole, 2009). Although Hong
Kong and Singapore both have “super tall” buildings, the height of these build-
ings is not the same. Hong Kong on average has more and higher tall buildings
than Singapore. Thus, a comparative study of Hong Kong and Singapore’s high-rise
living experience can help us to better understand the development of tall buildings
and high-density environment between the two cities, which have similar culture
and density but different context of tall building development.
1.2 Hong Kong and Singapore – Highest Density and Tallest

Living Environment in the World
Hong Kong and Singapore have the highest densities and largest amount of tall
housing in the world. They offer natural settings for doing research on high-rise
high-density development. The height of residential buildings in these cities has
grown from the post-war 5–8 storey walkups to the present 60–70 storey build-
ings. Hong Kong is made up of the Hong Kong Island, Kowloon peninsular, New
Kowloon, and the New Territories. The current total land area is 1,068 km2 and
the population is 6.9 million, giving an overall population density of 5,385 per-
sons per km2 . However, because of the high concentration of people living in
the urban areas along the northern coast of the Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and
New Kowloon, the overall population density has highly understated the population
density in Hong Kong. In the New Territories where there is less population, the pop-
ulation density is 2,560 persons per km2 . But, on Hong Kong Island, Kowloon and
New Kowloon where the population is mainly concentrated in the limited area, the
population density is 26,950 persons per km2 . In the urban area, the density can be
as high as 116,531 persons per km2 such as in the Mongkok district. When the den-
sity is calculated at the street block level, some may be as high as 400,000–600,000
persons per km2 .
High-density development in Hong Kong is a result of its topography, histori-
cal development and land policy. Over 75% of Hong Kong’s land consisted of hill
slopes. A large proportion of the relatively flat areas are under private ownership,
making development difficult (Chau, 1981). Most of the development is concen-
trated in Kowloon, New Kowloon, and Hong Kong Island where most of the flat land
are obtained from hill levelling and land reclamation by the government. Population
density in Hong Kong has increased tremendously immediately after the Second
World War because of the sudden increase in population and economic activities.
There was a large influx of refugees to Hong Kong after the change of regime in
China in 1949. Hong Kong’s population increased from 0.6 million in 1945 to over
2 million in 1951. This led to severe housing shortage, squatting, high density and
poor living environment.
In terms of land policy, the government owns land in Hong Kong. Land is sub-
divided before leasing to the private developers through auction and tender. The
government has full control over the timing, location and amount of land to be
leased. The sale of land leases is one of the major sources of revenue of the govern-
ment. During the property boom periods, revenue from land sales can be as high as
30% of the total revenue of the government. The control over the sale of land leases
is one of the reasons for high land price in Hong Kong. The direct effect of high
land price is high office and house prices, leading to high-density development and
the construction of super tall residential buildings of over 60-storey.
As with Hong Kong, Singapore has embarked on a programme of high-rise
living to address its housing needs in recent decades. Singapore and Hong Kong
share several similarities in urban characteristics and strategies and are thus often
compared in urban analysis (see, for example, Castells, Goh, & Kwok, 1990;
Ng & Hills, 2003). Singapore is a city-state with a land area of 700 km2 and a cur-
rent population of 5 million. The resultant population density stands at more than
6,000 people per km2 . The density of urban built-up area is however much higher,
over 9,500 persons per km2 . Even though Singapore has over 50 islands within its
territorial boundary (many are being used for industry and recreation, for example,
Jurong Island and Sentosa respectively), the majority of its population is located on
the main island of Singapore.
Against the context of limited land and increasing population, Singapore has in
its urban development intensified density to meet the city’s multiple needs. The
intensification is perhaps best seen in its public-led housing strategy. In order to
create a highly livable city with spaces for play, Singapore in its delivery of housing
has made a conscious decision to build high-rise to increase its living space. In the
public sector where the bulk of its housing stock is (over 80% of its 3.4 million
resident population lives in public flats), high-rise is the common dwelling form. As
Wong and Yeh (1985, p. 56) explain,
Physical planning and design in the HDB [Housing and Development Board, the public
housing authority in Singapore] context are strongly influenced by two major consider-
ations. First is the need to optimize scarce land resources; second is the emphasis on
providing a better housing environment than that from which the residents come.
Typically laid out in comprehensively serviced new towns where no more than
half of the town’s land is allocated to residential use, the gross new town density
is generally in excess of 90 dwelling units per ha. Over time aided by technology
advancement, building height in these towns has increased from 10-storey to more
than 25-storey. However, in terms of building height, the similarity between Hong
Kong and Singapore quickly evaporates. According to the Singapore Department of
Statistics (2000), the majority of Singapore’s residential buildings are 12-story and
below (90% of public housing and 84% of private housing). Only 0.2% of public
housing and 1.3% of private housing are 25-storey or higher. Construction of 30-
storey public housing largely appeared in the 1990s. It is only in the past few years
that construction of 40- and more storeys has started (Yuen et al., 2006). As of 2009,
the tallest lived-in public housing in Singapore is 40 storeys.
1.3 High-Rise Living in Hong Kong and Singapore

This book brings together a collection of papers on Hong Kong and Singapore high-
rise living written by urban scholars from the two cities. It attempts to illuminate the
Hong Kong and Singapore high-rise development experience, in particular, the pub-
lic sector-led development and contribute to the evolving evidence based literature
on tall housing. While the public housing development of the two cities has received
much documentation (see, for example, Castells et al., 1990; Wong & Yeh, 1985),
few has focused on the significant issues surrounding the planning and development
of high(er) rise.
This book first discusses the planning and design issues of tall residential build-
ings. It is then followed by discussions on the legislative, economic, liveability and
community aspects of tall building living. Chapter 2 by Yeh and Yuen compares
tall building living in Hong Kong and Singapore. The comparative study shows that
people apparently adjust to living in super tall buildings through time. It seems that
when the contextual building height environment is gradually predominated by very
tall buildings, people are willing to live in them and willing to live higher. People
may not be accustomed to tall building living if there is only one tall building in
the city. If the findings in the extreme cases of Hong Kong and Singapore have
any indication, the change in the contextual environment, the appearance of more
tall buildings may help increase the receptivity of tall building living. However, the
change in contextual environment is but one aspect of the perceived environment. It
is unlikely to bear impact if the tall building compact environment is not carefully
planned, designed and managed to minimize crowdiness and maximize sustainabil-
ity. The physical environment of tall residential buildings is explored by Lau in
Chapter 3. It examines the place of tall building in compact city development, the
shape-making architecture and its impact with examples from Hong Kong.
A frequent argument in support of tall building is its role and contribution to
urban sustainability. This aspect is elaborated in Chapter 4 by Zhu and Chiu. The
sustainability theme is continued in Chapter 5 by Yuen who examines the opportu-
nity at the micro scale for creating garden and ecology in high-rise development
with examples from Singapore. Garden spaces provide settings for community
interaction.
The important issue of legislation and safety of tall residential buildings is
addressed by Wong in Chapter 6. Fire and building structural safety and reliability
will continue to challenge high-rise designers and developers, especially as build-
ings go taller, not to mention energy and material conservation. The economics
of tall residential buildings is examined in Chapter 7 by Chau et al. The value
of clean air in high-density urban areas is illustrated with data from Hong Kong.
A major premise behind high-rise high-density living and compact development is
that people living in such neighbourhoods drive less and could reduce auto-related
greenhouse gas emissions. Certainly, the onset of more efficient cars and alternative
fuels cannot be ignored. While technology may improve auto-performance in terms
of emissions reduction, a longstanding argument of urban planning is that planning
and design of neighbourhoods can help to reduce dependence on the automobile and
enhance quality of life.
The liveability of tall housing from a post-construction residents’ perspective is
examined by Yuen in Chapter 8. Residents are the most important factor in deter-
mining whether the high-rise housing solution works. They are the people who
eventually have to live with the buildings that planners, architects and developers
build. Their lived experiences and impressions are issues not to be neglected. Due
to its shape, placement and surroundings, high-rise housing plays a key role in the
city’s built environment. Their damage and dysfunction can have profound effect on
the residents and trigger ripple effect through the city (see the examples of Ronan
Point and World Trade Centre). In many cases, there are building safety guidelines
and regulations such as that explored by Wong in this volume (Chapter 6). Denser
neighbourhoods have often been held up as having a stronger sense of community.
Chapter 8 by Appold examines community development in tall residential buildings
with data from Singapore and the United States.
In the final chapter, In the March of High-rise, Yuen attempts to revisit some of
the major themes and key lessons for cities in their future engagement with high-
rise housing development as they reinterpret development options in changing and
different times. Beyond the global urban norm, an open question for each city will
be, what makes a tall housing specific to the time and place in which it is set.
This book is not intended to advocate that every city under population and land
pressure should develop high rise building and high density environment like Hong
Kong and Singapore. Rather, it demonstrates that if high density development is
inevitable, good planning, development and management of high rise residential
building would improve the quality of high density living. As mentioned, Hong
Kong and Singapore are probably the extreme cases of high rise living. Not all
cities should develop to such high densities of high rise buildings. However, appro-
priate increase in high rise buildings may help to make high density living more
liveable.
There is still plenty of room for improvement in high rise residential buildings
in Hong Kong and Singapore. For example, recently in Hong Kong, there are con-
cerns about the visual and ventilation effects and heat island impacts of high rise
buildings (Ng, 2001a, 2001b). There are also concerns of the wall effects of high
rise buildings that were built very close together because of low minimum build-
ing separation distance. As a result, urban design guidelines (Planning Department,
2002) and building design guidelines (Environment Bureau, 2009) were developed
to further improve the visual and ventilation design of high rise buildings, hoping
to create a better high-rise high-density environment. Plot ratios were also lowered
in some high density areas in order to address some of the concerns of society on
extreme high density development. In other words, the search for better high-rise
high-density living is still going on in the two cities, hoping it will provide further
guidelines and insights on how to make high-rise environment become better in the
future.
References
Castells, M., Goh, L., & Kwok, R. (1990) The Shek Kip Mei syndrome: Economic development
and public housing in Hong Kong and Singapore. London: Pion.
Chau, C. S. (1981). High density development: Hong Kong as an example. In R. Kwok, & K. S. Pin
(Eds.), Planning in Asia: Present and future. Hong Kong: Centre of Urban Studies and Urban
Planning.
Church, C., & Gale, T. (2000). Streets in the sky: The 1st report of the national sustainable tower
block initiative. London: NSTBI.
Clark, M. (2005). Editorial: The compact city: European ideal, global fix or myth. GBER, 4(3),
1–10.
Conway, J., & Adams, B. (1977). The social effects of living off the ground. Habitat International,
2(5/6), 595–614.
Costello, L. (2005). From prisons to penthouses: The changing images of high-rise living in
Melbourne. Housing Studies, 20(1), 49–62.
Department of Statistics, Singapore. (2000). High-rise living. Singapore: Singapore Statistics
Paper.
De Roo, G., & Miller, D. (2000). Compact cities and sustainable urban development: A critical
assessment of policies and plans from an international perspective. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Environment Bureau. (2009). Building design to foster a quality and sustainable built envi-
ronment: Invitation for response document. Hong Kong: Sustainable Development Division,
Environmental Bureau, Hong Kong SAR Government.
Hall, P. (1996). The future of the metropolis and its form. Regional Studies, 31(3), 211–220.
Helleman, G., & Wassenberg, F. (2004). The renewal of what was tomorrow’s idealistic city:
Amsterdam’s Bijlmermeer high-rise. Cities, 21(1), 3–17.
Jenks, M., & Burgess, R. (Eds). (2000). Compact cities: Sustainable urban forms for developing
countries. London: E&FN Spon Press.
Jenks, M., Burton, E., & Williams, K. (Eds). (1996). The compact city: A sustainable urban form?
London: E&FN Spon Press.
Jephcott, P., & Robinson, H. (1971). Homes in high flats: Some of the human problems involved in
multi-storey housing. Edinburg: Oliver and Boyd.
Johnson, B. (2002, January). Living in high life. National Real Estate Investor. Atlanta,
GA: Penton Media Inc. Accessed January 1, 2002, from http://nreionline.com/mag/
real_estate_living_high_life/
Newman, P., & Kenworthy, J. (1989). Cities and automobile dependence: An international
sourcebook. Aldershot: Gower.
New South Wales Department of Planning. (2005). City of cities: A plan for Sydney’s future.
Sydney: Department of Planning.
Ng, E. (Ed.). (2010a). Designing high-density cities for social and environmental sustainability.
London: Earthscan.
Ng, E. (2010b). Designing for urban ventilation. In E. Ng (Ed.), Designing high-density cities for
social and environmental sustainability (pp. 119–136). London: Earthscan.
Ng, M. K., & Hills, P. (2003). World cities or great cities? A comparative study of five Asian
metropolises. Cities, 20(3), 151–165.
O’Toole, R. (2009). The myth of the compact city (Policy Analysis No. 653). Washington, DC:
CATO Institute.
Planning Department. (2002). Urban design guidelines for Hong Kong: Executive summary. Hong
Kong: Planning Department, Hong Kong SAR Government.
Salat, W. G. M., & Majoor, S. (2005). Amsterdam zuidas european space. Rotterdam:
010 Publishers.
Turkington, R., Van Kempen, R., & Wassenberg, F. (Eds.). (2004). High-rise housing in Europe:
Current trends and future prospects. Delft: DUP.
Wong, A., & Yeh, S. H. K. (Eds.). (1985). Housing a nation. Singapore: Maruzen Asia.
Yeh, A. G. O. (2000). The planning and management of a better high density environment. In
A. G. O. Yeh & M. K. Ng (Eds.), Planning for a better urban living environment in Asia (pp.
116–143). Aldershot: Ashgate.
Yeh, A. G. O., & Li, X. (2000). The need for compact development in fast growing areas of China:
The Pearl River delta. In M. Jenks & R. Burgess (Eds.), Compact cities: Sustainable urban
forms for developing countries (pp. 73–90). London: E&FN Spon Press.
Young, S. (1976). Social and psychological effects of living in high-rise buildings. Ian Buchan Fell
Research Project on Housing. Sydney: University of Sydney.
Yuen, B., Yeh, A., Appold, S. J., Earl, G., Ting, J., & Kwee, L. K. (2006). High-rise living in
Singapore public housing. Urban Studies, 43(3), 583–600.
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Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat.
Chapter 2
Tall Building Living in High Density Cities:
A Comparison of Hong Kong and Singapore
2.1 Introduction
This Chapter seeks to examine the high-rise living experience of two high-density
cities: Hong Kong and Singapore. The aim is to investigate the difference in resi-
dents’ perception of tall building and tall building living between Hong Kong and
Singapore to arrive at an understanding of: is there a relationship between how tall a
person thinks a tall building is and his/her preference for life in high-rise buildings?
The answer is pertinent to the debates on future urban density. Various urban schol-
ars including Jacobs (1961) have long argued for proper density for urban dwellers.
Ill-health, anxiety, isolation, for example, are some negative attributes of improper
density ratios, commonly associated with high-rise living (Conway & Adams, 1977;
Jephcott & Robinson, 1971). However, as explained in Chapter 1, tall buildings can
help to mitigate some of the negative effects of high density.
High rise housing development has been used by Hong Kong and increasingly in
Singapore to meet their housing needs and make their high density environment
more liveable. Hong Kong and Singapore have the highest densities and largest
amount of tall housing in the world. The height of their residential buildings has
risen from the post-war 4-storey walkups to the present 40–70 storey buildings.
Hong Kong and Singapore are probably the extreme cases of tall residential building
environment and high urban density in the world. To set the discussion context, it
is relevant to define a number of terms. Urban density is the number of people
living in an area, often measured by persons per square area. Building density is the
percentage of land occupied by buildings. Crowdiness which is the main problem
of high-density living is more related to building density and liveable space. With
a fixed density, the decrease in building density may be achieved by making the
buildings taller to increase the extended shared space and reduce crowdiness of the
environment with the same amount of living space per flat (see Fig. 1.1). In other
A.G.O. Yeh (B)

Centre of Urban Studies and Urban Planning, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong
e-mail: Anthony.Yeh@hku.hk

words, if there is a need to increase density, some of the negative effects of the
increased density (e.g. feeling of crowding and withdrawal which are manifestations
of the desire for more personal space) can be reduced by building taller buildings.
2.2 Tall Buildings and High Density

Theoretically, tall buildings and high density may not be directly related. The
increase in the number of storeys in a building may not necessarily lead to a big
increase in density if the floor area per dwelling unit increases proportionally with
the increase in the number of storeys. However, most cities increase the number of
storeys without increase in dwelling area because of high land price and the need
to increase urban density because of limited land. In some extreme cases, such as
Hong Kong, there is also a decrease in dwelling area in order to make housing more
affordable because of high land price. This leads to a big increase in the density.
Many studies on high-density living have been done in the 1960s following major
advancement in construction technology, building services, and fire fighting tech-
nology in that period of time which allowed buildings to be built much taller than
before. There were concerns whether high density living as a result of the increase in
the construction of high buildings will lead to an unacceptable urban environment
and social pathology. The relationship between density and social pathology has
been mainly confirmed by experiments on animals in laboratory settings (Mercer,
1975). Human beings are more adaptable than animals and the relationship between
human density and social pathology has however not been well established in
non-experimental settings.
Many studies have shown that although high density is undesirable, there is lit-
tle relationship between density and social pathology when other socio-economic
variables are considered (Sundstrom, 1978). The perception of the environment, as
well as the experience of crowdiness can be mediated by socio-economic status, cul-
tural tradition, and the nature of activities performed in a given area (Stokols, Rall,
Pinner, & Schopler, 1973). High density, though perceived as unpleasant, does not
appear to have definite and consistent detrimental effects (Fischer, Baldassare, &
Ofshe, 1975). Several researchers have disagreed that high urban density is associ-
ated with individual problems in health, social adaptation and pathological behavior
(Baldassare, 1979; Patterson, Carson, & Hadden, 1996). There are many factors
affecting social pathology in which density is just one of them. Other factors such
as socio-economic background, education background, and health situation of indi-
viduals are more important variables than density in explaining social pathology
(Millar, 1976; Sundstorm, 1978).
It is found that the relationship between density and social pathology is mainly
through the intervening variable of crowding. Crowding is a psychological subjec-
tive response to density. Social pathology is a result of stress and social conflict
caused by crowding. As crowdiness is a psychological subjective response, high
density does not always lead to stress (Freedman, 1975; Mitchell, 1972; Sundstrom,
1978). The effects of high density on crowdiness may be mitigated by personal
2 Tall Building Living in High Density Cities 11
background and interpersonal relationship. The perception of crowdiness depends

on the duration of exposure to high density, expectation of the duration of the expo-
sure, social interaction, the possibility of escaping to an external environment and
the adaptation ability and tolerance of the persons concerned. The adaptation and
tolerance of crowding depends on the socio-economic background, culture, age,
education, and previous living environment of the individual.
For a fixed density, people who are used to live in a denser environment will feel
less crowded than someone who is used to live in a more spacious environment.
Different cultures also have different levels of adaptation and tolerance to crowdi-
ness. Asians and Chinese were often found to have a high adaptation and tolerance to
crowdiness (Anderson, 1972; Schmidt, Goldman, & Feimer, 1976), although toler-
ance to crowdiness was often involuntary, due to social and economic disadvantage,
and having no choice (Loo & Ong, 1984).
There are two main types of density and their effect on crowding is different.
They are personal space density and external space density which are related to
Stokols’ (1972) and Baldassare’s (1979) concept of primary and secondary envi-
ronment respectively. Personal space density is the measurement of density of the
primary immediate working and living environment where the individual has more
intimate contact with space for a relatively long time. It can be measured by the num-
ber of people per living/working space. External space density can be measured by
the number of people in a certain area. The area can be measured by street blocks,
neighbourhood, district, and the whole city. It is an expression of the secondary envi-
ronment where space, facilities, and services are shared among the people within
certain area. Because of the ease of measurement, it is one of the most commonly
used indicators for density.
In a two-dimensional city, there is little difference between residential density
(persons/site area) and household density (persons/house or flat). However, in a
three-dimensional city with high rise buildings like Hong Kong where there can
be hundreds of flats on a single site, residential density can be many times higher
than household density and therefore residential density is not a good indicator of
household density. In fact, in most cases, it has grossly overestimated household
density. Crowded primary environments are more undesirable than crowded sec-
ondary environment (Stokols, 1972). The effect of density on crowding is mainly
through personal space density rather than external space density. Crowdiness may
not be felt if external space density is increased but not personal space density such
as the adding of more flats to a building site without reducing the size of each flat.
The effect of density can be affected by the design, layout, open space, degree
of sharing, traffic, and community facilities of the external and personal space. For
external space, with a fixed density, people will feel less crowded if there are more
open space, freer flow of traffic, and more community facilities. For personal space,
with a fixed density, people will feel less crowded if there is a less degree of sharing
and more privacy. The design and layout of rooms can make a room look more
spacious. The subdivision and sound proofing of rooms can increase the privacy
and reduce crowding. A small room can be made to appear larger by surrounding it
with mirrored walls. A cluttered area will appear more crowded than one in which
physical objects are neatly arranged. In other words, a reduction of the effect of high
density can be achieved through better planning and management of the urban space.
Hong Kong has the highest density in the world and therefore is a natural setting
for carrying out research on high density development. Although Hong Kong has a
much higher density than most Western cities where the relationship between high
density and social pathology is studied most, similar to the findings of Western
which have lower density, there is little evidence to find high density to be associated
with social pathology. Mitchell (1972) found that emotional stress was not related
to density. Stress was probably more influenced by inadequate income than density.
He also found that forced social interaction between non-relatives as a result of flat-
sharing tended to create stress and tensions. It was the degree of sharing that caused
stress rather than density. Easy escape from each other by retreating outdoor could
significantly assist in reducing such stress. He suggested that there should be more
attractive and spacious external environment in high-density areas as a means of
reducing pressure from overcrowding indoor with high degree of sharing.
Millar (1979) found that relationship between physical density and psycholog-
ical problems was rather weak once socio-economic background had been taken
into consideration. Many studies also showed that a substantial proportion of Hong
Kong’s urban population did not see high density as a problem (Millar, 1976;
Richardson, 1977). On the contrary, many of them enjoyed being surrounded by
a large number of people (Millar, 1976; Traver, 1976). Chinese traditions and the
previous poor living conditions when they were refugees were some of the probable
reasons to explain the tolerance of the Hong Kong people towards high densities
and overcrowding (Schmitt, 1963).
Most of the above studies on high density living were done in Hong Kong when
the density was the highest and there was a lack of urban planning and management.
Even when the urban density and environment were at their worst in Hong Kong,
there is no apparent evidence to support that high density is causing social pathol-
ogy. The living environment has greatly improved since mid-1970s through better
urban planning and management. Although improvements still remain, the negative
effects of high density have been much mitigated with progressive improvement in
design. With the progression, building height has increased. Studies in the 1970s on
high density and tall buildings were done at the time when the buildings were mainly
20 storeys high which would be considered pretty low against present developments
in Hong Kong and Singapore.
Most of these studies were concentrated on density rather than the living envi-
ronment of tall buildings, especially the effect of building height on residential
satisfaction. Very few studies have addressed this. It was found that for low-rise
housing, people may prefer to live in higher floors. In a study of low-rise 5-storey
student dormitories in Ankara, Turkey, the finding was that students on the high-
est floor perceived their rooms as larger, less crowded and were more satisfied with
their rooms than residents of the lowest floor (Kaya & Erkip, 2001). This is because
rooms in the upper floors were brighter and less noisy. But, the preference for liv-
ing in high-rise buildings is different. In the study of height preference for high-rise
building in United Kingdom, Conway and Adams (1977) found that if respondents
were given a free choice of floor in a 24-storey block, over 30% of them would have
chosen the ground to second floors, another 15% the third to fifth floors, and only
over 20% the twenty-first to twenty-third floors. This is mainly because the overall
environmental setting is low rise housing.
Prior experience and cultural background are factors influencing how residents
perceive high-rise housing. Williamson (1981) did an excellent study by examin-
ing how Germans living in high rises (6–28 storeys) in and around Cologne and
Dusseldorf adjusted to their high-rise living environment. Using structured and
open-ended questions in an interview format, the study addressed how indepen-
dent variables such as age, sex, martial status, and social class affected resident’s
responses to the physical design, social networks, and adjustment of children in
the high rise. Single people were aware of views offered from the windows of the
high rise as well as the anonymity they experienced, whereas married people were
conscious of balconies and their neighbours’ backgrounds, and chose to live on the
lower floors. Older respondents complained more about management, children, the
cleanliness of neighbours, and other aspects. It was also found that men were more
negative than women; however, women were more concerned with specific prob-
lems such as security. Compared to men, women were more conscious of the poor
design of entryways, hallways, and stairs. Herlyn (1970) suggested that, generally,
height has a relatively positive factor. Findings showed that only 5% of residents
wished to be on a lower floor than they were, whereas a third would like to have
been on a higher floor. Greenberg and Greenberg (1977) suggested that satisfaction
is strongly related to the floor on which one lives, density within the apartment, and
anticipated duration of residence.
Set against the high-rise development of Hong Kong and Singapore, most
of these studies were done in relatively low-rise housing. In order to find out
more about super tall building living, a study was carried out in Hong Kong and
Singapore[1] respectively, trying to examine the influence of floor height on the per-
ception of the living environment of tall buildings and whether there is a difference
in the perception of tall buildings between Hong Kong and Singapore.
2.3 Super Tall Living in Hong Kong and Singapore
2.3.1 Methodology
To compare the tall building living experience between Hong Kong and Singapore,
a study was carried out in Singapore first through a questionnaire survey. The study
in Singapore was reported in detail in Yuen, Yeh, Appold, Earl, Ting, and Kwee
(2006). A similar questionnaire was used in Hong Kong for comparative purpose. In
Singapore, the living experience of a sample of 218 residents in the 30-storey block
precinct of Toa Payoh new town was collected. The high-rise blocks ranged from
12 to 30 storeys. In Hong Kong, a sample of 961 residents was collected from the
Wang Tau Ho/Wong Tai Sin urban district (426 samples) and the Fanling/Sheung
Shui new town (535 samples). The height of the sampled residential buildings
ranged from 34 to 44 storeys which represented some of the tallest buildings in
Table 2.1 Distribution of current floor levels of respondents
Hong Kong Singapore
Current floor level Number of respondents Percentage Number of respondents Percentage
1–5 floor 111 11.6 29 13.3

6–10 floor 136 14.2 60 27.5
11–15 floor 129 13.4 46 21.1
16–20 floor 85 8.8 27 12.4
21–25 floor 164 17.1 32 14.7
26–30 floor 118 12.3 24 11.0
31–35 floor 124 12.9 0.0
36–40 floor 55 5.7 0.0
41 floor or above 39 4.1 0.0
Total 961 100.0 218 100.0
the districts. Care was taken to include residents living on various floors from the
lowest through to the top floor of the building. The distribution of the samples in
Hong Kong and Singapore is shown in Table 2.1.
2.3.2 Main Findings

The study in Singapore shows that perceptually, the residents are satisfied with their
high rise living environment (Yuen et al., 2006). Similar satisfaction levels are found
in Hong Kong. The studies show that high-rise living is a generally acceptable way
of living in Hong Kong and Singapore and the residents are satisfied with the living
environment. As found by Bonnes, Bonaiuto, and Ercolani (1991), the perception of
crowdiness is a subjective reaction that is much related to the contextual spatiophys-
ical features of the place that is being considered. Implicit in this type of inquiry is
the notion that the height of nearby surrounding buildings has an impact on peo-
ple’s attitude and subjective interpretation of that environment. Since the contextual
environment of super tall buildings in Hong Kong and Singapore differs somewhat,
with the former higher than the latter, there may be differences in the perception of
tall buildings in Hong Kong and Singapore. Thus, the main focus of this Chapter is
to examine the difference in the perception of tall building and tall building living
between Hong Kong and Singapore. In other words, is there a relationship between
how tall a person thinks a tall building is and his/her preference for life in high-rise
buildings?
2.3.2.1 (A) Satisfaction of Living Height

As shown by Table 2.2, sampled residents in the lower floors in Hong Kong and
Singapore are less satisfied with the floor that they are staying as compared with
2
Table 2.2 Comparison of satisfaction of living height
Don’t care/never
Too high Not high enough Too low Just right thought about it Total
Present floor Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore
level Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%)
1–5 floor – 0.0 13.0 17.2 62.0 44.8 15.7 24.1 9.3 13.8 100.0 100.0
Tall Building Living in High Density Cities
6–10 floor – 1.7 31.6 25.0 21.8 15.0 34.6 55.0 12.0 3.3 100.0 100.0
11–15 floor – 0.0 33.9 19.6 10.2 0.0 52.0 73.9 3.9 6.5 100.0 100.0
16–20 floor 2.4 14.8 10.7 14.8 1.2 7.4 82.1 59.3 3.6 3.7 100.0 100.0
21–25 floor 1.3 15.6 15.2 9.4 0.6 3.1 74.7 65.6 8.2 6.3 100.0 100.0
26–30 floor 9.7 8.3 8.8 12.5 1.8 0.0 72.6 79.2 7.1 0.0 100.0 100.0
31–35 floor 9.1 – 6.6 – 3.3 – 72.7 – 8.3 – 100.0
36–40 floor 9.3 – 5.6 – 3.7 – 64.8 – 16.7 – 100.0
41 floor or above 18.4 – 7.9 – 2.6 – 60.5 – 12.1 – 100.0
Total 4.1 5.5 16.7 17.9 12.8 11.5 58.1 59.6 8.3 5.5 100.0 100.0
15
those in the upper floors. Only 15.7% in Hong Kong and 24.1% in Singapore living
on 1st–5th floor considered the floor level that they were living was just right.
On closer examination, a higher percentage of those living in 1st–5th floor in
Hong Kong (62%) reported that they were living too low in Hong Kong as compared
with Singapore (44.8%). In both Hong Kong and Singapore, residents staying in
floors above 16th floor registered a higher satisfaction level with living height than
those in lower floors. The satisfaction level is over 60% in both places. Because of
the difference in the contextual environment of tall buildings, the satisfaction level
of those living above 16th floor in Hong Kong is higher than those in Singapore.
For most of the residents living in the tall buildings in Hong Kong, only a small
percentage of less than 15% considered the floor that they are living to be too high.
Even for those living on 41st floor or above in Hong Kong, only 18.4% considered
that it is too high.
By contrast, living on 5th floor is generally considered to be too high in
most Western cities designed with suburban-style housing. But, in Hong Kong
and Singapore, our data indicates that such living is considered to be too low.
Similar findings were interestingly returned in a parallel study on high-rise living
in Brisbane, Australia, where 30% of sampled respondents on 1st–5th floor consid-
ered their present floor level to be just right while 83% of those living on 16th–20th
floor (the highest blocks surveyed) opined that their floor levels were just right.
No one had rated their current floor level to be too high (Yuen, Appold, Yeh, Earl,
Ting, & Kwee, 2003). These results prompted further investigation of the relation-
ship between people’s perception of building tallness and their preference to live in
high-rise housing.
2.3.2.2 (B) Perception of Tall Building

Because of the contextual difference, the perception of a tall building is also appar-
ently different between Hong Kong and Singapore. The perception of what is a
tall and super tall building is consistently higher in Hong Kong than Singapore. In
Singapore, 11% of the respondents considered a 20-storey residential building as a
very tall building, but only 0.1% of those in Hong Kong considered this to be a very
tall building (Table 2.3). A third of respondents (30.5%) in Singapore rated residen-
tial building of 40 storeys as a very tall building, but the proportion was only 17.7%
in Hong Kong. Some 40% of respondents in Singapore had considered the 50-storey
building to be a very tall building, whereas only 35% of respondents in Hong Kong
rated such building as being very tall. Although there is a difference in the percep-
tion of tall and very tall buildings between Hong Kong and Singapore, there is not
much of a difference in the perception of what is not a tall building. The perceived
average height for both cities is around 17 storeys high which is considered to be
tall by most low-rise western city standard. The implication is that the contextual
environment may have influenced the perception of building tallness in these two
high density cities, and because of the tall building environment, the perception of
low rise building is similar.
Even so, it is found that there is not much difference in the perception of tall
buildings amongst the residents on different floor levels. In Hong Kong, regardless
Table 2.3 Comparison of perceived building height
Not a tall building Tall building Very tall building
Building Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore

height Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%) Kong (%) (%)
10-storey 31.4 32.1 1.03 1.3 – 0.2

15-storey 27.4 30.2 4.99 3.8 – 0.2
20-storey 20.2 17.0 13.23 21.5 0.1 11.3
25-storey 13.6 11.9 20.09 26.4 0.9 3.6
30-storey 5.1 7.4 28.01 22.1 4.0 14.7
40-storey 1.5 1.2 21.04 15.9 17.7 30.5
50-storey 0.6 0.1 7.77 8.9 35.3 40.0
60-storey 0.3 – – 0.0 42.1 –
Total 100.0 100.0 100 100.0 100.0 100.0
Average 17.3 16.9 31.5 24.7 51.4 39.6
height
Fig. 2.1 Perception of tall building by present floor level
of the floor level of respondents, the perceptions of what is not a tall building, tall
building and super tall building are very similar (Fig. 2.1). This seems to indicate
that the floor level does not have much influence over one’s perception of tall build-
ing. The contextual environment appears much more important than which floor
level one is living, in the perception of what height makes a building tall.
2.3.2.3 (C) Highest Preferred Living Height

The average highest preferred floor level is higher in Hong Kong than Singapore
(Table 2.4). It is 29.3 for Hong Kong and 20.9 for Singapore. Only 15.3% of the
Table 2.4 Comparison of highest preferred floor level
Hong Kong Singapore
Highest preferred floor No. % No. %
1–5 floor 2 0.2 2 1.0

6–10 floor 24 2.8 23 10.7
11–15 floor 17 2.0 33 15.3
16–20 floor 168 19.6 40 18.6
21–25 floor 82 9.6 26 12.1
26–30 floor 244 28.5 58 27.0
31–35 floor 77 9.0 28 13.0
36–40 floor 139 16.2
41–45 floor 10 1.2
46–50 floor 11.0
51 floor or above 94 5 2.3
Total 857 100.0 215 100.0
Average floor level 29.3 20.9
respondents in Singapore were willing to living above 31st floor, whereas this pro-
portion has jumped to 37.4% for Hong Kong; 11% of those in Hong Kong were
willing to live above 46th floor. The findings further lend support to the argument
that contextual difference in the physical setting of Hong Kong and Singapore has
influenced the higher preferred floor level. Hong Kong has more taller buildings than
Singapore and its residents are consequentially emboldened by the familiar living
experience and more willing to live higher in Hong Kong than Singapore.
Contrary to the lack of relationship between floor level and the perception of
what height makes a building tall, there is a difference in the highest preferred floor
level and respondent’s present floor level (Fig. 2.2). In Hong Kong, the percentage of
those who are willing to live higher than 40 storeys appears on an upward trajectory
with floor height, rising from around 50% among those living below 20th floor to
over 78% for those who are living above 40th floor. Lower floor residents appear
to show less preference to live on higher levels than residents on higher floors. In
other words, residents on higher floors appear more willing to live higher as they are
familiar with the height. The willingness to live in 50-storey building is expectedly
higher among those who are already living above 40th floor.
2.3.2.4 (D) Concerns of High-Rise Living

It seems that there is not much of a difference in the concerns about high-rise liv-
ing in Hong Kong and Singapore (Table 2.5). The first six concerns are the same
between Hong Kong and Singapore. They are fire risk, life breakdown, neighbours,
crime in lift, accidental falling off the building, and lack of neighbourhood facilities.
They constitute 76.7 and 88.0% of the concerns of the respondents in Hong Kong
and Singapore respectively. Perhaps because of the difference in housing design,
their order of importance is slightly different. Hong Kong’s respondents ranked
Fig. 2.2 Willingness to live in higher floor of tall building by present floor level
Table 2.5 Comparison of concerns about high-rise living
Hong Kong Singapore
Concerns about high-rise living Percentage Rank Percentage Rank
Fire risk 25.8 1 9.0 5

Lift breakdown 13.3 2 20.0 2
Who you have as your neighbors 11.9 3 14.0 3
Crime in the lift 9.0 4 14.0 4
Accidental falling off of family 8.8 5 5.0 6
members
Lack of neighbourhood facilities 7.9 6 26.0 1
Power failure 6.9 7 2.5 7
Traveling time in lift 6.3 8 2.5 8
Collapse of the building 3.0 9 2.5 9
Walking along the common 2.7 10 2.0 10
corridor to reach your flat
Other worries 2.4 11 1.5 11
Height of the building 2.1 12 1.0 12
Total 100.0 100.0
fire risk as their number one concern, whereas it was ranked 5th for respondents
in Singapore. Lack of neighbourhood facilities ranked 1st in Singapore but ranked
only 6th in Hong Kong. The ranking of other minor concerns, such as power failure,
travelling time in lift, collapse of building, and walking along the common corridor
to reach your flat are the same in Hong Kong and Singapore. The height of building
is of very low concern in Hong Kong and Singapore. This is perhaps a reflection of
respondents’ perception of building tallness and general satisfaction and familiarity
with the tall environment.
2.4 Conclusion
Although Hong Kong and Singapore may have the highest density as well as the
tallest residential building environment in the world, the residents living in its tall
buildings are in general quite satisfied with their living environment. In Western
cities, floor higher than the 5th floor is normally considered to be very high. But
in Hong Kong and Singapore, they are considered to be too low. Lower floor
respondents prefer to live on higher floors. The average highest preferred floor
level is about 29.3 for Hong Kong and 20.9 for Singapore. As we reported in Yuen
et al. (2006), the pull factors of high-rise living include better view, less noisy, and
better air quality. The preference for living in higher floors as illustrated by the
Hong Kong situation is a reflection of flat price with height. The house price and
rentals for higher floors are much higher than lower floors, especially for those with
unobstructed sea views. There is therefore a strong desire to live as high as possible
for those in affordability position as there is an implicit social status. In addition,
there is a reinforcement effect that those who are familiar with life in high-rise are
more prepared to experiment with higher floor living while those who have little
notion of the building height are less inclined towards moving higher.
The comparative study of Hong Kong and Singapore shows that the perception
of tall building and super tall building and the highest floor that one is willing to
live in varies from place to place and time to time, depending on the contextual
environment. A “tall” building in city A may be a very low building in city B, but it
may become a “super tall” building in another city C. The perception of tall building
will also change through time. A “tall” building at one point of time may become
a “low” building some years later when the building environment is dominated by
other taller buildings. People become adjusted to the general building environment
with familiarity. Although Hong Kong and Singapore both have a high building
environment, because of the difference in the contextual environment, the perception
of tall buildings in the two cities are not the same.
Because the residential buildings of Hong Kong is on average higher and lie
closer to each other than in Singapore, Hong Kong’s residents seem to be more
used to living in super tall buildings. The perception of the height of super tall
building is higher than that in Singapore. The study shows that when people are
used to living in tall buildings, they are apparently quite satisfied with it. There
is seemingly not much difference in their perception of building tallness whether
they are living in lower floors or upper floors in super tall buildings. Needless
to say, the adjustment is a gradual adjustment through time through the evolu-
tion of the built environment. If the study in Hong Kong was done 10 years ago
when the contextual building height environment was very similar to the present
environment in Singapore, the perception of the height of a tall building and
the highest floor that one is willing to live could well be lower than what is
obtained now. Many of the “not so tall” 30-storey building would be considered as
“very tall building” in Hong Kong in the 1950s when most of the buildings were
only 5–8 storeys high. If this is indeed true, might we see a convergence of
perceptual height with optimal height over time?
The implication is that many of the concerns of those living in super tall buildings
could be addressed in the architecture, design and management of these buildings
(Ali & Armstrong, 1995; Fong, 1985; Yeh, 2000). For example, the installation of
devices to break and minimize the impact of fallen objects from height. Higher
setback of windows can also help the residents not to see the full view of the dis-
tant ground below them so that they can focus by focusing their view on the wider
horizon which is less frightening. The installation of CCTV in the lift can help to
minimize concern over crime in lift. Good maintenance can minimize lift break-
down. In other words, better architecture, design and management can help make
super tall buildings more liveable and mitigate the concerns of high-rise living.
In both Hong Kong and Singapore, as tall buildings and even super tall buildings
become common in the city, the building of high-rise is paralleled by careful block
and flat design, and the provision of greenery and open spaces between buildings to
relieve the crowdiness.
Despite attention given to compact city development, we are not advocating for
the massive building of super tall buildings. Although from the economic point of
view, as shown in the study by Chau, Wong, Yau, and Cheung (2007), the optimal
height for Hong Kong is 60 storeys with sea view and 57 storeys without sea view,
there are many considerations in deciding how tall a building should be built in a
particular city. It does not depend on economics alone. It also depends on the needs,
culture, and social acceptability. The indication from our data is that the average
highest preferred floor level at the present time is about 29.3 for Hong Kong and
20.9 for Singapore. Awareness of and research into people’s perception of building
tallness and willingness to live in high-rise can help to inform and enrich efforts to
recast the density question and sustainable urban development including the current
revisit of high-rise in urban development agenda.
The comparative study of Hong Kong and Singapore shows that people appar-
ently adjust to living in super tall buildings through time. It seems that when the
contextual building height environment is gradually predominated by very tall build-
ings, people are willing to living in them and willing to live higher. Further study
is needed to test the cultural and contextual dimension on the perception of tall
buildings. More study is needed to understand the psychological dimension of high-
rise living. People may not be accustomed to tall building living if there is only
one tall building in the city. If the findings in the extreme cases of Hong Kong
and Singapore have any indication, the change in the contextual environment, the
appearance of more tall buildings may help increase the receptivity of tall build-
ing living. However, the change in contextual environment is but one aspect of the
perceived environment. It is unlikely to bear impact if the tall building compact envi-
ronment is not carefully planned, designed and managed to minimise crowdiness
and maximise sustainability. For cities which need to increase their urban population
density, the construction of “tall” housing which is relatively taller than their present
ones can be one of the measures for mitigating the negative effects of crowdiness
that are often associated with the increase in urban density.
Note
1. The major findings of the Singapore study has been reported in Yuen et al. (2006).
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Chapter 3
Physical Environment of Tall Residential
Buildings: The Case of Hong Kong
Stephen S.Y. Lau
3.1 Introduction
Increasing urban populations, scarcity of urban land, depletion in resources and
severe impact of urban development on sustainability are critical contemporary
issues. Such issues have vast implications on the desirability of compact, high-
rise high-dense built forms. Yet, the environmental quality and social acceptance
of these forms remain barely studied. This chapter reviews some of the critical envi-
ronmental implications posed by the closely packed high-rise building and high
urban densities. High-rise buildings of Hong Kong1 are explored to discuss the
pressing challenges of poor air quality, ventilation, daylight, lack of open space
and noise pollution. Both quantitative and qualitative appraisals of Hong Kong
residents living in high-rise buildings are used to analyse the environmental chal-
lenges. Recommendations for improvements using current practices in Hong Kong
and possible solutions for the future are also discussed.
3.2 Urban Morphology and Its Implications: The High Rise,

High Density Compact Setting
Urban morphology is the study of the physical form of a city. Broadly, such study
would consider the street patterns, building sizes and shapes, architecture, popu-
lation density and patterns of residential, commercial, industrial and other uses,
among other things. Special attention is given to how the physical form of a city
changes over time and how different cities can be compared with each other. Related
S.S.Y. Lau (B)

Department of Architecture, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong
e-mail: ssylau@hku.hk; laustephensy@gmail.com
1 Hong Kong is used as an example for the study because its choice of an urban form is seen to
create a major influence on numerous Chinese cities.

26 S.S.Y. Lau
to the physical form, urban morphology would also study social forms, which
are expressed in the physical layout of a city, and conversely, how physical form
produces or reproduces various social forms.
Urban morphology is at times considered as the study of urban fabric, as a means
of discerning the underlying structure of the built landscape. This approach chal-
lenges the common perception of unplanned environments as chaotic or vaguely
organic through an understanding of the structures and processes embedded in
urbanization. It is widely accepted that there is a close relationship between shape,
size, density and uses of a city and the sustainability of that city. However, this
chapter is limited to the characteristics of a high-rise, high-density compact urban
environment: Hong Kong and its environmental implications.
It is said that urban intensification creates frequent walking trips and bet-
ter accessibility to facilities (Masnavi, 2000). In a compact city the reduction in
car ownership, vehicular trips and increase of pedestrian and transit use allevi-
ate the environmental consequences associated with the automobile. Compact city
has many advantages such as conservation of countryside, reduced need to travel
by car and thereby reduction in fuel and pollution, support for public transport,
walking and cycling, better access to services, more efficient utility and infras-
tructure provisions, and revitalization and regeneration of urban areas (Burton,
2000). In contrast to compact city, dispersed cities suffer from inefficient trans-
port management and long commuting trips, which lead to a high dependency
on automobile high energy consumption and pollution (Newman & Kenworthy,
1992).
Although high density combined with mixed use allows for high accessibility to a
majority of users, the mixing and co-location of incompatible uses such as housing,
community, recreational and public spaces near commercial, industrial and transport
can have consequences on the physical quality of the living environment. Greater
intensification has implications on urban green space. Even though a valuable con-
tributor to urban quality, urban greenery provision is often reduced under pressure
from other land use development. Research claims that compact city suffers from
a perceived lack of greenery, open spaces and parks which provision is seen to be
better in low-density environment (Masnavi, 2000).
However, urban sprawl results in unsustainable levels of resource use and
inequitable lifestyles (Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2000). In comparison with urban
sprawl, the compact city is a dominant model for sustainability (Jenks, 2000). Yet,
evidence on the impact of higher and lower densities on sustainability, the impact
of centralized decentralized city form on sustainability are lacking. Review of some
city forms indicates both advantages as well as disadvantages in sustainability. For
example, forms that reduce travel and are fuel-efficient may be harmful to the envi-
ronment and have social inequities. They may be locally beneficial but not city-wise
beneficial (Williams et al., 2000). The effects of urban density on the total energy
demand of a city are complex and at times conflicting (Givoni, 1998). Compactness
of land use patterns will bring benefits to energy distribution and transport sys-
tem design, but crowded conditions may create congestion and undesirable local
microclimate (Hui, 2000). The compact city challenges are mainly associated with
environmental quality and social acceptability (Williams et al., 2000).
3 Physical Environment of Tall Residential Buildings 27
3.3 A Compact City: Case of Hong Kong

A multiple intensive land use development in Hong Kong is formed by an inten-
sification of land use through mixing residential and other uses at higher densities
at selected urban locations, together with an efficient transport and pedestrian net-
work (Lau & Coorey, 2007; Lau, Ghiridharan, & Ganesan, 2003). Hong Kong is
one of the Asian cities that have evolved as a compact urban form. Situated at the
south-eastern tip of China, Hong Kong is ideally positioned at the centre of rapidly
developing East Asia. With a total area of 1,103 km2 , it covers Hong Kong Island
(80.41 km2 ), the Kowloon peninsula just opposite (46.93 km2 ), and the more rural
section of Hong Kong New Territories and 262 outlying islands (976.38 km2 ). The
central part of both Hong Kong Island and Kowloon are hilly rising to a height of
3,050 m. Only 21.8% of Hong Kong land is built up, concentrating on the triangular
tip of Kowloon and the coastal strip of northern Hong Kong Island.
The total population in Hong Kong is 6,864,346 with the median age rising from
30 in 1988 to 36 in 2006 (Census and Statistics Department, 2006). The median
monthly household income is HK$15,000. A population growth rate of approxi-
mately 1 million is observed in every 10 years in the last decade and the population
forecast for 2,030 is 9 million (Fung, 2001). Although the total population den-
sity is 6,380 persons per km2 , urban areas hold a staggering population density of
over 55,000 persons per km2 where certain districts rank among the most densely
populated places in the world. The density of public housing reaches at least 2,500
residents per ha, which is twice the density of the most crowded residential areas
in mainland China (Xue, Manuel, & Chung, 2001). High-density in a land limited
country like Hong Kong is the norm. Cities often respond to development pressure
by setting targets for increased urban densities, and the establishment of high-rise
cityscape and compact urban settings is unavoidable (Hui, 2000).
A chronological classification of tall building types in Hong Kong can be
observed. The typology includes the verandah type from the 1920s, the cantilevered
living quarters type from the 1950–1960s, the rectangular mass type from the 1970s,
and the podium type from the 1980s onwards. Among the rectangular mass type
and podium type buildings, several shapes of building forms are observed such
as the rectangular, “Y” shape, clusters and crucifix shapes. When observing the
pattern of development at a district scale, two significant variations in develop-
ment is observed, namely, the clusters of multiple intensive land use developments
around the mass transit nodes and the linear multiple intensive land use development
alongside main roads and streets in the older parts of Hong Kong.
The cluster of a high-density Multiple Intensive Land Use (MILU)2 development
is mainly observed along (under) the three main rail lines of mass transit railway,
namely, the Airport Railway, Urban Lines and Tseung Kwan O Lines. They are
three-dimensional distribution of density and land uses integrated by three parallel
2 MILU is mixed use (multi functional) and high-density (intensive) development. The concept of
MILU was formulated to tackle the problems of urban sprawl and the development of dysfunctions
of urban, suburban and rural areas (Haccou, 2007).
28 S.S.Y. Lau
Primary MILU Secondary MILU Tertiary

MILU
Fig. 3.1 Multiple intensive land use cluster development. Sources: Lau and Coorey (2007), and
Wikipedia (2008)
commuting levels, namely, the mass transit rail (MTR), Kowloon-Canton railway,
subways below ground, buses, taxis, light rail transit and tramways on ground and
walkways above ground which are then vertically connected via ramps, stairways,
elevators and escalators. Such developments are built above or connected in close
proximity to mass transit railway and other public transport modes. As seen in
Fig. 3.1, when several MILU nodes are developed in close proximity, an interdepen-
dency is formed among these developments where land use functions and services
are shared, thus creating primary, secondary and tertiary interdependent zones (Lau
et al., 2003).
Plot ratios, also known as Floor Area Ratios, of up to 15 for commercial uses
and up to 10 for residential uses have led to buildings of up to 80 storeys built above
3–4 level podiums. The podium levels incorporate the secondary supporting func-
tions such as commercial, recreational, government, institutional and community
(GIC) land uses while the primary residential, office or hotels/serviced apartments
are located above as seen in Fig. 3.2.
Four major types of MILU developments can be discerned according to its mix
of land use types:
1. The primary use being office and/or hotel/serviced apartments with supporting
secondary commercial, GIC and transport uses;
2. Primary use being residential supported by secondary commercial, GIC and
transport uses;
3. Primary use being both residential and office supported by secondary
commercial, GIC and transport uses;
4. Primary uses being office, residential, hotel/serviced apartments and secondary
commercial, GIC and transport uses.
Residents
Recreation,open
space
shops
GIC Carpark,bus,taxi
Meifoo Sun Chuen MTR
Sunshine City
Tung Chung
Residential Land Use Car Parks GIC(Government Institutional

& Community Land Uses)
Commercial Land Use Transport Re Recreational land Uses
(MTR/Taxi/Bus) (Open Spaces / Play Areas)
Connectivity of Land Uses
Fig. 3.2 Multiple intensive land use cluster development. Source: Lau and Coorey (2007)
These development clusters are defined as primary MILU nodes (Lau et al.,
2003). Table 3.1 illustrates some examples of the four types of primary MILU
developments that are commonly seen in Hong Kong.
In Hong Kong where the buildable land resources are scarce due to hilly terrain
and scarcity of usable land, tall buildings serve as an optimal option to maximise
development potentials and best returns. Reduction in travel time due to intensifica-
tion of mixed land uses contributes to efficiency and economic viability of the city
(Wu, 2005). The concept of home-work-play gives the residents efficiency, conve-
nience and savings in time. Tall buildings also provide a heuristic device to meet
the housing demands for the increasing population. Additionally, the mixed use
30 S.S.Y. Lau
Table 3.1 Four combinations of MILU developments in Hong Kong. Sources: Hong Kong Mass
Transit Railway Corporation (2008), Wikipedia (2008), Google Earth (2008)
Type C office and Type D office, residential and

Type A office Type B residential
residential related hotel/serviced apartment
related MILU related MILU
MILU related MILU
International Finance Kornhill kowloon Telford development, Kowloon station
Centre (IFC), Kowloon Bay, development – Union Square,
Hong Kong Kowloon Kowloon
Primary use- Primary use- Primary use- Primary use-
office/ hotel/serviced residential residential and office residential, office, hotel and
apartments serviced apartments
Secondary use- Secondary use- Secondary use- Secondary use-retail,
retail, transport commercial, GIC, commercial, GIC, transport
transport transport
Total GFA - 415,900 Residential flats - 6,648 Residential flats - 4,992 Total GFA - 1,090, 011
Office GFA - 254,190 (Ave flat size 54 – 115) (Ave flat size 44 – 62) Residential GFA - 608,011
Retail GFA - 59,460 Retail – 104,170 Retail - 83,201 Office GFA – 231,778
Hotel / service GIC – 9,640 Office - 26,635 Retail GFA - 82,750
apartments - 102, 250 GIC - 909 Hotel/service apartment -
167,472
2 office towers 32 residential blocks 41 residential blocks 16, residential towers

retail in multi level shopping centre 2 shopping centers, 2 mixed use (hotel /serviced
podium, open spaces, open spaces, recreation cinema, supermarket, apartments /residential)
deluxe hotel and deluxe and community open spaces towers,
serviced apartment facilities recreation, 118, storey of office and
transport interchange linked to train station community facilities, hotel
with train, bus, mini and parking office tower shopping centre
bus, taxis, hotel transport open spaces, recreation and
coaches, tour buses and interchange - train, bus, community facilities,
parking mini bus, taxi and transport interchange-train,
parking bus, coaches, mini bus,
taxis, hotel shuttle and tour
buses and parking
nature of developments creates places that are active and lively for longer dura-
tion of time, providing safe neighbourhoods and additional time for use of urban
spaces for its residents. Rich, vibrant urban spaces are created within neighbour-
hoods. Urban intensification and compactness also provides savings in infrastructure
and services, and high penetration of infrastructure and services for all residents.
For example, it results in an overall reduction in energy use and traffic fumes (Wu,
2005).
High-rise building rather than urban sprawl reduces the use of woodlands and
forest areas for development, saving valuable land resources for future use and
recreation purposes. In Hong Kong such country parks and woodlands can be
easily accessed. Yet, there are some consequences associated with tall residen-
tial built forms arising from the very high population and extreme density. Both
social and environmental implications are prevalent in such conditions. This chap-
ter is specifically focused on the environmental implications and various measures
and solutions that may mitigate the environmental consequences of tall residential
buildings taking Hong Kong as a case study.
3.4 Environmental Challenges Related to Compact High-Rise

Built Form
High-density living in Hong Kong is strongly linked with significant air, water and
noise pollution. Drastic environmental implications such as living in busy urban
centres with high air and noise pollution, poor lighting and ventilation in individ-
ual housing units, urban heat island and wind tunnel effects are observed in Hong
Kong’s high-rise building developments. One of the problems related to mixed
land use developments at very high intensities is the incompatibility of uses. This
problem is particularly apparent in the old built-up areas because of a lack of
comprehensive planning in the past (Fung, 2001). Examples include those residen-
tial developments that face environmental nuisance due to its location adjacent to
industrial areas. Another example is where highways pass through residential areas,
posing the threat of noise and air pollution.
Probably due to poor ventilation and lighting conditions, as high as 50% of all
electricity used in Hong Kong is for lighting and space conditioning (Wu, 2005). Air
conditioning accounts for one-third of the total power consumption of Hong Kong
each year and costs HK$10 billion (Ching, 2005). High space conditioning further
aggravates the outdoor climate conditions creating a vicious cycle of environmental
pollution such as urban heat island. Table 3.2 outlines the positive and negative
effects of high density on city’s energy demand as identified by Hui (2000).
Current air pollution levels in Hong Kong are high due to the high intensity
of emissions from industry and traffic as well as a lack of proper environmental
planning in the past. The number of motor vehicles is increasing due to popula-
tion growth and demands. Many areas in Hong Kong are topographically confined
by hills and the air pollution dispersion in these areas is inhibited (Hong Kong
32 S.S.Y. Lau
Table 3.2 Positive and negative effects of urban density on city’s energy demand. Source: Hui
(2000)
Positive effects Negative effects
Transport Transport
– Promote public transport and reduce the – Congestion in urban areas reduces fuel
need for, and length of, trips by private cars efficiency of vehicles
Infrastructure Vertical Transportation
– Reduce street length needed to accommodate – High-rise buildings involve lifts, thus
a given number of inhabitants increasing the need for electricity for the
– Shorten the length of infrastructure facilities vertical transportation
such as water supply and sewage lines, Ventilation
reducing the energy needed for pumping – A concentration of high-rise and large
Thermal Performance buildings may impede the urban
– Multistory, multiunit buildings could reduce ventilation conditions
the overall area of the building’s envelope
and heat loss from the buildings Urban Heat Island
– Shading among buildings could reduce solar – Heat released and trapped in urban areas may
exposure of buildings during the summer increase the need for air conditioning
period Natural Lighting
Energy Systems – The potential for natural lighting is generally
– District cooling and heating system, which is reduced in high-density areas, increasing the
usually more energy efficiency, is more need for electric lighting and the load on air
feasible as density is higher conditioning to remove the heat resulting
from the electric lighting
Ventilation
– A desirable air flow pattern around buildings Use of Solar Energy
may be obtained by proper arrangement of – Roof and exposed areas for collection of
high-rise building blocks solar energy are limited
Planning Department, 2006a). Hong Kong has been facing two air pollution issues:
local street-level pollution caused by motor vehicles; and regional smog problem
caused by motor vehicles, industry and power plants both in Hong Kong and in the
Pearl River Delta.
Street level pollution is mainly caused by the large number of motor vehicles in
highly dense urban areas. The emissions are trapped in between the very tall build-
ings along the streets. The tall stacks of building towers create urban walls that are
barriers to wind circulation and vistas in the city. Further, it causes wind tunnel
effects and unsafe environments at street levels. Walking at street levels in compact
cities is no longer safe for the pedestrian. The high flow of vehicular traffic dam-
ages the quality of the street environment, with their high noise and air pollutants.
Therefore, whether within enclosed spaces or outside in the public areas and streets,
the quality of the living environment is being damaged, affecting the overall quality
of life.
Furthermore, since 2006, there has been an increasing concern on the “wall
effect” caused by uniform high-rise developments, which adversely impact air cir-
culation. A survey carried out by the environmental group, Green Sense revealed
that 104 of 155 housing estates surveyed have a “wall-like” design (Yueng, 2006).
The survey found the estates of Tai Kok Tsui and Tseung Kwan O as the best exam-
ples of this kind of design. In May 2007, citing concern over developments in West
Kowloon, and near Tai Wai Yuen Long railway stations, some legislators called for
a law to stop developers from constructing tall buildings which adversely affect air
flow in densely populated areas, but the bid failed (Wong, 2007). More recently, in
December 2008, a protest against “wall-effect” for a dozen of current and planned
constructions was held at Central Government Offices (Ng, 2008). These protesters
were also concerned about the development plans for Nam Cheong and Yueng Long
stations.
Tall buildings also pose threats to public safety and health in terms of easy spread
of disease and viruses, fire risks and domestic accidents. Adequate ventilation and
building maintenance are therefore an important issue for high-rise buildings in
order to avoid the spread of disease and accidents associated with dilapidated struc-
tures (Wu, 2005). Study on residents’ satisfactions and aspirations of high-rise living
in Hong Kong shows that better view, less noise, better air quality are the major rea-
sons for people to opt for high-rise living (Lau, 2002). The higher selling prices for
apartments on higher floors are also attributed to better views, less noise and bet-
ter environmental quality. This trend may seem to suggest that residents who choose
living on higher floors are seeking an escape from the environmental problems since
living on higher floors allows one to be further way from the city surface. But, opting
for taller buildings alone may not be a solution to the problem.
3.4.1 Air Quality, Wind Environment and Air Ventilation
There exists a strong pressure from people to improve air quality and environment.
The government has acknowledged this requirement and taken measures to improve
the environment. For example, it has implemented vehicle emission and fuel stan-
dards, cleaner alternatives to diesel, emission inspection and enforcements such
as controlling smoky vehicles, etc. and promoting vehicle maintenance and eco-
driving. In his 2006–2007 policy address, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong has
emphasized the importance of addressing these issues in order to secure sustainable
development for future generations. He has outlined some of the measures,
To reduce air pollution, we have formulated the Pearl River Delta (PRD) Regional
Air Quality Management Plan. This plan, prepared in partnership with the Guangdong
Provincial Government, aims to achieve specific emissions reduction targets by 2010. We
have now set up a 16-station air quality monitoring network in the PRD. Based on the data
collected, the PRD Regional Air Quality Index is released everyday on the Internet to keep
the public informed of the actual regional air quality. The data collected will also help us
assess the effectiveness of our pollution reduction measures . . . In Hong Kong, we have
imposed emission caps on power plants at Castle Peak, Black Point and Lamma Island.
These emission caps will be progressively tightened to meet the 2010 emission reduction
targets. (Chief Executive, 2006–2007).
In 2006, particulates and nitrogen oxides levels on the street have dropped by 13
and 19% respectively since 1999. The number of smoky vehicles on the road has
also reduced by about 80% (Environmental Protection Department, 2006). Increased
34 S.S.Y. Lau
use of mass transport and reduction in private car and taxi could help to reduce the
air pollution levels caused by vehicular traffic. In addition to policy measures, urban
design measures are suggested for improving air ventilation (Chinese University of
Hong Kong, 2005; Hong Kong Planning Department, 2006b). Recent study identi-
fies the following urban design issues as a means to a better quality and comfortable
urban environment: lack of breezeways air paths; tall and bulky buildings closely
packed causing undesirable wind breaks to urban fabric; uniform building heights
resulting in wind skimming over the top of buildings and not being re-routed into
the fabric; tight narrow streets not aligned with prevailing wind with tall buildings
resulting in urban canyons; lack of urban permeability-with few open spaces, min-
imal gaps between buildings, excessive podium structures reducing air volumes at
ground levels; large building blocks forming wind barriers; projections from build-
ings and obstructions on narrow streets and general lack of soft landscaping, shading
and greenery as contributing to poor air ventilation and environmental quality in
high-rise, compact built areas (Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005; Hong Kong
Planning Department, 2006b).
For better urban air ventilation breezeways in the forms of roads, open spaces,
and low-rise building corridors are suggested to allow air penetration to inner parts
of urbanized areas. Breezeways, roads, main streets and avenues should be aligned
either parallel or 30◦ to the prevailing wind directions. Open spaces must be linked
and aligned to form unobstructed wind corridors with low-rise structures alongside
them. Space between buildings must be maximized, especially in large sites with
dense developments. The longer frontages of blocks may be aligned parallel to wind
corridors, and non-built areas and setbacks may be introduced to further allow for
good wind penetration. To maximise the penetration of sea breezes and land breeze
water front sites may take special precautions to avoid blockages in wind paths
(Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005).
Street patterns, building heights, open spaces, density, and landscape will deter-
mine the air ventilation, solar radiation, day lighting and air temperature in compact
high-rise built forms having implications on indoor and outdoor environmental qual-
ity. To illustrate, reference is made to the natural ventilation study conducted for a
proposed luxury residential development in Shenzhen, China. An assessment of air
flow, solar energy and daylighting is done using computer based simulation tools
such as Airpak (USA), ECOTECT (UK) and RADIANCE (USA) (Lau & Li, 2006).
Table 3.3 shows the airflow study and wind velocities within the compact high dense
residential site.
All three graphs in Table 3.3 show high age of air, indicating low ventilation and
increased stagnated air. In the surrounding areas of the high-rise towers the age of air
reduces when elevation height increases from 5 to 40 m, indicating better ventilation
and cleaner air in the upper floors. The low age of air is also spread in larger pro-
portions when the elevation height increases. As seen in the graphs, both low- and
high-rise buildings form a wall that is oriented perpendicular to the prevailing wind
patterns. This creates a barrier to the southeast winds and creates stagnant air in the
leeward sides of the buildings. Ideally, these built forms must be oriented parallel
to the prevailing wind direction to ensure better ventilation and cleaner air. Lower
age of air and better ventilation is observed surrounding the smaller fragmented
Table 3.3 Ventilation study of a low rise & high rise new housing development in a Chinese city
in Shenzhen, China. Source: Lau and Li (2006)
Natural ventilation (South-East wind)
H = 5m (age of air) H = 20m (age of air) H = 40m (age of air)
Grey areas denote built areas. The large rectangular blocks in the S-E of the diagram are a low
rise development. The two rows of smaller grey blocks in the N-W of the low rise
development is a high rise development. Smaller narrow grey blocks in the N-W denote a high
rise development. The blue areas in the above graphs denote low age of air indicating well
ventilated areas with fresh air. The red parts denote high age of air indicating less ventilated
areas with stagnant air. Red, orange, yellow, green, light blue, blue and dark blue denote age of
air in descending order
H = 5m (velocity) H = 20m (velocity) H = 40m (velocity)
In the three diagrams above concentrated areas denote higher wind velocities. The short arrow
strokes indicate low and long arrow strokes indicate high velocities. The red, yellow, green and
blue strokes denote wind velocity in descending order
building shapes and footprints. The areas surrounding larger blocks show high age
of air and comparatively poor ventilation. In all three graphs, the row of high-rise
building further away from the wind direction have a higher age of air spread in
larger compositions compared to the row of buildings closer to the wind direction.
Observations confirm that the block size, orientations, building heights and
distance from wind source affect the age of air, ventilation and air quality sur-
rounding those buildings especially on the leeward side. The analysis can be further
substantiated by the qualitative data gathered among occupants in high-rise living
in Hong Kong (Lau, 2002). The general conceptions of occupants are that the apart-
ments in higher floors are preferred due to better quality of environment – such
quality can be specifically referred to as the air quality and reduced noise levels.
36 S.S.Y. Lau
The wind velocity graphs further confirm the observations made on the age of air
distributions at varying heights. Lower wind velocities are observed at low height
levels. Low wind velocities are also observed in the leeward sides of high-rise
buildings, causing high age of air, poor ventilation and air quality in those areas.
Also, when the distance from wind source increases, the velocities decrease indi-
cating the higher age of air surrounding built forms further away from the wind
source.
In order to enhance the wind environment in Hong Kong, an air ventilation issue
has been included in the Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines. A set of
qualitative guidelines and a framework for carrying out air ventilation assessment
have been formulated on the basis of the air ventilation assessment study recom-
mendations. The guidelines incorporated in the Hong Kong Planning Standards
and Guidelines are to strengthen the urban design guidelines for better air venti-
lation. The guidelines were developed according to the results of “Feasibility Study
for Establishment of Air Ventilation Assessment System” (the AVA Study) was
conducted and completed in 2005.
In addition to the guidelines, a technical guide for air ventilation assessment
(AVA) has been issued by the Planning Department of Hong Kong (2005). AVA
can be used to compare the air ventilation impacts of different design options and
to identify the potential problem areas for design improvements. This technical
guide specifies three steps in conducting AVA, i.e. expert evaluation, initial study
and detailed study. The expert evaluation is a qualitative assessment based on the
guidelines provided in Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines, while the
initial study will refine the expert evaluation and the detailed study will conclude
the AVA. The AVA technical guide recommends using wind tunnel as the tool for
carrying out both initial and detailed study. However, the use of Computational
Fluid Dynamic (CFD) will be permitted in the initial study (Hong Kong Planning
Department, 2005).
The examples of using CFD simulation in AVA study are presented in Table 3.4.
This study highlighted the air ventilation benefits of raising the podium level of res-
idential buildings. The table shows the comparison of mountain and valley breezes
for base case and proposed designs.
According to the mountain/valley breeze simulations, we can find that the moun-
tain can create local winds that vary from day to night if there is no background
wind, which can also increase the air flow around the buildings in the mid-level.
During the daytime, the air near the mountain surface can be heated up and higher
than the free air far away at the same height due to the solar radiation. Thus the
warm air moves up along the slopes. While during the night-time, as the mountain
surfaces cool down, the cold breezes can be formed and flow down the slopes. The
proposed new podium can enhance the air flow through the building. It can be imag-
ined that the building region can benefit from the mountain breezes by bringing the
cooled air at night-time on hot days. The thermal environment can be improved and
energy can be saved (Li & Yang, 2008).
Table 3.4 Building shapes and re-entrants. Source: Lau and Baharudin
Prevailing layout plan prior to year 2003. Narrow and deep re-entrant shapes bring in minimal
light and ventilation in the well type shape high-rise towers. This is also the typical shape of
Amoy Gardens Residential Development where the outbreak of SARS occurred in March
2003. By April 2003 there were a total of 321 cases of SARS in Amoy Gardens (Hong Kong
Department of Health, 2003)
New layout plans after year 2003. Different re-entrant shapes are seen above creating shallow
wider shaped reentrants. Better light and ventilation is created for better environmental quality
and hygiene
38 S.S.Y. Lau
3.4.2 Daylighting and Ventilation Within High-Rise Housing Units

The air ventilation and daylight penetration into individual housing units play an
important role in high-rise residential building designs. Many factors determine the
daylight quality within housing units. Study done by the students of the final year
Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies, Department of Architecture University of
Hong Kong (2006/2007) reveals several factors that determine the daylight quality
within housing units. Table 3.5 illustrates the types of building footprints found in
high-rise residential buildings in Hong Kong and the evaluation of the lighting qual-
ity within a selected individual housing unit. A qualitative appraisal of the lighting
quality in individual rooms of the housing unit is done by its occupant. This is com-
bined with a quantitative – daylight simulation for the residential units showing the
distribution of lighting within the spaces.
The distribution of lighting quality significantly varied across the building types
and spaces/rooms within the individual units. Lack of sufficient lighting and venti-
lation in the kitchen and washrooms were a common observation. Obstructions to
light due to windows being covered for better privacy and furniture layout were also
observed as barriers to daylighting within the spaces. Some spaces have no win-
dows at all and may be for the purpose of storage. But due to the lack of sufficient
living space such spaces are also used for habitation. On most occasions, occupants
use artificial lighting in such spaces even during day-time. Small window sizes and
fixed glazing were also commonly noted as causes for poor light and ventilation.
Further, it can be observed that most kitchen and toilet spaces in high-rise build-
ings are ventilated via “Re-entrant light wells”. These are equivalent to a light
well with the main purpose of bringing in light and ventilation (Lau et al., 2006).
Residents most often use the window opening into re-entrants for drying clothes, etc.
The inlet and outlet water pipes to kitchen and toilets are located along the re-entrant
spaces. The mechanical ventilation outlets are also located along these re-entrants
that act as a shaft for bringing in fresh air as well as outlets for foul air from toilets
and kitchen. The building shapes play a major role in determining the re-entrant
shapes (see Table 3.5 for building shapes and re-entrant shapes). Most often, the re-
entrants are too narrow and inadequate for bringing in light and ventilation. Wider,
more open re-entrant shapes are needed for sufficient light and ventilation.
The size, number and positioning of windows, the floor area of space, window-
floor area ratio, the shape of the room and depth of space from window, internal
reflectance of materials and finishes, the building footprint shape, external obstruc-
tions, building orientation, obstructions caused by neighbouring towers and distance
between towers, external barriers to wind and daylight such as hills and internal
furniture layouts all affect the quality of ventilation and daylighting within residen-
tial units in high-rise towers (Final Year Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies
Students, 2006/2007; Lau et al., 2006). A common issue is windows placed within
the visibility range from neighbouring blocks cause lack of privacy. As a result,
most windows are kept closed and covered using opaque materials such as shades,
curtains, etc. blocking light and ventilation into the housing units. Tables 3.6 and 3.7
illustrate the case studies and respective daylight analyses.
Table 3.5 Daylight study of high rise housing. Sources: Chan (2006/2007), Chow (2006/2007),
Ho (2006/2007)
Description Well type Cluster shape Crucifix shape
Location Full wing building, Hung Whampoa garden, Lok Fu estate, Kowloon
Hom, Kowloon Kowloon
Ariel view
Building foot
print
Individual
housing unit
layout plan
Daylight analysis
Issues relating to Uneven day light distribution in several spaces within the block is caused due to window
lighting and sizes and numbers, the floor area, window-floor area ratio, the location of windows, shape
ventilation of building foot print, interior furniture layout and distance between blocks and block
layout, contextual barriers such as hills, obstructions from other buildings also determine
the lighting quality and ventilating inside housing units of high rise blocks. Windows
facing neighbouring blocks are being constantly kept closed due to lack of privacy, thereby
does not serve the purpose of brining in light and ventilation
40 S.S.Y. Lau
Table 3.6 Day light study of high rise housing. Sources: Chan (2006/2007), Cheung (2006/2007),
Kei (2006/2007), Wong (2006/2007)
Trident-3 type ‘Y’ Shape Irregular shape Well type

Public residential Chen on public Classical gardens Private residential
development housing estate private housing estate, development,
Shatin, Tsing Yi, Tai Po, Ap Lei Chau,
new territories new territories new territories new territories
Deeper spaces from the window have less lighting

Bay windows and full height windows affect better lighting quality in the internal spaces
In addition, Lau and Baharuddin (2006) investigated the effect of relaxation

of room height as a means for improving daylight conditions. The study inves-
tigated the relaxation of room heights from 2,800 to 3,650 mm and sustainable
design features of proposed residential building located at Mid-Levels, Hong Kong.
Table 3.7 Day light study for residential development in mid-levels, Hong Kong – the effects of
relaxation of room height. Source: Lau (2006)
Case 1 − base case Case 2 − room 1 Case 3 − room 2

Window size- 1,250 × 1,200 mm Window size- 1,250 × 1,200 mm Window size- 1,250 × 1,700 mm
Room height- 2,600 mm Room height- 3,450 mm Room height- 3,450 mm
15
12.5
Daylight Factor (%)
10
Base Case
7.5 Room 1
Room 2
5
2.5
0
0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5
Distance (m)
When window size remains the same and the room height is increased the day light within the room is
improved but not a very significant improvement is seen. But when window size and room height is
increased there is a significant increase in the daylight quality within the room. Also graph shows that
in Room 2 with higher room height and larger window size the day light factor shows significant
increase
The simulations were carried out based on the parameters: date 21 Dec (winter
solstice), time 9:00 am, sky condition: overcast sky, design sky 8,500 lux. This anal-
ysis is regarded as the worst-case scenario for daylight calculation. Three cases are
presented in Table 3.8.
The study revealed that an increase in room height has some effect on improving
the daylight quality within a room. In addition, the increase of window height can
make a significant contribution to the daylight quality within the room.
42 S.S.Y. Lau
Table 3.8 Study of factors influencing occupants’ satisfaction of open space in high density public
housing in Hong Kong. Source: Coorey (2007)
Lower density Medium density Higher density

<1,200 per ha 1,200–2,200 per ha 2,200–3,200 per ha
Lai Kok Estate Choi Hung Estate Upper Wong Tai Sin Estate
(13 floors) (8–20 Floors) (10–41 Floors)
Fortune Estate Lower Wong Tai Sin Estate
(20–40 Floors) (15–32 Floors)
Ping Shek Estate
(8–28 Floors)
Social qualities 23.9% Social qualities 10.2% Social qualities 7.9%
Physical qualities 10.5% Physical qualities 26.4% Physical qualities 17.7%

Above results show that 23.9% variance in open space satisfaction is explained by the social quality of
open space in the lower density cases, but in the higher density cases only 7.9% variance in open space
satisfaction is explained by its social qualities
In contrast in the lower density cases only 10.5% variance in occupants’ satisfaction of open space is
explained by its physical qualities, but in the higher density cases 17.7% variance in satisfaction is
explained by its physical qualities
In the above physical qualities the climatic comfort in open space (CLIMCOMF) is a significant indicator
for open space satisfaction
3.4.3 Occupants’ Satisfaction of Open Space in Tall Residential

Buildings
Outdoor living space of high-rise residential buildings is equally important.

Adequate provision of open space, greenery, vistas and visual corridors is a criti-
cal issue in the light of high land prices and the general lack of space between and
around tall buildings. Open spaces and landscaping on podiums are design mea-
sures taken to improve resident perceptions of open spaces, views and greenery.
Open spaces located close to highways, roadways, and transport nodes create poor
environmental quality due to noise, dust and smoke emissions. In other words, it
can be argued that even if open spaces are provided within residential blocks or
outside in close proximity to homes, if its quality does not meet the demands and
satisfaction of its users, such open spaces may not be efficiently utilised.
Podium open spaces and sky gardens create a barrier from traffic and pollution
at road levels. Yet, being surrounded by high-rise buildings these spaces have a
tendency to trap pollutants due to a lack of cross ventilation and high building mass.
The lack of green cover, trees and hard landscaping may contribute to poor micro
climatic conditions in the outdoor spaces of high-rise developments (Tan & Fwa,
1992; Wilmers, 1990/1991). But, people are forced to use these open spaces despite
its poor environmental quality. Study by Davies (1998) has shown that the most
popular form of recreation among Hong Kong residents is the use of passive local
open spaces. It is observed that the majority of users of such open spaces are elderly,
low income groups whose accessibility to district open spaces and country parks
may be limited.
Study of open space satisfaction among occupants of high-rise public residen-
tial estates in Hong Kong by Coorey (2007) shows that satisfaction of open space
is primarily dependent on the physical qualities as opposed to its social qualities.
The physical qualities such as climatic comfort, maintenance, facilities and provi-
sions were identified as having important implications on their overall satisfaction.
The study involved 600 questionnaire interviews conducted in 6 high-density public
housing estates in Hong Kong. Respondents evaluated the physical and social qual-
ity of open space and their levels of satisfaction in 15 open spaces including those
on podiums and ground level in the six high-rise developments.
A comparison of open spaces located within public housing of varying den-
sity showed that occupants in higher density developments considered the physical
qualities of open space such as climatic comfort, provision for open space and
maintenance as having higher impact on their overall open space satisfaction.
Respondents living in the lower density cases tend to consider the social qualities
such as safety, crowding, privacy and interaction to have a higher implication on
their open space satisfaction (Coorey, 2007). The study highlighted the importance
of environmental quality for optimum satisfaction of open spaces located within
high-rise residential developments. It further highlighted that open space satisfac-
tion among occupants living in higher density cases was significantly influenced by
its environmental quality as opposed to its social qualities.
Such open spaces play a critical role in the lives of residents living in high-rise
buildings as they are their only means of escape from the otherwise built up urban
setting. Additionally, its importance for the elderly and low-income groups, specifi-
cally draws on the need for optimizing the environmental quality of open spaces in
high-rise developments. An increase in respondents’ satisfaction with climatic com-
fort in open space is shown when the number of trees, the proportion of greenery
is higher and the sky view factor is low due to taller buildings adjacent to smaller
narrower open spaces (Coorey, 2007).
3.4.4 Noise Pollution

Noise pollution is a common environmental quality issue associated with mixed use
and high connectivity with transport networks. Taller buildings with residences in
the higher floors are preferred due to less noise in the higher floors (Lau, 2002).
Also, elevated walkways and podiums serve as design principles for segregating
44 S.S.Y. Lau
pedestrian routes from noise and pollutant sources at street and ground levels. The
podiums act as buffers from noise at ground level. The building clusters in Hong
Kong are well integrated through elevated walkways subways and podiums that
induce people to walk through buildings rather than being exposed to the fumes and
noise of vehicular traffic at road levels.
Study of external noise measurements in the surrounding areas of an arts per-
forming school showed that high traffic noise reflectance was caused by the façade
effect and canyon effect due to high-rise built forms running parallel to the roadways
(Lau, 2006). Measurements were taken alongside two roadways on opposite sides
of the arts school. One roadway has high-rise buildings located alongside it while
low-rise buildings frame the roadway on the opposite side. Higher noise levels are
observed from the roadway with high-rise buildings. The facades of high-rise built
form act as reflectors for noise sources from vehicular traffic. The taller building
forms create a canyon effect causing higher noise levels.
It can be suggested that the building facades, orientations with the noise sources
and its noise reflectance and absorption values must be manipulated. This can be
done by orientating the buildings so that it does not obstruct and reflect noise.
Instead, it disseminates the noise and avoids a canyon effect. The materials of the
facades should be of less reflectance and higher absorption values. In addition, trees
and shrubs can be introduced as noise screens alongside roadways. Zoning at plan-
ning stage must be done with an awareness of the noise sources and noise reflectors
in the surrounding context. Habitable spaces can be buffered by elevating the units
above the noise source levels. Soft landscaping features such as water fountains can
be used to mask and create distraction from traffic noise.
3.5 Conclusion
Although tall residential buildings have many social and environmental impli-
cations, Hong Kong’s topography and continuous increase in population have
propelled the planning and design of Hong Kong’s built form clearly in the direction
of tall buildings. But how tall and how to design such tall building is the question of
concern. The general policy and regulations provoke taller buildings. But the reg-
ulations and attention of Hong Kong designers are turned towards more sensitive
design measures that will balance the demand for taller buildings with more sensi-
tive, sustainable and liveable design features. The critical implications for building
tall are mainly associated with poor air quality, lack of wind ventilation in a macro
context of a high-rise city as well as the micro context within the residential units or
apartments.
Poor daylighting quality within tall buildings is a pressing issue for tall build-
ings. The lack of open space and the poor environmental quality in such open space
is another issue that impacts the quantity and quality of open space among high-
rise occupants. The noise levels due to reflectance from high-rise towers caused by
façade and canyon effects are also a challenge for zoning, orientations and design.
Such issues bring about specific criteria for zoning, planning and design in tall build-
ing contexts. This chapter highlighted some of the design issues and possibilities.
Acknowledgments The author acknowledges the research assistance given by Dr. Shaleeni B. A.
Coorey and Dr. Baharuddin of Department of Architecture, the University of Hong Kong. The
useful information and data provided by Professor Y. Li and Dr. Lina Yang of Department of
Mechanical Engineering, the University of Hong Kong, the Chinese University of Hong Kong- Air
Ventilation Assessment Project Team, Hong Kong Planning Department, Hong Kong Buildings
Department, Hong Kong Mass Transit Rail Corporation, and the Final Year Bachelor of Arts
Students 2006/2007 of the Department of Architecture, University of Hong Kong; Chan K. H.,
Cheung H. F., Chow K. Y., Kei Y. S., and Wong Y. N. are gratefully acknowledged.
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Chapter 4
The Planning and Design of Environmentally
Sustainable High-Rises
Wenjian Zhu and Rebecca L.H. Chiu
4.1 Introduction
Subsequent to the publication of the Brundtland report on sustainable develop-

ment, there has been a global movement to search and achieve urban development
that “meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and
Development, 1987). Among the various sustainable urban forms advocated, the
concept of compact city development has become increasingly popular as a spa-
tial strategy to counteract the environmental ills of urban sprawl (Jenks, Burton, &
Williams, 1996a; Jenks & Burgess, 2000). The compact city concept has a variety of
definitions but in general, it refers to a well-defined urban mode with relatively high
density, mixed land use pattern, and an efficient public transport system (Jenks et al.,
1996a; Jenks & Burgess, 2000). It also argues that high population and building
densities are financially conducive for the operation of an efficient public transport
system, which is environmentally friendlier (Newman & Kenworthy, 1989a). To
save on the use of land, the model also encourages multi-storey residential buildings,
though the norms vary across different urban cultures.
In fact, perceived from the perspective of environmental sustainability, housing
development is a process that involves the change of natural resources, via labour
power, into liveable spaces. The housing units produced in turn provide shelter, use
and reproduce energy, and generate waste to the wider area (Bhatti, 1994; Chiu,
2000; Rydin, 1992). From this perspective, housing has significant implications for
the pursuit of urban sustainability as housing is one of the most important com-
ponents of the built environment. The sustainability concerns of housing in the
environmental dimension are the impacts of residential activities on the ecologi-
cal system, and the quality of the living environment of the inhabitants. Put in other
words, the meeting of the housing needs and demands of the population should be
qualified by the capacity of the natural environment to make such provisions (Bhatti,
1994; Chiu, 2000; Rydin, 1992). The tenet of environmentally sustainable housing
W. Zhu (B)
College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China
e-mail: zhuwenjian@hotmail.com

50 W. Zhu and R.L.H. Chiu
development is thus to minimize the negative environmental impacts of housing

activities and to simultaneously improve the environmental quality of housing for
the residents.
Whether residential buildings in the form of high rises are more environmentally
sustainable than low rises have been debatable (see, for example, Rudlin & Falk,
1999; Thomas & Cousins, 1996; Troy, 1996a). Inevitably, both building forms and
the liveability they bring about incur environmental advantages as well as disadvan-
tages. While policy makers should take the sustainability performance into account
when formulating housing and urban strategies, it is also important and necessary
that research is undertaken to improve the environmental sustainability of residential
buildings, be they high rises or low rises. The purpose of this chapter is therefore to
explore ways to enhance the environmental sustainability of residential high rises at
the planning and design stages. Following this introduction, the Chapter first exam-
ines the sustainability advantages and disadvantages of residential high rises. It then
discusses planning strategies and design principles which can enhance environmen-
tal sustainability, citing examples from Hong Kong, a city renowned for its high
density living and skyscrapers.
4.2 Sustainability Advantages
4.2.1 Less Land Consumption

Housing and residential land use is the largest consumers of urban space. High-rise
and high-density development model could save land consumption, preserving more
natural and green space and thus maintaining ecosystem dynamics (Alberti, 2000;
Bookchin, 1986; Rudlin & Falk, 1999). Furthermore, because sites of cities are often
chosen or expanded to exploit the agricultural hinterland, urban sprawl tends to con-
sume high quality agricultural land. Intensification of land use by building high-rise
is thus an important way of reducing sprawl onto farmland (Jenks & Burgess, 2000;
Pun, 1994). Despite an average population density of 6,352 persons/km2. (Census
and Statistics Department, 2007), the developed areas of Hong Kong only occupied
23.8% pf the total land area, whereas the country parks alone accounted for 38%
(Hong Kong SAR Government, 2007).
4.2.2 Higher Energy Efficiency and Lower Resource

Consumptions
For housing the same number of residents, a high-rise block consumes less build-
ing material as flats share foundations, roofs and partition walls, compared with a
detached dwelling. High rises are also potentially more energy efficient since they
have less exposed wall area and the dwelling units often have no heat-loss roof. This
is also true for mixed-use buildings where workspace and shops are located in the
lower floors, when compared with single-storey structures (Rudlin & Falk, 1999).
High rises also reduce the cost of environmentally friendly services. Owens (1986)
4 The Planning and Design of Environmentally Sustainable High-Rises 51
and Travers (2001) claimed that higher-density settlements are better able to afford
recycling programmes, such as waste collection, facilities recovering waste materi-
als, the marketing of waste materials, and the control and treatment of effluents and
other forms of pollution.
High-rise development also facilitates the reduction of transport energy con-
sumption. The studies of Newman and Kenworthy (1989a, 1989b) examined the
relationship between residential density, the viability of public transit systems,
and automotive fuel usage, and concluded that higher residential densities enhance
the viability of public transport. Other studies also argued that higher residential
densities enabled mixed land-uses, and better job-housing balances, thus reducing
automobile use (Cervero, 1998). Thus, high rises indirectly lead to a reduction of
the emission of carbon dioxide (CO2 ) and nitrogen oxides (NOx ) that contribute to
the greenhouse effect, air pollution and noise pollution (Barter, 2000; Brown, 1987;
Rudlin & Falk, 1999).
4.2.3 Better Liveability

High density attributed by high rises has the potential of providing a diversity of
easily accessible services to meet the needs of different household types of different
interests and lifestyles (Forsyth, 1997; Jenks, Burton, & Williams 1996b). Owing to
the agglomeration of inhabitants, a large number of services may be located within
walking distance form dwellings and in close proximity to each other. This also
enhances the potential for walking and cycling, thereby enabling various population
groups (children, teenagers, the elderly, the handicapped, and those without cars) to
avail themselves of resources independently. Also, higher densities meant that more
people could be housed or could work closely together, requiring shorter lengths of
cables, pipes and sewers, bus routes, roads and also fewer but may be larger com-
muting facilities, such as shops, hospitals and schools (Pun, 1994; Travers, 2001).
4.3 Sustainability Disadvantages
4.3.1 Insufficient Urban and Housing Land

Compact development frequently implies savings in the use of urban and agricul-
tural land. However, Pun (1994) argued that if high-rise and high-density buildings
had to be cramped into limited urban area, they posted great pressure to a city’s
infrastructure system. With limited urban area, housing, public facilities and infras-
tructures needed to compete for land for development, and such competition mostly
resulted in the deficiency of facilities, living space and highly congested townscapes.
Gordon and Richardson (1997) also pointed out that the high prices of urban land
caused by compactness might lure governments and developers to either use low
value farmland, or to cut back the hills, or even to reclaim land from the sea to
generate profits, thus unnecessarily damage the natural ecosystems.
4.3.2 High Operation Energy

Compared with traditional low rises, the embodied energy in the operation of high-
rise building is likely to be very high because of the higher levels of investment in
fixtures and fittings (Rydin, 1992). Troy (1996a) pointed out that larger buildings,
especially offices and apartment blocks, had to consume large amounts of energy
for lighting, heating, cooling and air-conditioning, especially for the operation of
lifts. Further, low rises are more likely than high rises to be able to meet the energy
requirements using renewable sources such as wood and solar energy. As well, low-
rise development is more likely to be able to maximize advantages from orientation
and design due to less structure restriction (Troy, 1996a, 1996b).
4.3.3 Less Desirable Living Environment

In the review of the environmental effects on intensification, Paehlke (1991),
Thomas and Cousins (1996) acknowledged that taller buildings would be more
exposed to wind and day lighting infiltration. In a compact living environment, con-
tacts with the natural environment may also be lost (Hitchcock, 1994). Furthermore,
residents are forced to interact with strangers in high rise buildings such as in the
corridors or in the lifts. Close proximity could lead to conflicts as the lifestyle may
diversify – especially in mixed-use areas. The feeling of overcrowding in the public
realm, noise, pollution, loss of identity and reduction in privacy are other problems
(Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2000).
Putting these advantages and disadvantages into the context of environmental
sustainability, high rises giving rise to a more compact urban form can shorten travel
distance, reduce the emission of greenhouse gases, and reduce energy consumption
with the greater use of public transport. High rises can also mitigate the use of nat-
ural land and other resources, and lessen the need for the geographical expansion of
infrastructure, thus better protect the natural ecology. They may also shield residents
from air pollution, noise and dust from vehicle exhausts. However, the disadvantages
of environmental impacts of high rises also abound. This may include higher energy
consumption during construction and the operation of the buildings, the restrictions
in the use of renewable sources, and the need to use more energy intensive material
such as concrete. While high rises can shield air and noise pollution, they may also
create heat island and hamper the dispersion of pollutants.
4.4 Planning Strategies and Design Principles for Enhancing

Environmental Sustainability
Obviously, the planning strategies and design principles of high rises are closely
associated with the sustainability advantages and disadvantages discussed above.
For instance, a planning strategy of maximizing open space in the development site
would improve natural ventilation and reduce the external adverse impacts of the
use of air conditioner. The planning and design of high rises are certainly complex
and intricate matters, and need to take many factors and trade-offs into account.
This section discusses the major planning strategies and design principles, which
contribute to achieving the environmental substantiality of high rises: minimizing
the negative environmental impacts of their activities and improving the quality of
the living environment of the inhabitants.
4.4.1 Vertical Organization of Land Uses
Since residential land use is the largest consumer of urban space, the wider use of
residential high rises enables urban development to be more sustainable by reducing
the demand on land. Residential high rises can be further developed to accommodate
mix uses to reduce travel trips, thus reducing energy consumption. Traditionally,
most Western mixed-use housing developments are planned horizontally with inte-
grated community and retail facilities in the neighbourhood. But in Asian cities
such as Hong Kong, Tokyo, Singapore and Shanghai, more and more residential
super/mega structures are planned and designed to accommodate a multiple of uses.
There are usually four vertical components (Fig. 4.1). At the top are the resi-
dential floors, below which is usually a massive podium designed as green open
and social space for the exclusive use of the residents. The podium also effectively
blocks street noise and dust. Below the podium level are the amenity floors, com-
prised of one to three levels of retail facilities (e.g. shops, restaurant), community
facilities (e.g. community centre, kindergarten) and sometimes a public transport
Fig. 4.1 Vertical organization of land uses

interchange. These commercial floors reduce the need to travel for facilities and also
block residents from the noise and exhaustive gases from vehicles. Furthermore,
these facilities could be shared by other users living or working in the district.
If the commercial floors of other housing projects are linked by footbridges, the
networks of pedestrian walkways could be enhanced. At the basement level are
the subway and car parks, which are divided into residents’ and shoppers’ sec-
tions. The vertical organization of land uses also has different varieties, such as
residential floors, plus podium and car park, or residential floors plus sky garden,
commercial/entertainment facilities and car park.
The vertical organization of land uses increased development intensity, and
enlarging the accommodation capacity of housing sites. However, the higher con-
centration of population, involving a more diverse mix as well, also incurs greater
pressure on the infrastructure and transport facilities. In Zhu’s (2008) study of Hong
Kong’s three public housing estates, comprised of high rise blocks of 22–41 storeys,
it was found that the residents’ satisfaction rates for the provision of public trans-
port services and community facilities were only 44.8% and 48.5% respectively.
The problems encountered by residents included insufficient bus routes and bus fre-
quency, and inadequate community facilities, such as market and youth centres, to
meet their needs. These planning problems certainly could not be fully ascribed
to the public housing provider, as the work of other government departments and
the market forces were at play. Indeed, the pursuit of higher density development
through vertical organization of land uses requires more sophisticated planning and
forecast skills, and greater co-ordination effort in infrastructure construction and
service provision.
4.4.2 Energy-Efficient Envelope Design

As earlier discussed, high-rise building forms on one hand can save energy because
of the shared foundations, roof, and partition walls, but on the other, they consume
high levels of energy due to the operation of lifts, and the use of air conditioning
to combat bad ventilation. There is not much room to significantly reduce energy
consumed by lifts except by restricting unnecessary movements with computer pro-
gramming and designing convenient pedestrian system to encourage the use of
staircase. However, the design of the building envelope has drastic influence on
the indoor microenvironment, which in turn affects the energy needed for heating,
air conditioning and lighting. The envelope of the building consists of the exterior
walls, the roof, floors, windows and doors. In addition to giving the envelope the
desired appearance, the envelope must withstand the stresses to which it is exposed
and also must protect the enclosed space against the local climate.
The first consideration of envelope design is thermal comfort. In cold climate
region, the function of thermal insulation is to obstruct indoor heat loss through
the envelope (Farahbakhsh, Ugursal, & Fung, 1998; Jaber, 2002). But in hot area,
it may need to reduce the solar heat gain (Bojic & Yik, 2001; Niu, 2004). Today,
with dynamic architecture and the proliferation of new materials, components
and construction techniques, a great variety of new designs are possible (John,
Clements-Croome, & Jeronimidis, 2005). But in fact, designs for exterior envelope
for buildings have never been developed in a universal way due to the different local
climate, developers and residents’ demands and architects’ creativities. However,
two common measures are used to indicate the thermal performance of the enve-
lope: the U-values (overall coefficient of heat transmission) in the colder region
such as Europe; and the Overall Thermal Transfer Value in the hotter regions such
as Asia.
At the design stage, the building professionals need to consider the thermal insu-
lation facing the outside or inside of the room, the thickness of thermal insulation
and room orientation as they all affect the final thermal performance of the envelope
(Bojic & Yik, 2001; Burnett, 2004; Cheung, Fuller, & Luther, 2001). Also, large
and convex-shaped windows have become very popular to provide better views to
the occupants. Consequently, solar heat gains or heat loss through glass has become
another dominant air-conditioning or space heating load (Cheung et al., 2001). As
well, the shading of buildings should also be considered because it also affects heat
exposure.
The second consideration of envelope design is ventilation and light penetra-
tion. Sufficient natural ventilation can remove the indoor air pollutants and smell,
decrease the indoor temperature in hot region, and save energy consumed by
air conditioning and fan movement. For sufficient natural light, it can enhance
comfort and health, and save energy (Burnett, 2004). To estimate the ventilation and
day-lighting in the design, Computational Fluid Dynamics technique and Daylight
Factor approach are the analytical tools. But for high-rise residential buildings,
many factors affect the design of ventilation and day-lighting and the final perfor-
mance of individual dwelling units, such as local climate and environment, room
orientation, building form and floor level.
Several designs became popular in the recent years. One of these is window-
vent designed with a pollutant filtration function, enabling constant air flow by
self-regulating the opening degree in response to pressure differences (Niu, 2004).
Double skin façade is another method, reducing up to 30–40% of the cooling energy
of the conventional façade designs (Leigh, Bae, & Ryu, 2004). These designs were,
however, originally conceived for office building. The applications and the cost-
effectiveness and acceptability in high-rise residential applications need further
investigation. For designing the energy efficiency of the envelope, it is important
to recognize at the outset the different requirements and conditions of the sites, such
as the local climate. It is also necessary to consider and balance the overall function
of the envelope. For example, though enlarging the window size could improve the
daylight penetration, it may also lead to greater heat loss or solar heat gain. It may
also be required to satisfy a number of lesser requirements such as colour, texture
and porosity. Further, all of these must be achieved at an acceptable life time cost.
In Hong Kong, energy-efficiency has not been attended to seriously in the enve-
lope design of residential high rises. Statutory Overall Thermal Transfer Value has
been determined for commercial buildings but not residential buildings. However,
the Verbena Heights (Fig. 4.2), a social housing development completed in 1997,
Fig. 4.2 Cantilevered canopies as shading devices adopted by Verbena Heights
pioneered an environmentally-responsible design. In this project, external shading

devices, roof shading and thermal insulation strategies are employed to reduce
internal overheating and the penetration of direct sunlight, thus reducing the cooling
load. Light-shelves are provided to optimize day-lighting to the depth of room,
lobbies and other communal areas (Hong Kong Housing Society, 1998). These
experiences were unfortunately not publicized much at the time.
In the past few years, nonetheless, the Hong Kong Housing Authority began to
explore environmental designs for public housing estates. For instance, the solar
heat gains of different façade and overhang were calculated to determine the thick-
ness and shading device of the glass window. The wind walls from the second floor
to the twenty-eighth floor were installed in order to improve the ventilation in the
flats. Computational fluid dynamics simulations, wind tunnel tests and daylight sim-
ulation tools were used with the aim to improve sustainability (Hong Kong Housing
Authority, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006). So far, the public sector has been
taking the head in these pioneering experiments.
4.4.3 Optimizing Spatial Configuration

The attractions of high rises are often the views, the breeze and the privacy (as
the units are high up in the sky) that residents can enjoy (Yuen, 2005; Yuen et al.,
2006). The local climate (prevailing wind, solar angle) and site characteristics (e.g.
hillside or waterfront site) are the important factors to be considered in the planning
and design of housing. However, in a high-density built environment, tall buildings
are usually close to one another. The close proximity may reduce airflow around
buildings (Fig. 4.3) (Chow, 2004; Hui, 2001; Santamouris et al., 2001). It may also
create the heat island effect (Giridharan, Ganesan, & Lau, 2004), or obstruct direct
sunlight (Hui, 2001; Zhu & Lin, 2004), or block the views (Planning Department,
Fig. 4.3 Optimization of spatial configuration to improve natural ventilation
2006). The microclimate issues (e.g. ventilation, day-lighting) are thus special fac-
tors in the planning and design of high rises. These concerns should be carefully
considered not only in the planning and design stage of the buildings, but also in
the formulation of the master layout plan or the spatial configuration of the whole
development project.
There are several important points to note. First, for the master layout plan, the
distance between residential buildings should be maximized and the orientation of
buildings should be tested to enhance air and sunlight permeability (Fig. 4.3). Also,
building heights should be staggered to allow the wind and direct sunlight to pen-
etrate through the project site. It would enable residents in rear buildings to share
good views and better ventilation (Capeluto, Yezioro, & Shaviv, 2003; Planning
Department, 2005, 2006; Zhu & Lin, 2004). Second, for building height design, the
height should decrease towards the direction of major visual corridor or visual centre
and the prevailing wind. As well, open spaces for children or youngster should also
be designed in the windward direction whereas that for the elderly should be in the
sheltered area. Large slab blocks creating wall effect should be avoided (Capeluto
et al., 2003; Planning Department, 2005, 2006; Zhu & Lin, 2004).
In fact, the above principles are generally adopted in the planning of public hous-
ing estates in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2007b). In Lei Muk
Shue Estate, for example, residential blocks divided into two groups are planned
to create an east to west wind tunnel to improve the flow of wind into the estate. In
another estate – Hoi Lai Estate, besides dividing the blocks to create a wind tunnel,
buildings facing the sea are shifted to allow the sea breezes into the estate (Zhu,
2008). Unfortunately, the private developers are interested in the more sustainable
designs if they bring profit. Actually, in order to maximize plot ratios, the saleable
area, the sea and/or hill views, many high rise residential projects in Hong Kong
adopt a long slab building form, not only blocking the penetration of the wind to
the rest of the site but also to the district behind. To mitigate the wall effects, the
government has considered the use of regulatory tools such as planning controls or
land lease controls (all land in Hong Kong is owned by the government) to guide
building forms. Since 2006, air ventilation analysis has also been required for large
housing projects (Housing, Planning and Lands Bureau and Environment, Transport
and Works Bureau, 2006).
However, dilemmas and difficulties are involved in the planning and design of
outdoor natural light and sunlight of high rises, such as in the public housing estates
of Hong Kong. On the one hand, in summer, sunshine with a high solar altitude
angle can shine on and heat a larger area. As Hong Kong is located at low latitude,
the peak solar altitude is up to 90◦ in summer. On the other hand, in winter, direct
sunlight with a low solar altitude (about 48◦ at noon) is blocked by the high-rise
buildings. Zhu’s (2008) study shows that the planning and design of public housing
in Hong Kong does not sufficiently mitigate the effects of direct sunlight in summer,
nor maximize the penetration of natural light and sunlight in winter. But in recent
years, the government has used computer simulation techniques to analyze solar
path and building shade in order to better define different types of open space in
individual estates.
4.4.4 Sky Open Space and Landscaping

Sufficient open space and green surfaces in dense urban area are indispensable
for improving residents’ social lives, for preventing uncomfortable heat island
effects and for saving energy (Edwards, 1999; Gehl, 1987; Giridharan et al., 2004;
Roseland, Cureton, & Wornell, 1998). Unfortunately, open space and planted sur-
faces are disappearing because of intensive development in city area. Turning
building podium or roof surfaces into open space with intensive greenery becomes
an efficient and stabilizing choice. Vertical open space and planting have many
potential sustainability benefits. The first benefit of roof or sky open space is to offer
urban dwellers extra amenity and recreational space for healthy living and oppor-
tunities for social interaction. The sights, fragrances, the variety of sounds, colours
and movement provided by plants add immeasurably to the richness of experience
and quality of life. They also offer attractive views to the overlooking buildings
(Architectural Service Department, 2007; Osmundson, 1999). To design vertical
open space, apart from the need to provide convenient access, it is also important to
avoid concealed areas as they may deter users (Architectural Service Department,
2007).
The second benefit is the ability of greened urban areas to filter out particulates,
which would stay on the plant as the air passes by, and would eventually be washed
into the soil by rain. The foliage can also absorb gaseous pollutants lodging them
in their tissue. Reportedly, green roofs can trap up to 95% of cadmium, copper and
lead and 16% of zinc (Dunnett & Kingsbury, 2004). Furthermore, intensive green
roofs, with trees and large shrubs presenting large three-dimensional surface leaf
area will have a much greater effect than extensive green roofs with a relatively flat,
two-dimensional vegetation profile (Architectural Service Department, 2007).
The third important benefit is that green roof increases building insulation and
energy efficiency. For example, by trapping an air layer within the plant mass, the
building surface is cooled in summer and warmed in winter (Onmura, Matsumoto,
& Hokoi, 2001). Also, by covering the building with vegetation, the summer
heat is prevented from reaching the building skin; and in winter, the internal
heat loss is prevented (Niachou, Papakonstantinou, Santamouris, Tsangrassoulis,
& Mihalakakou, 2001). Finally, podium and sky gardens could improve wind per-
meability. Generally, sky gardens are located at the mid-level of buildings so as
to reduce stagnancy on the leeward side, enhancing the performance of natural
ventilation in the area (Yau, 2002). Some mitigation measures may be required to
avoid excessively high wind speed at the sky gardens by using compact or porous
windbreaks or windguards (Lu, Lo, Fang, & Yuen, 2005).
In Hong Kong, podium open space has been a common feature in the private
and public projects for quite some years. However, due to the higher maintenance
cost and the need to hard pave outdoor space for some recreation activities (such
as football pitch), some podium open spaces of public housing estates are short of
greenery; while some podiums, though greened, are with restricted access (Zhu,
2008). Sky garden is a recent endeavour. Only a few private housing projects have
been designed with this feature. Nonetheless, given the benefits discussed above,
there is increasing interest, even in the public housing sector, to adopt this design to
enhance liveability.
But the Hong Kong Housing Authority has piloted different green design ini-
tiatives according to specific site conditions and constraints. For example, Eastern
Harbour Crossing Phase 4 project was piloting a vertical green panel system in
modular prefabricated external cladding, for use on vertical surfaces as well as
roof areas. The modulated prefabricated panels enabled easy on-site installation
and maintenance. In this project, green roofs were proposed for all roof areas with
a minimum of 4 hours direct sunlight per day (including the roofs of lift tow-
ers and ground floor canopies). Horizontal trellises were provided on both sides
of the footbridge roof top and double deck walkway to allow climbing plants,
which will visually enhance the area as well as helping to reduce the heat island
effect, and support insulation and energy efficiency (Hong Kong Housing Authority,
2007a). If successful, these green initiatives could set a milestone in the pursuit of
environmentally sustainable public housing development.
4.4.5 Provision of Balconies

A balcony is one of the green features that could be incorporated into the design
of high-rise buildings. It offers several advantages over traditional window designs.
First, it can increase extra living space for residents. In high-density areas, intensive
development compresses the outdoor open space, and engenders small-sized flats.
Also, there are often unavoidable ground noise and air pollution. Balconies help to
mitigate these problems. Second, from an environmental standpoint, balconies can
be a more sensible solution to traffic noise control without compromising views and
urban image (Griffiths, 1999). It is especially relevant in high-density cities with
high-rise buildings because the installation of noise barrier along the road for cut-
ting down traffic noise to the upper building levels is often very expensive (Cheng,
Ng, & Fung, 2000; Hothersall, Horoshenkov, & Mercy, 1996; Li, Lui, Lau, & Chan,
2003). Third, balconies can be used to increase the depth of the façade to buffer
interior space and to reduce the solar heat gain. Balconies also provide an oppor-
tunity for landscaping. Further, plantings can assist with the buffering process, as
they can catch the wind breeze to enhance natural ventilation (Yau, 2002). Fourth,
balconies also provide semi-outdoor space for the natural drying of clothing and
beddings. Without a balcony, occupants are forced to hang and dry their wet cloth
inside the flat or in re-entrant space. This results in inconvenience and greater energy
consumption if drying machine has to be used (Niu, 2004). Sanitary problems may
also be posed if clothes are dried in narrow re-entrant space without direct sunlight.
Thus, balconies do not only improve living quality, but also reduce energy use.
In Hong Kong, for many years, balconies are not popular because they are included
in the gross floor area calculation, thus their provision was at the expense of internal
floor space. As an effort to enhance environmental sustainability, the government
announced in 2001 that balconies smaller than 5 square meters will be excluded
from gross floor area calculation (Building Department, Lands Department, &
Planning Department, 2001). Though the exemption is granted with conditions (e.g.
the balcony must be open at least on two sides), it has encouraged the market to
explore green features as selling points, and has the impact of shaping consumers’
taste.
4.5 Conclusion
This chapter has surveyed the sustainability advantages and disadvantages of res-
idential high rises from the environmental perspective, and canvassed planning
and design practices to improve their sustainability. Defining environmental
sustainability of housing as the environmental impact of residential activities and
the quality of the living environment for the inhabitants, this chapter found that
most sustainability advantages of residential high rises pertain to reducing the envi-
ronmental impacts, notably minimizing the use of natural land, building materials
and transport energy. In contrast, the disadvantages are mainly the negative impacts
on the quality of the living environment, particularly the problem of congestion
and pollution. The urban context within which the high rises situate also affect
the sustainability of these buildings, especially the planning policies for the pro-
vision of facilities and services to meet daily needs, such as transport and retail
facilities.
The five planning and design practices investigated and recommended in this
chapter also focus on reducing environmental toll and improving liveability. They
particularly aim to reduce the operation energy of high rises, especially in a more
compact living environment. The energy-efficient envelope design, permeable spa-
tial configurations, sky open space and balconies all have the effect of reducing the
use of energy for ventilation, cooling, heating and lighting. Vertical organization of
housing-related facilities within high rises is also regarded desirable for reducing
transport energy consumption. The above designs also enhance liveability as more
green and social space is provided within close proximity, while air and noise pol-
lution are reduced, and more living space is provided. In many Asian cities, the
provision of dwellings in the form of high rises is not a choice but the only solution
to combat the deficiency in developable land and population growth. To build and
operate more environmentally sustainable high rises is also not a choice but the only
way to survive in the long term giving the limits of the earth. It is therefore impera-
tive that more research be conducted to improve the environmental sustainability of
residential and other types of high rises.
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Chapter 5
Garden and Ecology in the Sky
Belinda Yuen
5.1 Introduction
This chapter examines the greening and ecology promotion effort in high-rise
housing environment. Urban greening encapsulates the strategies that protect and
restore ecology within the urban area. Despite rapid urbanization, Singapore has
emphasized tree-planting, landscaping and open space provision to maximize its
environmental capital. The aim is to make Singapore a “better place to live”. Rather
than treating the space between tall buildings as a loss of valuable building or for
parking spaces, in Singapore, such space increasingly is being greened, and specif-
ically created as part of the total living environment to give “heart” to the high-rise
community. As described in Chapter 1, Singapore’s high-rise public housing is
spatially clustered as new towns. Each new town is provided with considerable land-
scaping, including a connected framework of green open spaces, parks and gardens
as the main structuring element of the community. Attention is on integrating the
natural environment, albeit largely manmade, into the new community. The green
spaces are an important part of the network of public spaces and ecology in the
high-rise housing environment.
Many scholars have discussed the importance of public space to urban quality of
life (see, for example, Carr, Francis, Rivlin, & Stone, 1992; Low & Smith, 2006;
Madanipour, 1996). As Carr et al. (1992, p. 3) assert public space is “the com-
mon grounds for play and relaxation”. It includes all publicly accessible (usually
also publicly managed) spaces, which are designed primarily for public enjoyment.
Common examples are the parks, gardens, and green open spaces. The multiple –
aesthetic, cultural, environmental, psychological, recreation, restorative and social –
benefits of the nature landscape of parks and green open spaces are well documented
(see, for example, Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; Swanwick, Dunnett, & Woolley, 2003;
Low, Taplin, & Scheld, 2005). The convergence of the diverse benefits serves to
emphasize the preservation, enhancement and creation of greenery in cities. As
B. Yuen (B)
Department of Real Estate, National University of Singapore, Singapore
e-mail: belyuen8@gmail.com

66 B. Yuen
Berg, Magilavy, and Zuckerman (1989) argue, urban greening is a manifestation

of bioregionalism; it combines urbanism and nature to create healthy, civilising and
enriching places to live. These spaces take on renewed pertinence in the increasingly
urbanized society, particularly, high-rise living with its heightened verticality and
high density. As Gobster and Barro (2000) note, urban people’s desire for interaction
with nature is stronger than ever.
In Singapore, as also the case in Hong Kong and many other cities, not all public
housing residents will have the means and time to travel to distant places for leisure
and recreation. The home and its immediate neighbourhood remain the space where
residents relax and socialize, children do much of their playing, and elderly resi-
dents spend most of their time (Alexander, Ishikawa, & Silverstein, 1977; Forrest &
Williams, 2001). These circumstances help reinforce the case for proximate green
space provision in high-rise neighbourhood. Green open spaces are not a residual
space but an integral part of any high-rise planning.
While there is a rich literature on parks and public spaces, the topic of green
open space in high-rise living remains barely explored. This chapter will examine
the changing attitude to this space in Singapore’s high-rise living, and the emerg-
ing evidence on residents’ relationship with these green spaces. As Rogers (1999)
remind in the review of British urbanism,
Public spaces work best when they establish a direct relationship between the space and the
people who live and work around it (p. 57).
As the number of tall housing expands under current sustainable develop-

ment narrative, understanding that relationship will become ever more important.
Skyrise greenery1 in Singapore’s latest 50-storey public housing development will
be reviewed. The chapter will also discuss Singapore’s proactive approach to pro-
tecting the environment, and developing environmental sustainability in the design
and construction of its high-rise public housing. Singapore’s first eco-precinct public
housing development will be examined.
5.2 From Periphery to Centre-Stage
Green open spaces in Singapore’s public housing have evolved from the once
peripheral, leftover space to becoming an integral part of its new town planning
(Yuen, 1996). During the early phase of public housing development, in the 1960s,
attention is on development – building as many housing units as possible to meet
the severe housing shortage (Wong & Yeh, 1985). Little consideration is given to
the environment – the existing landscape and the location and quality of green open
spaces. Green open spaces often are assigned sites that could not be used for hous-
ing. With the retreat of the housing shortage and increasing emphasis on quality of
1 In Singapore, skyrise greenery refers to the provision of rooftop gardens and the planting on parts
of the building such as podium gardens, facade greenery and balcony planting.
5 Garden and Ecology in the Sky 67
Fig. 5.1 Roof spaces are increasingly turned into gardens
life, more and more attention has been accorded to the provision of green open
spaces, and designing with nature. These considerations are no longer marginal
concerns but part of the increasing range of play and nature opportunities in the
immediate home environment.
Reflecting the wider national vision of a clean and green city, Singapore’s built
environment increasingly is designed with nature to increase the diversity of land
use, create the feel of a “city in a garden”, and stimulate a sense of place and com-
munity stake-holding. A green matrix of tree-lined streets, parks, green connectors
and gardens on top of buildings provides nature opportunities in the rapid restructur-
ing of the built environment (Fig. 5.1). In the process, green open space has become
the most prevalent landscape feature in the public housing residential environment.
The hierarchical provision of parks and gardens aside, the space between residen-
tial blocks2 is generally left green. As the Urban Redevelopment Authority (2002,
p. 15) rationalizes,
A liveable town is not merely measured by the significance and prominence of its buildings,
but also the quality of the spaces that surround the buildings and arise out of the collage of
structures.
2 Building spacing is computed by the formula: d = HL + 0.5HD + 0.1HU where d = minimum

building spacing, HL = vertical overlap of the two buildings, HD = difference of ground levels of
the two buildings, HU = difference of roof levels of the two buildings. See Wong and Yeh (1985)
for detailed discussion.
68 B. Yuen
These patternings reinforce other implementation of sustainable development

advanced in its spatial plan (Keung, 1998). Under its long-term Concept Plan, spatial
planning will capitalize on the country’s island character and existing tropical green-
ery by establishing an island-wide network of parks, gardens and connectors. As
much as 24% of the country’s ultimate land area (or 177 km2 ) will remain green.
Of this, 103 km2 will be natural woodlands (or 82% of current woodland areas).
The Concept Plan envisages that the home and workplace environment will become
“heavily decorated with natural tropical foliage”. The city will have more parks, and
offer more leisure opportunities under its leisure plan, the Green and Blue Plan. The
Green and Blue Plan, which derives its name from its focus on linking the system
of open space (green) with the waterways (blue), proposes three main strategies to
enhance the urban environment:
• having more parks and gardens;

• carefully tending the natural foliage; and
• bringing the natural environment closer to the urban areas.
The implementation of these strategies is effected through the development of

six different types of open spaces:
1. natural open space (such as mangrove swamps, wooded areas and nature reserves
which will be preserved);
2. major parks and gardens (such as regional parks);
3. sports and recreation grounds (including sports stadiums, golf courses and
camping sites);
4. boundary separators (such as green buffers between new towns);
5. internal greenways and connectors (including proposed pedestrian malls that
define and link neighbourhoods to town centres within new towns); and
6. other open space (including military training and agricultural areas).
Rather than discrete and separate offerings, the six types of open spaces will be
linked to one another, and to the coastal areas by a network of park connectors to
realize the vision of Singapore as a garden city where accessibility to every part of
the garden is ensured. The entire network of 360 km of park connectors is antici-
pated to complete in about 20–30 years’ time. Shifting the development of the built
environment towards sustainability inevitably raises consideration about nature in
the city. As alluded to earlier, the argument is for more, not less nature in cities.
The motivation for urban greening is as much ideology as it is pragmatism. Urban
trees contribute to the absorption of air pollution, and to the visual coherence of
the regenerated city areas. As stated in Singapore’s national report to the United
Nations,
From the outset, Singapore has always recognised the role of plant cover in alleviating
pollution, promoting rainfall and in improving the aesthetic quality of life, as well as the
vital function of providing shade in our hot, sunny climate. (United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development, 1992, p. 39)
In a similar vein, Sherlock (1991) argues that greenery in urban areas is best pro-
vided by trees and shrubs in paving, be it in streets, in squares or in spaces between
buildings. To improve the appearance and safety of the whole urban environment,
Sherlock (1991) further advocates a minimum level of open space provision: every
urban borough or district needs one substantial park with plenty of forest trees, and
an area of grass large enough to survive universal use and the provision of formal
recreational spaces in every neighbourhood. Jacobs (1961), however, discounts the
idea of parks as lungs as science fiction. She argues that it has led to settlement dis-
persal, which in turn leads to greater use of cars and the production of more carbon
monoxide in the atmosphere. The implication for urban form is clear.
Integrated land use (and high-rise) support an urban compactness that could
conserve resources. Urban development integrated with nature can not only save
resources but also allow city dwellers to enjoy a more natural environment. This
is crucial for high-rise development. High-rise when compared with low-rise
single-family houses is often perceived with impediments to leisure and recreation
opportunities. A common anxiety is over the lack of outdoor play space for children,
the lack of opportunities for observing nature, and the stress of isolation (Conway &
Adams, 1977; Jephcott & Robinson, 1971). In the extreme, such disaffection with
high-rise living has proffered pressure for the cessation and demolition of high-rise
housing (Costello, 2005; Helleman & Wassenberg, 2004).
5.3 Greening the Verticality

In Singapore, within its basic new town planning prototype model, open space gen-
erally accounts for about 4% (approximately 26 ha) of new town land. Reflecting the
British notion of park hierarchy, the distribution typically includes one town garden
(5 or more hectares), several neighbourhood parks (1 per neighbourhood, each of
1–1.5 ha serving about 4,000–6,000 dwelling units), and precinct gardens (0.2 ha,
1 per 1,000–2,000 dwelling units). Each neighbourhood is self-sufficient in terms of
open spaces and playgrounds.
The parks and gardens have strong design features. The larger the space the wider
is its range of facilities. Thus, the precinct garden, the smallest of these spaces,
would typically appear as a landscaped green open space with seating, a children’s
playground or a hard court for ball game (Fig. 5.2). The neighbourhood and town
parks would have additional facilities such as pavilion, foot reflexology path, jog-
ging track, cycling track and fitness station (Fig. 5.3). Provided with standardized
recreational facilities like seats, swing and other play and recreation equipment,
these spaces are basically what Low et al. (2005, p. 26) would term, “recreation
facility parks” designed for vernacular recreation such as exercise, picnic, chil-
dren’s play and arrival by walking. The guiding principle is to encourage access
by proximity.
In addition to the ground level recreation facilities, the apartment blocks are
invested with a range of external public spaces to enhance residents’ accessibility
to play spaces. Over the decades, there is not only more internal home space with
70 B. Yuen
Fig. 5.2 Children’s playground and/or hard court are common in precinct garden
larger and better-designed housing units but also external space. An example is the
decision in the late 1960s to construct slab buildings with common corridor serving
housing units on one side rather than on both sides, as was the case in earlier block
design. This design change not only provided immediate gains in natural lighting
Fig. 5.3 A broader range of facilities in the neighbourhood park

and ventilation but also created a space immediately outside the apartment unit
front door for children’s play. With continued block design changes and the intro-
duction of taller point-tower (25- and more storeys) blocks, some of these common
spaces have expanded to become courtyard in the sky, creating semi-private lobbies,
sheltered corridors and garden enclaves for residents.
Since the 1990s, park connectors and vertical green open spaces – roof gar-
dens – have been introduced to complement the ground level green spaces within
the town-neighbourhood-precinct planning subdivisions. The modular prefabricated
extensive green roof tray system is used in the roof garden to help ensure vegetation
survival during dry season. Two systems are being tested in vertical greening, the
transparent system, which uses steel rack and mesh and cables to create a porous
look, and the opaque system, which uses a green wall system to give a planted
look to the building surface. The vertical greening additions are aimed at bring-
ing greenery and community spaces closer to individual homes as the buildings
increase in height. The objective is to progress the whole town towards garden city
living. Underpinning this is the goal to establish “home” places. As the Minister for
National Development wrote,
. . .we must remember that public housing is not just about good design. It is about build-
ing homes and communities. Building affordable homes that will meet the aspirations of
families and building cohesive communities that will flourish with people from different
backgrounds coming together in one place, to live, work and play; a place that they are all
proud to call home. (Urban Redevelopment Authority, 2002, p. 6)
In the Duxton Plain public housing redevelopment, 1848 new homes will be built
at a plot ratio of 8.4 and up to 50 storeys.3 This marks the tallest public housing in
Singapore. The brief is to provide fresh, innovative and new ideas on how high-rise,
high-density public housing can create an attractive and environmentally conscious
living environment. The winning design, selected from more than 200 entries from
around the world, includes a continuity of vertical greenery that provides the seven
tower blocks with view, air and light flow, and sky park connection at the 26th and
50th storeys. The sky parks, located on the 26th storey and roof level, are designed
for openness, panoramic view of the city and safety with a landscape moat and glass
windbreak. Two high-speed lifts and seven standard lifts connect the sky parks to
residents and ground level. At ground level, existing greenery will be preserved and
landscaped into a historical garden – central plaza for the residents, and as a land-
mark to the development. In addition, new landscape design will heighten human
scale, and offer varying degrees of privacy and enclosure, depending on the viewing
axis, height and density of the trees. The design is under construction, expected to
complete by 2010.
To what extent is the green spaces being used? While there is extensive docu-
mentation on Singapore’s high-rise public housing programme (Wong & Yeh, 1985;
3 The redevelopment of Duxton Plain site is the subject of an international competition in 2002. The
site is 2.5 ha with 334 flats in 2 slab blocks built in 1963. See Urban Redevelopment Authority,
2002, for more details.
72 B. Yuen
Yuen, Teo, & Ooi, 1999), there are fewer specific elaborations on its green spaces.
From the authority or provider’s perspective, the green spaces and their facilities are
planned to meet “the needs of residents”, and “play an important role in promoting
social interactions and forging community bonds among residents” (Housing and
Development Board, 2003a, p. 59). Against the basic assertion that public space
exists to serve the needs of people, such space is continually redefined, and given
purpose through usage. At the nexus remains the investigative concern with peo-
ple – “how the particular setting does or might facilitate particular kinds of behavior
which are hopefully or necessarily to be carried out in that setting” (Proshansky,
Ittelson, & Rivlin, 1976, p. 435). For the purpose of clarity of exposition, the
analysis draws on Madanipour (1996) social space dimensions of access, agency
(ownership), and interest (benefit) as the framework for discussion. This conceptu-
alisation reflects one of the key themes of modernist planning (Colquhoun, 1989;
Lefebvre, 1991).
Access, as Lynch (1981) defines it, is the ability to reach other persons, activities
or places. In the study of public spaces, this access, as Carr et al. (1992) argue, may
be visual, symbolic or physical, affecting people’s entry into, and their use of the
space. As public spaces in public housing towns, the green spaces in Singapore’s
high-rise – precinct gardens, neighbourhood and town parks – are open to all. There
are at present no gates, fences or security measures to prevent anyone, resident or
outsider, from entering the public new town, neighbourhoods, precincts, blocks and
public spaces. At night, the public spaces are well lighted to enhance safety and
security.4
By design, the local precinct gardens are readily accessible on foot, and visually
oriented in good view of dwellings. Their landscape and provision clearly define
these public spaces as parks and gardens for recreation use. Accordingly, ball games,
for example, are not permitted in the void deck, access corridors or lift lobbies of
the apartment block,5 but in the green open spaces, especially where the appropriate
play court/field is provided. The operational framework of facility provision, rules,
and regulations set the limits of public life, and behavioural cues for the use/non-use
of public spaces in the new town.
According to the latest Sample Household Survey 2003,6 about 18% of public
housing residents had used the park, fitness corner, jogging track and children’s
playground on a weekly basis, while 82% had used these facilities on less than
weekly basis. Compared to 5 years ago, the weekly usage of fitness corner/jogging
track had increased (10% of residents reported this use in 1998), but the weekly
usage level of children’s playground and park indicated a decline (23% of residents
in 1998). Although no reason was offered for the trend, consideration of the wider
4 Residents, whether renters or owners pay a monthly service and conservancy charge (amount vary
according to flat size) towards the town’s public cleansing and maintenance.
5 The void deck is the ground or 1st storey of the block that is deliberately left vacant – void—as a
sheltered space for the organization of big family events such as funeral wakes and weddings.
6 Conducted at intervals of about 5 years, this survey on residents living in public flats yields
information on their demographic profile and adaptation to high-rise living.
socio-demographic development suggests the probable influence of more people

embracing sports as a lifestyle (sport participation of the population as a whole has
increased by approximately 47% over the same period under the national sports for
all programme), and declining national birth rate7 .
Examination of the findings in respect of household’s family life cycle indicates
families with children as the major user of children’s playground: 45% were families
with young children (up to 12 years old), 17% were families with teenaged chil-
dren (below 21 years old), 20% were families with married children/grandchildren
(Housing and Development Board, 2003a). The children’s playground in the
precinct garden is generally designed for young children aged 2–8 years old while
the hard court is for older children. An average of 350 users per day has been
recorded in the precinct garden, and the majority, 43% of observed activities are
play-related (Dao & Yuen, 2005). The favoured time of visit is generally either in
the morning (before 9 a.m.) or late afternoon/evening, after 4 p.m.; fewer residents
had visited the public space during mid-day. The average duration of on-site usage
has been generally around 20–30 min.
On-site observation also pointed to residents seeking out shaded places during the
day, and using the not so shaded outdoor spaces when the weather is much cooler.
This is understandable given Singapore’s equatorial climate with day temperatures
(Celsius) in the mid-30s (Singapore is located 1◦ north of the equator). As Carmona,
Heath, and Tiesdell (2003) argue elsewhere, climate – the level of sunshine, humid-
ity, rain, etc – can be a major factor influencing usage. In particular, “comfort is a
prerequisite of successful public spaces” (Carmona et al., 2003, p. 165), and might
not be compromised. Notwithstanding that the usage may be a reflection of site pro-
vision – the availability of playground – the data reinforces the relevance of open
access to play provision in high-rise. The basic premise is that children, especially
young children, need proximate outdoor play spaces within home range for healthy
growth (Conway & Adams, 1977; Hart, 1979; Moore, 1990).
Compared to playground, the neighbourhood park and their broader range of
facilities, including fitness corner/jogging track tend to have a wider appeal, attract-
ing usage from every life cycle stage of the households. Among the many facilities
of the new towns, commercial facilities like the market/supermarket and shop are the
better-used provision with over 80% of residents visiting these on a weekly basis.
Even though parks and gardens may not have been the most used facility, the major-
ity, 93% of resident households have continued to express high overall satisfaction
with the facilities (Housing and Development Board, 2003a). Interestingly, satisfac-
tion level appeared generally higher among households living in smaller flats who
incidentally were also families with lower income.
As an amorphous space between high-rise buildings, the ubiquitous green open
space is a neutral ground where residents can come and go as they please throughout
7 During the 2006 National Day speech, the Prime Minister has announced a number of strategies
including immigration as the fillip to the continuing decline in birth rate, which has remained below
replacement level for the 28th straight year. See http://www.workpermit.com/news/2006_08_22/
global/singapore_needs_immigrants.htm accessed on 13 Dec 2006 4:54 pm.
74 B. Yuen
the day. Easy accessibility and regular usage are investing this nondescript space
with ownership, affinity and happening for certain groups in the community. The
precinct garden with its children’s playground, for example, offers a familiar place
where children and their caregivers would readily recognise and go in their daily
lives. Majority of the caregivers are women – mothers or maids – watching over
their children at play. Their access to the playground opens opportunity for social
interaction with other caregivers, and an escape from the house and domestic life.
Empirical research from other cities has often found that parks are places for social
interaction, escape and diversion from urban living (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; Low
et al., 2005). Karp, Stone, and Yoels (1991, p. 153) have taken this usage a stage
further by reflecting the dominance of women in park as the “gendered nature of
urban space”.
By contrast, in the hard courts designed for ball games, the dominant users are
almost exclusively male, mostly teenagers or young adults who have gone to the
space on their own or with friends and siblings (Dao & Yuen, 2005). Comparative
studies of residential satisfaction among American suburban teenagers and those
living at higher density with easy access to shops, public transport, etc. in Sweden
indicate that the former group is more often bored and engage in vandalism than
the latter group (Cooper Marcus & Sarkkissian, 1986). By implication, teenagers in
high-rise housing are more likely to find others of the same age group living within
walking distance, and have access to common shared facilities out of sight of the
home, yet not far away.
Just as the precinct garden emerges as a core setting of children and teenagers,
adult and elderly residents appear the more frequent user of neighbourhood parks,
and the seating in the precinct spaces. It is not uncommon to find the elderly, singly
or in groups, sitting and relaxing in the climatically protected void deck on a
daily basis. Their presence has prompted the authority and local community groups
to provide elderly-related leisure facility such as chess play sets, elderly fitness
equipment, and sometimes even an old piano to create senior citizens’ corner. In
consequence, the void deck is not just for pedestrian movement (to get in and out of
the apartment block), but joins the green open space to contribute to everyday social
life. It is a place where children play when they cannot get to outdoor play areas
because of rain (they are, however, not allowed to kick ball in the void deck), the
elderly meet and talk to one another, relax or just people watch.
Even though often manmade, and at times minimalist in design, the residents
would point to the green spaces in public housing as a near-home place that they
could go for a bit of nature in the immediate home range. The central narrative
among residents is that these parks and playgrounds are a convenient commonplace
for their respective daily routine activities. Some would seek specific activities (such
as to exercise or to sit, relax and be with nature in the garden) hoping or certain that
particular provision (for example, greenery, exercise equipment or seats) would be
available in the place. Others perceive the garden as a convenient meeting place
in the neighbourhood where they could meet their neighbours, hold block parties,
and promote neighbourly activities and interaction. As usage develops, these spaces
become increasingly “claimed”, and invested with social relations and informal
public life. According to the Housing and Development Board (2003b), residents
at neighbourhood parks and playgrounds generally record knowing many more
neighbours than those who reportedly meet each other along access corridors and
staircases.
The usage of green open space grounds support for their provision in high-rise
housing. From an environmental perspective, the benefit includes clean urban air
and reducing the urban island heat effect, which is well documented (Chen & Wong,
2006; Wong & Chen, 2005). It offers the high-rise a “softer and greener” environ-
ment. From a social perspective, Alexander et al. (1977) have long postulated that
people will visit urban greenery on a regular basis if it is within 3–5 min walk of
their home or workplace. An attractive green environment offers many opportunities
for urban social life. Others have acknowledged with empirical data that most urban
residents visit parks and gardens for a range of reasons (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989;
Low et al., 2005). The interest might have been to connect with nature, provide plea-
sure, aesthetic satisfaction, social interaction, rejuvenation, and better quality of life
through exposure, active or otherwise, to fresh air, sunlight, and open space.
In many ways, the preference for green open space is the option to have oppor-
tunity to do all of these activities and more. In a similar vein, Oldenburg (1997,
p. 16) has argued the importance of providing urban residents with “third places”
that “host the regular, voluntary, informal, and happily anticipated gatherings of
individuals beyond the realms of home and work”. Cast against the multiple func-
tions of green space, the emerging sense is that it would appear counter-productive
not to provide these spaces on an everyday basis, especially in the high-rise residen-
tial environment. Almost as a reminder, Singapore residents when speaking of their
concerns with high-rise living seem to worry more over a lack of neighbourhood
facilities than they would over lift breakdown, crime in the lift, and collapse of the
buildings (Yuen et al., 2006).
5.4 Ecological Design

Singapore increasingly has turned towards environmental sustainable development
in its high-rise public housing programme. At the macro level, public housing new
town with its mixed land use, cradle to grave facilities and high density is designed
to minimise the need for travel. The new town is designed for the pedestrian and
transit as well as the car, facilitating easy movement through all parts of the town
by foot, bicycle, public transit and bus. Pedestrian comfort is enhanced with the
provision of sheltered walkways, traffic calming within the precinct roads and car
parking lots increasingly placed in multi-storey car parks, providing an attractive,
safe and inviting public realm. As mentioned, rather than “demolish and build”,
the existing landform is increasingly recognised and integrated into the new town
development to celebrate local history and ecology. As set out in the Concept Plan
2001, the proposal is for strengthening identity in new towns with the participation
and input of the community, including “existing features that are unique, significant
landmarks and natural elements as part of new developments”.
76 B. Yuen
At the micro level, the apartment blocks and their flats are designed to encourage
natural lighting and cross ventilation so as to reduce energy need. Building facades
are generally oriented to face north-south, minimising the east-west sun exposure.
Fenestration, secondary roofing and wall design including gable end cavity wall,
ventilated and cool wall as well as zero energy and low-energy systems further
improve energy and comfort level. Water conservation and recycling is built into its
water sensitive urban design, which encompasses all aspects of an integrated urban
water cycle management. Recycled material and equipment are part of its alterna-
tive construction resource. Many of its playgrounds, street furniture and rubbish bins
provide examples of recycled equipment. Public housing is increasingly built with
the use of prefabrication technology that has not only improved the speed of con-
struction but also optimised resource use, reducing unnecessary wastage, noise and
air pollution on site. More and more, public housing is designed with nature, incor-
porating greenery and green technologies for optimal usage of energy and water.
The environment is seen as a basic part of development that enhances the ecological
agenda and quality of life. The “prime site” of the environment is the eco-precinct
demonstration project, introduced in 2007 and expected to complete in 2010–2011.
The eco-precinct to be developed at Treetops, Punggol new town will have 712
flats in seven 16-storey blocks. Residents will be served by the public bus, rail and
light rail transport network, providing easy access within the town and to the rest of
the city. The development will incorporate a range of green building technologies
and innovations for effective energy, water and waste management, including green
balconies and roofs, solar panels to generate lighting for common areas (this will
save 80% of energy used), centralised recycling refuse chute and rainwater collec-
tion system. Green linkways – Green Path – and extensive greening on the facade
and roof of buildings – eco-deck – will help to relieve urban heat island effect (antic-
ipated to reduce surrounding temperature by as much as 4◦ C), and provide shaded
walkway and spaces for the social interaction of residents. Greenery provision is
anticipated to be greater than 4; for most existing public housing greenery provision
ranges from 2.8 to 4. The eco-precinct will cost 5–8% more to build than con-
ventional public housing. However, the contribution to the environment cannot be
neglected.
Studies have shown that energy-efficient green buildings can be cost-effective
in the long-term; energy consumption can be reduced by as much as 35%. The
eco-precinct at Treetops, Punggol new town has been accorded the Platinum Green
Mark Award (top award), which is a scheme launched by Singapore Building and
Construction Authority in 2005 to promote sustainability in the built environment.
The Green Mark Scheme is a green building rating system that evaluates a building
for its environmental impact and performance along five key dimensions: energy
efficiency, water efficiency, site/project development and management, good indoor
environmental quality and environmental protection, and innovation.
Green building is part of a wider national effort. Under its Green Building Master
Plan, the Building and Construction Authority is actively promoting research and
development in green buildings through its S$20 million Green Mark Incentive
Scheme. The incentive is scaled on the basis of Gold (S$3 per m2 gross floor area),
Gold Plus (S$5 per m2 gross floor area) or Platinum Green Mark Award (S$6 per m2
gross floor area), up to S$3 million in cash. Secondly, the industry may apply for
funding under the Ministry of National Development S$50 million research fund
to intensify research and development in green building technologies and energy
efficiency, and thereby making the mass application of green building technology
more viable and cost-effective. The eco-precinct marks a new phase of high-rise
public housing development in Singapore. The new generation of high-rise public
housing is anticipated to explore further concepts of sustainable community such as
housing-in-a-park, sky gardens and community gardens.
5.5 Conclusion
This chapter has argued that green open space is important to high-rise living.
Equally important is the need to reinforce environmentally sustainability in high-
rise building development. Its compact form offers opportunity to minimise building
footprint, maximise mixed use, and incorporate green technologies and innovations.
In the face of climate change, designing towards environmental sustainability is
no longer an option. It is a must-do for cities. Many urban neighbourhoods need
more green space. A major criticism of high-rise built form is often its homoge-
neous stratification of floors – vertical stacking, leading to design standardisation
and monotony. The homogeneity of spaces, however, could be softened and made
aesthetically beautiful by a matrix of greenery, vertically considered.
Greenery in high-rise is not an ornamental, marginal provision but a functional,
integral component of high-rise living. Green linkages and spaces provide for “place
making” and public spaces in the sky, re-creating ground conditions – the conti-
nuity of spaces and circulation, the provision of immediate access to nature and
open spaces, etc – in the vertical city. The emerging evidence is that high-rise res-
idents use (even though not all of the time) and appreciate this public space in
their immediate residential area. Indication is that these green spaces create various
opportunities for the high-rise community. Even though by themselves the opportu-
nities and activities may be everyday commonplace happenings, they contribute to
neighbourhood amenity and the spatial realities that ground support for public space
provision in the high-rise residential environment. As this chapter demonstrates, the
green space offers convenient familiar settings for relaxation, discovery and social
interaction with peers, neighbours, and family. Children can use the space for play;
teenagers for active sports, to meet friends or hang out, etc, a few minutes away
from their homes. Adult residents draw on the space for neighbourly interaction,
daily exercise routines, relaxation, peace and private conversation, and an alterna-
tive to being in the apartment. In other words, the community creatively uses the
green space for a variety of day-to-day purposes.
To neglect, or worse, close off such provision is to paralyze the everyday life
activities of the residents, and diminish the high-rise living experience. This per-
spective pivots us towards understanding and sanctifying green space from that
of the users: the residents and the ways in which they discover, consume, and
78 B. Yuen
experience the space. As Jayne (2006) reminds, “The city is produced and consumed
through commonplace and everyday spaces and activities . . . in parks, the street,
shopping centres, and so on.” (p159) They represent a fundamental asset in the “total
living environment” that has potential to address social needs, support community
interaction and progress environmental sustainability.
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Chapter 6
Legislation and Safety of Tall Residential
Buildings
Wah Sang Wong
6.1 Introduction
Vitruvius, a Roman architect in the first century BC considered as the first architect,
has defined three interrelated qualities for the completeness of architecture in his
book, De Architecture: firmitas, utilitas and venusta. “Firmitas” means strength and
stability, which is the technical basis. “Utilitas” means utility and usefulness, which
is the functional aspect. “Venustas” means attractiveness and liveliness, which is an
abstract, spiritual aspect. Together, these qualities mean durability, convenience and
beauty, laid out in that order (Vitruvius, 1960). In other words, it is the actual build-
ing with “firmitas” as the basis to support “utilitas” that gives rise to “venustas”.
The aspect of safety in tall buildings can also be addressed in a similar manner.
Consideration of safety in the physical establishment of a building will create “fir-
mitas”, which allows activities to be carried out under conditions of safety. Together
with the phenomenon of “utilitas” the result is “venustas”, supporting positive feel-
ings of safety. Hence, safety can be seen as a persistent inseparable issue, no matter
how we look at buildings. The sequence of Vitruvius’ terms, however, is changed
following Sir Henry Wotton’s translation in the seventeenth century to form a new
sequence of “commodity, firmness and delight”. Here, “commodity” takes the lead,
and with “firmness”, they form the essential logical prerequisites of architectural
beauty (Wotton, 1624). This can be seen as taking the sequence from the viewpoint
of design; hence function is used to determine form and subsequently aesthetics.
Applied to the subject of safety, it can be said that the concern of safety as a
function is used to design form that generates the aesthetical effect of safety. To
a large measure, this is the thinking when modernism entered architecture in the last
century.
The ideology of modernism in architecture (1920–1960) can be represented by
the idiom of “Form follows function” (Nerdinger, 1985). The modernists believed
in a functional approach to determine form. Architectural design is perceived as a
W.S. Wong (B)

Department of Architecture, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, Hong Kong
e-mail: wswong@hkucc.hku.hk

82 W.S. Wong
process to transform functions into physical building forms. In consequence, build-

ings are efficiently designed and constructed with developable space. Combined
with efficiency, functions are further pursued in a highly commercialized environ-
ment with the result that buildings are looked at as businesses. Developable space
becomes a commodity. Economic value is assigned to different aspects of a build-
ing. As economy takes priority in modern cities, “form follows finance” becomes
another common idiom of architectural design (Willis, 1995).
In recent years, disastrous global events like Sep 11 2001 terrorists’ destruction
of tall buildings in New York, and the spread of SARS in 2003 in densely populated
Asian cities have triggered concern and closer scrutiny of building safety in the
urban environment. Will it become a case of “form follows safety”? To properly
administer safety in a fair and acceptable manner, legislation is a formal way of
upholding safety standards in the modern residential environment. Legislation
through the building code becomes the common means of control. In an environ-
ment of high density, private residential spaces are particularly vulnerable under
real estate economy. The influence of financial considerations has to be limited,
otherwise there is only influence based on economic power and no control for
public concern.
This chapter will discuss the urban background of high-rise buildings, the issue
of safety in modern habitat, the means of legislative control, the key variables of
the building code. It will also review the development of building legislation in
Hong Kong, the effectiveness of the control system, and discuss their contribution
to sustainability and the development of the three mentioned interrelated qualities
of architecture.
6.2 From High-Density to High-Rise

The development of high-rise buildings can be traced to the effect of urbanization.
In China, the urbanization process, which started from the 1978 economic reform,
has brought one-third of China’s 1.3 billion people to live in cities, and its rate of
urbanization will allow one-half of that total population (forecasted as 1.45 billion)
to be urbanized by 2020. High-rise buildings have become a norm for residential
buildings, and the continuous demand to produce high-rise buildings in cities is
forecasted (Dou, 2003; Edwards & Turrent, 2000).
In the case of Hong Kong, the rate of change from a fishing village at the time
of British colonization in 1841 with a population of a few thousands to its present
metropolis with almost 7 million people is indeed fast. The resultant landscape is a
high-density urban environment with high-rise buildings. Due to its hilly topogra-
phy, the built-up area is highly concentrated on the relatively flat land as early as the
late nineteenth century. This can be seen from the close packing of 4- to 5-storey
tenement houses at that time (Walker & Rowlinson, 1990). With the advancement
of building technology, Hong Kong has become a situation of both high density and
high-rise (Fig. 6.1).
With the prevalence of high density, hazards of fire and health have been the
issues for control in achieving an environment of safety. There are many cases to
6 Legislation and Safety of Tall Residential Buildings 83
Fig. 6.1 The high-rise and high density phenomenon of Hong Kong
give alarm for concern of a safer and healthier environment. For example, in 1878,
a huge fire broke out in Central, burning down 368 houses. In 1918, a great fire
at Happy Valley race course killed 600 people. In 1937, cholera killed more than
1,000 people. In 1953, a fire at Shek Kip Mei left 60,000 people homeless. The
recent spread of SARS in 2003 killing hundreds of people in the urban environment
is alarming. Hence, the control of safety is fundamental for the development of a
high-density city, and the legislation relating to density and safety is a key issue.
From the planning point of view, the density of development is related to spe-
cific usage and number of persons, which affect the provision of infrastructure and
amenities for the neighbourhood. The usage of the development and the number
of persons are quantified as the amount of Developable Space. In other words, the
space bounded by the site that is supported by a building structure to form phys-
ically contained functional space allowing human activities or building servicing.
It can be measured in volume or area, depending on the system of control and
calculation.
In the Hong Kong Buildings Ordinance, developable space is controlled by
the two clauses on “plot ratio” and “site coverage” in the Building (Planning)
Regulations (Buildings Department, 1998). These determine generally the maxi-
mum development. Both means of control involve the term “gross floor area”. This
is defined in the Building (Planning) Regulations (1998) as “the area contained
within the external walls of the building measured at each floor level (including
any floor below the level of the ground), together with the area of each balcony in
the building, which shall be calculated from the overall dimensions of the balcony
(including the thickness of the sides thereof), and the thickness of the external walls
of the building.”
84 W.S. Wong
Fig. 6.2 Typical plan of a common cruciform shaped plan in the Hong Kong residential buildings
for efficiency
Through such definition, public common spaces such as elevator shafts, lobbies
and staircases are minimized to achieve the maximum saleable floor area in residen-
tial buildings. Hence, the resultant typology of these high-rise residential buildings
is a uniform eight-unit with central core plan with minimum consideration on other
design aspects such as health or safety (Wong, 1999) (Fig. 6.2).
6.3 Issue of Safety Under the Legislation for the Habitat

As discussed in Section 5.2, the issue of safety is a basic concern in the making
of legislation for the control of residential buildings in Asian cities. Yet, there are
subtle differences and emphasis in different cities to reflect the cultural variation or
development standard. In China where a lot of urban development is in progress,
Fig. 6.3 Residential buildings in Shenzhen, mainland China
the Department of Construction ( ) under the Evaluation

Standard ( ) defines the function of residential buildings as to satisfy the
residents with regard to the accumulation of fundamental issues of usability, safety
and health, etc (CCIP, 1997) (Fig. 6.3).
Safety ( ) is denoted as one of the fundamental issues. Indeed, safety
is assessed as 10% of the weightage in China’s Evaluation Standard, and is sub-
categorised as safety measures and structural safety, which are further established
with weighting of 40 and 60% respectively (Table 6.1). For safety measures, these
are specifically stated as fire safety, theft safety, safety to prevent falling safety to
prevent electric shock, etc. Rating is given to encourage good practice and inno-
vation. On the other hand, structural safety is defined as conformity to structural
requirement. This can be seen as technically clear for the definition of safety issues
in quantitative terms in the current construction of residential buildings in China.
In the developed Asian countries such as Japan, the purpose of the Building
Standard Law is precise with its statement by the Ministry of Construction as “to
safeguard the life, health, and property of people by providing minimum stan-
dards concerning the site, structure, equipment, and use of buildings, and thereby
to contribute to the furtherance of the public welfare”. No matter how advanced the
technology, protection for people is well announced. Through the coverage of the
Japanese law to include “general provisions”, “site, structure and building equip-
ment of buildings” and “site, structure and building equipment of buildings within
city planning areas”, etc, the consideration of safety for both people and property is
well stated in the purpose, which the interpretations and applications are built upon
and stipulated into the individual items of the law articles (Fig. 6.4).
86 W.S. Wong
Table 6.1 Weighting for evaluation standard in the design of residential buildings in China
Function aspects Weighting
Primary Primary
criteria Secondary criteria weighting (%) Weighting (%)
1 Spatial Integrated effect of spatial 35 9

planning planning
and layout
2 Average room numbers 9
3 Orientation and size of 8
bedrooms and living rooms
4 Furniture layout 5
5 Storage facilities 4
6 Plan data Average construction area of 20 8
unit
7 Efficiency of usable area 7
8 Average frontage of unit 5
9 Kitchen and Kitchen layout 15 8
bathroom
10 Bathroom layout 7
11 Habitability Lighting 10 3
12 Ventilation 2–3
13 Heat insulation 2–3
14 Acoustical insulation 2
15 Safety Safety measures 10 4
16 Structural safety 6
17 Architectural Facade effect 10 6
design
18 Interior effect 4
In a city with a strong government such as Singapore, control is provided in

the legislation administered by the Building and Construction Authority (Building
Control Act, 1999). It looks at such legislative control from the boarder perspec-
tive of urban design and incorporates “buildings, structures and infrastructure”
as the “built environment” to “provide the setting for the community’s activi-
ties”. “We shape a safe, high quality, sustainable and friendly built environment”
is the Building and Construction Authority statement of mission. The Singapore
Building and Construction Authority (BCA) focuses on four key areas: “safety,
quality, sustainability and user-friendliness” to achieve the vision to have “the best
built environment for Singapore, our distinctive global city”. These four areas are
interrelated. The following strategic thrusts are formulated to achieve the vision:
1. We (BCA) aim to be a caring and progressive organization that values its people,
the innovative spirit, integrity, and service excellence
2. We ensure high safety standards and promote quality excellence in the built
environment
3. We champion barrier-free accessibility and sustainability of the built
environment
Fig. 6.4 Residential buildings in Fukuoka, Japan
4. We lead and transform the building and construction industry by:
a. Enhancing skills and professionalism

b. Improving design and construction capabilities
c. Developing niche expertise
d. Promoting export of construction related services
5. We forge effective partnerships with the stakeholders and the community to

achieve our vision.
This can be seen as a holistic approach with safety issues relating to the other
disciplines of management, design, technology and community. The actual provi-
sions are formulated in the Building Control Act (Chapter 29), (Building Control
Act, 1999) (Fig. 6.5).
Clear legislation for safety is also seen in the highly dense city of Hong Kong.
The authority of building control in Hong Kong is the Buildings Department with
its director acting as the Building Authority. Its vision is “to make the built environ-
ment safe and healthy for our community” while the mission statement is “to set and
enforce safety, health and environmental standards for private buildings”. The issue
of safety is thus clearly stated. This is consolidated in the Building Ordinance with
its long title “to provide for the planning, design and construction of buildings and
associated works; to make provision for the rendering safe of dangerous buildings
and land; and to make provision for matters connected therewith”. This Ordinance is
further supported by Building Regulations in various fields and codes of practices.
88 W.S. Wong
Fig. 6.5 Residential buildings in Singapore
For example, the Fire Safety (Buildings) Ordinance enacted in 2007 is a supporting
legislation regarding building safety in residential buildings (Buildings Department,
2007a). Its long title states that it is “An Ordinance to provide for fire safety improve-
ments to be made to certain composite buildings and domestic buildings and to
provide for related matters”. Hence, composite buildings mean a site with buildings
used for both domestic (residential) and non-domestic purposes (Fig. 6.6).
Going through the safety issues in various legislations, it can be understood that
in China, safety is placed with quantitative control to measure and allow flexibility
in various standards of residential buildings. In Singapore, the safety factor is more
integrated with the environment and society. In Hong Kong, safety, health and envi-
ronment are looked upon as joint measures to make a liveable habitat (Buildings
Department, 1999). In Japan, the law safeguards people’s life, health and property.
The indication is a progression towards urbanization or development where the basis
of legislation moves from building standards and control to include a boarder view
of the environment for the community, serving people is the ultimate goal.
6.4 Aspects of Legislative Control

The principle of development control through three levels of scale based on land
matters, planning issues and building code is widely adopted. However, such land-
use planning and zoning methods usually result in a functionalist vision in planning.
One of the outcomes of such a planning approach is the International Style where
tradition and regionalism can be lost (Kurokawa, 1988). Kurokawa (1988) has
Fig. 6.6 Residential buildings in Hong Kong
argued that the functionalist trend for rational design should be revised in the mod-
ern perspective to explore issues relating to the profundities of the human spirit,
which is “rich with ambiguities and harmoniously balanced”. The focus on safety
is often not apparent in the lease condition or zoning requirement, which reflects
respectively the legislative control on land matters and planning issues. At the plan-
ning level, what is usually seen is the allocation of open spaces in the form of parks
or plazas to lower the sense of high density in the urban fabric.
On a broad scale, the phenomenon of urban renewal can be seen as a planning
exercise to improve the safety and health conditions of an existing city. In Singapore,
the Housing and Development Board was set up in 1960 under the Housing and
Development Act to clear the housing deficiency and provide housing for the pop-
ulation. In the process, the housing strategy had facilitated the urban renewal of the
densely populated city area (Dale, 1999). A similar situation is found in Hong Kong
when the Housing Authority was set up to respond to a housing crisis where 60,000
people were left homeless after a fire broke out in Shek Kip Mei squatter settlement
90 W.S. Wong
on Christmas night of 1953 (Yeung & Wong, 2003). It was the urgent demand for
housing and safety that gave impetus to these government housing organisations,
and through which work, urban renewal is a continuous process to upgrade the
standard of health and safety.
To explicate the three levels of controls in Hong Kong, we turn to the work of
several scholars. Lai (1997) has stated that the lease document in Hong Kong being
the land contract would allow for maximum development. The building has to be
completed within a time period to avoid complete waste of land. Re-entering land
by government is also possible for a “public purpose” before the expiry of the lease.
When the tenant causes nuisance such as rendering the building unsafe to waste the
land, the government can also re-enter the land. In addition, Nissim (1998) has high-
lighted the main purpose of the Building Covenant laid out in lease conditions of
Hong Kong as to ensure that the site would be developed with an acceptable amount
of floor space within a reasonable period of time. Master Layout Plans are prepared
for large-scale developments to receive an early indication from government depart-
ments for the proposed layout to be acceptable under legislation. This will include
safety measures such as emergency vehicular access for fire fighting.
Chan (1998) further states that development in Hong Kong is controlled through
planning matters, building matters, lands matters and environmental matters, which
are administered by different government authorities. Generally, standards and good
practices are expected from these controls on health and safety. There are also
related Ordinances that might affect development. His views are based on real estate
development, and not specifically on design aspects. According to Chan, Mok, and
Scott (2001), the building control system in Hong Kong is to enforce health and
safety in and around buildings. There are eight aspects for a comprehensive and
supportive building control system:
(i) Building Law: providing regulations, statutory instruments and codes of

practice etc (can be on Performance or Prescribed basis)
(ii) Maintaining a building control institution backed up by fair administrative
provisions
(iii) Accreditation of test laboratories and materials or products of a 3rd party
(iv) Delegation of power to the private sector: involving professional registration
of statutory agents
(v) Promotion of building related education and setting standards with constant
review through R&D
(vi) Availability of reasonable professional indemnity insurance for consumer
protection
(vii) Law Reform: reviewing legislation to cap tort and statutory liabilities to a
reasonable level acceptable to society, and
(viii) Support from an objection and appeal mechanism with transparency and
public participation in the administration.
At the levels of land lease and planning, safety control is exercised through den-
sity, and details of the safety control can be seen in the Buildings Ordinance. Hence,
as a pioneer city with a high-density mode of development, a review of Hong Kong’s

development of the Buildings Ordinance in relation to safety issues will be useful.
6.5 A Review of the Evolution of Buildings Ordinance

in Hong Kong
Hong Kong with an average population of about 6,700 persons per km2 . and rising
to 116,000 persons per km2 . in its densest area is extreme high density. This means
the utilization of urban land must be maximized (Pun, 1996). The result is vertical
pileup of developed floor space to accommodate more people and activities on any
individual piece of land. Concentration of development allows communal facilities
and infrastructure to be provided at lower costs. However, high density may also
lead to overcrowding and undesired environmental pollution (Pun, 1994) to render
health and safety at risk. This is the situation when development control is necessary
to provide an order in the building of the city. However, such control may lead to
standardized architectural solutions with the prime objection to meet efficiency.
Up to present, development does not only meet with density, which is a quantita-
tive measure but also environmental awareness, which is a qualitative sense. Chief
Executive, Donald Tsang in his 2007–2008 Policy Address in Hong Kong has advo-
cated the concept of “progressive development” to integrate sustainability with the
built environment to make “quality life and quality city”. A cleaner city with greener
environment is expected. The concept of safety is extended beyond the building to
the urban environment, and even the global environment (Hong Kong Government,
2007).
The legislative control for design in the level of buildings takes the form of the
Buildings Ordinance and related Building Regulations (Building Authority, 1997)
and Codes of Practice. These had started from the early beginnings of Hong Kong as
a colony and gradually evolved through years of actual development with advance-
ment of construction technology, increase of population density and addition of
complications for building design. To thoroughly reveal the building code, a brief
discussion on its historical evolvement is necessary.
When the colony started in 1841 and the first land sale took place on 14th
June, development was mainly controlled through lease conditions. In 1844, the
Ordinance for the Preservation of Order and Cleanliness within the Colony of Hong
Kong was the first specific development control on buildings, and dealt with dilap-
idated buildings and certain building materials acceptable for local construction. It
was later in 1856 that the first Ordinance for control of building design was set up
under the governorship of Sir John Bowring (GN 12 of 1856). This was titled as an
Ordinance for Buildings and Nuisances with 19 clauses including,
(i) Definitions were given for walls, floors, story, works, building and house.
(ii) Requirement was also set for the construction of houses, including residen-
tial buildings, for walls, brick walls, stone walls, foundation and floors, e.g.,
the walls of all houses should be built of bricks or stones. Construction
92 W.S. Wong
materials of walls were expressively spelt out as walls gave horizontal sep-
aration to the row houses common at that time and afforded structural and
fire safety. Material of floors was not stated as timber was often used for such
construction.
(iii) As related to health, every house should have a safe working place and a
sufficient water closet or privy.
(iv) With regards to maintenance and care of buildings, all houses with deficien-
cies of construction have to be made good.
(v) For dangerous buildings, buildings in a ruinous or dangerous condition would
be considered a nuisance.
(vi) Buildings erected of any inflammable material would also be considered a
nuisance.
(vii) Design control for building projections was such that any projection affecting
the passengers would be considered a nuisance.
(viii) A Surveyor General was empowered by this Ordinance to make survey and
inspection of buildings for satisfying this Ordinance.
Though this Ordinance is brief compared with the present Ordinance, it

forms the basis to expand into the present Buildings Ordinance, Building
(Administration) Regulations Building (Planning) Regulations and Building
(Construction) Regulations, by initiating the definitions, materials, passage and right
of inspection. Enhancement of safety and health issues is apparent.
In 1882, Osbert Chadwick, the first Chadwick Professor of Municipal
Engineering at University College London, reported on the poor sanitary condi-
tion of Hong Kong, and the need to improve water supply, drainage, scavenging and
waste collection as well as to completely revise the Buildings Ordinance (Bristow,
1984). Further recommendations include the provision of open spaces, correction of
overcrowding conditions, provision of proper roads and drains before land sales and
improvement made to existing buildings. Here, safety is revealed as the removal of
overcrowding conditions.
The standard for overcrowding was only determined when in 1887, a Public
Health Bill defined overcrowding as less than 300 cubic feet of living space per
person. This also stated a 4-foot gap between buildings; a backyard was required
for new building and certification for compliance with the new Ordinance for new
completed buildings. Quantitative Order was thus started by defining and control-
ling density relating to the volume of building. In 1888, the Verandah Ordinance
(GN 4 of 1888) stated that verandahs should not be enclosed which would vio-
late health and safety conditions. Eventually, in 1889, the governor, William Des
Voeux amended the laws relating to the construction of Buildings, and enacted the
Buildings Ordinance with 89 sections.
With further outbreak of plague, Osbert Chadwick visited Hong Kong again to
recommend better standards of buildings for safety and health. A new Public Health
and Buildings Ordinance (GN 1 of 1903) was drawn up by Chadwick, Simpson
(his co-author) and Clark (the Medical Officer of Health) (Bristow, 1984). This new
Ordinance contained 266 clauses, divided into 7 parts and 11 schedules. For the
construction regulations, these were mainly based on the Glasgow Building Act of
1900 and modified for Hong Kong conditions. The control of safety in domestic
buildings is revealed through the prevention of overcrowding, which was defined
as “in excess of a proportion of one adult for every fifty square feet of habit-
able floor space or superficial area and five hundred and fifty cubic feet of clear
and unobstructed internal air space”, in the urban areas. However, in the European
Reservation or the Hill District, overcrowding is defined as “more than one person
to every one thousand cubic feet of clear internal space” (GN 1 of 1903).
The 1903 Public Health and Buildings Ordinance had certain practical defi-
ciencies. The mixing of sanitary works with buildings had problems on operation,
and led to investigation to avoid corruption. Another problem was the constant
increase in population from influx of refugees from China that caused overcrowding.
Advanced technology from the introduction of reinforced concrete construction with
the possibility of higher standards of lighting and ventilation was another inducing
factor for change. Thus, in 1935, control for buildings was separated from public
health when the Public Health (Sanitation) and Buildings Ordinance was enacted.
More detailed attention to safety can be seen when the standard of staircase was
revised to give more safety with a tread of not less than nine inches and a rise not
greater than seven inches. Fire resisting doors in communication with the staircase
had to be of solid teak, not less than 2 inches thick (Section 43). This illustrated
an improved standard of safety and fire protection. Requirements for lifts and fire
escapes were also stated (Sections 44–45), showing the tendency to develop in the
vertical dimension, and thus the need for appropriate control.
For the next 20 years including the World War II period, building control was
under the Buildings Ordinance of 1935. In 1955, the Buildings Ordinance (CAP
123) (68 of 1955) was enacted for amendment and consolidation of law relating
to buildings. Certain parts of the 1935 Ordinance, like the provisions pertaining
to the rights of adjoining owners, were re-enacted in the 1955 Ordinance. This
1955 Ordinance remains the basis of building control for the present time. Together
with 3 important pieces of subsidiary legislation, the Building (Administration)
Regulations, the Building (Construction) Regulations and the Building (Planning)
Regulations, building development and design have been kept under control.
This Ordinance consisted of 7 parts:
Part I: Authorized Architects and Registered Contractors.
Part II: Control of Building.
Part III: Miscellaneous and General.
Part IV: Offences.
Part V: Exemptions.
Part VI: Appeals.
Part VII: Repeal and Savings.
The planning and design of buildings are administered under the control of,
including -
(i) streets;
(ii) projections;
(iii) heights, volumes and open spaces including scavenging lanes;
94 W.S. Wong
(iv)lighting and ventilation;

(v)sanitation;
(vi)staircases and fire-escapes;
(vii)domestic buildings;
(viii)buildings for special uses including industrial buildings, places of public
entertainment and schools;
(ix) seawall, breakwater, jetty, mole, quay, wharf and pier;
(x) exceptional structures;
(xi) timber yards, and hoardings and scaffoldings.
The construction of buildings is controlled through:
(i) materials;
(ii) loads and stresses;
(iii) foundations, floors and sites;
(iv) walls and piers;
(v) roofs, flues and chimneys;
(vi) structural steel work, reinforced concrete, and timber;
(vii) fire-resisting construction;
(viii) retaining walls;
(ix) plumbing and drainage;
(x) wells;
(xi) lifts and escalators.
To restrict density, the building bulk is controlled by building heights, volumes,

open spaces and lanes. The height of the main wall could not exceed twice the width
of the street (Regulation 17). Setbacks at an angle of 76◦ are allowed (Clause 18).
This is explained as a consideration for Hong Kong’s geographical position, to allow
natural lighting to streets. Volume of a building is set in a formula, depending on the
location of site and use of the building (Regulation 20):
Volume = Factor (F) times the width of street times the area of site
For example,
Location of site Domestic buildings Other buildings
Abutting on one street or on two streets Factor F = 1.25 Factor F = 1.75

but not forming a corner site
Abutting on two streets forming a corner Factor F = 1.50 Factor F = 2.00
site
Abutting on three or more streets forming Factor F = 1.75 Factor F = 2.25
a corner site or an island site
For the purpose of above computation, no street less than 15 feet in width shall be
deemed to be a street. To allow for adequate lighting and ventilation and separation
from other buildings, domestic buildings are further required to provide open space,
depending on location of site (Clause 22):
Location of site Opened space required
Abutting on one street or on two streets but Not less than one half of the roofed over area
not forming a corner site of such building
Abutting on two streets forming a corner site Not less than one quarter of the roofed over
area of such building
Abutting on three streets not forming an Not less than one eighth of the roofed over
island site area of such building
To cater for fire separation, every domestic building will need a scavenging lane
at the rear or side (Regulation 24). Under the Building (Planning) Regulations of
1956, developable space was controlled by volume. This produced development of
very high density, often beyond the current social and health standards. Buildings at
corner sites could reach densities of 10,000 per acre, and general cases of densities
at 6,000 per acre were common.
The amendment in 1962 introduced the idea of plot ratio and site coverage
to control the intensity of development or the amount of developable space
(Regulation 20). The previous regulations using the width of street to determine
the height of buildings, which induced certain unfairness for large site fronting a
narrow street, would be inhibited. The plot ratio was defined as “the gross floor
area of a building divided by the area of the site on which the building is erected”.
The site coverage was defined as “the area of the site that is covered by the building
that is erected thereon and, when used in relation to a part of a composite building,
means the area of the site on which the building is erected that is covered by that
part of the building”. The plot ratio depends on the type of site, type of building
and height of building.
Buildings were only of two types – domestic and non-domestic. Domestic meant
the use relating to habitation. A building could also have both domestic part and non-
domestic part. This was called a ‘composite’ building. The regulations allowed more
plot ratio with non-domestic buildings rather than domestic buildings with maxi-
mum plot ratio of 15 and 10 respectively. For additional control of safety, Ordinance
No.3 of 1964 has a requirement for both the plans and the completed building to be
inspected and certified by the Director of Fire Services before endorsement by the
Building Authority (Section 9B).
In the 1966 Building (Planning) (Amendment) Regulations, open space for
domestic buildings had to be provided for at no place be less than 5 feet (amended
regulation 22). This was intended to stop the previous practice of providing “Open
Space” as narrow passages connecting wider areas of open space. To improve fire
safety for tall buildings, a building with the uppermost storey more than 55 feet
above the ground level should have 25 staircases as means of escape (amended
Regulation 37). Previous control was set at 6 storeys.
The 1950s to 1970s could be considered as the High-rise Era of Hong Kong
buildings. During that time, multi-storey buildings were the development trend.
The 1970s to 1990s could be considered the New Town Era with the start of the
96 W.S. Wong
New Towns Programme in 1973 and extensive urban development. Arising from
concern with universal design in buildings, the Building (Planning) (Amendment)
Regulations (1984) have made provisions on planning of buildings to be used by dis-
abled persons (Regulation 72). A Third Schedule on Disabled Persons was added to
the Regulations, stating requirements on initial access, ramps, dropped kerbs, lifts,
corridors, lobbies, doors, water closet cubicles, handrails, wheelchair spaces in con-
cert hall and rooms for the disabled in hotels. Here, safety for disabled person is
also of concern.
In the Amendment, 52 of 1990 of the Ordinance, the Scheduled Areas with
sensitive geotechnical conditions was added. Site formation plans had to be
submitted with geotechnical report. In the Amendment, 91 of 1990, priority demo-
lition was added for consideration of certain emergency cases causing danger or
nuisance to the public (Section 24). Other amendments included dangerous hillside,
naming of streets, offences and appeal tribunal. To care for safety in construction,
the Buildings Amendment (1995) included restrictions to the use of “hand-dug
caisson”, which was defined as any foundation or earth-retaining structure, or part
thereof, the construction of which includes the excavation of a shaft in the ground
by means of digging carried out by any person inside the shaft with or without the
aid of machine tools.
To monitor safety in construction, the Amendment, 54 of 1996, dealt with new
formations for the Registration Ordinance and the supervision plan. The registration
Ordinance included the Architects Registration Ordinance (CAP 408), the Engineers
Registration Ordinance (CAP 409), and the Surveyors Registration Ordinance (CAP
417). There was also requirement for registration of general contractors and special-
ist contractors. The “supervision plan” was determined as a requirement for consent
to building works (Section 16(3)). This means a plan setting out the plan of safety
management of building works or street works lodged by an authorized person with
the Building Authority,
(a) prior to or at the time of application for consent to the commencement of

building works or street works; or
(b) as a result of carrying out urgent works, and includes a revised supervision plan
lodged as a result of any amendments necessary under this Ordinance.
For the present (Hong Kong Government, 2008), the Hong Kong Building
(Planning) Regulations have evolved to consist of the following:
Part III, heights, site coverage, plot ratio open spaces and lanes (Regulations
16–28), deals with the extent of built-up spaces, controlling the bulk of
development.
Part IV (Regulation 29–37) deals with Lighting and Ventilation Requirement of
buildings, affecting the fenestration and hence the elevation design of buildings.
Part V, Staircases, fire escapes and access for fire fighting and rescue purposes,
(Regulations 38–44) affects the internal planning for staircases, lifts and corridors.
As these items often form the non-saleable portion of real estate development, they
are usually kept minimum in size and just basic compliance with the Regulations.
PART I General Reg. 1–6

PART II Projections Reg. 7–15
PART III Heights, site coverage, plot ratio, open spaces Reg. 16–28
and lanes
PART IV Lighting and ventilation Reg. 29–37
PART V Staircases, fire escapes and access for fire Reg. 38–44
fighting and rescue purposes
PART VI Domestic buildings Reg. 45–49
PART VIA Places of public entertainment Reg. 49A–49E
PART VII Temporary buildings Reg. 50–58
PART VIII Repealed
PART IX Hoardings, covered walkways and gantries Reg. 64–70
PART X Miscellaneous Reg. 71–72
Part VI (Regulation 45–49) deals with Domestic Buildings on a few other

aspects. Regulation 45 requires domestic buildings to provide kitchen accommo-
dation. Regulation 46 deals with tenement house, which means “any building in
the domestic part of which any living room is intended or adapted for the use
of more than one tenant or sub-tenant”. Provisions on windows and kitchens are
stated. For residential flats with only single tenement, this Regulation does not apply.
Regulation 47 states no domestic building shall be erected against a retaining wall
or massive rock face exceeding 4.5 m. Regulation 48 allows retaining wall to form
part of a domestic building, subject to Regulation 27. Regulation 49 states domestic
building not to combine with incompatible trades such as dangerous goods, motor
repair, vulcanizing, automobile painting, other painting, and dry-cleaning, etc, as
these are environmental polluting trades.
The Building (Construction) Regulations deal with building materials, imposed
loads to buildings, foundations, walls, curtain walls, roofs, structural use of concrete
and retaining walls. Regulation 38 states the concrete external wall has to be not
less than 100 mm thick, which is a common local practice. Part XV on fire resisting
construction states the objectives for building against fire:
(a) stop the spread of fire within building

(b) provide adequate resistance to fire
(c) maintain structural stability in case of fire
(d) stop the spread of fire to other buildings
In addition to the Buildings Ordinance and Building Regulations, there are codes
of practice to be observed in Hong Kong. Codes of Practice that are more significant
to building design include the following,
• The Code of Practice for Fire Resisting Construction includes general provi-
sions and specific requirements for fire resisting construction. There are two
approaches to fire safety. One is to comply with the prescriptive provision in
98 W.S. Wong
the code and the other is an alternative approach, in particular, suitable for build-
ings of special hazards. The first approach is usually adopted as the alternative
approach requires time and costs for research and development. The concept of
fire resistance is by means of compartmentation, the separation using walls and
floors of different spaces to prevent spread of fire. The measurement unit and
the standard for resisting fire is the fire resistance period, which is related to the
material of construction and its dimension. Openings through fire resisting walls
can be made by means of protected lobby with doors. Protection against spread
of fire and smoke between floors of some building can be made by a barrier of not
less than 450 mm measured vertically. Protection of adjoining buildings can be
by fire-resisting external walls. Any openings have to be located at least 450 mm
from the common boundary.
• The Code of Practice for Minimum Fire Service Installations and Equipment and
Inspection, Testing and Maintenance of Installations and Equipment deals with
the actual installations and equipment to deal with fire fighting. Smoke detectors,
sprinkler heads, exit signs, fire hydrants, hose reels and fire alarms, etc, have
to be incorporated into the architectural design. The extent and particulars of
installations depend on the use, location and size of the building.
• The Code of Practice for Means of Access for Fire fighting and Rescue makes
provision for access staircase, fireman’s lifts and fire fighting and rescue stair-
ways. Access staircase means “a staircase so designed and constructed as to allow
firemen safe and unobstructed access to all floors of a building in the event of a
fire”. Fire fighting and rescue stairway means “a stairway accommodating an
access staircase and a fireman’s lift”. An access staircase can still be used as
an escape staircase. But the fire fighting and rescue stairways have to be on the
external wall. The type and number of staircases required depends on the type and
complexity of the building, ranging from no requirement for a 3-storey domestic
building up to very stringent control on industrial undertakings and basements
exceeding 2 storeys. The presence of the fire fighting and rescue stairways on the
elevation can be a restraint on the design of the building.
• The Code of Practice for the Provision of Means of Escape in Case of Fire makes
provisions on means of escape in the event of fire or other emergencies. To assess
the requirements for means of escape, the population of the building is assessed
by the intended use and usable floor area. The term usable floor area means “the
aggregate of the areas of the floor or floors in a storey or a building excluding,
unless otherwise specified, any staircases, public circulation space, lift landings,
lavatories, water-closets, kitchens in self-contained flats, and any space occupied
by machinery for any lift, air-conditioning system or similar service provided for
the building”. Based on the population capacity of a room or storey, the minimum
number of exit doors or exit routes with required widths can be worked out. The
staircases should have the capacity of evacuating the residing people efficiently
based on a standard discharge value working from the width of staircase and the
number of storeys served. There are also certain restrictions on direct distance and
travel distance, which have to be complied with. Such restrictions vary according
to the use of the premises and the protection on the exit routes.
In summary, the current Buildings Ordinance (2008) has sections controlling

building design through safety, town planning, street works and projections. Safety
is considered as provision of escape route and access for fire fighting in case of fire.
On the other hand, the Outline Zoning Plan issued by the Town Planning Board
has to be complied with by buildings on planning matters. Streets have to be con-
structed based on a certain public standard. Projections from buildings onto streets
are generally permitted to protect the pedestrians on the streets. The current Building
(Planning) Regulations have more specific control variables on building design. The
control on plot ratio restricts the density and hence affects the internal planning to
achieve the highest efficiency. Control on lighting and ventilation affects the provi-
sion of windows and hence the elevation design. The control on staircases affects
safety and the internal planning which may influence the elevations. The control
on provisions for persons with a disability affects some architectural details and
requires additional space for certain functions.
There are also a number of Codes of Practice affecting building design. The Code
of Practice for Fire Resisting Construction affects the separation between different
spaces and different buildings. The Code of Practice for Fire Service Installations
deals with details of fire fighting installations and related builder’s work items.
Fig. 6.7 Corridor access in Hong Kong buildings for means of escape
100 W.S. Wong
Provisions are based on the floor area. The Code of Practice for Means of Access
gives provisions to install access staircases as regard to use and degree of fire haz-
ard. The Code of Practice for Means of Escape determines the amount of escape
staircases, based on the specific use and the floor area (Fig. 6.7).
For the building code, the trend to consider environmental awareness can be
seen in the issue of Building (Efficiency) Regulations in 1995, continuous study
on the environmental aspect like the Comprehensive Environmental Performance
Assessment Scheme for Buildings (CEPAS, Buildings Department, 2007) and when
the Buildings Department joined with Planning Department and Lands Department
to publish Joint Practice Note for Green and Innovative Buildings (JPN, 2004,
2006).
6.6 Comparative Review of Legislation in Asian Cities

The aspects of safety can be categorized as structural safety, fire safety and life
safety due to other risks. Yet, in Asian cities where high density forms the mode of
living, density control through developable space is the fundamental mechanism to
derive safety guidelines.
6.6.1 Density
In Hong Kong, the Developable Space is calculated by gross floor area (GFA)
(Wong, 2000a). According to the Building (Planning) Regulation 23(3)(a): “GFA is
the area contained within the outer surface of external walls of a building measured
at each floor level (including any floor below the level of the ground), together with
the area of each balcony in the building, which shall be calculated from the overall
dimensions of the balcony (including the thickness of the sides thereof), and the
thickness of the external walls of the building”.
This is related to the site area, and expressed as “plot ratio”. Due to the high
value of real estate in Hong Kong, the way of interpreting the gross floor area
is essential in the work of government. In determining the GFA, the Building
Authority may disregard any floor space that is constructed or intended to be
used solely for parking motor vehicles, loading or unloading of motor vehicles or
occupied solely by machinery or equipment for any lift, air-conditioning or heating
system or any similar service. Projecting windows and minor projections such as
sun-shading devices that are genuine energy efficiency measures are also exempted
from the GFA calculation. The maximum gross floor area of a site is determined
by plot ratio and site coverage, which may be increased by bonus gross floor area
through dedication of ground floor or first floor for public passage, subject to the
acceptance by government.
In China, developable space is controlled by usable floor area (UFA). UFA in
each unit is equal to the sum of the floor areas of bedrooms, living rooms, din-
ing rooms, corridors, kitchens, toilets, storerooms and wardrobes. The internal
staircases in split level units shall be calculated depending on the total floor area.
The internal finishes are also included. Smoke vents, ventilation ducts, pipe ducts
are exempted in the usable floor area calculation. In Singapore, the developable
space is controlled by gross floor area (GFA). Here, GFA is the total area of the
floor space within a building measured from the external wall. This includes the
total of all covered floor areas, except otherwise stated, and uncovered areas for
commercial uses of the building (Urban Redevelopment Authority, 1999). In Japan
(Ministry of Construction, 1990), the ratio of built-upon area is controlled under a
system called “kenpeisitzu”, considering both the floor area and the area of the site.
This is also similar to the plot ratio control; the kenpeisitzu also changes depending
on the location of the site.
6.6.2 Structural Safety

In Hong Kong, the Registered Structural Engineer is responsible for structural safety
of buildings with the building works co-ordinated by the Authorized Person. Under
the Building (Construction) Regulations, the dead loads, live loads and wind loads
are checked and calculated to form the substructure (foundation) and superstruc-
ture. The structural enclosure for a space has to serve the dual function of structural
safety and fire safety. Here, the concept of fire rating is introduced so that a struc-
tural element such as a concrete slab has to withstand combustion due to fire for a
certain period. Another example is the requirement of concrete cover for the steel
reinforcement in a structural element to serve as fire protection.
Besides the building structure, there are ground conditions for structural safety.
The problems due to geotechnical matters are taken care of by Registered
Geotechnical Engineers in Hong Kong. There are also sensitive ground zones such
as those with marble caves, slope areas, close vicinity with the underground mass
transit, etc., which require strengthened ground works. In Japan, buildings have to
be designed safe from dead load, live load, snow load, wind pressure, ground pres-
sure, water pressure, earthquakes or other vibration or shook in accordance with the
Building Standard Law of Japan. Landslides are also considered in certain sites for
appropriate measure of safety.
In China, the particular structural requirement can vary in different provinces,
yet it is an important consideration for building codes. This is also rated through a
marking system of the structural safety, ranging from unsatisfactory to satisfactory,
fairly reasonable and reasonable. The purpose of which is to give a fair evaluation,
to enhance the quality, and to raise the standard of residential buildings. For pro-
tection against fire, there are active and passive means. The active means include
fire detection, fire extinction and access to fire fighting and rescue while the passive
means include structural fire protection and means of escape.
6.6.3 Fire Safety

In Hong Kong, the fire safety is controlled by the Building (Planning) Regulation,
Code of Practice for the Provision of Means of Escape in Case of Fire, Code
102 W.S. Wong
of Practice for Means of Access to Firefighting and Rescue, Code of Practice

for Fire Resisting Construction, Code of Practice for Minimum Fire Service
Installations and Equipment and Inspection and Testing of Installations and
Equipment. According to the Building (Planning) Regulation 43:
Every part of any building intended for habitation shall be not more than 24 m from a
staircase, passage or other normal means of egress.
According to the Code of Practice for the Provision of Means of Escape in Case
of Fire Regulation 14:
Direct distance should be maximum 15 m.
Travel distance should be maximum 30 m.
Sum of direct distance and travel distance should be maximum 36 m
The Fire Safety (Buildings) Ordinance enacted in 2001 states the requirement
for fire service installation on the non-domestic (non-residential) part of compos-
ite buildings (buildings with both residential and non-residential use) as well as
improvement for the domestic part.
In China, buildings have to be designed with enough protection from fire risk.
Buildings are divided into four grades. According to the maximum length and max-
imum area for each compartment, there will be different limitations on maximum
escape distance, minimum width of escape route, minimum width of staircase, etc.
The emergency vehicle access in China shall have a width of at least 3.5 m and a
clear height of at least 4 m. The distance from the buildings to the boundary of site
should not be greater than 160 m. There are also requirement for minimum treads
and the maximum risers for buildings of different uses. Fire control rooms, pump
rooms, A/C machine rooms, lift machine rooms, TBEX rooms and switch rooms,
etc. shall have 3 h FRP for enclosing wall, 2 h FRP for enclosing slab, and 1.2 h
FRP for exit doors.
In addition, there are regulations which control the maximum area of each com-
partments, the FRP of enclosing walls/slabs of rooms with different functions, the
requirements for interior decoration, the requirements for MVAC systems, the pro-
vision of fire extinguishing facilities, the provision of lighting and electricity in case
of fire, etc. The depth or dimensions of various kinds of construction materials with
different FRP are also stipulated in the regulations. For residential buildings, the
maximum travel distance shall fulfil the following requirements:
(a) The distance from any points of the room to the door shall not be more than
15 m.
(b) The distance from exit door to the nearest fire escape staircase shall not be more
than 30 m if the room is located between two or more fire escape staircases. If
the room is located in a deadend, the maximum distance from exit doors to the
nearest fire escape staircase shall be 15 m.
In a single loaded corridor, the minimum width of the escape route shall be 1.2 m
whereas in a double loading corridor, the minimum width of the escape route shall
be 1.5 m. In both cases, the minimum width of exit doors shall be 1 m. In case of
high-rise buildings, the minimum width of the exit route for a single loading corridor
shall be 1.2 m, and 1.3 m for a double loading corridor. The minimum width of the
exit doors shall be 1.1 m. The width of the staircase shall be at least 1.1 m; the treads
shall be not less than 0.25 m and the risers not more than 0.18 m.
In the Building Standard Law of Japan, according to Article 23, with respect
to wooden buildings within urban areas, the portion of external walls liable to
catch fire shall be made of earth plaster or of such construction as has a fire
preventive effect not less than that of earth plaster external walls. According to
Article 25, with respect to wooden buildings whose total floor area (or the aggre-
gate of total floor areas if there are two or more wooden buildings on the same
site) exceeds 1,000 m2 , the portion of external walls and soffits liable to catch
fire shall be of fire preventive construction and roofs or non-combustible materials.
As the chapter is on tall buildings, only regulations that relate to tall buildings are
discussed.
6.6.4 Fire Escape and Fire Fighting

Being an important element of safety, the staircase design in Hong Kong, China
and Japan are controlled respectively by the Building (Planning) Regulations,
the Architectural Design Building Code and the Building Law for determin-
ing the width, landing, treads and sizes of the staircase (Figs. 6.8, 6.9 and
6.10).
In Hong Kong, exit design and provision of fire fighting equipment are gov-
erned by the corresponding Code of Practices as enforced by the Building (Planning)
Regulations. In China, the aims of the regulations are to provide safe exit routes and
enough means of escape in the case of emergency. There are limitations for vehicu-
lar exit routes of some development, which will experience heavy traffic, such as car
parks, patrol stations, etc. The traffic exits of such development should be at least 70
m from any intersection point of main roads; at least 5 m from any zebra crossing,
traffic light, etc.; at least 10 m from station of public transport; and at least 20 m
from school, public park, kindergarten, etc. Also, there are limitations for build-
ings like cinemas, theatres, city halls, exposition buildings, commercial centres,
etc, where the crowd will gather. In Japan, regulations are laid down for struc-
tural strength, fireproof construction, fire prevention construction, fire separation,
evacuation facilities, etc.
Dilapidated buildings are dangerous. Especially for high-rise buildings, falling
concrete, falling windows, poor drainage pipes, etc, can cause immediate or poten-
tial hazards. Hence, building maintenance becomes important through the life
of buildings. In this regard, the Building Department in Hong Kong has pro-
moted building safety through publications such as the “Building Maintenance
Guidebook”, “An Introduction to the Co-ordinated Maintenance of Building
Scheme”, “A Safe Living Environment Depends on Owner’s Initiative”, “What
you need to know about drainage pipe maintenance”, “Building Safety Loan
Scheme”, “Aluminium Windows Maintenance” and “Falling Concrete Kills, Timely
Maintenance Heals”, etc.
104 W.S. Wong
Fig. 6.8 Staircase in Hong Kong
6.7 A Positive Approach for Safety

The control of safety through legislation can be quite negative as only the mini-
mum standard is stated in the Building Law. Also, due to further complication in
administration and functional complexities, the designer or developer will tend to
compromise by the design not achieving the best result in terms of the whole life of
the building or from a more holistic consideration of the environment. The following
Fig. 6.9 Staircase in China
examples illustrate possibilities in Asian cities for the creation of better quality
habitat through encouragement and evaluation means, which present a workable
direction for the way forward.
6.7.1 Building Award in Singapore

The Evaluation System in China states different levels of achieving safety through
meeting different standards to promote quality in building design, rather than just
meeting the basic workable standards. However, a more positive approach can be
seen in the Singapore Building and Construction Authority aim to promote qual-
ity through building awards. Based on its mission “to shape a safe, high quality,
106 W.S. Wong
Fig. 6.10 Staircase in Japan
sustainable and friendly built environment”, the Design and Engineering Safety
Excellence Awards was organized in late 2007 to recognize efforts by the design
team to ensure safety in design, construction and maintenance of a building through
innovative design processes, measures and solutions (Fig. 6.11).
The award assessment criteria are:
a. Design processes and solutions that emphasize safety, such as the use of innova-
tive features or materials, design solutions that can be constructed safely without
compromising buildability or economy, collaboration between the structural
engineer and other project team members, competent staff, peer reviews,
specialist input and verification tests.
Fig. 6.11 Double volume space and open kitchen design in Japan
b. Quality approach in design, details and specifications, including comprehensive

design analysis, proven detailing and clearly spelled out specifications.
c. Design for safe operation and maintenance that incorporates provisions for
safe inspection of key structural elements, features that facilitate mainte-
nance and/or replacement of structural components as well as durability
considerations.
108 W.S. Wong
d. Construction quality and safe construction processes such as well-defined

builder’s site management and supervision, Qualified Person’s supervision and
inspections, testing, reporting and monitoring programme.
e. Public safety consideration such as safety provisions and management of the
construction process, structural systems that minimise impact on neighbourhood
during construction, no adverse feedback regarding safety and environmental
issues.
To ensure a fair system, the Building and Construction Authority also states the
following assessment criteria:
Building and Civil Engineering Projects
A Design 70%
(1) Structural design processes and solutions that emphasize safety

Ingenious design processes and solutions to meet challenges posed by the
unique nature of the project:
(i) Elegant choice of special or innovative features, advanced structural system, 40%
including robust design concept, or materials to address the challenges and risks;
(ii) Design solutions that can be constructed safely without
compromising buildability or economy;
(iii) Careful integration of design between the structural engineer, architect and other
design professionals;
(iv) Judicious use of competent staff, peer review, specialists input, and verification tests
(2) Quality approach in design, details and specification
(i) Comprehensive design analysis and checks; 15%

(ii) Well thought through and excellent attention to detailing;
(iii) Well defined particular specifications to achieve design intent relating to special or
key elements of structural system
(3) Design for safe operation and maintenance
(i) Provisions for safe inspection of key structural elements after completion; 15%
(ii) Design features that facilitate maintenance and/or replacement of structural
components;
(iii) Durability considerations
B Construction 30%
(1) Construction quality and safe construction processes

Commitment to high standards of site management and building safety
beyond statutory duties:
(i) Well-defined Builder’s site management and supervision plan; 15%
(ii) QP’s supervision and inspection, testing and monitoring
programme;
(iii) Excellent or innovative construction method
(2) Public Safety considerations

Minimise impact of construction activities to the immediate
neighbourhood:
(i) Safety provisions and management of the construction;

(ii) Adoption of structural systems that minimise impact to 15%
neighbourhood during construction;
(iii) No adverse public feedback/complaints regarding safety and
environmental issues
In such holistic consideration of design construction and maintenance, safety as

a basis for human habitat can be enhanced as a factor of sustainability.
6.7.2 Intelligent Building Index
Another approach for future residential buildings in Asia is the Intelligent Building.
Although there is no universal definition, the Intelligent Building is expected to
be interactive with people and environment, self-caring to achieve a harmonious
relationship of building and nature as well as highly adaptive to change and advance-
ment of technology and communication (AIIB, 2001). This will be fostered by a
thorough comprehension of needs and collaboration of building structure, build-
ing systems, building management and building services. There are nine modules
formulated by members of the Asian Institute of Intelligent Buildings:
(M1) Environmental friendliness – health and energy conservation

(M2) Space Utilisation and flexibility
(M3) Human comfort
(M4) Working efficiency
(M5) Culture
(M6) Image of high technology
(M7) Safety and security measures – fire, earthquake, disaster and structural
damages etc.
(M8) Construction process and structure
(M9) Cost effectiveness – operation and maintenance with emphasis on effec-
tiveness.
The “safety and security measures” can be implemented through functional

requirement and technologies such as property management, facility management,
fire detection, fire fighting, security control, building automation, energy saving,
etc. These will accumulate to a certain quality that is further measured through the
“Safety and Security Index”, which is roughly 10% of the whole Intelligent Building
Index. This index is formulated with factors, which may be existing or non-existing
according to the locality. The factors are earthquake monitoring devices, wind load
monitoring devices, structural monitoring devices, structural control, tile debond-
ing, terrorist attack consideration, indefensible space, average width of corridor,
average usable area in percentage of total gross floor area, means of escape, cir-
culation for the disabled, fire detection and fire fighting, fire resistance, means of
access, electrical wiring regulation, reliability of elevator systems, time to iden-
tify trapped passengers without a mobile phone, closed circuit television (CCTV),
response to special event, security control system, number of unmonitored exits
and entrances, advanced AI-based security system, time needed to report a disas-
trous event to the building management, time needed for public announcement of
disasters, time for total egress, quality of systematic escape route plan, essential
electric power, comprehensive scheme of preventive maintenance, maintainability
110 W.S. Wong
of installation, thermal comfort and indoor air quality and special feature(s) recom-
mended by the auditor. This can be seen as another positive means to encourage
better quality habitat. A sense of competition for quality can be generated through
designers and private developers to provide the best habitat for people. Legislation
as a means of forced control alone will not be successful. It requires the complement
of means of encouragement and promotion.
6.8 Concluding Remarks
To achieve sustainability, all the three interrelated factors, “firmitas”, “utilitas” and
“venustas”, have to be met for quality buildings. There is actually no particular
sequence of the three factors as all three have to be well integrated to evolve
the habitation, which is both physically and mentally pleasant. The emphasis or
sequence may be from the viewpoint of the particular character acting as tenant,
landlord, designer or code administrator. Hence, form, function and safety become
inseparable issues in the high-density environment.
Asian cities are noted for their high-density living, which gives benefits of high
efficiency, strong community sense and energy saving. Yet, un-harmonized situation
of high density can lead to conflicts of overcrowding. Safety becomes the critical
issue for determining the right balance for control or freedom. Legislation through
the building law becomes the means of control or standards of criteria for regulat-
ing the dense built environment. Differences of legislation are observed in various
Asian cities, and are understood as the results of variation in the culture of habi-
tation and degree of development. For instance, many Japanese homes still keep
at least one traditional Japanese styled room called “washitsu”, which is a flexible
empty room furnished with tatami flooring and shoji. This can serve as a family
room during the day, and a bedroom during the night. However, in Hong Kong, the
kitchen and the bedroom have to be naturally lit and ventilated as well as separable
from the living areas for safety and health precautions. In Singapore, open kitchen
and double-volume habitable spaces are acceptable. Hence, the spirit of legislation
varies according to the local societal culture.
In Hong Kong, because of the high economic pressure and high real estate value,
regulatory measure through strict control is exercised. Redefinition of the means of
control and terms of floor area can be a positive approach for quality (Wong, 2000b).
In Singapore, a more positive approach to design is through celebration of design
excellence. The holistic view of design construction and maintenance is worth a
reference. In Japan, despite the strict control and local cultural characteristics, inno-
vation is still encouraged through projects designed by international architects. In
China, due to the great differences in societal needs, different grading of buildings
can serve the appropriate requirement. Still under testing and review, the Intelligent
Building Index may serve to lead the future trend of the Asian residential buildings.
Against the rapid development in Asian cities, the way forward for safety in high-
rise will still be along sustainability aspect, whereby a healthy and safe habitat
prevail to suit the local cultural identity and technology as well as to endure and
make the home for people.
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Chapter 7
The Value of Clean Air in High-Density
Urban Areas
K.W. Chau, S.K. Wong, Andy T. Chan, and K. Lam
7.1 Introduction
In this chapter, we investigate how air pollution affects the transaction prices of high-
rise housing units in Hong Kong. With increased human and industrial activities,
more air pollution such as a high concentration of suspended particulates or carbon
monoxide is produced. Air pollution is known to cause health problems (C.A. Pope,
2000). Dockery et al. (1993) found that air pollution was positively associated with
death from lung cancer and cardiopulmonary disease. Air pollution is also known to
reduce productivity (Wargocki, Wyon, Sundell, Clausen, & Olefanger, 2000). Given
the adverse impacts of air pollution, clean air becomes a highly valued commodity,
especially in compact cities with high-density development. People should be will-
ing to “buy” clean air. However, an explicit market for trading clean air does not
exist and its market value has to be estimated by indirect methods.
Although people do not trade clean air explicitly, variations in air quality could
well be implicitly reflected in property prices. Housing units located in places with
better air quality are generally expected to give higher value. This means that the
value of clean air can, in principle, be extracted from the transaction prices of
housing units with different air quality levels. Since housing is a heterogeneous
commodity, previous research has generally applied the hedonic price model, theo-
rized by Rosen (1974), to infer the implicit price for clean air, holding other factors
(e.g. structural and locational attributes) constant. Some researchers found a signif-
icant negative relationship between air pollution and property values, while others
produced insignificant results. A review of these findings will be given in the next
section.
Previous studies that assess market value from housing prices typically used
some broad-brush air pollution indicators, often publicly available on a regional
basis, as a proxy of air quality in their hedonic price models. The problem with
K.W. Chau (B)

Department of Real Estate and Construction, The University of Hong Kong,
Pokfulam, Hong Kong
e-mail: hrrbckw@hku.hk

114 K.W. Chau et al.
publicly available district or regional air pollution indicators is that the price effect
so estimated could be attributed to the announced changes in the indicator rather
than a genuine response to air quality. In order to disentangle the genuine effect
from the announcement effect, we will examine the relationship between air quality
and property prices at a level that is much more microscopic than previous studies.
Focusing on high-rise residential developments in Hong Kong, the air quality of
each individual housing unit (flat) is estimated through computational fluid dynam-
ics techniques using a three-dimensional Reynolds-stress turbulence model. The
Reynolds-stress turbulence model is applied to simulate the air pollution level of
each housing unit in high-rise buildings located in a small, densely populated area
of Hong Kong (Study Area).
The Study Area has two important features that make our investigation feasible:
(1) the variety of building forms and street locations resulted in significant varia-
tions in air quality across housing units and (2) the housing units are actively traded
in the market and their property attributes are relatively homogenous. The simula-
tion results are validated with field measurements. Property transaction prices in the
same areas are then collected to construct a hedonic price model, which includes the
simulated flat-specific air quality as one of the explanatory variables. These various
methods will be described in detail in Section 3 while the empirical results will be
presented in Section 4. If air quality is found to be significant, we can infer that air
quality is an important factor that people will consider when purchasing a flat. We
can also estimate how much people are willing to pay for living in a housing unit
with better air quality. As far as the authors are aware of, this is the first study that
assesses people’s willingness to pay for clean air using flat-specific air quality infor-
mation in a high-rise living environment. If the air quality variable is not significant,
there is a potential niche to make more air quality information available to market
players (e.g. buyers, tenants, and developers) through research and field measure-
ments. Furthermore, the results would have practical value for policy formulation
and assessing compensation in courts.
7.2 Literature Review

The earliest study on the relationship between air quality and property prices was
Ridker and Henning (1967), who found a significant negative relationship between
air sulphation levels and property values in the St. Louis metropolitan area in 1960.
Anderson and Crocker (1971) used the suspended particulate level as a measure of
air pollution and produced similar results for Washington and Kansas City. Diamond
(1980) also found a significant negative effect in Chicago by using annual air partic-
ulate count. Repeating the study by Ridker and Henning (1967), Wieand (1973),
however, found no significant relationship between property value and the level
of suspended particulates, SO2 and SO3 . A much larger number of cities were
examined in further studies in the USA.
Deyak and Smith (1974) found that the level of suspended particulates had a
negative effect on property value in several major metropolitan areas in the United
States. Murdoch and Thayer (1988) found a significant positive relationship between
7 The Value of Clean Air in High-Density Urban Areas 115
mean visibility (as a proxy of air cleanliness) and house prices in California’s
South Coast Air Basin in 1979. Graves, Murdoch, and Thayer (1988) obtained sim-
ilar results for visibility and suspended particulate concentration in Los Angeles,
Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties in California. Yet, Smith and
Deyaks (1975) showed an insignificant effect for eighty-five central cities. Li and
Brown (1980) also found a negative but insignificant effect for fifteen suburban
towns in the Southeast sector of the Boston metropolitan area. They admitted that
there might be specification problems in their regression analysis.
There were also studies, which took a further step to estimate the demand
elasticity for clean air. Harrison and Rubinfeld (1978) showed that marginal air
pollution damages increased with the levels of both air pollution and household
income. Nelson (1978) reported a price elasticity of demand for clean air between
–1.2 and –1.4, and an income elasticity of demand of about 1 for Washington, D.C.
Based on a meta-analysis of 37 previous cross-sectional studies, Smith and Huang
(1995) found a higher willingness to pay for clean air for locations with less air pol-
lution and higher income levels. In particular, reducing 1 µg/m3 particulates raised
property prices by 0.05–0.1%, although a few studies found a reverse relationship.
More recently, Chattopadhyay (1999) revealed that households were willing to pay
more for the reduction in particulate pollution than in sulphur pollution in Chicago.
Zabel and Kiel (2000) confirmed the results of the above studies using a set of panel
data for Chicago, Denver, Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. Chay and Greenstone
(2005) used the instrumental variables approach and found that the elasticity of
housing value with respect to particulate concentrations ranged from –0.2 to –0.35.
There were only a handful of empirical studies on the relationship between air
pollution and property prices in high density cities in Asia. Using data in the Taipei
Metropolitan area, Yang (1996) found that housing prices were negatively affected
by the level of TSP (total suspended particulates). Yang employed a non-linear log-
arithmic hedonic price model and showed that the percentage change in housing
prices was a non-linear function of the percentage change in TSP. In particular,
the negative effect of TSP became apparent only when TSP was above a certain
threshold and that the marginal effect of TSP on housing prices was not constant
but declined as the TSP level increased. Kwak, Lee, and Chun (1996) used data
on apartment units and houses in the Seoul metropolitan area to estimate the effect
of TSP on housing prices. They found a significant negative impact of TSP on the
price of apartment units but the results for houses are not statistically significant.
The negative effect of TSP on apartment prices was robust across different func-
tional forms, with the Box-Cox function providing the best data fit. Similar to Yang
(1996), Kwak et al. also found that the marginal benefit (measured as the increase
in housing prices) of reduction in TSP declined as TSP increased.
In a more recent study on the Seoul metropolitan area, Kim, Phipps, and Anselin
(2003) found that the level of SO2 had a significant negative impact on hous-
ing prices while that of NOx pollution did not. They argued that the insignificant
NOx result was due to a relatively low level of NOx until towards the end of their
observation period. Kim et al’s hedonic price model also took into account spatial
auto-correlation. Yusuf and Resosudarmo (2008) took a similar approach to estimat-
ing a hedonic price model with housing rental and air pollution data in Jakarta. They
used a number of air pollution indicators, including annual average ambient air con-
centration of small particulates (PM10 ), sulphur dioxide (SO2 ), carbon monoxide
(CO), nitrogen oxide (NOx), total hydro carbon (THC), and lead (Pb). Their empir-
ical results rejected the linear and log-linear models in favour of a more flexible
Box-Cox specification. They found that the coefficients of all pollutants were nega-
tive but only those of SO2 , THC and Pb were significant. As opposed to Kim et al.
(2003), Yusuf and Resosudarmo did not find any significant spatial auto-correlation
in their Jakarta data.
As shown in the meta-analysis of Smith and Huang (1995), the hedonic approach
is sensitive to model specifications, which may account for the mixed results in var-
ious studies. Apart from this, we believe there are two other major reasons for the
inconclusiveness. One is that the publicity of various air pollution measures such as
sulphate levels, suspended particulate levels, and visibility could be different. It is
obvious that some measures are more visible to the public, probably through public
announcements (public information), while other measures, notably those compiled
by researchers, cannot be easily observed or sensed by the public (private infor-
mation). Failure to take this into account may result in divergent conclusions. The
second reason is that most studies had a macroscopic focus, and were conducted at
the district or metropolitan level. This could cause estimation problems because the
wide variations in housing attributes within such a large area might have introduced
too much noise to their models and thus invalidated their results. Moreover, district-
wide pollution data cannot reflect variations in air quality at the microscopic level,
especially in densely populated areas where local air quality could vary substantially
across different housing units within the same district. A recent survey conducted
by Greenpeace (2005) has revealed that some people questioned the reliability of
the district-level Air Pollution Index in Hong Kong. Thus, housing prices may not
appear to correlate well with district or region-wide air quality data.
7.3 Research Design

In this study, respirable suspended particulates (RSP)1 will be taken as the mea-
sure of air quality because they are the most visible form of air pollutants. Even
though people may not be able to accurately sense the level of RSP in their liv-
ing environment, its observable consequences (e.g. respiratory distress) can still
impact property prices, especially if the property market is informationally effi-
cient such as that of Hong Kong. Our method differs from previous studies in two
significant ways. First, we do not rely on publicly available air quality indices but
simulate a private set of air quality data on our own. This allows us to disentangle the
genuine response of market participants to variations in air quality from the effect
of the air pollution levels announced to the general public. Second, we examine the
1 RSP are part of the Total Suspended Particulate (TSP) with aerodynamic diameter less than or
equal to 10 micrometers. They are also known as small particulate or PM10 .
relationship between air quality and property prices at the flat-level so as to reduce
district-level noise. These flats are units in high-rise apartment buildings located in
a small area of Mongkok, one of the most densely populated parts in Hong Kong.
With sufficient variations in building forms and street locations, the air quality
of each individual flat is simulated through computational fluid dynamics tech-
niques using a three-dimensional Reynolds-stress turbulence model. In this way,
we can account for the vertical variation in air quality, which has been ignored
in previous studies. The simulation results are validated with field measurements.
Property transaction prices in the same areas are then collected to construct a hedo-
nic price model, which includes the flat-specific air quality as one of the explanatory
variables. The details are explained below.
7.3.1 The Simulation Model

A simulation model is created in order to analyze the relationship between air qual-
ity and spatial locations in high density urban areas. Computational techniques are
used as a means to estimate flat-specific air quality. This method is a popular and
reliable way in the engineering field to predict air quality. Moreover, it saves time
to build a wind tunnel experiment or conduct extensive field measurements. The
Reynolds Stress Model (RSM) is chosen as the turbulence model used in this simula-
tion. This model is preferred over the more popular k-e model because the latter does
not always ensure an accurate prediction of the air pollutant dispersion in the urban
domain, especially near the street canyon where shear is significant (Murakami,
Mochida, & Kazuki, 1990).
A three-dimensional numerical model with the commercial code CFX-5 is
applied to accomplish this task. This commercial software has the advantage of
being able to solve all the hydrodynamic equations as a single system with an
advanced solver. Compared to other software, CFX-5 boasts a high processing speed
in solving all necessary transport equations. It also needs fewer iteration processes
to arrive at a converged solution than many other commercial codes. The govern-
ing equations of mass, momentum, and energy conservation in CFX-5 include the
Continuity Equation (1), the Momentum Equations (2), and the Energy Equation (3)
(S.B. Pope, 2000).
∂ρ
+ ∇(ρU) = 0, (1)
∂t
∂ρU
+ ∇(ρU ⊗ U) = ∇(−ρδ + μ(∇U + (∇U)T )) + SM , (2)
∂t
∂ρhtot ∂p
− + ∇(ρUhtot ) = ∇(λ∇T) + SE , (3)
∂t ∂t
∂C
+ U · ∇C = ∇ (D · ∇C) (4)
∂t
where r is the fluid density, t is the time, U is the velocity vector, d is the idempotent
matrix, m is the fluid dynamic viscosity, SM is the external momentum sources, htot
is the total fluid enthalpy, T is the temperature, SE is the external energy sources, C is
the pollutant concentration, and D is the combined natural and eddy diffusivity vec-
tor. By solving the above equations, we can obtain the detailed air flow and pollutant
dispersion pattern within the region under consideration. In effect, the detailed pol-
lutant distribution pattern at any point in space can be calculated accurately using
the above model.
7.3.2 Boundary Conditions

In this simulation task, the simulation model is considered a rectangular domain
with the dimension L×W×H: 925 m × 590 m × 270 m. It is reasonable to conclude
that traffic emissions are the major source of air pollutants in Mongkok, since it is an
area of commercial and residential focus. The locations of the air pollution source
were set at two major roads in the chosen area, namely Yin Chong Street and Kwong
Wa Street. Line source pollutants with accurate emission factors from the Hong
Kong Transport Department (2004) were assigned to simulate traffic emissions in
the domain.
The boundary conditions for the system are listed in Table 7.1. The system is set
to the non-buoyant buoyancy mode. The reference pressure was 1.01×105 Pa. The
domain temperature is 288 K in isothermal heat transfer mode. The template fluid
is set as air at a standard temperature and pressure. All these boundary conditions
are set with regard to the general atmospheric environment of Hong Kong. The
maximum finite mesh element with size varied from 3 to 6 m. The Reynolds number
for this simulation was kept at the order magnitude of 107 , in reflection of typical
airflow of Hong Kong. Based on these boundary conditions, the Reynolds stress
model (RSM) model was used to generate the air pollution level for each flat of the
buildings in the chosen area (Fig. 7.1). To validate the model, field measurements
are conducted to validate the ground level pollutant concentration using real-time
particulate matter samplers.
Table 7.1 Boundary conditions
Surface Nature Input values
1 Wind inlet 3.0 m/s

2 Ground Roughness height = 0.01 m
3 Wind outlet Relative pressure = 0.0 Pa
4 Atmosphere Free slip
Fig. 7.1 Pollutant concentration slice plane – mongkok
7.3.3 The Hedonic Pricing Model

Based on the flat-specific air quality data simulated in the previous section, a hedo-
nic pricing model is constructed to examine the relationship between air quality
and property prices2 . This model assumes that property prices (P) are a function of
property attributes, one of which is flat-specific air pollution levels (RSP). Other
relevant attributes of apartment buildings include building age (AGE), the floor
level of a flat (FLR), flat size (SIZE), and development scale (EST).3 Since prop-
erty transactions do not occur at the same time, time effects have to be controlled
by a residential property price index (PPI), which is compiled by the Rating and
Valuation Department of the Hong Kong Government. The buildings in our sample
are in very close proximity to each other, sharing highly similar neighbourhood char-
acteristics (e.g. views and access to public transportation). This means that we only
need to include a relatively small number of independent variables in the model.
Since hedonic pricing models have often been criticised for their choice of func-
tional forms (Cropper, Deck, & McConnel, 1988), three specifications are used to
enhance the robustness of the results:
ln P = β1 RSP + α0 + α1 AGE + α2 FLR + α3 SIZE + α4 EST + α5 PPI + ε (5)
2 See Chau, Yiu, Wong, and Lai (2003) for a review of the hedonic price modelling of environment
attributes.
3 For simplicity, we defined development scale as a dichotomous measure indicating if a develop-
ment has more than one tower. EST was set to equal 1 if a development has at least two towers
(so called an “estate”), and zero if otherwise.
ln P = β1 RSP + β2 RSP2 + α0 + α1 AGE + α2 AGE2 + α3 FLR + α4 FLR2

(6)
+ α5 SIZE + α6 SIZE2 + α7 EST + α8 PPI + α9 PPI 2 + ε
P(λ0 ) = β1 RSP(λ1 ) + α0 + α1 AGE(λ2 ) + α2 FLR(λ3 ) + α3 SIZE(λ4 )

(7)
+ α4 EST + α5 PPI (λ5 ) + ε
Equation (5) is a semi-log model with natural log of property transaction price
as the dependent variable. The semi-log model has been commonly used in hedonic
studies, partly because natural log transformation on the dependent variable can
usually remove heteroskedasticity in the error term.4 On the right hand side, b and
a are the unknown coefficients to be estimated, and e is the error term with a mean
of zero. Adding quadratic terms to Eq. (5) becomes the quadratic semi-log model
in Eq. (6), which allows for the flexibility of non-linear price effects of the non-
dummy variables. Equation (7) is a highly flexible Box-Cox model, which can take
many continuous functional forms through the transformation X(λ) = (Xλ –1)/λ for
each positive variable (X), where λs are free parameters to be estimated empirically.
This model includes the linear, semi-log, log-linear, and reciprocal models as special
cases. For example, when l0 equals zero and l1 to l5 equal unity, Eq. (7) is reduced
to Eq. (5), the semi-log model. The estimated optimal Box-Cox model is then tested
against the special case models to see if any special case models could be used as a
good approximation.5 A comparison across the three models allows us to check the
robustness of our results.
Our central interest is the marginal effect of air pollution on property prices,
and we added other variables as controls to maintain the ceteris paribus condition.
Eqs. (5) and (6) are linear in coefficients and can be estimated by the OLS method.
Equation (5) assumes a fixed marginal effect of air quality on property price, which
is b1 , whereas Eq. (6) allows the marginal effect to vary with the level of air pol-
lution, which is b1 +2b2 RSP. Equation (7) is nonlinear in coefficients and has to
be estimated by the Maximum Likelihood Estimation (MLE) method that assumes
a normally distributed
error
term. The resulting marginal effect is approximately
β1 λ1 RSPλ1 −1 / λ0 P̄λ0 −1 , where P̄ is the expected property price.
7.4 Empirical Results

In the study area that we simulated the air pollution levels, a sample of 24 apartment
buildings were identified with a total of 1,700 usable transaction records during the
period April 1991 to August 2004. Since the transactions took place at different
points in time, we deflated the transaction price by the residential price index con-
structed by the Rating and Valuation Department of the Hong Kong Government.
Air pollution levels are measured in mg/m3 of respirable suspended particulates
(RSP). Table 7.2 shows the descriptive statistics of the data.
4 Takinglog also gives marginal effects a convenient interpretation of percentage changes.

5 If
all special case models are rejected, the optimal Box-Cox model would be treated as a linear
model as if the estimated λs were known.
Table 7.2 Descriptive statistics
Variable Mean Median Max Min Std Dev
Property price P 1.645 1.410 7.306 0.346 0.846

(HK$mil) at 1999
price levels
Air pollution level RSP 0.146 0.132 0.723 0.000 0.106
(mg/m3 of RSP)
Building age AGE 179.322 178.000 391.000 1.000 92.285
(month)
Floor level FLR 13.429 13.000 39.000 1.000 7.416
Flat size (sq. ft.) SIZE 409.550 343.150 890.000 226.000 134.402
Estate development EST 0.317 0.000 1.000 0.000 0.465
Price index (base PPI 1.004 0.953 1.729 0.533 0.304
year 1999 = 1)
The OLS estimates of Eqs. (5) and (6) are shown in Table 7.3. The explana-
tory power of the models is fairly high, with adjusted R-squared values of 83 and
85%, respectively. Most coefficients are also statistically significant at the 1% level
with the expected sign. White’s (1980) test reveals that the residuals exhibited het-
eroskedasticity, as the null hypothesis of constant variance is rejected at the 1%
level. Accordingly, we used White’s method to adjust for heteroskedasticity. Since
the dependent variable is in log scale, the coefficients should be interpreted as a per-
centage change in property prices, given a unit change in an independent variable.
A detailed discussion of the results is presented below.
From Eq. (5), the negative and highly significant coefficient of RSP shows that
air pollution has a significant negative impact on property prices. This result sug-
gests that homebuyers and sellers are concerned about flat-level air quality. Their
concerns, as revealed by property prices, are consistent with our simulated air pol-
lution levels even though they did not have any technical information on the air
quality of the flats they purchased. This also means that the property market is more
efficient than any studies have implied so far. Such a result is not unreasonable,
as people are likely to care more about air quality in such densely populated areas
as Hong Kong and thus have a strong incentive to gather information on local air
quality level through various sources such as real estate agents and, more impor-
tantly, repeated site visits (it is very common for prospective buyers to visit the
housing units several times before they decide to purchase). Moreover, the Hong
Kong property market has been very liquid and transparent, thereby facilitating the
transmission of information through property prices.
The signs of the coefficients of the control variables are as expected and consis-
tent with other studies. The negative coefficient of AGE is largely a result of physical
deterioration of a property. The positive coefficient of FLR reflects a better view
and quieter environment at higher levels. The positive coefficient of SIZE simply
shows that larger units are more expensive. The positive coefficient of EST suggests
that housing units in estate type developments are better managed and share more
facilities than units in standalone buildings. The coefficient of PPI is negative and
Table 7.3 Regression results
Eq. (6) (Quadratic

Eq. (5) (Semi-log) semi-log) Eq. (8) (Box-Cox)
Variable Coefficient Coefficient Coefficient
Constant –0.0491 ∗∗ –0.4451 ∗∗∗ –0.9271 ∗∗∗
Air pollution
RSP –0.1400 ∗∗∗ 0.1643 ∗
RSP2 –0.5979 ∗∗∗
RSP3.2 –0.1335 ∗∗∗
Building age
AGE –0.0021 ∗∗∗ –0.0030 ∗∗∗
AGE2 2.387×10–6 ∗∗∗
AGE0.5 –0.0113 ∗∗∗
Floor level
FLR 0.0084 ∗∗∗ 0.0052 ∗∗∗
FLR2 0.9377×10–4
FLR0.6 0.0077 ∗∗∗
Flat size
SIZE 0.0024 ∗∗∗ 0.0051 ∗∗∗
SIZE2 –2.804×10–6 ∗∗∗
SIZE0.1 1.2955 ∗∗∗
Estate
EST 0.0187 ∗∗ 0.0414 ∗∗∗ 0.0076 ∗∗∗
Time
PPI –0.2294 ∗∗∗ –0.5597 ∗∗∗
PPI2 0.1525 ∗∗∗
PPI0.2 –0.2334 ∗∗∗
R-squared 0.8307 0.8539 0.8691

Adj. R-squared 0.8301 0.8530 0.8686
∗∗∗ , ∗∗ , and ∗ indicate significance levels of 1%, 5%, and 10%, respectively.
significant, indicating that the housing prices in the study area were increasing at a
slower rate compared with that of the market wide housing price index.
Regression results of Eq. (6) give similar conclusions with regard to the nega-
tive impact of air pollution on property prices. Since the quadratic terms (except
for FLR2 ) are significant, the additional insight from Eq. (6) is that the effects of
the independent variables are unlikely to be linear. For instance, buildings tend to
depreciate at a diminishing rate, and the premiums paid for bigger flats tend to rise
at an increasing rate. More importantly, the coefficient of RSP2 is negative and sig-
nificant. This finding suggests that the effect of air pollution is mostly negative, and
this negative effect increases (in magnitude) as the level of pollution increases. This
specification, however, was not entirely satisfactory, as the marginal effect (which is
0.164–1.196 × RSP) becomes positive over a small range of RSP (0 < RSP < 0.14).
This small anomaly is likely due to insufficient flexibility in the quadratic semi-log
functional form to model the true underlying non-linear relationship between prices
and air pollution. This problem can be resolved by using a more flexible function
Box-Cox model as discussed below.
The Box-Cox model of Eq. (7) also supports a nonlinear specification, with
its transformation parameters reported in Table 7.4. Taking these transformation
parameters (up to 1 d.p.) as given, we re-estimated Eq. (7) using the OLS method
based on the following functional form:
P0.2 = β1 RSP3.2 + α0 + α1 AGE0.5 + α2 FLR0.6 + α3 SIZE0.1

(8)
+ α4 EST + α5 PPI 0.2 + ε
The OLS estimates of Eq. (8) are shown in the rightmost column of Table 7.3.
Now, not only do all the coefficients produce expected signs, but they are also
highly significant at the 1% level. Based on the log-likelihood ratio tests, all the
special case models, including the semi-log (Eq. 5) and the quadratic semi-log (Eq.
6) models, were rejected in favour of the Box-Cox model (Eq. 8). Therefore, the
Box-Cox model provides a better fit of data than the other models and is consid-
ered a better model when no a priori information on the functional form of the
hedonic price model is available. In this model, the coefficient of RSP is negative
and significant, and its power transformation coefficient λ1 is larger than one. The
marginal effect of air pollution on housing price can be found by partial differen-
tiation of the hedonic pricing model with respect to RSP. It can be shown that the
first derivative of P̄ (expected
property
price) with respect to RSP is always negative
(P = β1 λ1 RSPλ1 −1 / λ0 P̄λ0 −1 where b1 < 0, l0 , l1 > 0) andthe second derivative of
λ1 −1 λ0 −1
P̄ with respect to RSP is also negative (P = RSP − P
P , where l1 > 1, l0 < 1,
P’ < 0). This suggests that air pollution has a negative effect on housing prices, and
this negative effect increases (in magnitude) as RSP increases. This result implies
that clean air is highly valued, especially in locations where air pollution is severe.
We can use the above result to assess the value of clean air. At the mean housing
price (P = HK$ 1.645 million) and mean pollution level (RSP = 0.146 mg/m3 ), the
marginal willingness to pay for cleaner air is approximately HK$ 4,800 (at 1999
price levels) or US$ 615 (US$ 1 = HK$ 7.8) per reduction of 0.1 mg/m3 of RSP.
This “price” of cleaner air varies with the level of pollution and the market value
of the housing unit. When the pollution level is high, people are willing to pay a
higher price per unit reduction of RSP. However, when air is relatively clean, the
Table 7.4 MLE estimates of transformation parameters in Eq. (7)
Variable P RSP AGE FLR SIZE PPI

Parameter l0 l1 l2 l3 l4 l5
ML estimate 0.191 0.452 0.589 0.104 3.173 0.184
p-value 0.000 0.000 0.001 0.160 0.038 0.108
willingness to pay for even cleaner air declines. At the mean housing price level,
when RSP is one standard deviation below the mean (i.e. RSP = 0.04 mg/m3 ), the
willingness to pay for a reduction of 0.1 unit of RSP drops dramatically to HK$ 280
(US$ 36) or 6% of the willingness-to-pay at the mean air pollution level. On the
other hand, when the level of pollution is one standard deviation above the mean
(i.e. RSP = 0.252 mg/m3 ), the willingness to pay for a reduction of 0.1 unit of RSP
goes up to HK$ 16,000 (or US$ 2,050), more than triple of the willingness-to-pay
at the mean pollution level.
We use several graphs to help understand the above calculations. The relationship
between air pollution levels and the willingness to pay for less pollution (i.e. clean
air) for a housing unit evaluated at the mean housing price level is shown in Fig. 7.2.
The graph shows that people are increasingly more willing to pay for cleaner air as
the pollution level increases; this finding is in sharp contrast with Yang (1996) and
Kwak et al. (1996), who found a decrease in the willingness to pay for cleaner air at
higher pollution levels. Our results are more consistent with the law of diminishing
marginal utility, as one should be willing to pay more for an additional unit of clean
air when clean air is scarce (a high level of RSP) than when it is abundant (a low
level of RSP).
Besides the level of pollution, the price of clean air also varies with market value
of the housing unit. Households living in more expensive units are more willing to
pay more for cleaner air. At the mean pollution level, the willingness to pay for a
reduction of 0.1 mg/m3 of RSP ranges from HK$ 1,380 (US$ 177) for the cheapest
housing unit (P = HK$0.346 M) to HK$ 15,800 (US$ 2,030) for the most expensive
housing unit (P = HK$7.306 M). Figure 7.3 shows the relationship between the
market value of a housing unit and the willingness to pay for clean air at the mean
pollution level. Assuming that housing consumption is positively correlated with
70,000
HK$ per reduction of RSP by 0.1 mg/m3
60,000
50,000
40,000
30,000
20,000
10,000
0
0.00 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.35 0.40 0.45 0.50
RSP (mg/m3)
Fig. 7.2 Willingness to pay for clean air evaluated at the mean housing price level
18,000
16,000
HK$ per in 0.1 mg/m3 RSP
14,000
12,000
10,000
8,000
6,000
4,000
2,000
0
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Market value of housing unit (HK$M)
Fig. 7.3 Willingness to pay for clean air evaluated at the mean pollution level
household income, the graph shows that lower income households are less willing
to pay for clean air, other things being equal. This result is consistent with that of
Harrison and Rubinfeld (1978).
Since the health impact of air pollution should be independent of household
income, the reason for the differential valuation of clean air between high and low
income households deserves further investigation. For example, it could be the case
that clean air, being a normal good, gives rise to an income effect that drives up the
demand for environmental quality as income increases. While clean air appears to
be more “affordable” to the lower income group in terms of absolute prices, it is
not so if we express the cost of reducing air pollution as a percentage of housing
expenditure. Although the price of clean air is lower for cheaper housing units, it
represents a larger percentage of housing value. As shown in Fig. 7.4, the price of
reducing RSP by 0.1 mg/m3 varies from 0.41% (the cheapest housing unit) to 0.21%
(the most expensive housing unit) of the value of a housing unit.
The affordability issue can be aggravated if the expenditure on clean air is
expressed in terms of household income. Due to high housing prices in Hong Kong,
lower income households living in private housing need to spend a much higher
percentage of their income on housing than higher income households do6 . In order
to live in a housing unit with the same air quality, lower income households have
to spend a much higher percentage of their household income on clean air. From
this perspective, clean air is less affordable to lower income households. To reduce
their expenditure on air quality, lower income households are more likely to live
6 According to the 2006 bi-census conducted by the Census and Statistics Department
(http://www.bycensus2006.gov.hk/index.htm), rental expenditure constitutes 45% of the lower-
quartile income household while that for the median income households is 25%.
0.45%
0.40%
% of housing value
0.35%
0.30%
0.25%
0.20%
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Market value of property (HK$M)
Fig. 7.4 Price of clean air as a percentage of property value
in housing units with lower air quality and suffer from health problems. Given that
lower income households can generally receive medical care provided by the pub-
lic sector, the economic consequence of health deterioration in polluted areas will
eventually be borne by the government in the form of increased public expenditure
on health care7 . The government should take such costs into consideration when
formulating her public health and environmental improvement policies.
7.5 Conclusion
Air pollution in urban areas has been a great environmental concern, particularly
in densely populated cities in Asia where rapid urbanization and strong economic
growth were seen in the past two decades. Clean air is becoming an increasingly
scarce resource. A holistic review of government policies on the issue of air pol-
lution is needed to weigh the costs against the benefits of obtaining clean air. In
formulating appropriate policies for tackling the air pollution problem, one impor-
tant factor that needs to be taken into consideration is people’s willingness to pay
for clean air when no explicit market for clean air exists. This study addresses this
issue by estimating the “market price” of clean air from air pollution and real estate
market transaction data. Our results confirm the negative impact of air pollution on
property prices.
7 Health care expenditure is just one of the costs of air pollution, but it can be very substantial.
Resosudarmo and Napitupulu (2004) estimated that the cost of pollution in Jakarta was 1% of the
GDP at the time of study and was projected to increase to 2.5% of the GDP in subsequent years.
Furthermore, we found that the price of clean air, as inferred from the esti-
mated hedonic price model, is not constant but varies with the air pollution level
and the value of a housing unit. The price of clean air increases with the pollution
level, which is in line with the implication of a downward sloping demand curve.
Moreover, assuming that household income is positively correlated with the value of
a housing unit, lower income households are paying a smaller absolute amount but
a higher percentage of their income for clean air than higher income households.
This highlights the affordability problem of lower income households, which has
significant policy implications on the aspects of public health and environmental
improvement.
Acknowledgments We gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the Research
Group on Sustainable Cities of The University of Hong Kong and a HKU CRCG small grant. The
authors are indebted to Miss Astor Chung for providing us with the building plans and Mr. Patrick
Wong for his research assistance in compiling the transaction data. We would also like to thank the
helpful comments from the anonymous reviewer.
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Chapter 8
Liveability of Tall Residential Buildings
Belinda Yuen
8.1 Introduction
High-rise housing, primarily public housing, is often viewed with caution in many
western cities. As Helleman and Wassenberg (2004, p. 3) report from Europe,
High-rise estates are associated with problematic living conditions, deprived areas, isolated
locations, a poor population, a negative image, social isolation, pollution and crime . . . In
short, they are not the most popular areas in town.
However, the dissatisfaction has not spelt the end of high-rise housing. In Asia,
Singapore and Hong Kong have similarly experimented and scored high residen-
tial satisfaction. The dictates of limited land, growing population and the desire for
improved housing conditions have led these cities to celebrate skywards vertical-
ity. Over a period of 40–50 years, high-rise public housing has become not just the
lifestyle of the majority of the population but also the dominant building form.
In Hong Kong, supported by technological advancement the height of public
housing has increased from 6- to 7-storey in the 1950s to 50- to 60-storey by the
1990s. Its high-rise public housing programme has been widely acknowledged as a
success story (see, for example, Yeung & Wong, 2003). Equally, in Singapore with
urban redevelopment the greater proportion of its resident population has moved to
live in high-rise – 81% in public housing and 6% in private housing. Even though
tall building is not the only building option, high-rise constitutes a vitally important
component of the future city. As the Singapore long-term development plan states,
More homes will be built in the city. There are currently 30,000 housing units in the
city. Those who prefer the downtown buzz can look forward to having 90,000 more units
to choose from, mostly in the New Downtown at Marina South. The average plot ratio
for housing in the New Downtown can be increased to between 6.0 and 7.0. (Urban
Redevelopment Authority, 2001, p. 18)
The height of Singapore’s apartment housing is set to rise. New housing,

especially private, are rising to taller height: 50- and 70-storey in its downtown
B. Yuen (B)

130 B. Yuen
(The Straits Times, 11 Feb 2003; 29 May 2003; 1 Oct 2004). What is remarkable
here is not just the rising height, but more importantly, an increasing number of
the population has expressed satisfaction and willingness to live in high-rise pub-
lic housing (Housing and Development Board, 2000a; The Straits Times, 22 June
2005). Singapore with its pervasive high-rise housing experience offers a natural
setting for examining the issue of liveability in high-rise. Despite the extensive doc-
umentation and experience with high-rise living in Singapore, the attractions and
concerns of living in high-rise remain barely explored (Yuen, Teo, & Ooi 1999;
Yuen et al., 2006).
8.2 Understanding Liveability

Liveability has been a central concern of neighbourhood renewal in many cities
worldwide. In UK, for example, it presents an approach that connects social and
environmental problems (Shaw, 2004). In USA, liveability is also an economic
imperative (The Clinton/Gore Administration: Livable Communities for the twenty-
first century, Remarks as prepared for delivery by Vice President Al Gore Livability
announcement, January 11, 1999). Urban scholars from different disciplines have
long argued that liveability is important to quality of life and long-term wellbeing of
people and communities (see, for example, Lennard, Lennard, & Ungern-Sternberg
1997; Lynch, 1981). As Lennard et al. (1997) suggest, a liveable environment is
likely to have:
• an attractive, pedestrian-oriented public realm;

• low traffic speed, volume, and congestion;
• decent, affordable, well-located housing;
• convenient schools, shops, and services;
• accessible parks and open space;
• a clean natural environment;
• diverse, legible, and educative built landscapes;
• places that feel safe and accepting to all users;
• places that emphasize local culture, history, and ecology;
• environments that nurture human community and interaction.
Together, these elements help make the neighbourhood pleasant and easy to live
in. If we agree with this proposition, the lack of such elements can make the liv-
ing space less habitable. The relevance of the subjective experience of living in
particular places to the liveability discussion has led many studies to link residential
satisfaction to quality of life measures notwithstanding issues of definition and mea-
surement (see, for example, Adams, 1992; Campbell, Converse, & Rodgers, 1976;
Zumbo and Michalos, 2000).
Residential satisfaction is a multi-dimensional construct confirmed by place eval-
uation that suggests varied aspects of a place – spatial features, human features and
functional features (Bonnes, Bonainto, Aiello, Perugini, & Ercolani, 1997; Canter,
8 Liveability of Tall Residential Buildings 131
1983). Williamson (1981) in a study of 530 high-rise apartments in Germany has

found that residential satisfaction is strongly related to the physical attributes of the
building, especially spaciousness, room arrangement and quality of construction.
Other research suggests that satisfaction might vary for different sections of the res-
idence, different qualities of it and the relation between these qualities and their use
by the resident (Gifford, 1997). Aspects of the living environment which the inhab-
itants value may play a filter role on the degree of satisfaction because in their eyes,
housing is not limited to its objective aspect of “available and structured space”.
In other words, housing assessment is not just limited to the living space and
its arrangement but also includes outside space as well as neighbourhood rela-
tionships (Forest & Kearns, 2000; Fried & Gleicher, 1972). Ali and Armstrong
(1995), for example, have argued that residential satisfaction is one component of
the study of resident’s perception of high-rise living. Several studies have demon-
strated that residential satisfaction and preference also depend on personal, social
and cultural influences (Bonnes et al., 1997; Newman, 1972; Varady & Preiser,
1998). Demographic factors, personality, values, expectations, comparisons with
other housing and future aspirations are some of the individual characteristics that
can influence residential satisfaction. Psychological influences can sometimes be
more important than the physical and functional place factors.
The question of which neighbourhood attributes are most important in predict-
ing satisfaction is of great interest to policy makers. It is, however, not an easy
question to answer. Residential satisfaction is a dynamic and complex concept. It is
affected by a multitude of factors and to treat it as a simple dependent variable is
mistaken (Birks & Southan, 1992; Parkes, Kearns, & Atkinson, 2002). According to
Onibokun (1974), tenant satisfaction encompasses four distinct types of satisfaction:
satisfaction with the dwelling unit, satisfaction with the services provided, satisfac-
tion with the whole package received for the rent paid which includes the dwelling
and the services, satisfaction with the neighbourhood or area. In an attempt to give
a more precise meaning to the multidimensionality of residential satisfaction, some
studies have explored rating scales to measure the various dimensions.
Onibokun (1974), for instance, has developed a set of Relative Satisfaction
Indices (RSI) to assess people’s satisfaction with housing. The index attempts to
develop appropriate techniques for determining and analysing people’s relative sat-
isfaction of people with their housing and the factors that condition such satisfaction.
The index was based on interview data from a 30-page questionnaire adminis-
trated to 199 female heads of households residing in public housing projects in
three Canadian cities. Bonnes et al. (1997), on the other hand, have formulated a
Residential Satisfaction Scale (RSS) that is articulated along 20 dimensions and
covering specific aspects of spatial, social, functional and contextual features. In
that instrument, residential satisfaction has been operationalised in terms of a large
set of very specific items, each addressing a particular feature of the neighbourhood.
Yet others such as Kaya and Erkip (2001) have examined the effect of floor height
on the perception of room size and crowding as an important aspect of residen-
tial satisfaction. Using quota sampling in their survey of a dormitory building, the
questionnaire was administered to each room, to be completed individually by each
132 B. Yuen
student. The findings showed that as the room is perceived as larger and the feeling
of privacy in a room increases, the satisfaction with a dormitory also increases. An
important aspect of high-rise living concerns the height above ground level. Various
studies have enquired the height at which residents want to live (see, for example,
Conway & Adams, 1977; Herrenkohl, 1981).
Conway and Adams (1977, p. 597), for example, have reported studies that
showed respondents’ height preference: if they had been given a free choice of floor
in a 24-storey block, over 30% would have chosen the ground to second floors,
another 15% the third to fifth floors, and over 20% the twenty-first to twenty-third
floors. Although coming from different perspectives, these studies contribute to an
understanding of how to make high-rise more liveable and give support to ground
such research on the experience and input of people who are in high-rise living.
Against the trend of taller housing, liveability-oriented planning is likely to take on
greater, not less, importance.
8.2.1 High-Rise Living Concerns

It was reported at the start of this paper that high-rise living has often been associ-
ated with problematic living. A number of concerns can be identified. This form of
housing is often considered unsatisfactory for families with small children (Jephcott
& Robinson, 1971; McDonald & Brownlee, 1993). Conway and Adams (1977) have
found that the level of child density significantly affects people’s level of satisfaction
with their housing. At high child densities, neighbourhood conflicts and complaints
of vandalism are highest. A common contention is a lack of safety and adequate
play spaces for children, leading to a strain on the mother and an over restricted
environment, physical and social, for the child.
Mitchell (1971), for example, reported that high-rise living reduces parent’s
knowledge of and control over children who spend more time outside their home.
These children are normally out of communication with their dwelling unit when
they are playing at ground level space, creating pressure for parents to accompany
the children beyond the dwelling unit. Parent-child contact, both visual and auditory,
remains a crucial issue in outdoor play. Kumove (1966) further suggested that the
age of the child might be consideration. The older the child, the less is the impact
of high-rise living. He found that children in high-rise apartments are generally held
back within the family circle for a longer period of time than children in low-rise
housing but then once “set free” they are relatively freer.
Others have argued that there is less interaction between neighbours in high-
rise living, leading to situations of anonymity for the individual family (Beijing
Review, 1985; Rosenberg, 1968). This is normally attributed to a lack of areas
in the building/environment where people can naturally interact without having
to excuse themselves to others for remaining in a particular place. More than
social interaction, others have posited that high-rise living may limit self-expression
and encourage individuals to spend more time outside the home (Johnson, 2002;
Mitchell, 1971). While the spatial characteristics of high-rise apartments facilitate
ease of maintenance, they also limit the range of discretionary activities possible
within the home. Activities that are noisy or involve large number of other people
or private space are difficult within the flat. As a result, many apartment dwellers
prefer to go out for entertainment and spend less time at home.
Fear of crime as well as crime itself is another problem often associated with
high-rise living (Adams, 1992; Mesch & Manor, 1998). Unlike low-rise housing,
a lot of the space in and around high-rise housing is not overlooked by residents.
These out-of-range spaces are potential areas for abuse – litter, graffiti and crime.
Newman (1973), for example, demonstrated that crime at high-rise projects was sig-
nificantly higher than that of mid-rise housing. He highlighted the vulnerability of
high-rise apartment building to crime. For example, long hallways and entrances
used by large number of people make it difficult for residents to identify loiterers
who shielded from view may commit criminal acts. To re-establish social con-
trol over spaces and impede crime, he suggested the reinforcement of architectural
arrangement – building smaller, more identifiable clusters of buildings or “defensi-
ble space” to encourage a strong sense of surveillance from each apartment unit to
the open space below.
High-rise also gives rise to other areas of fear. Haber (1977) discussed the fear
of fire and safety in high-rise, which is a leading consideration for his respondents
wanting to live or work in the lower third section of tall buildings. Persons with
certain kinds of phobia, for example, agoraphobia, acrophobia, batophobia have
fear of high-rise (Marks, 1969). Often, the fear of high-rise is associated with
failures in the infrastructure. The elevator – its number, space, speed, waiting
and travelling time – has been highlighted as an important element (Haber, 1977;
Zuckerman, Miserandino, & Bernieri 1983). People are anxious of being trapped
by a power failure, unable to escape and fear of crime in the elevator such as rape
and robbery. According to Hall (1996), crowded elevator infringes interpersonal
space. The speed and adequacy of lift service can play a major role in influencing
tenant satisfaction in high-rise living.
The recent collapse of the World Trade Centre towers in 2001 has renewed dis-
cussion about the safety of tall buildings (CIB, 2003; Marcuse, 2001). Some such
as Marcuse (2001) have predicted the end of high-rise life. It had not. Tall buildings
are continuing to be built at even greater height and in more locations across the
world. Q1 Tower (78 floors), Eureka Tower (91 floors), Emirates Crown (63 floors)
and Millennium Tower (60 storey) are but some examples. Referred to as supertall
buildings, several other urban observers are anticipating the continued presence of
these buildings in the city (Ali & Armstrong, 1995; Lacayo, 2004/2005).
8.2.2 High-Rise Living Attractions

High-rise living is not without its attractions. Two perspectives may be identified:
the city and the resident. At the city level, Yeh (2000) argues from the experience
of Hong Kong that high-rise high-density urban environment, if properly planned
and managed, may not be bad. In particular, it can reduce the effect of density on
crowding and more housing can be built,
134 B. Yuen
The effect of density can be affected by the design, layout, open space, degree of sharing,
traffic, and community facilities of the external and personal space . . . The design and layout
of rooms can make a room look more spacious. The subdivision and sound proofing of
rooms can increase privacy and reduce crowding. (Yeh, 2000, p. 123)
The density of high-rise offers several attractions. It allows housing need to be

met while keeping land use to a minimum, it helps prevent urban sprawl, it frees
up green space which would otherwise be needed for low-density housing devel-
opment, it supports efficient mass transit facilities with its large concentration of
people (Abel, 2003; Ali & Armstrong, 1995; Burton, 2000). Yeang (1999) has
shown that tall building can be the basis for designing sustainable intensive build-
ings. The proposition is that high-rise can be effective ecological solutions built with
minimal environmental impacts.
Studies have found that high-rise has the potential to have a smaller ecological
footprint that can be made more energy-efficient than low-density housing (RERC,
1974). Natural ventilation and lighting can be introduced into the units through care-
ful design and juxtaposition of high-rise blocks. More open space provided between
blocks can allow for better ventilation. The space between buildings is an active
element in giving more privacy and space to residents. Conway and Adams (1977)
have found that people living in high-rise buildings like having open space e.g. gar-
den as these spaces provide a semi-private space which can act as a “buffer zone”
between private and public spaces and facilitate casual and social contacts among
residents.
Others have observed that high-rise living may bring to the individual posi-
tive benefits and satisfaction such as spectacular view, privacy and quietness (see
Conway & Adams, 1977; Johnson, 2002; Yuen et al., 2006). Tall buildings offer
spectacular view, especially if they are near to greenery or sea. Haber (1977)
has found that more women than men are attracted by the view while more men
than women are attracted to the feeling of height. Prestige and status is often
associated with high floor living (CTBUH, 1981; Johnson, 2002). The prices of
penthouse are generally much higher than the other units especially where the view
is unobstructed. Some people are attracted to high-rise because of the associated
lifestyle,
High-rise living . . . enables people to divorce themselves from the normal mundane things
that go with owning a house. It enables people who want to travel to be able to go away for
a long period and not have to worry about the maintenance aspect of a property. Apartment
dwellers also become very much part of the café scene. (Fincher, 2007, p. 642)
Consumption trends in recent years seem to suggest the inclination of certain

market segments – the young, the empty nester and the affluent, towards apartment
living. This has fuelled the growth of a new generation of urban high-rise. Contrary
to earlier development, many of the new high-rise is in prime inner city location.
They are often designed by established architects and marketed as a symbol of afflu-
ent inner city living. Take the case of London; “the chic choice for London living”
is how one columnist describes the recent high-rise of London in the International
Herald Tribune (13 Jul 2006). Many of these high-rise are purpose-built luxury
apartments. For example, the Skidmore, Owings and Merrill designed Pan Peninsula
building (50-storey) in Canary Wharf when built (2009) is anticipated to be one
of the tallest and more expensive high-rise housing in United Kingdom. A stu-
dio unit at Pan Peninsula (380 ft2 ) may start at £250,000 while a 1-bedroom unit
(500 ft2 ) starts at £400,000. With globalisation, lifestyle and technological advance-
ment, many more are revisiting the high-rise debate and agreeing with Church and
Gale (2000) that,
It is . . . wrong to identify tower blocks as ‘vertical slums’ and insist that they should all be
flattened. Many are clearly acceptable places to live for their residents (p. 19).
8.3 Liveability of Singapore Public Housing
8.3.1 The Trajectory and Typology of High-Rise Development

Singapore first embarked on apartment living (1 to 7-storey) in 1953 under the colo-
nial administration of the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT). The SIT flats are
generally small, mainly 1 and 2-room flats. As the number, size and quality of the
flats expand under the post-independence large-scale public housing programme,
the building height also increases. By 1963, the tallest block was 20-storey. Two
decades later, the tallest block was 25-storey. Through a continual process of estate
renewal, taller buildings are added to older towns. Under the latest estate renewal
strategy, Selective En-bloc Redevelopment Scheme (SERS) blocks of older flats are
demolished to make way for new 30- to 50-storey buildings. The main rationale for
high-rise living is to address housing needs, optimal land use and improve living
environment. As Wong and Yeh (1985, p. 56) explain,
First is the need to optimize scarce land resources; second is the emphasis on providing a
better housing environment than that from which the residents come.
Singapore is a city-state with a limited land area (700 km2 ) and a growing pop-
ulation, currently 5 million. The resultant population density is more than 6,300
people per km2 . The urban built-up density is even higher, over 9,500 persons per
km2 . Against the context of limited land and increasing population, Singapore in its
urban development has intensified density to meet the city’s multiple needs. This
formula seems to have worked if resident satisfaction is any indication. Resident
satisfaction surveys have registered continually high satisfaction scores (Housing
and Development Board, 2003a; Wong & Yeh, 1985; Yeh, 1972).
In particular, the current set of survey results is showing an increasing number
of people who have personally chosen high-rise living. One in three public hous-
ing residents surveyed has expressed willingness to live on 40-storey or higher
(The Straits Times, 22 June 2005; Housing and Development Board, 2003a). A
high proportion (82.5%) of households in public housing have expressed content-
ment at the idea of always living in public housing flats (Housing and Development
Board, 2000a). There is also a widening sense of belonging in public housing towns,
136 B. Yuen
which is attributed to the length of stay in the town (an average of 12 years),
good neighbours and pleasant surrounding/environment (Housing and Development
Board, 2000b). What are the sustaining attractions of Singapore’s high-rise public
housing? Examination shows a housing environment that is strong on many of the
elements of liveable environment identified earlier.
8.3.2 Comprehensive Planning, Well Located Housing

and Services
Singapore’s high-rise public housing is primarily rooted in the policy to provide

good affordable housing for all who lack shelter. Many of its public flats are large
and comfortable by international standards. The average size of a typical 4-room flat
comprising three bedrooms, one living/dining room and kitchen is about 90 m2 or
approximately 24 m2 per person (average household size is 3.7 persons). The flats
are located within a town environment that nurtures human community and inter-
action. From the outset, Singapore has emphasized not just the delivery of housing
but “a total living environment” in its public high-rise that would support quality
living, recreation and accessibility to facilities and a sense of community spirit and
belonging. Using the new town model, each new town with an anticipated popula-
tion of 200,000–300,000 is comprehensively planned to be fairly self-sufficient with
an ascending distribution of public facilities and spaces, from the block, precinct and
neighbourhood to the town centre.
In its basic conception, a new town of 200,000 people is composed of 5–6 neigh-
bourhoods. There are between 4,000 and 6,000 dwelling units (80–100 ha) housing
between 20,000 and 30,000 people in each neighbourhood. Since 1978, following
findings that showed neighbourhoods are too large to bring about a sense of com-
munity each neighbourhood has been restructured into 6 or 7 precincts to better
promote community interaction among residents. Each precinct is made up of 7 or
8 residential blocks with 400–800 dwelling units to house between 1,500 and 3,000
persons.
Planning standards are instituted to ensure a quality service environment is
achieved within a general framework of growth and modernization (Wong & Yeh,
1985). As shown in Table 8.1, non-residential use could occupy as much as half
of the new town land. In contrast to other housing forms, high-rise public housing
is intentionally oriented towards convenience where daily life facilities like open
spaces, car parks, schools and shops are located within a 5 min’ walking radius to
the resident. The well planned provision and convenience of facilities, good loca-
tion of flats with respect to workplace, amenities and the city and low housing costs
are generally the three most liked aspects of living in Singapore’s high-rise public
housing (Housing and Development Board, 2003a; Yuen et al., 2006).
A key provision is accessible external public spaces where community life can
take place. There is a range of these spaces, comprising the void deck at block
level and green spaces distributed throughout the precinct, neighbourhood and town
Table 8.1 Land use and gross density of toa payoh
Land area 373 ha 36,758

Land use dwelling unit Percentage
Residential 150 40
Commercial (town centre and neighbourhood centre) 34 9
Industrya 47 13
School and institution 69 19
Open space, sports and recreational 24 6
Roads 44 12
Utilities and others 5 1
Gross new town density 99 dwelling units per ha
a Non-pollutive
industries only.
Source: Wong and Yeh (1985, pp. 94, 97).
(see also Chapter 5). Data is beginning to illuminate that the majority of respondents
would use these spaces for a variety of purposes: for play and recreation, for
socialization, for contact with nature, or for change and escape from the home envi-
ronment. None of the reported activities are dramatic or spectacular in any particular
way. Rather they are ordinary daily life occurrences that contribute to community
life in high-rise. In observations made of people’s movement in and out of the void
deck at the ground area of apartment blocks,1 we found walking to or from some-
where to be the most common activity (84%). Much of the walking through was
probably work-related as the observed volume declined noticeably during weekend.
As a public space, the void deck is an aspect of everyday social life. As illustrated
in Table 8.2, it is the space where children play especially when they cannot get to
outdoor play areas (however, they are not allowed to kick ball in the void deck),
the elderly meet and talk to one another, relax or just people watch. These activi-
ties have prompted the provision of community facility such as senior citizens’ and
study corners in the void deck (Fig. 8.1).
The concrete spaces between residential blocks including roof spaces are increas-
ingly landscaped as green open spaces, gardens and parks to create the “city in the
garden” living experience. These spaces play a dual purpose. They are part of the
clean, natural environment, albeit man-made, and provide an attractive landscaped
pedestrian-oriented public realm (Fig. Table 8.2). At the same time, they serve as
space catalyst for promoting social interactions. These spaces become especially
important in the wider frame of promoting neighbourly activities and interac-
tion. According to the Housing and Development Board (2003b), involvement in
community-based activities encourages residents to interact with each other, the
wider community and develops a sense of friendship and belonging (p. 53). About
1 Observation was largely conducted in 2002 at four blocks in two public new towns, two in Toa
Payoh and another two in Bukit Panjang. One block each of the 30-story (the tallest block at time
of study) was observed along with a lower adjoining block, over both weekday and weekend day,
from 5 am to 11.30 pm. see Yuen et al. (2003) for further details.
138
Table 8.2 Pedestrian activity observation at the block level (void deck)
On a weekday (%) On a weekend day (%)
Number of people BP601 BP603 TP154 TP157 BP601 BP603 TP154 TP157 Total
Walking 1227 (83.6) 1101 (80.7) 2877 (89) 1858 (84.5) 564 (78) 900 (82.6) 1888 (87.9) 1614 (78.4) 12,029
In conversation 91 (37.8)a 75 (28.4)a 203 (57.3)a 172 (50.9)a 26 (16.4)a 48 (25.3)a 177 (68.3)a 206 (46.3)a 384
In relaxation 36 47 61 47 36 43 37 77 998
In active recreation 38 17 15 41 8 13 6 63 201
In people/scene watching 4 37 2 7 13 33 4 8 123
In children’s play 8 33 2 31 5 19 0 25 108
In other activities e.g. opening/checking 64 55 71 40 71 34 35 66 436
mailbox, distributing pamphlets, etc
Note: BP=Bukit Panjang; TP=Toa Payoh; BP 603 and TP154 are 30-story blocks; TP157 is 11-story while BP601 is16-story.
()a This percentage computation excludes “walking” activity.
B. Yuen
Fig. 8.1 Senior citizen’s corner at the void deck of public housing block
Fig. 8.2 Spaces between housing blocks are landscaped and provided with sheltered walkway to
enhance the pedestrian environment
140 B. Yuen
38% of residents interviewed during the Housing and Development Board Sample
Household Survey 2003 had participated in one or more community activities in the
past 12 months.
Public spaces provide conduits where people-to-people relations may form as
residents go about their daily activities. The five most common places where
residents are likely to meet one another are the main corridors of their block
(49.2%), lift lobbies (23.1%), void decks/residents’ corners (13.5%), markets
(5.7%) or along pathways to the blocks (3.7%) (Housing and Development
Board, 2000b, p. 53). Others would meet at neighbourhood parks and
playground.
8.3.3 Continual Improvement
High-rise living as a building event is an ongoing engagement. Without the benefit

of past experience, the first three decades of high-rise living in Singapore, 1960s–
1980s, were peppered by scores of complaints even though residential satisfaction
was high. The common complaints were on the construction and finishes of the
buildings, especially the lifts, for example, lift breakdown, poor maintenance, light-
ing and workmanship such as cracks in walls and ceilings. To prevent stigmatisation
that high-rise does not function properly, a maintenance service cycle is put in place
while estate plans are continuously refined to ensure that the spaces stay relevant
to changing population needs and aspirations (HDB Annual Report 2006, 2007;
Lau, 1998). In other words, improvements in housing are not limited to the plan-
ning and design stage but continue through the life cycle of the buildings and town.
The purpose is to engender a place that is accepting to all. Upgrading schemes are
introduced to renew and improve the block and estate facilities.
These schemes are aimed at benefiting public housing residents, and effecting
“a complete change in the perception of public housing” (The Straits Times, 12
July 1989). The investments could comprise the creation of precincts and facilities
(such as barbeque pits, landscaped gardens and children’s playgrounds) where they
did not exist previously, improvement of existing markets and lifts (such as adding
lift to stop on every floor instead of every few floors in the older blocks and clear
window panels on lift door to enhance safety in lift travel). There could also be
architectural improvement to blocks such as including motif, dormer and colour
to make them individually distinctive or enlargement of individual dwelling units
by adding prefabricated spaces such as utility room or an extra toilet for flats with
only one bathroom/toilet. In the extreme makeover, clusters of older blocks could
be demolished for the construction of new blocks and facilities.
Principally among the planning and design considerations is the creation of
clearly defined, thoughtfully located and meaningful spaces, human scale and qual-
ity housing environment to encourage residents to use and take control of the public
spaces and give the neighbourhood a greater sense of belonging. As the Minister
for Home Affairs announced, “a design that not only enhances your living environ-
ment, but also endows it with an identity and a community spirit all of its own.”
(Minister’s speech at the upgrading and launch ceremony for Indus Precinct on 24
Nov 2000). The focus on place identity is accentuated in the country’s long-term
Concept Plan 2001,
The Concept Plan aims to create a distinctive city alive with rich heritage, character diver-
sity and identity. A city that we can fondly call home. (Urban Redevelopment Authority,
2001, p. 39)
Where possible, new towns and new developments will integrate with existing
features and natural elements to heighten their character. There is greater community
involvement in the planning and design. Residents are consulted in the upgrading
proposals. They are asked to decide on the upgrading by voting for the improve-
ment. The improvement will only proceed if there is a 75% in favour vote. In most
cases, residents are not required to relocate during the upgrading process. They are
required to pay a small portion of the upgrading costs, 8–21% depending on the
size of their flat, with the government paying the balance. Easy repayment terms
and special assistance measures are set up for senior citizens and those in financial
hardship. Residents can participate in managing their public housing town through
the local town councils and various residents committees. In recent years, town hall
meetings and ministerial Forum on HDB Heartware have been convened to discuss
neighbourhood renewal plans, the facilities that residents need and their views on
how to strengthen the public housing community.
Through upgrading, residents can continue to dwell in place and not move to
new housing areas to enjoy new facilities. Upgrading offers opportunity to re-plan
old towns, improve facility provision and create new flats in older estates that would
help stop the decline of older towns, especially against the growing tendency for
young people to shun the older towns in their preference for a new flat. The upgrad-
ing programmes are crucial in helping to bring older construction on par with newer
development, and maintain its attractiveness to residents. It is an important measure
in managing the dangers of differentiation between older towns and later develop-
ments with their improved flats and facilities. The most recent of these continuing
efforts is the 2007 Remaking Our Heartlands programme where older, middle-aged
and new towns will be regenerated into more vibrant homes that offer an appeal-
ing lifestyle. The strategy includes the Home Improvement Programme, which aims
to address common maintenance problems in ageing flats, and the Neighbourhood
Renewal Programme, which focuses on precinct and block-level improvements in
consultation with the residents.
The resultant progression of housing form is that this high rise is increasingly
identified not with a negative stigma but rather synonymous with “high-quality
housing symbolic of modernity” (Teo & Kong, 1997, p. 441). Far from being poorly
designed, shoddily built and inadequately maintained, the Singapore high-rise pub-
lic housing presents a quality and functional living environment. Quality of the
environment and its functionality, how it facilitates personal activities (or not) has
long been recognized as important to people’s housing choice. Power (1997) has
found from European high-rise experience that few families would willingly choose
to live in poorly located, low quality buildings with inadequate facilities.
142 B. Yuen
8.3.4 Resident Appreciation and Concerns

The evidence seems to indicate an inclination towards greater acceptance of high-
rise living over time with familiarity (Housing and Development Board, 2003a;
Yuen et al., 2006). In our survey with residents,2 we find high floor residents more
willing to live on higher floors and low floor residents less willing than high floor
residents to live on high floors. As one resident shared with us, she was afraid of
tall building. Her fear was overcome after she made a visit to a friend staying on
high floor and found the height acceptable. The common reasons rendered by those
respondents who were not willing to live very high were psychological barriers –
scared of height, never visited such high places before. It should be emphasized that
these are very much perceived rather than actual experiences. However, perceived
fear in the extreme can act as detraction in living experience and a major deterrent.
As Rapoport (1977) argued, people’s subjective judgments and evaluations are often
inextricably related to their feelings of satisfaction, and are powerful determinants
of housing choice.
The majority (66.1%) of respondents had expressed a preference to live on the
6th–20th floor of public housing block. Very few (3.5%) preferred to live higher than
30th floor. Equally, few (6.2%) preferred to live below 5th floor. Among the architect
respondents whom we spoke to, more of them were willing to live above 30-storey.
However, several of them would qualify their willingness with conditions such as if
“the view is outstanding” or “the building is well crafted” and “integrated with the
surrounding”. The tentative suggestion is that if residents were similarly convinced
of the good quality and view as well as affordability of dwelling unit more might
be willing to live higher too. In talking with the residents, we found flat pricing,3
view from the flat and safety consideration the most frequently mentioned factors
that would affect respondents’ decision to move to a higher floor flat (Table 8.3).
There is a sense of general comfort with most aspects of high-rise living. Most of
the respondents (91%) expressed satisfaction with their present floor level. In terms
of present floor living height, as summarized in Table 8.4, about 60% of the respon-
dents opined that their present floor level was “just right”. While some (12.5%)
among those living in the higher floor units (26–30th floors) had opined that their
present floor level was not high enough, a small proportion (8.3%) had felt it was
too high.
A third of the respondents were not at all worried over issues of travelling time
in lift, height or collapse of building (Table 8.5). The areas of most concern were
apparently those to do with personal safety like lift breakdown, crime in lift, acci-
dental falling off from high-rise. The data is analogous with the findings of the
Housing and Development Board Sample Household Survey, 2003. The Housing
2 The analysis draws from interviews with a sample of 65 architects and 348 randomly selected
households in two Singapore new towns. See Yuen et al. (2003) for details of respondents and
research methodology.
3 Prices of flats in the block would vary according to floor levels, the higher the floor level the
higher the price, all other things being equal.
Table 8.3 Factors that would affect resident respondents’ decision to move to a higher floor
(>30 storey)
Factors Percentage
Pricing of the flat 34

View from the flat 19.6
Safety consideration 10.7
Large floor area 8.6
Privacy of the flat 6.1
Design and construction quality 5.8
Dedicated lift service 4.9
Fire protection 2.3
Distance between blocks 1.4
Provision of facilities within the block 1.2
Presence of high speed lift 0.6
Speedy response of agency to maintenance problems 0.6
Good availability of parking space at the block 0.3
Others 4
N = 347.
and Development Board survey found the majority of residents had perceived the
lift to be reliable (85.6%), noise level to be tolerable (86.3%) and that they had
sufficient privacy from their neighbours (87.8%). The three most disliked aspects
about high-rise living were noise, mainly from traffic and neighbours living in the
same block (18.5%), cleanliness/maintenance (12.2%) and flat design/workmanship
(11.7%).
Professional expert opinion as revealed through our depth interviews with a
group of architects (81% of whom had designed tall buildings in Singapore and
abroad) indicated emphasis on fire protection, safety consideration, view, speedy
response of agency and design and construction quality in descending order as crit-
ical to high-rise living. This finding is not unexpected because the buyers’ (i.e.
residents) decision to move higher is often price-driven while the architects as
designers are more concerned with safety consideration, design and construction
Table 8.4 Perceived height of present floor level
Not high Don’t care/never

Too high enough Too low Just right thought about it Total
Present floor level Percentage (N=218)
1st–5th floor 0 17.2 44.8 24.1 13.8 100 (29)

6th–10th floor 1.7 25 15 55 3.3 100 (60)
11th–15th floor 0 19.6 0 73.9 6.5 100 (46)
16th–20th floor 14.8 14.8 7.4 59.3 3.7 100 (27)
21st–25th floor 15.6 9.4 3.1 65.6 6.3 100 (32)
26th–30th floor 8.3 12.5 0 79.2 0 100 (24)
Total 5.5 17.9 11.5 59.6 5.5 100 (218)
144 B. Yuen
Table 8.5 Respondents’ concern with present high-rise living
Not at A little Fairly Much Very

Concern area/level all (%) (%) (%) (%) much (%)
Travelling time in lift (n=348) 42.2 9.2 24.1 14.9 9.5

Crime in lift (n=348) 32.2 13.2 20.1 17.5 17.0
Breakdown of lift (n=348) 30.7 14.9 14.7 18.7 21.0
Who you have as neighbour (n=347) 34.3 10.7 18.7 19.3 17.0
Accidental falling off (n=346) 33.8 18.2 23.1 12.4 12.4
Height of building (n=348) 40.5 17.5 26.4 12.1 3.4
Fire risk (n=348) 31.0 17.2 21.3 20.4 10.1
Power failure (n=348) 34.2 19.0 17.8 19.8 9.2
Collapse of building (n=347) 40.3 21.3 14.4 11.5 12.4
Walking along common corridor (n=348) 45.7 20.4 21.8 8.6 3.4
Lack of neighbourhood facilities (n=347) 25.6 8.4 19.6 27.1 19.3
Others (n=14) 35.7 14.3 7.1 21.4 21.4
quality. However, both groups seem to converge towards a common viewpoint in

regarding view from the flat as one of the important persuasions of high-rise living.
The challenge this poses for tall building designers is the protection of the much
treasured view and privacy of dwelling as surrounding buildings become taller.
8.4 Conclusion
Tall building is fast becoming a ubiquitous feature of many urban landscapes with
globalization, rapid urban and population growth. Many cities including those who
have no high-rise buildings at all now have many while others who have aban-
doned high-rise development are re-visiting and proposing high-rises in their urban
regeneration agenda. While cities debate, other cities like Hong Kong, Singapore
and Vancouver have made their decisions and adopted high-rise living as the
norm. Developed as a solution to the housing shortage, high-rise public housing
has entered the lived space of the greater proportion of the Singapore resident
population.
The majority (more than 80%) of Singapore’s resident population has progres-
sively moved from traditionally low-rise housing to live in tall public housing. Even
though they may not have initially chosen to live high-rise, many have adapted to
this living alternative and voiced high levels of satisfaction and continued intention
to remain in high-rises. It is celebrated as good housing for all who lack shelter.
As the data from Singapore illustrates, mass high-rise is not necessarily “vertical
slums”. With careful planning and design, high-rise public housing can have its
level of conveniences. Right from the outset, Singapore has carefully and com-
prehensively planned its public high-rises to provide quality living environment.
The tall housing is largely located in new towns all over the city-state. They are
well serviced by facilities, maintained and upgraded with resident input to provide
responsive environments. Creating a bond between resident and the high-rise is

critical to enhancing liveability.
Designing liveable, socially acceptable high-rise is not without its challenge.
The attractions and concerns of high-rise living identified in this paper are by no
means exhaustive. As the wider literature on housing satisfaction indicates, resi-
dent’s satisfaction is not absolute and may change according to a diverse range of
factors, both tangible and intangible (Rapoport, 1977; Ukoha & Beamish, 1997).
Notwithstanding, knowing the attractions and concerns is a step in the right direction
towards building more liveable and responsive housing.
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Chapter 9
Community Development in Tall Residential
Buildings
Stephen J. Appold
9.1 Introduction
On 27 October 2005, two young males, aged 15 and 17, accidentally electrocuted
themselves in Clichy-sous-Bois, a Paris suburb, while allegedly being chased by
police. Nearby youths vented their anger at perceived police persecution in what
has come to be seen as a small riot. A larger one followed the next evening. Within
a few days, disturbances had broken out in several areas of greater Paris and they
spread to other French and European cities. The French government declared an
emergency and the police enforced a curfew. More than 7,000 automobiles were
burned before the before the disturbances subsided (Landler, 2005a, 2005b; New
York Times, 2005a, 2005b). May 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the Paris
uprising of 1968 (Steinfels, 2008). The 1968 disturbances began in much the same
way as those of 2005. Small disturbances spread, possibly feeding on widespread
discontent. Barricades were built and paving stones tossed at police who used force
to quell the protests. The rioting spread across Europe and to the US. The 2 weeks
of rioting in Paris almost toppled the government.
Employment prospects for the young probably played a role in feeding the dis-
content underlying these two sets of Parisian disturbances, separated by 37 years and
fewer kilometres. The interesting point about these two rashes of disturbances for
present purposes was not the similarity of the grievances that helped provoke them
nor the governmental response but the difference in the attribution of the causes.
The 1968 outbreak led to widespread national soul-searching (for example, Seale
& McConville, 1968), critical theorizing about alienation in modern society (for
example, Marcuse, 1969) and, in some cases, even the belief in an impending eman-
cipating political and social revolution in Western Europe (for example, Roszak,
1969). The main participants of the 1968 riots were students in one of the oldest and
most prestigious universities in the world. Given the expansion in higher education
S.J. Appold (B)

Kenan-Flagler Business School, Kenan Institute of Private Enterprise, Kenan Center,
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3440, USA
e-mail: appold@unc.edu

150 S.J. Appold
in Europe at the time, their claim to an elite status became rather tenuous just as
their immediate job prospects in an oversupplied labour market began to dim.
Curiously, the 2005 outbreak led to architectural, not national, soul-searching.
Before they petered out, the 2005 riots were blamed on high-rise housing. Architects
quickly accepted responsibility for creating living environments that created envi-
ronments so alienating that riots were a near inevitability and sheepishly promised
to do better in the future (Caldwell, 2005; New York Times, 2005c). Judging by
the relatively mild reaction to the news stories and editorials, a significant portion
of the public accepted this explanation. The main protagonists of the 2005 distur-
bances were mainly the native born sons of immigrant labourers. Their long-term
job prospects appeared to be even more limited than the opportunities open to their
fathers.
High-rise living has so far not caused riots in New York City where some of the
priciest Manhattan housing has been acknowledged to be substandard for decades.1
The architecture of Paris was not often – perhaps not ever – invoked as a factor in the
1968 riots and the architecture of Paris’ high-rise suburbs probably did not cause the
2005 riots. Nevertheless, many architects, urban designers, and planners are quick to
attribute the dissatisfaction of low-income young people to residential architecture
(as in 2005) but reserve the injustice of society to explain the disaffection of the
more privileged (as in 1968).
Consequently, it is difficult for many, especially those involved in urban design
and planning to accept that the preponderance of empirical evidence that contradicts
the accepted views. Moreover, community is not something that necessarily needs
to be nurtured in tall residential buildings. Community generally develops on its
own, out of the needs of the residents. In what follows, I argue that critical aspects
of community life are not only possible in tall residential buildings, but supported
by the residential density such buildings afford. High-rise housing is also important
in symbolizing membership in broad communities, such as a nation. The nature
of community life is, however, mainly determined by social, not physical, factors.
In general, physical environments can accommodate, but not create, community.
Community is only peripherally centred upon public spaces where little time is spent
in any case but it depends crucially on the ability to move between desired places.
Contemporary urban design, which focuses on the aesthetics and form of residential
walking neighbourhoods to the near exclusion of the functional needs of residents,
often misses its potential contribution to the development and maintenance of urban
community.
9.2 Methodological Flaws and Biased Findings

Much of what has been written about tall residential buildings suffers from two
types of selectivity bias, based on income and life cycle. These observation biases
1 In his newspaper columns on New York architecture, Mumford (1998) discussed the lack of
sunlight and proper ventilation in many of the Upper East Side’s priciest apartments.
9 Community Development in Tall Residential Buildings 151
are responsible for much of the misconceptions about the status of community in
tall residential buildings. The observations obtained through multiple methods that
are summarized below do not suffer from these biases and, therefore, allow for more
valid conclusions.
Almost all existing research on community in tall residential buildings suffers
from an unbalanced research design. First, the middle classes and well-to-do who
live in high rises are often not studied. These population groups lack the potential
for moral panic or voyeurism. As a practical matter, research access is difficult. The
few studies that exist on high-rise housing for the middle class are likely to focus
on the single, young professionals who are held to have a life cycle-linked prefer-
ence for high-rises (for example, Wekerle, 1976).2 Most studies of tall residential
buildings therefore focus on housing occupied by the working class and poor. These
studies often attribute the characteristics and behaviours associated with poverty to
the residential living situation.3
The research situation is complicated by the fact that tall residential buildings
have not always been competitive with the available housing alternatives. Residents,
after all, make housing choices. The expense of constructing tall residential build-
ings sometimes resulted in prohibitive costs to residents, leading them to seek other
options, particularly when the housing constructed significantly deviated from the
density-distance-price trade-off identified by Alonso-Muth-Mills housing models.
Several prominent tall residential building developments, such as the Bijlmermeer
development outside Amsterdam in the Netherlands, became available during tem-
porary over-supplies of housing. Downward housing filtering was the inevitable
result. Once lower status residents moved in, the better off were difficult to attract.
In several European cases, tall residential buildings offered the cramped living
space generally associated with central city living combined with the distance from
employment, shopping, and cultural amenities usually associated with suburban liv-
ing. These are the “estates on the edge” (Power, 1997), both geographically and
socially.
As a further complication, particularly with regard to public housing, a small
minority of the tall residential buildings were poorly designed, shoddily built, and
inadequately maintained. This further diminished the competitiveness of particular
buildings in attracting residents. Poor people in poor housing – the least desired
people found in the least desired housing – is not a formula for success no mat-
ter what the building height. It is therefore easy to confuse housing effects with
social effects. The cities of Asia, particularly Singapore, can provide urban designers
and sociologists a minimally biased view of the effects of tall residential buildings
on community life.4 With over 90% of the resident Singaporean population living
2 Interestingly, Michelson (1977), in one of the few studies with a balanced research design, finds
general satisfaction among those who live in tall private-sector residential buildings.
3 Biases also affect our understanding of public places with critical looks being cast towards those
occupied by those with less income and celebratory looks towards those intended for an up-scale
clientele.
4 Singapore is a multi-ethnic city-state in Southeast Asia. Approximately 77% of the Singaporean
resident population (citizens and permanent residents) are Chinese, 14% are Malay, 8% are Indian,
152 S.J. Appold
in tall residential buildings, the selectivity effects of high-rise living will be mini-
mized. Approximately 80% of resident households in Singapore are accommodated
in public housing, almost all of which is in high-rise buildings. A further 6% of the
population lives in private condominiums, a large portion of which are tall buildings.
With comparatively high real incomes and a rising average level of schooling, high-
rise dwelling is a cross-class – and solidly middle class – phenomenon in Singapore.
With reasonably large, well-designed flats, even the public housing in Singapore
allows the effects of tall residential buildings on community life to be examined
independently of the possible effects of domestic density (persons per room or unit
of floor space).5
9.3 Two Approaches to Urban Community

Urban designers and sociologists have different, but complementary, approaches to
community. The former concentrates on the physical aspects of the public sphere
and is concerned mainly with the fleeting relationships of crowds. The latter tends
to focus more directly on the relationships between individuals who know each
other well. This division is not strict as sociologists have concerned themselves
with relationships among strangers (Coleman, 1964; Latané, 1970; Lofland, 1998)
while architects have a critical role in supplying the infrastructure of intimacy. The
split corresponds roughly to the differentiation between the iconographic and the
functional in architecture as urban designers have concentrated on creating physi-
cal places that “say” community even when social relationships are lacking. Both
perspectives are important but they are not closely tied to each other.
and 1% are “other” (Department of Statistics, 2001). Objective measurement is difficult but it is
probably fair to say that Singapore is heavily racialized (behaviours and characteristics are rou-
tinely imputed to ethnic background) but not excessively racist (expressions of out-group disdain
are modest). Residential segregation in Singapore is relatively low with an index of dissimilarity
of 23.4 in 2000 for the two major ethnic groups, Chinese and Malays (using districts averaging
95,977 each; using sub-districts averaging 23,819 each, the measure is 26.9). Although the spa-
tial units used are not comparable, the index of dissimilarity for blacks and whites in Atlanta – a
city of roughly equivalent size – was 68.8. (Atlanta’s index of dissimilarity is itself moderate by
American standards which range from a high of 87.9 for Gary IN down to 31.7 for Jacksonville
NC). Singapore’s low level of residential segregation has been achieved, in large part, because the
public housing authority mandated ethnic integration, sometimes down to the level of the housing
block.
5 The flats themselves are relatively large by international standards – 85 m2 (900 ft2 ) for a new
four-room (three bedroom) flat and 110 m2 (1,200 ft2 ) for a new five-room (four bedroom) flat,
accommodating households that averaged 3.7 members in 2000. The public housing mix has con-
tinued to shift towards flat types with a larger number of rooms, resulting in only 89% of the flats
housing no more than one more person than the number of bedrooms, relieving domestic den-
sity concerns. As a point of comparison, the median size of US detached and mobile homes was
approximately 160 m2 (1,685 ft2 ) in 1999 (US Census Bureau, 2001, Table 954).
9.3.1 Public Aspects of Community

Much of urban design theory and practice concerns itself with developing invit-
ing central squares and a vibrant street life (Lynch, 1960; Sitte, 1945). Presence on
a peopled street can create the feeling of social connection and personal relation-
ships among people who are largely strangers to each other. In this section, I begin
with a local lens on the public sphere before examining wider, mainly symbolic
(Hunter, 1974) or imagined (Anderson, 1983), communities. The high population
density of tall residential buildings supports vibrant public spaces in Singaporean
neighbourhoods but it is the provision of desired functional services in combination
with residential density that keeps public areas peopled, rather than the specifics of
design. Some of the most effective public spaces in Singapore are in the several new
towns throughout the island nation. I will focus on the new towns because it is there
that the physical public realm is most comprehensively designed.
Singapore’s built-up area is rapidly becoming a continuous conurbation divided
by administrative district. Some tall residential buildings are parts of in-fill devel-
opments and are surrounded by residential and commercial shop houses of two
or three stories and some are near upscale retail or office districts. Most tall
residential buildings, however, can be found in nearly contiguous “new towns,”
inspired, at least in part, by the British planning movement (Ravetz, 2001) and are
distributed throughout much of suburban Singapore – that is, the areas not urban-
ized prior to independence and the merging of the city and national governments
(Fig. 9.1).
SEMBAWANG
WOODLANDS
YISHUN
CHOA CHU KANG
PUNGGOL
SENGKANG
ANG MO KIO
SERANGOON
BUKIT PASIR RIS
BUKIT PANJANG HOUGANG
BATOK
JURONG BISHAN
WEST TAMPINES
BUKIT TOA PAYOH
CLEMENTI TIMAH
BEDOK
KALLANG
MARINE
JURONG WHAMPOA
PARADE
EAST
QUEENSTOWN GEYLANG
N
BUKIT
MERAH
0 5 km
Source: Singapore Housing and Development Board
Fig. 9.1 New towns in Singapore

154 S.J. Appold
New towns are still being developed today but the oldest, Queenstown, is now
over 40 years old (Wong & Yeh, 1985).6 Public housing forms the bulk of the hous-
ing in these new towns but privately-developed tall and low-rise, landed residential
buildings can be found sprinkled throughout many, especially the more recently-
designed, new towns. Contemporary new towns are walking environments (see also
Chapters 4 and 7). Social and commercial services are near residences. Table 9.1
shows the functional make-up of a typical new town. These are built up from neigh-
bourhoods. A small provision shop and a coffee shop (some open 24 h per day) are
likely to be within a minute or two by walkways which are often covered to protect
against the rain and midday sun. Playgrounds, basketball courts, and exercise facil-
ities are generally close at hand. Neighbourhood shopping areas with outdoor fresh
food markets (wet markets in local terminology), food courts (called hawker cen-
tres), storefront medical and dental practices, a range of small shops, and community
centres are often within a 5-min walk. Social services, including child and elder care,
are also likely to be located on the ground floor of nearby residential blocks.
Town centres offer a wider range of shops than neighbourhood shopping areas,
including supermarkets and small department and clothing stores, more extensive
sports facilities, such as indoor halls for volleyball and badminton, swimming pools,
and football stadia. More recently, air conditioned, multi-storey regional shopping
Table 9.1 Land use distribution and gross density of a prototype new town with 60,000 dwelling
units (approximately 225,000 residents)
Land use Land area (ha) Percentage
Town centre and neighborhood centres (including 30 4.6

commercial, civic, cultural, recreational uses and
incidental developments in the centres)
Residential (public and private housing) 347 53.4
Schools 62 9.5
Open space 26 4
Sports complex 7 1.1
Institutions 15 2.3
Industry 44 6.8
Major roads 89 13.7
Utilities and other uses 30 4.6
Total 650 100
Gross new town density 92 dwelling units per ha; 37 per acre
Source: HDB (2000a).
6 While Queenstown, built after Singaporean independence from British plans, was technically the
first “new town,” it design lacked a coherent plan incorporating many of the amenities that have
become standard in Singaporean new towns, including an architecturally-distinct town centre, a
full range of commercial and other services, and relatively balanced employment-residence oppor-
tunities. Toa Payoh, begun in 1964, is considered by some to be the first complete new town. Today,
there are more 20 new towns and several additional housing estates in Singapore.
malls have developed in more than a half dozen locations throughout Singapore
island. Light industrial employment is often in the immediate outskirts of the new
towns. Commercial and office employment is frequently concentrated in the centres
of the new towns. Primary and secondary schools are sprinkled throughout the new
towns. Town centres are also transportation hubs served by the rail rapid transport
system and an extensive network of busses. For many residents, the town centre
might be a 20-min walk or a ride on a feeder bus or light rail system away. The
limited access highways tend to bypass, rather than bisect, new towns. Automobile
use is expensive, keeping transit use high.
The design of Singaporean new towns contrasts with the design of residential
environments incorporating tall buildings in much of Europe and with the many
attempts in the US to revive public places. In a number of European countries,
some neighbourhoods were built without adequate public facilities – whether for
budgetary, ideological, or political reasons. In fact, the vibrancy of many European
city centres can be said to be built on the under-provision of essential commercial
services to those living in outlying areas. In some cases, those outlying areas are
comprised of tall residential buildings.7 Singapore’s new towns are also a contrast
to US efforts to revive downtowns on the basis of recreation, the arts, non-essential
services, and identity consumption. Revived US downtowns may make excellent
backdrops for festivals and other spectacles but are often forlornly empty while
not-too-distant malls are full.8
Singapore neighbourhood and town centres are frequently busy places with sig-
nificant foot traffic. Pocket parks and water fountains sometimes serve as social
foci. It is not the architecture or the public design that attracts people, however. The
businesses in the neighbourhood and town centres fill functional needs. Consistent
with the tenets of central place theory, the businesses in small centres address daily
needs. Larger centres tend to attract the businesses that need larger customer bases.
Chain stores and franchises are increasingly represented among the small shops in
neighbourhoods but the vitality of the public areas is supported by the fact that the
open-air markets, food courts, and small shops are frequently more competitive than
the larger businesses.
The preceding discussion summarizes the urban design fundamentals of
Singapore new towns. The level of street activity is confirmed by observations of
the use of public space. Observations were made in the common areas near tall res-
idential buildings at moderate distances from neighbourhood or town centres (the
methodology is described in the Appendix). Those immediately in the centres would
7 The Bijlmermeer, cited above, is located on the fringe of the city with by far the highest concen-
tration of restaurants and bars in the Netherlands, yet it is one of the most under-served areas in the
country.
8 Victor Gruen, who became famous by developing suburban shopping malls, was present at the
1956 seminar that formed the basis for urban design as a professional field (Krieger, 2006).
Ironically, the field’s concerns and applications have shrunk so far that some question the relevancy
of the field (Lloyd-Jones, 2006).
156 S.J. Appold
be more heavily trafficked while those at greater distances might see somewhat
less foot traffic.
The common space is used intensively. We averaged of over five sightings per
resident per day with a peak of more than 160 sightings in a half-hour period. Most
of those observed (almost 85% of them) were passing through the common area
walking on their way to or from somewhere else. Indeed, those wishing to go out
or return home have little choice. Point blocks are arranged around a single lift
lobby. The physical arrangement of the building therefore forces a degree of collec-
tive activity. Most of that foot traffic is either walking from or to a neighbourhood
destination or using public transportation.
Most use of the common space is purposive. Accordingly, pedestrian traffic is
heavier during the week than in the weekend. Despite the lack of formal or informal
social controls on the use of the space, residents evidently feel the common area
was safe. More than half (58%) of the people observed were alone. Despite the
occasional report in Singapore of young women being escorted home, there was
an approximately even mix of single males and single females – even late into the
evening. Safety is partially ensured by the presence of other people. Sunset comes
early in the tropics (around 19:00) and many people work late into the evening.
Moreover, because some schools are on double shifts, it is not uncommon to see
even small children outside in the late evening.
The residential common space is also used for recreation. We averaged 0.8 recre-
ational sightings per resident per day. Sixteen percent of the people observed were
using the space for some sort of recreational purpose. Of the recreational users,
the largest number were in conversation (44.4%). Almost a quarter were simply
relaxing or engaged in people watching. The third-most popular activity was a
residual category including solitary, mildly purposive activities such as checking
mailboxes, distributing pamphlets, collecting cans, and reading letters. The rest of
the recreational users were engaged in adult or child active leisure.
The common spaces of tall residential buildings had daily rhythms of activity.
There were peaks of pedestrian traffic in the morning and evening generally begin-
ning between 6:30 and 8:30 in the morning and lasting at least a half hour and
beginning between 19:00 and 20:30 in the evening, again lasting at least a half
hour. The exact timing of traffic peaks varied by building location. Residents were
more frequently seen in groups in the morning and around 19:00 when many school
students and office workers were leaving and returning home.
Recreational uses also followed a daily rhythm. During the week, people in con-
versation were more frequently observed in the morning (6:30–7:30 am), around
noon (12:00–14:00 pm) and afternoon (15:30–16:30 pm). In the weekend, fewer
people were to be seen in the common areas than during the week but most peo-
ple were still just walking past void decks. More children were seen playing on the
open spaces on the ground floor of the tall residential buildings (void decks) during
the weekend than on weekdays. The common area of each block seemed to have
its own unique activity pattern, partially determined by the demographic make up
of the residents. Because the space is used for recreation, groups of people were
often observed. There was, however, very little meeting and greeting. Almost all the
groups entered and exited the common space together. Sharing physical space does
not imply sharing social space.
While the activity observed in new town public spaces is far higher than that
seen near many North American and West European high rises residential blocks,
the success of Singapore public spaces should not be over-stated. Despite the large
number of people that can be observed in public places, Singaporeans do not spend a
large amount of time in public places, especially in their neighbourhoods. Table 9.2
Table 9.2 Time use by adults (aged 16 and above) and household type
Household types
Households with Households with Households with

pre-school school age no children under
All households children children age 16
Activities Minutes Percent Minutes Percent Minutes Percent Minutes Percent
Panel A: Broad categories of activity

Productive time 84,055 27.78 13,935 30.70 16,565 29.86 53,735 26.45
Contracted time 43,740 14.46 4,325 9.53 8,550 15.41 30,865 15.19
(employment)
Committed time 40,315 13.32 9,610 21.17 8,015 14.45 22,870 11.26
Personal 131,205 43.36 18,505 40.76 22,635 40.81 90,800 44.70
maintenance
time
Eating 23,340 7.71 2,715 5.98 4,240 7.64 16,475 8.11
Sleep 87,405 28.89 12,180 26.83 14,760 26.61 61,065 30.06
Expressive time 70,626 23.34 10,165 22.39 12,425 22.40 48,561 23.91
Television 32,120 10.62 4,125 9.09 4,755 8.57 23,405 11.52
viewing
Transport 16,680 5.51 2,795 6.16 3,845 6.93 10,040 4.94
Panel B: Others present during activities
Immediate 53,525 17.69 10,985 24.20 12,480 22.50 30,540 15.03
family
Extended family 3,735 1.23 1,005 2.21 360 0.65 2,370 1.17
Friends 16,175 5.35 1,505 3.31 3,405 6.14 11,325 5.58
Colleagues from 43,740 14.46 4,325 9.53 8,550 15.41 30,865 15.19
work
Non-related 510 0.17 240 0.53 150 0.27 120 0.06
intimates
Alone 11,760 3.89 900 1.98 4,790 8.64 6,130 3.02
Others 3,975 1.31 1,740 3.83 840 1.51 1,395 0.69
Panel C: Location during activities
Home 215,841 71.34 33,505 73.80 36,975 66.66 146,711 72.22
Neighbourhood 18,875 6.24 2,745 6.05 4,410 7.95 11,720 5.77
Out of 59,395 19.63 8,210 18.08 13,050 23.53 38,135 18.77
neighbourhood
Transport 15,955 5.27 2,345 5.17 3,270 5.90 10,340 5.09
Source: Analysis of Time Use Sample.

158 S.J. Appold
shows the division of time allotment for adult Singaporeans. The Appendix provides
an overview of the time use data collection method.
Interestingly, a comparison of the time use of Singapore and US residents reveals
only minor differences between them. Respondents in both countries divide their
time similarly among activities. Singaporeans spent their time where Americans
spent their time and they didn’t devote time where Americans didn’t devote time.
For example, although Singaporeans are sometimes held to be notoriously reluctant
to become involved in civic affairs, the amount of time devoted to such affairs was
about the same as in America (Putnam, 2000). Correspondingly, the easy accessi-
bility of others in the urban environment did not lure Singaporeans away from their
nuclear families.
One interesting difference between the two countries was the lower propensity
of Singaporeans to engage in social activities inside other people’s homes. It would
be tempting to conclude that the widespread availability of public facilities make
family activities less private in Singapore than in the US but the behaviours may
be more affected by the relative cost of eating out in Singapore, which is signifi-
cantly less expensive in neighbourhood eateries, than in their equivalents in the US.
In Singapore and in America, the proportion of time devoted to particular activi-
ties varied across household types in generally similar ways. Although the US data,
collected by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics (2005), does not include informa-
tion about height of the building in which the respondents live, the majority of
respondents would live in single-family houses with at least one-eight acre of land.9
Europeans spend their time similarly also (Aliaga & Winqvist, 2003).
It remains to be seen whether neighbourhood centres will maintain their
vitality as incomes rise, shopping preferences change, and relative prices shift.
Neighbourhood and town centres have been pro-actively rebuilt as rising incomes
shift retail demands shift towards super markets and department stores. Regional
parks are being upgraded to become multipurpose recreational destinations. So
far, outdoor marketing and eating have remained popular but, if they lose their
attractions, the use of public space will likely change.
Although the new towns were designed to allow residents to work near their
homes, that policy has not been successful and probably would not be in any con-
text. Urban labour and housing markets have become too differentiated to allow
most people to live near their place of employment. When more than one adult in
a household is employed, at least one is likely to need to travel to a distant work
place. Accordingly, only 6% of public housing residents walk to work. At the time
of the most recent Census, approximately two-thirds of all those working needed
to journey further than an adjoining new town to reach their place of employment.
Although half of all public housing residents use public transportation to get to
work, over one-fourth use private personal transportation and many commute quite
a long distance to work or school.
9 Interestingly,
Singaporeans appear to engage in passive leisure to a degree similar to television-
addicted Americans. Americans, in fact, took part in active leisure to a greater degree than
Singaporeans. This was not for want of facilities which are available near the research sites.
Part of the economic advantage that allows cities to grow is tied to the efficiencies
of a large labour market. Urban labour markets reach their potential when employees
and employers have the maximum possible choices. Self-contained urban villages
do not allow for employees to be optimally matched with opportunities. Singaporean
prosperity therefore depends heavily on a system of public transportation that brings
residents quickly and cost efficiently between their homes and their places of work.
New town centres are well connected to the centre city retail and business districts
by bus and rapid transit. Industrial estates, universities, and many secondary schools
are significantly less well-served. The decrease in service to residences in new towns
and elsewhere that are more distant from public transit stops is directly reflected in
real estate prices in general accordance with urban housing models (for example,
Ong & Koh, 2000).
The residents of tall residential buildings, like others, are members of more exten-
sive communities than neighbourhoods and towns. These communities are largely
symbolic. Residents are also citizens and members of particular social classes. Tall
residential buildings serve as very vivid symbols of both. Tall residential buildings,
particularly those in large housing estates, have been used to create a feeling of
membership in a larger community. Symbolic communities are the product of a
shared affinity and sense of attachment (Hewitt, 2000). Such common identity is
a pre-requisite of society. These exist insofar as persons are participants in struc-
tured social relationships linking (a) sentiment, (b) social interaction, and (c) activity
(Stryker, 1994). When a person visits a national shrine – a museum or a site of
national pride – that person can communicate the experience to others and thereby
symbolically assert membership in the nation. In Singapore, attendance at National
Day celebrations is an important sign of full community membership. Similarly,
seeing and being in a lesser shrine – a tall iconic residential building constructed by
the national government – has a similar effect.
This was certainly the case when the Singapore state was newly independent.
A disaster – a fire in a squatter settlement in 1961 – provided the fledgling state an
opportunity to demonstrate that the People’s Action Party-controlled Singapore state
could successfully address citizen needs and accomplish desired social tasks. Those
flats are still in use, serving as a constant reminder of the power of the state and
of residents’ membership in a national community. The physical manifestation of
the state’s capability went a long way towards building the legitimacy of a still very
uncertain independence. Accordingly, much of the literature discussing Singapore’s
public housing project focuses on its role in social control (Castells, Goh, & Kwok
1990; Chua, 1995; Tremewan, 1994).
Throughout the last century, whether publicly constructed or publicly financed,
the provision of housing became one of the cornerstones of modern welfare
states. Housing provides a daily reminder of the contribution of the govern-
ment to the lives of citizens. Although public housing is often nominally rented,
tenants in many countries enjoy almost all the advantages of ownership and
long-term tenancy is common. Ownership of both public and private housing is
meant to give residents a feeling of citizenship and shared wealth. Citizens share
as real estate prices appreciate and the large fund under state control creates
attachment.
160 S.J. Appold
The large majority of even publicly-built Singapore flats are owned by their occu-
pants. Prices are set in a regulated market.10 It is largely paid for out of employee and
employer contributions to the government’s mandated savings program. Ostensibly
to be used in retirement, home ownership was not popular until the government ruled
that the savings could be used to pay the mortgages on public housing. The owner-
ship of public housing has had several advantages beyond symbolizing citizenship
and building loyalty. One of them is helping in the discovery of the value of indi-
vidual housing units through a resale market (Hwang & Quigley, 2002). Incorrect
pricing arguably has contributed to the failures of several developments consisting
of tall residential buildings in other countries.
Tall residential buildings, in particular, provide demonstration that the residents
are members of a “modern” community. Interestingly, the iconography of Singapore
public housing has changed over the years from the clean art deco styles dating
from pre-independence and the simple modernist slabs and point blocks popular
through the 1970s and 1980s to the more complex forms of today. Of course, evolv-
ing architectural styles and increasing resources played a role but in the earlier
decades of Singaporean independence, establishing a common national identity was
an over-arching government aim, the architecture of public housing emphasized that
commonality by looking similar. There were a limited number of floor plans avail-
able. As the common Singaporean identity become less problematic and the state’s
legitimacy established, the emphasis slowly shifted towards creating unique neigh-
bourhood and housing block character. Today, the Housing and Development Board
even caters to niche markets and allows residents to choose to design their own flats.
While the provision of public housing has undoubtedly been a pillar in nation-
building, the degree of success should not be over-stated. The first limitation on the
success of public housing as a community-building strategy is tied to the inadequacy
of bureaucratic patrimonialism (Jackall, 1988) in building symbolic community.
The second is tied to the cultural structure of communities and the limitations
on solidarity. In many countries, housing provision, like other rights, may be a
result of contentious bargaining between a government and its citizens (Tilly, 1998).
Struggles over the provision of public goods are, in fact, a major source of social
ties and community involvement (Castells, 1983). Those struggles become the basis
of social myths that bind people together. The pro-active Singapore government,
seeking boost its own legitimacy, while doing what it would have needed to do in
any case, has removed this source of broad community.
Much of the debate on public housing – and on tall residential buildings, in par-
ticular – has more to do with the nature of the symbolic community they imply
10 Public housing can be bought directly from the Housing Development Board or in a resale mar-
ket. Subsidy is available from the housing authority and from the national savings program for
first-time and low-income households. New flats are valued in accordance with market prices.
Prices in the private market are strongly influenced by prices for public housing because pub-
lic housing is an alternative for almost all Singaporeans. The Housing Development Board has
adjusted the construction and release of new and renovated housing in order to maintain the value
of the available housing stock.
than the quality of life for residents or the cost effectiveness of specific building
plans. Especially in the UK, those supporting the “bold experiment” of public hous-
ing (Ravetz, 2001) generally come to more favourable assessments than those who
believe it was foolish from the outset. In the debates on tall residential buildings, the
utopia, not the reality, has often been on trial (A. Coleman, 1990a). Tall residential
buildings are fodder for societal culture wars.
The shift in architectural approach, mentioned above, illustrates another limit to
the degree that tall residential buildings can play in creating a common symbolic
community. The symbolism of architectural styles becomes important when hous-
ing choice becomes a source of identity and housing is seen as a “mirror of self”
(Cooper Marcus, 1995). The semiology of housing type – how it positions us cultur-
ally, politically, and socially – is important (Hague & Jenkins, 2005). The demand
for niche market housing reflects the complexity of creating common community
identities through housing.
Kluckhohn and Murray (1948) have argued, “Every man is in certain respects, (a)
like all other men, (b) like some other men, and (c) like no other man.” That is, iden-
tity is intrinsically associated with all the joinings and departures of social life. To
have an identity is to join with some and depart from others (Stone, 1962). Much of
the time, discussions of identity focus on the “joinings” and place the “departures”
in the background but “Plurality is basic to the human condition. We are distinct
from each other, and often strive to distinguish ourselves further (Calhoun, 1994).”
In Singapore and in many other countries, housing attainment is a key symbol
of social status. The number of rooms in the flat, from one-room flats to five-room
flats, executive flats, and maisonettes, are frequently invoked indicators of social
differentiation as is the ability to reside in the private market with “landed property”
being at the social pinnacle. The search for status undermines the efficacy of housing
to create an overarching symbolic community. The search for uniqueness and social
status also may be part of the motivation for many of the attitudes voiced about
public housing and tall residential buildings in some European countries.
While it goes beyond the scope of this chapter to describe and explain the
genesis of particular class attitudes, a portion of the aversion to high-rises may
be ideological (Bourdieu, 1984). Contemporary re-urbanization is sometimes held
to be an expression of two different ends of a new middle class (Ley, 1996):
young, upwardly-mobile professionals and “new” social movements (Castells,
1983; Franzén, 2005), both of which have an anti-modern spirit that is reflected
in a preference for neo-traditionalist design and historic preservation. Nothing
says “modern” quite as clearly as a high-rise apartment block inspired by Le
Corbusier.
9.3.2 Private Aspects of Community

Urban designers often see community identity as a matter of image (Dorst, 1989),
yet community also consists of sets of actual social relationships wherein tangible
and intangible exchanges take place. Some of these relationships are linkages of
162 S.J. Appold
material and functional interdependence, such as those with the grocer and the bus
driver. But such subjective identities and detached interdependencies may not be
sufficient to create and maintain a community (Blau, 1977). Community is also the
sum total of interpersonal relationships. Family and friends may provide the most
tangible traces of social attachment and of meaning. This set of recurring interac-
tions with identifiable others is what sociologists often mean when they use the
word, “community.” In this usage, community can be measured. Community size,
composition, and strength can be quantified, albeit imperfectly, and compared across
places and nations (Hollinger & Haller, 1990).
In order to measure those relationships directly, a sample of over 1,100 adults
Singaporeans was surveyed about the members of their networks. The survey
queried respondents about the people who provided particular kinds of instrumental
and expressive social support. For many, such support is the essence of community
(Wellman, 1999). The details of the data collection including the name generating
questions are summarized in the Appendix.
The results of network inquiries are very dependent upon the exact questions
and procedures used. In this case, the survey instrument was designed, after careful
interviews and extensive pre-testing, to cast the widest possible net in catching the
providers of social, emotional, and instrumental support. As many as 20 different
individuals could have been named but few persons would have done so because
they would have needed to have a very wide range of involvements, including mil-
itary service, voluntary organizations, sports, and hobbies. On the other hand, the
procedure limited the number of responses to each of the name-generating ques-
tions. The respondents named an average of 9.5 role-person combinations and 6.5
unique persons, implying that among the 16 questions where it is possible, alters
were named an average of 1.6 times each.
Singaporeans, nearly all of which live in tall residential buildings, appear to have
a level of social contact that is roughly equivalent to those in other countries. The
depth of that contact may be somewhat shallower than average, however. Where
respondents could have given up to two names in response to questions, such as
those about socializing, discussing important matters, and help-seeking when feel-
ing down, over 90% of those surveyed could name someone in response to each of
those questions. That is roughly comparable to the results of studies in other coun-
tries but only 60–65% could name a second person in response to the same query
which may be lower than in some other situations.
Singaporean social networks are heavily family-oriented (although this varies
by marital status and age). Fully 43% of those named in response to the sur-
vey questions were family members. These responses include those named in
response to questions that were specifically designed to elicit non-family members.
Accordingly, in our data, of all the support providers named, 17% live in the same
household as the respondent. Sixteen percent of the network members named lived
within a 10-min walk of home (an approximation of the neighbourhood) but 40%
of those were also family members. Such persons are sometimes termed “accidental
neighbors” (Chua, 2003; Logan & Spitze, 1994). Sixty seven percent of the net-
work members named (83% of those not living in the same household) live outside
Table 9.3 Residential location of providers of selected sources of social support
In the Total number of support

Type of support provideda neighbourhood Elsewhere providers named
Discuss important matters 26.97 73.03 1,090

Talk to when feeling down 15.91 84.09 528
Help in finding new job 6.83 93.17 278
Socialising 15.91 84.09 924
Look after home while away 61.17 38.83 358
Child care provider 35.96 64.04 114
Borrow money from 13.89 86.11 252
Discuss hobbies 16.81 83.19 476
Sports or exercise partner 24.42 75.58 86
Acquaintance from voluntary 10.99 89.01 382
organization
Comrade from national service 3.72 96.28 215
Results of other important other “probe” 8.85 91.15 667
Results of ethnic “probe” 14.80 85.20 784
Total 18.93 81.07 6,154

a See text for details. 1,260 household members were removed from the analysis.
Source: Analysis of Social Network Sample.
the neighbourhood. Only 10% of an average Singaporean’s social network is a

non-family neighbour.11
One of the hypothesized benefits of social ties, such as those characterizing com-
munity, is access to instrumental and expressive social support. Table 9.3 shows
that respondents may have received such help but that the neighbourhood is not
the locus for those exchanges. Members of the immediate household have been
excluded from the table calculations. For example, for those discussing important
matters with a non-household member, 73% of the discussion partners lived outside
the neighbourhood. Among those speaking with someone when feeling down, 84%
chose a person outside the neighbourhood. For those seeking help in finding a job,
93% of those giving aid lived outside the neighbourhood.
Neighbourhood involvement tends to be modest in general. Only a small minor-
ity (approximately 15%) reported taking part in any neighbourhood activities even
as an observer in any given year. Neighbourly relations appear to be cordial but
distant. Despite sometimes years of proximate living, only a minority have relation-
ships with neighbours that go beyond the occasional chit chat. Co-residents may
be acknowledged while waiting for the elevator, they may be greeted and possibly
asked about the weather but the relationships rarely progress further. Only 41% were
ever inside a neighbour’s house and that figure included family members who live
nearby (Housing and Development Board, 2000b).
11 Thisis significantly more often than random but substantially lower than often implied in many
discussions about community.
164 S.J. Appold
Neighbourhoods are held to be an important arena for large scale social integra-
tion, especially between ethnic groups. The degree of residential integration among
groups has been a staple of US, European, and Singaporean public policy debate for
decades. I focus on selected aspects of this issue. Social integration in Singapore is
encouraged by a policy of building a range of flat sizes within most neighbourhoods
and often within individual buildings. The diversity of amenities (floor level, prox-
imity to transportation, direction of exposure, internal improvements) determines
price and, thereby, income diversity. Income diversity helps promote the racial diver-
sity specified by government quotas in all public housing. These practices ensure
that the public areas discussed above are peopled by a diverse population but do not
necessarily create diverse communities of interaction.
Inter-ethnic ties are unlikely to be as close as those with immediate family but
moderately-strong ties are nonetheless significant. It is a theoretical surprise to see,
as Table 9.4 shows, that ethnic groups remain remarkably separated socially despite
Table 9.4 Ethnic group of network alters chosen in response to a set of name-generating questions
by the ethnic group of the respondent
Panel A: Network alters named in response to the functional or situation-related name

generators
Repondent’s ethnic group Alter’s ethnic group
Chinese Malay Indian Others Total
Chinese Number chosen 4,567 31 29 25 4,652

Percent of alters 98.17 0.67 0.62 0.53 100
Malay Number chosen 82 1,054 29 5 1,170
Indian Number chosen 99 88 614 6 807
Combined Number chosen 4,748 1,173 672 36 6,629
Panel B: Network alters including the “ethnic probe”
Chinese Malay Indian Others Total
Chinese Number chosen 4,754 225 111 32 5,122

Malay Number chosen 206 1,060 82 15 1,363
Indian Number chosen 174 109 632 14 929
Combined Number chosen 5,134 1,394 825 61 7,414
Unit = Alter, Not Respondent.

Source: Analysis of Social Network Sample.
Table 9.5 Proportion able to name at least one member of the specified group
All Chinese Malay Indian
All Proportion able to name at least one member of 0.49 0.79 0.42 0.41
the specified group
Number asked to name members of each group 1,143 150 348 247
Chinese Proportion able to name at least one member of 0.44 − 0.41 0.37
the specified group
Number asked to name members of each group 794 − 326 166
Malay Proportion able to name at least one member of 0.59 0.80 − 0.48
the specified group
Number asked to name members of each group 213 87 − 81
Indian Proportion able to name at least one member of 0.6 0.76 0.59 −
the specified group
Number asked to name members of each group 136 63 22 −
Source: Analysis of social network sample.
the physical proximity of persons in the various ethnic groups. In the upper panel
showing the results from the basic name-generating questions, 98% of the persons
named by ethnic Chinese respondents were also ethnic Chinese. For Malays, the
second largest ethnic group in Singapore, 90% of those named in response to those
questions were ethnic in-group members while for Indians, the corresponding figure
is 76%. These figures do not include the results of the sometimes extensive probing
for the position generating question. The lower panel of the paper shows the results
with such probing. The figures are 98, 90, and 76% for each of the major ethnic
groups, respectively.
Table 9.5 shows that, upon probing, approximately 50% of the respondents could
name at least one person in the rotating ethnic group specified by an interviewer.
Ethnic Chinese, the largest ethnic group had the most difficulty naming minority
group members. Malays and Indians were more readily able to reach across ethnic
boundaries. These results are corroborated by a series of surveys commissioned by
the public housing authority (Housing and Development Board, 2000a, 2005) and
by subsequent follow-up with public housing residents.
9.4 The Shifting Basis of Contemporary Community

Singaporeans appear to live in inter-penetrating but separate and possibly unequal
worlds despite occupying the same physical space. The residential integration of
ethnic groups has not brought about the social integration of ethnic groups. Nor, for
that matter, has close residential proximity led to the development of close social
ties. Despite the busy public spaces documented above, Singaporeans spend rel-
atively little of their time in those public spaces. Nevertheless, the data clearly
166 S.J. Appold
demonstrate that functioning communities of support do form. Singaporeans can

call on a wide range of social support from diverse sources.
Neighbourhood policies rest on an assumption that contact opportunity leads to
social interaction which in turn leads to positive sentiments and thus the growth of
community (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1963; Homans, 1961). This appears not
to have occurred in Singapore. The evidence for that thesis appears to be weak
in other situations as well. Relationships founded upon mutual dependency and
exchange may be stronger than those based on convenience (Blau, 1964; J. S.
Coleman, 1990). It may be that in contemporary developed societies, neighbours
are not as dependent upon one another as they once may have been for low-level
social support (Litvak & Szelenyi, 1969).
Comparing cross-nationally, as noted above, when the local government pro-
actively provides services, as it does in Singapore, there is little motivation to form
networks and groups devoted to improving collective consumption (Castells, 1983).
Public participation in the US has also declined with the expansion of local gov-
ernment. In tall residential buildings, there is little need to borrow garden tools and,
when the 24-h provision shop is just an elevator ride away, there is little reason
to borrow a cup of sugar from a neighbour. Although there are no earlier surveys
of time use and activities or of social networks in an earlier era in Singapore, the
available evidence suggests that the nature of community life, family, and even
childhood has dramatically changed over the past several decades (Kuo & Wong,
1979). Much of the change may be due to the same broad social trends that brought
about the expansion of to high-rise living. Consequently, these changes are also seen
in societies with little high-rise housing.
In Singapore, as elsewhere, the bureaucratization of labour markets may have
reduced the need for adults to maintain the social ties necessary to ensure employ-
ment in informal labour markets, while sectoral restructuring of the economy has
brought about occupational specialization, reducing the efficacy of neighbourhood-
based social ties to address such needs even when salient. The rise of material living
standards encourages the substitution of self-insurance for the social insurance pos-
sibly provided by neighbours and kin for an earlier generation (Stack, 1974). At the
same time, the self-provisioning of entertainment through television and home the-
atres increased the attractions of home (Gershuny, 1983; Young & Willmott, 1973).
The formalization of housing allocation reduced the dependence upon informal
mechanisms for ensuring housing (Hassan, 1977).
The increased importance of schooling as a determinant of life chances com-
bined with inadequate schools has reduced unsupervised outdoor play even as it
creates a brisk business for after-school tuition centres. The high-rise galleries
(external hallways) that were full of rambunctious children a generation ago are
now largely silent. These social changes can be observed in many developed coun-
tries. A careful reading of neighbourhood studies from an earlier era suggests that
what appears to be a rich public community life to outside observers may be a
set of inter-penetrating but not intersecting networks of extended family relation-
ships (Young & Willmott, 1957). That same pattern is in evidence in Singapore
today. Community, however, has escaped from neighbourhoods. For some people,
the work place has replaced the neighbourhood and even the family as the locus of
social support (Hochschild, 1997).
The importance of the workplace as a source of friendships and even the inter-
ethnic ties important to large-scale social integration is illustrated by the data.
Table 9.6 cross tabulates the type of relationship between the respondents and their
alters with social situation in which they were originally formed. Consistent with
Willmott and Young’s (1957) analysis of community formation, family members
are a significant indirect source of new friends (including spouses) but that begs the
question of how those relationships were formed.
Almost one-fourth of the friendships identified and half of all inter-ethnic friend-
ships originated in the workplace, approximately twice and three times as many
as originated in the neighbourhood, respectively. Given that the workplace is not
only the major locus of relationship formation in many contemporary societies
but the origin of social relationships that span ethnic boundaries, the composition
workplaces and the conditions of interaction take on a wider significance.
Workplaces have become the primary locus of meaningful social contact out-
side families. Unfortunately, available evidence suggests that key demographic
categories segregate employees by occupation (Reskin & Cassirer, 1996), estab-
lishment (Petersen & Morgan, 1995), and work settings (Bielby & Baron, 1986). In
Singapore, despite sharing a common language of business and a common education
system, ethnic groups remain segregated in the workplace with all groups sorting
themselves out into sometimes ethnically homogenous social worlds. The degree
of over-representation compared to a random allocation baseline is highlighted in
Table 9.7. Towards the right side of the table the proportion of respondents with
exposure to at least one member of each is shown. Note that members of the major-
ity group can be especially segregated at work with the vast majority not being able
to report even one minority group member within the immediate work sphere.
Considering the degree of segregation, the number of relationships across ethnic
groups is substantial. The workplace may generate friendships at a faster rate than
other loci of interaction because work takes up a large proportion of available adult
time (approximately 14% in the time use sample) and because the relationships
formed are more likely to be rooted in interdependence. Social relationships at work
often emerge in order to protect basic interests (Homans, 1951). Exposure to those in
other ethnic groups in the residential neighbourhood does not increase inter-ethnic
ties. Exposure at work is the largest single factor in reporting an inter-ethnic tie.
9.5 Conclusion: Community in Neighbourhoods

Almost none of us – certainly no urban dweller – have direct access to the physical
environment that sustains us. We do not grow our own food, build our own houses,
make our own clothes, or even draw our own water. We are dependent upon others
to perform these tasks for us and we offer other services in return. A rich web of
social relationships is a pre-condition of our very existence. That interdependence
creates a vast community (Hawley, 1986). We are, unavoidably, social beings.
168
Table 9.6 Sources of social ties for each type of relationship
Same ethnic Different Probed

Combined HH member Other family group ethnic group ethnic
Same family Number of alters 2,086 581 1,477 0 27 1 2.89

Percent with this origin 47.78 77.33 0 6.85 0.17
Grew up together Number of alters 116 5 40 58 11 2 1.34
Percent with this origin 0.41 2.09 1.75 2.79 0.35
In school Number of alters 470 50 9 376 18 17 3.62
At work Number of alters 1,735 119 18 1,116 130 352 49.79
Neighbour Number of alters 524 7 4 353 68 92 16.53
Same voluntary Number of alters 376 23 5 316 25 7 3.31
organisation
Thru a friend or family Number of alters 1746 414 351 804 87 90 18.29
member
SAF Number of alters 255 2 3 225 19 6 2.58
Others Number of alters 106 15 3 72 9 7 1.65
Total 7,414 1,216 1,910 3,320 394 574 968
Survey item: How did you first come to meet this person?
S.J. Appold
9
Table 9.7 Ethnic composition of immediate – work group by ethnic group of the respondent
Proportion of respondents exposed to at

Proportion of co-workers in ethnic group least one other group member
Combined Chinese Malay Indian Other Chinese Malay Indian
All Mean number of 10.42 Mean proportion in 1.00 0.67 0.12 0.09 0.12 0.90 0.38 0.30
co-workers each ethnic group
Number of 703 Number of 701 701 701 701 701 701 701 701
respondents respondents
Chinese Mean number of 10.67 Mean proportion in 1.00 0.74 0.06 0.04 0.16 0.94 0.27 0.21
Community Development in Tall Residential Buildings
Malay Mean number of 9.68 Mean proportion in 1.00 0.49 0.35 0.11 0.05 0.80 0.76 0.40
Indian Mean number of 9.87 Mean proportion in 1.00 0.45 0.18 0.34 0.04 0.73 0.54 0.76

169
170 S.J. Appold
Many of the most important avenues of interdependence are conducted through

relationships that are individually redundant, that is, through the market. That redun-
dancy helps ensure our survival but it may also create an insecurity that is not easily
assuaged. The divorce between the fact of interconnectedness and the experience of
commonality may help drive us to a dependence upon a symbolic idea of commu-
nity and the categories that many embrace for a sense of identity (Durkheim, 1984).
That is, the nature of functional communities creates the need for symbolic com-
munities with a very different character. We seek an expression of those symbolic
communities through urban design and public places even as we demand modern
functionality (Baudrillard, 1994; Rowe, 1991).
Tall residential buildings, combined with functional urban design and effective
transportation systems, have a strong positive role to play in developing both the
public and private aspects of community. Tall residential buildings help create the
concentrated population mass that is the foremost prerequisite of vital public places.
Tall residential buildings help create valued symbolic communities of nationhood
and social status. Tall residential buildings create an environment in which com-
munities of intimates can form and be maintained. These are real, functioning,
but contemporary, communities. Whether the images of times past are accurate
reflections of a now-gone reality or are creations of our collective romantic imag-
ination is unimportant. Neighbourhood-based public life has largely disappeared
(Putnam, 2000) and building houses closer together and restricting automobile use
(Leccese & McCormick, 1999) are unlikely to bring it back – no matter how
strong the yearning. Urban designers should concentrate on fitting urban form
to the communities that exist, rather than trying to force communities to fit old
forms.
The evidence presented here relies heavily on data from Singapore. There
are sufficient points of comparison with experiences in other nations to sug-
gest that the findings are largely generalizable with the caveat that immigrants
(results not discussed) have somewhat different patterns of social support. Contexts
with high levels of recent migration would likely have social networks wherein
extended family members were less prominent. There is no evidence to suggest that
Singaporeans prefer high-rise living to a greater or lesser degree than other nation-
alities. Singaporeans adapt easily to single family housing when overseas and are
willing to pay a substantial premium for it at home.
The possibilities for community development in tall residential buildings are
important messages for the rapidly urbanizing nations, for the nations that need
to replace their aging housing stocks, and for the nations that will need to rethink
their housing strategies in the light of rising energy costs and concerns about car-
bon production. The messages are nuanced, however. Housing value for cost –
whether monetized or evidenced by time use – is central to successful tall residential
buildings. The functional aspects of neighbourhood and urban design are critical.
Perhaps most importantly, if tall residential buildings do not cause the problems
of contemporary society, neither do they solve them. Social community, like other
aspects, of contemporary life, has moved out of the neighbourhood and into a larger
arena.
Appendix: Original Data Sources
The Observation of the Use of Public Space

Observations were made of people’s movement in and out of four tall residential
buildings through the day and compiled into half-hourly intervals. These blocks
were in a mature and a more recent new town. In each new town, a 30-stoey point
block and a twelve story slab block were selected for observation. All four blocks
were reasonably close to transportation interchanges and retail centres. Observations
were made on weekdays and during weekends. The gender, age (based on observer
judgment), main activity, and presence in a group were recorded for each per-
son using public space near the lift lobbies, and courtyards of the observation
buildings.
The Measurement of Time Use

Data were collected on the use of time over 24-h periods (midnight to midnight)
from 173 adult (aged 16 and above) respondents. Time use diaries are social micro-
scopes that provide step-by-step accounts of the structure of daily life and have
formed the basis for landmark research in planning (Chapin, 1974) and housing
studies (Michelson, 1977). Time use data is regularly collected in the US (Robinson
& Godbey, 1997), the UK (Gershuny, 2000), and other countries. Time use data
have been shown to be effective, albeit difficult to collect, measures of behaviour.
The respondents were approximately evenly distributed with respect to sex and
they ranged in age from 16 to 76 with a mean age of 40.4. Approximately two-
thirds of the respondents worked outside their homes. The monthly incomes of the
employed varied from $220 (a part-time income) to $9,800 with a mean of $2,109
(US$1,205). As could be expected, given the reported income range, the range of
occupations was quite diverse and no particular occupation dominated. Twenty-six
respondents reported being housewives and 32 reported being students. A complete
account of our methodology and responses is contained in Yuen et al. (2003).
Each diary entry was recorded in the respondent’s own brief words and later
coded into a standard classification of approximately 100 categories. Following
Robinson and Godfrey (1997), the activities were then aggregated into the gen-
eral categories (1) Contracted (employment) time, (2) Committed (housework, child
care and shopping) time, (3) Maintenance (personal needs) time, (4) Free (leisure
and self-actualization) time, and (5) Travel time shown in Fig. 9.1. Contracted time
and committed time include socially useful activities. Time use diaries have become
popular, in part, because they provide accurate measures of unpaid work (com-
mitted time). Maintenance activities address personal physiological needs, such as
eating and sleeping. Free time implies discretionary activities that are not man-
dated by social obligation – even if much of it is spent in re-creation for the other
uses. It is increasingly to this time that people look in establishing their salient
identities.
172 S.J. Appold
The Measurement of Social Networks

A stratified random sample of 1,143 working age adult Singaporeans between the
ages of 25 and 55 was asked about their social relationships in face-to-face inter-
views. The sample is approximately evenly split between males and females and
approximates the age and class structure of the resident population as measured by
education, occupation, income, and housing. Minority groups (Malays, Indians, and
immigrants) were over-sampled to yield sufficient number of cases in those popu-
lation categories, allowing a focus on the inter-ethnic integration between the two
major ethnic groups and between the native-born and immigrants. The lower age
bound was chosen because by then almost everyone has completed schooling and
assumed an adult role. Approximately, 35% of young Singaporeans (25–34) have
post-secondary education and since males need to perform 21/2 years of National
Service, it’s not unusual for undergraduates to be in their mid-20 s. The upper
bound was chosen because after that age, some people enter retirement (until very
recently, 55 was the official retirement age in Singapore) and their personal concerns
and socializing patterns change accordingly. Among the 30–34 age-group, 40% of
males and 26% of the females are unmarried. Since many adults live with their
parents (approximately 88% of the population lives in public housing [HDB] and
single adults below the age of 35 are barred from purchasing those homes), a Kish
grid system was used to select the adult in each sampled household to interview.
Approximately four-fifths of the sample were “attached” and approximately 70%
had at least one child.
The measurement of social networks is critically influenced by the character of
the questions used to generate the names of those with whom the survey respondents
have a relationship (Ferligoj & Hlebec, 1999; Straits, 2000). Networks of intimates,
e.g., core discussion networks (Marsden, 1987) or “best friends” (Laumann, 1973),
tend to be fairly homogenous. Homogenous networks of intimates do not imply an
absence of real social integration because intimates typically differ markedly from
the nearly 1,000 names many can name as being in their social network (Boissevain,
1974).
A technique has been developed for capturing relationships that are of moderate
strength and closeness across several domains of social life (Hannerz, 1980). Name-
generating questions designed to tap relationships centred on work/career, family,
and hobby (Fischer, 1982) and those intended to measure the extent of social sup-
port (Wellman, 1979) were supplemented by position-generating questions (Lin &
Dumin, 1986) in order to gather information on relationships that are not so intimate
as to be immediately volunteered. (This strategy is often used on market research
questionnaires: “Tell me your three favourite brands” . . . followed by “Have you
ever used . . .” and a list of the brands not named.) The characteristics of the persons
and relationships resulting from the probing, position-generating questions (e.g.,
“Do you know any Malays?”) can then be compared to those resulting from the
name-generating questions (for example, “Who would you ask to look after the
house while you were away?”). While time consuming, this methodology produces
richer information than other techniques of measuring inter-group friendship (for
example, Smith, 2002).
A list of the name- and position-generating questions used in the survey follows
Hannerz-Fischer-Lin method of sampling alters:
1. If you look back at the past 6 months, who were the people with whom you
discussed matters that are important to you? Please provide me with two names.
2. You mentioned that you would ask someone you know to lend the money to
you. Can you please tell me who would this person be?
3. Now, suppose you feel just a bit down or depressed. And you wanted to talk to
someone about it. Who could you turn to?
4. You mentioned that you came to know about this job through a friend/ person.
Can you please tell me what is the name or initials of this friend/ person?
5. You mentioned that someone in the company helped you get this job. Can you
please tell me what is the name or initials of this person?
6. Other than your spouse and you, who is your main childcare giver?
7. Can you give me the name or initials of the person whom you will ask or have
asked to look after your house?
8. Can you please tell me the name or initials of the person whom you get together
with to discuss about hobbies or spare-time interests?
9. Thinking of the past 6 months, who were the two or three people with whom
you spent the most time doing social activities with?
10. Can you please give me the name or initials of one of the army friends whom
you still keep in touch with?
11. Can you please tell me the name or initials of your most regular sports or
exercise partner?
12. From among the people whom you see or meet in these organizations, who
have you spoken to most recently? Please give me the names or initials of these
people.
Follow-up Probes:
Can you please tell me the name or initials of this person whose name is currently
missing from this list?
I see that you have not named any [ETHNIC GROUP] persons. Do you know
people who are [ETHNIC GROUP] whom you could include in this list? [ETHNIC
GROUP] people whom you can talk to, laugh, joke or just have a good time?
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Young, M. D., & Willmott, P. (1957). Family and kinship in east London. London: Routledge and
Kegan.
Young, M. D., & Willmott, P. (1973). The symmetrical family: A study of work and leisure in the
London region. London: Routledge and Kegan.
Yuen, B., Appold, S. J., Yeh, A., Earl, G., Ting, J., Lim, W., et al. (2003). Living experience in
super tall residential buildings. Unpublished final report, Department of Real Estate, National
University of Singapore, Singapore.
Chapter 10
In the March of High-Rise
Belinda Yuen
We started this book with a description of two cities: Hong Kong and Singapore.
These two cities are frequently compared along a number of dimensions.
Economically, Hong Kong and Singapore are among some of the world’s most
competitive cities. Socially, they have provided access to housing and rehoused a
greater proportion of their populations in high-rise public housing in recent decades.
Environmentally, they are increasingly considered among the region’s top 10 cities
in international quality of life surveys. Against the growing world attention on cli-
mate change, environmental issues are set to become more, not less important. As
Chau et al. argue (Chapter 7, this volume), air pollution in urban areas has been a
great environmental concern, particularly in densely populated cities in Asia.
While Asia is one of the least urbanized regions of the world, its urban population
is growing at an unprecedented rate; 50% of Asians is expected to live in cities by
2025 (UN-Habitat, 2008). Human settlements and the pressure from human activ-
ities and economic growth have expanded with urbanisation. Rapid urbanisation
and strong economic growth are oftentimes accompanied by urban environmen-
tal challenges, including pollution and contamination of inland and coastal waters,
deforestation and overexploitation of water resources and biodiversity. Clean air, as
Chau et al. remind, is becoming an increasingly scarce resource. To what extent can
high-rise contribute to a good living environment? This is a critical question. As
Yuen reviewed Chapter 8 in this book, high-rise has become more pervasive.
The global trend seems to once again consider tall buildings as an inevitable
urban housing solution. There is widening interest to reintroduce high-rise living in
cities around the world. Aided by globalisation and technological advancement, tall
buildings have been built in greater number and at increasing height. It is evident
that during the last 2 decades high-rise has become more widely built in all major
cities around the world, particularly those in Asia and the Middle East. While North
American cities have built tall buildings because of land scarcity in their urban areas,
high land costs, economic prosperity and iconic presence, cities in the Middle East
B. Yuen (B)

180 B. Yuen
are utilising tall buildings for economic and urban growth. European cities such as
Manchester and London are taking advantage of the tall building form as a vertical
transformation of horizontal expansion, reducing carbon footprint and increasing
housing option. These cities are building 47- and 50-storey tower blocks as the latest
answer to their country’s housing shortage even as many of the 1960s high-rise (20–
30-storey) public housing blocks are being demolished (Jacobs, Cairns, & Strebel,
2007). The development trajectory is repeated elsewhere.
In Australia, Melbourne in its recent city planning has included a high-rise plan to
halt urban sprawl following a period of abandonment since the 1970s. The city has
seen a 10-fold increase in high-rise apartments in the inner city, largely private sec-
tor development, since 1992 (Fincher, 2007). Many of the new-built, for example,
Eureka Tower (297 m, 91-storey) are distinguished by their rising height and for res-
idential. The residents of these inner city high-rise residential buildings are typically
older wealthy couples (they are likely to be owner occupiers) and young profession-
als and students who are likely to rent. Even as the private sector is building inner
city high-rise apartment, there are some residents who live in public high-rise hous-
ing in cities through government housing allocation, many with somewhat limited
choice. As the various papers in this volume show, the height of high-rise apart-
ments in Hong Kong and Singapore is also displaying an upward trend. Even more
significant, high-rise residential, including public housing, remains a preoccupation
in these cities.
The phenomenal increase of tall buildings around the world, especially as living
spaces, creates awareness for the importance and impact of this built form on urban
life. The sustainability advantages and disadvantages of urban high-rise are sum-
marised by Zhu and Chiu in this volume. To fully understand this building typology
requires appreciation of not just the contextual factors but also an organised effort
to expand upon our current knowledge of the inherently complex interrelationship
and multiple connections between tall buildings and the urban environment. As Zhu
and Chiu remind, the planning and design of tall buildings are complex and intricate
matters that demand consideration of many factors and trade-offs. It is necessary to
understand both the technological and socio-economic nuances of urban high-rise.
The key to successful sustainable development is to find effective ways to integrate
these aspects to create greater synergy among the environment, the building, its
systems and users.
10.1 Technological Aspects

More than any other building type, technological advancements and innovations are
fundamental to the construction of tall buildings. New technology is a key driver
to how high, how fast and where high-rise can be built. The advent of Otis eleva-
tor, steel frame construction, air conditioning for heating and cooling, technologies
of waste management and services, fire fighting and sprinkling, information and
telecommunications are some of the innovations that have enabled buildings of
increasing heights. Since its emergence, the modern high-rise is often an expression
10 In the March of High-Rise 181
and celebration of the technology that enables them. In this context, architects have
worked with prevailing technological efficiencies to define their architectural exper-
imentation and style. Cass Gilbert’s 1913 Woolworth Building, Mies van der Rohe’s
classic architectural design of Seagram Building to Skidmore Owings and Merrill’s
Hancock Tower and Sears Tower provide useful departure points of making technol-
ogy and its elements visible in architecture. In the process, architectural expression
has become an articulation of technology translation, playing a dramatising role in
concealing or revealing the effects and operations of selected technologies.
Even though somewhat missed from this volume (with its thematic focus on high-
rise living), there is abundant scholarship on technological and material aspects
of high-rise. The annotated bibliography in the accompanying e-resource annex
offers a modest perspective on some of this work. If the past is any example, it
is anticipated that the construction and design industry will innovate and apply
new technologies such as nanotechnology, robotics, GPS system in security and
composite building materials in tall building development. This building typology
remains an active site for testing new forms of environmental technologies, intelli-
gence space organisation, hybrid programming and construction financing, among
others. In the aftermath of global events like Sep 11 2001 terrorist destruction of
the 110-storey Word Trade Centre in New York and the spread of SARS in 2003 in
densely populated Asian cities, the intense innovation of hard technologies to the
high-rise tower has again been much debated as concern and closer scrutiny of the
safety and construction of tower blocks heighten.
Despite its pervasiveness, the tall building is one of the most un-ecological of
all building types. According to Yeang (1999), tall buildings use much more energy
and material resources to build, operate and demolish. However, in Yeang’s expert
design hands, the high-rise typology offers opportunity to construct green buildings,
use green materials and low energy design to create internal comfort conditions. As
Zhu and Chiu posit in their chapter, opportunity for sustainable high-rise prevails in
the vertical organisation of land uses, the type of envelope design, spatial configu-
rations and provision of sky open space, landscaping and balconies, among others.
To build and operate more environmentally sustainable high-rise is not the option.
It is imperative for the long-term sustainability of cities. In this regard, Lau in his
chapter has observed that urban intensification and compactness minimise build-
ing footprint and provide savings in infrastructure and services, offering a heuristic
device to meet the housing demands for the increasing population. Research has
shown that energy-efficient green buildings can be cost-effective in the long-term;
energy consumption can be reduced by as much as 35%.
Even as changes must be made at the design and technology level of the building,
more importantly, there must be parallel changes at the institutional level by devis-
ing and implementing green legislation as argued by Wong in his chapter. Although
important, the production of tall building is the convergence not only of industrial
technologies but also cultural values, economic organisation, skilled labour and
government policies (Ford, 1992). The construction of high-rise and the determi-
nation of height are generally regulated by government policies. To be successful,
green buildings must be part of a wider national effort. In many Asian countries,
182 B. Yuen
including Singapore and Hong Kong, the green building practice is fairly recent.
In light of its profound impact on the environment and economy, green building
research remains an urgent field if we are to advance sustainable building practices,
increase demand for such buildings and encourage market transformation. For the
most part, the benefits of green building construction, especially its indirect effects
on improved occupant health, comfort and productivity, have been presumed. There
is a clear need for rigorous documentation of the demonstrated, directly verified ben-
efits and scientific evaluation of green building principles and specifications, among
others.
Legislation is a longstanding way of controlling high-rise construction, including
the configuration and materiality of its built form and operational systems, espe-
cially relating to issues such as building usability, overcrowding, structural safety,
fire safety and public health. Following the collapse of World Trade Centre in 2001,
the city of New York has reviewed its high-rise building design, construction and
operating requirements and enacted retroactive legislation for both existing and new
high-rise office buildings, prohibiting the use of certain materials and designs for
these buildings as well as new requirements to the construction of new high-rise
buildings. While high-rise safety concerns may be universal, it is to be expected
that each country practise its own set of building legislation according to the local
societal culture.
As reviewed by Wong in Chapter 6, this volume, through building regulations
such as the Building (Planning) Regulations in Hong Kong and the Building Control
Act in Singapore, the volume and structure of building, the provision of common
public spaces, light, ventilation, sanitation and requirements for lifts, staircases and
fire escapes, etc. are accordingly determined. Such regulation, while defining the
building standards, inevitably leads to certain uniformity in design. In a proactive
move, cities are enacting legislation to provide for not just the fundamental concerns
of safety and health but also a high quality and sustainable environment. Besides
prescriptive measures, a number of the recent building regulations are inclined
towards performance-based design, environmental awareness and design excellence
consideration such as the Comprehensive Environmental Performance Assessment
Scheme for Buildings and Joint Practice Note for Green and Innovative Buildings
in Hong Kong. The use of performance-based legislation and its assessment offer
fertile ground for research and comparative learning of better practices among cities.
10.2 Socio-Economic Aspects

A full analysis of buildings often begins with its economic value. While there are
many life-cycle costs to the baseline economics of a project, a major selling point
for potential building tenants is the benefits of the interior environment. This eco-
nomic value will include reduced toxicity in the air, improved ventilation and overall
healthier interior spaces that add to the health and wellbeing, real or perceived, of
building users. As Lau recalls in this volume, there are many pressing challenges
of poor air quality, ventilation, daylight, lack of open space and noise pollution. He
argues that high-density living in Hong Kong is strongly linked with significant air,
water and noise pollution. Serious environmental implications, including poor light-
ing and ventilation in individual apartments, urban heat island and wind tunnel and
wall effects are observed in Hong Kong’s high-rise developments.
Increasingly, with awareness of the sick building syndrome, design and building
professionals are also evaluating the value of both an enhanced quality of life and
a reduced environmental impact. Frequently, these values are reflected in property
prices. As Chau et al. point out in Chapter 7, this volume, even though people do
not trade clean air explicitly, variations in air quality are often implicitly reflected
in property prices. Thus, housing units located in places with better air quality are
generally expected to yield higher value. Using data from high-rise residential devel-
opments in Hong Kong, Chau et al. in their chapter have estimated the air quality of
each individual housing unit (flat) through computational fluid dynamics techniques
in a three-dimension Reynolds-stress turbulence model. As far as the authors are
aware of, this is the first study that assesses people’s willingness to pay for clean
air using flat-specific air quality information in a high-rise living environment. In
addressing this issue by estimating the “market price” of clean air from air pollu-
tion and real estate market transaction data, the results indicate a negative impact
of air pollution on property prices. In other words, the price of clean air, as inferred
from the estimated hedonic price model, is not constant but varies with the air pol-
lution level and the value of a housing unit. This finding has implication for the
affordability of lower income households and requires closer scrutiny.
Lau and Yuen in their respective chapters also point to research on residents’
satisfaction and aspiration of high-rise living in Hong Kong and Singapore, which
show that better view, less noise and better air quality are some of the major reasons
for people to opt for high-rise living. The higher selling prices for apartments on
higher floors in Hong Kong are seemingly also attributed to better views, less noise
and better environmental quality. These findings have policy implications for the
development of high-rise living. It calls to attention the need to protect views, reduce
noise and enhance environmental quality in multi-storey living. On the latter, as
Yuen reminds, housing assessment is not just limited to the housing unit but also
includes outside space as well as neighbourhood relationships.
The high-rise public housing development in Hong Kong and Singapore amply
demonstrates this in their consideration to provide a range of amenities, at times
from cradle to grave, to high-rise residents. Urban living condition is improved by
the adequate provision of infrastructure and social services, including security, fire
safety, health care, education and recreation. As Appold points out in his chapter,
we are unavoidably social beings and tall buildings, particularly those in large hous-
ing estates, have been important to creating feelings of community and belonging.
While the nature of community life is mainly determined by social not physi-
cal factors, the physical environments can accommodate and provide settings for
promoting community interaction.
In this regard, an important ubiquitous physical environment of urban high-rise
is the public spaces in and around the individual housing unit. Appold in Chapter 9,
this volume has argued that the common spaces of tall residential buildings have
184 B. Yuen
daily rhythms of activity. They are used intensively, ranging from leisure, especially
where recreation facilities are provided to movement corridors. Most use of the
common space is purposive. The common public space is a neutral ground where
residents can come and go as they please throughout the day. Easy accessibility
and regular usage are investing this nondescript space with ownership, affinity and
happening for certain groups in the community as Yuen demonstrates in this book.
The usage grounds support for their provision in high-rise housing. Equally, the
invocation of provision calls for research to understand the impact of this provision
on the pattern and nature of local social interaction and sense of community.
The view from western literature of high-rise living is a common anxiety often
associated with the lack of outdoor play space for children, the lack of opportuni-
ties for observing nature and the stress of isolation. As argued by Yeang (1999) and
others of the environmental design approach, high-rise urban neighbourhoods need
more greenery. Research suggests that access to nature can enhance the health, well-
being and quality of life of high-rise residents. Although public high-rise housing
estates are often considered sites of social and economic disadvantage, vulnera-
ble to crime, Kuo (2001) has proposed that there is a connection between contact
with nature such as green spaces for high-rise residents and their strengthened abil-
ity to cope with poverty and hardship of life in public housing. Even as physical
design and improvements alone will not guarantee a better quality of life for res-
idents of high-rise estates, the notion is to translate horizontal streets and public
spaces into a vertical greenery system, beginning at ground level and ascending to
the lower rooftops. Vertical greening creates rooftop gardens, serving both the eco-
logical function of natural ventilation, evaporative cooling and air purification as
well as a social function of providing spaces for leisure and interaction.
Greenery in high-rise is not an ornamental, marginal provision but a functional,
integral component of high-rise living. As Yuen argues in her chapters, green spaces
provide for “place making” and public spaces in the sky, re-creating ground condi-
tions – the continuity of spaces and circulation, the provision of immediate access
to nature and open spaces, etc. – in the high-rise estate. The emerging evidence as
discussed by various authors in this book is that high-rise residents use (even though
not all of the time) and appreciate this public space in their immediate residential
area. This presents opportunity for further research. The fundamental issue perhaps
can be summarised in the question: what do high-rise developments actually mean
in terms of those people who live in them. The question has far reaching implica-
tions, in terms of what it means to design liveable and sustainable high-rise that goes
beyond a narrow technical sense.
As things stand, such research is urgently required. Forrest, La Grange, and Yip
(2002) have observed that the contemporary literature on urban neighbourhoods
is for the most part heavily skewed towards the experiences of western industri-
alised societies. In a more strident vein, Appold has reminded in his chapter that
almost all-existing research on community in tall residential buildings suffers from
an unbalanced research design that tends to focus on a selected segment of the
population. Notwithstanding common technologies and somewhat homogeneous
skyscraper design across global urban centres and increasingly, in cities in Asia
and the developing world, the creation of a “one size fits all” could not work.
10.3 Definitely Not the Last Word

This book is definitely not the last word on high-rise living in Hong Kong and
Singapore. The several chapters bring together some of the emerging issues and
better practices in the march of high-rise development in these two cities. Designing
liveable, socially acceptable high-rise remains a challenge. This is a recurring theme
in several of the chapters. The history of western high-rise development is peppered
with cases of how the urban high-rise quickly degenerates into undesirable and
problematic living places. The urban high-rise is complex and has a way of mag-
nifying anti-social behaviour that can have impact on their liveability. The towers
and high-rise estates need constant physical and social maintenance, among others.
These serve an urgent reminder to the development of knowledge on how high-rise
is perceived and lived by the people who reside in them. Yeh and Yuen in their
chapters have repeated some of the perceptions surrounding high-rise living from
their cities. As the wider literature on housing satisfaction indicates, resident’s sat-
isfaction is not absolute and may change according to a diverse range of factors,
both tangible and intangible. The evidential argument purports for more scholarly
work to provide a more balanced understanding of the pros and cons of high-rise
living. It is essential that such a development be premised on sound methodological
ground.
In this regard, it is worth reflecting on the past and present research that has
been conducted on tall buildings. The annotated bibliography in the annex offers
a perspective on this, gathering together some of the scholarship in the sciences
and humanities. Given the pluralism of issues, the review of the annotated bibli-
ography may highlight the nature of the literature and thereby act as a catalyst for
discussion and further research. Much remains to be studied, especially in terms of
trans-disciplinary research that stresses knowledge transfer and integration in the
development of a holistic design of the urban high-rise. As Ali and Armstrong
(1995) argue, true innovations in tall building design are the result of collabora-
tions between architects and structural engineers and advances in materials and
technology.
Tall building as a building type holds a special and enduring place in the growth
of modern cities. Despite predictions for their demise following the collapse of
World Trade Centre, tall buildings have proliferated and spread across the world,
becoming an icon of modernity, prosperity and development in many urban set-
tings. Evidently, tall buildings and cities are seemingly integrally connected. In this
interrelationship, it is perhaps useful to remember, as Appold reminds in Chapter 9,
this volume, if tall residential buildings do not cause the problems of contemporary
society, neither do they solve them. They simply present an entirely new form, user
and technological challenges that require knowledge in all of these dimensions.
References
Ali, M. M., & Armstrong, P. J. (Eds.). (1995). Architecture of tall buildings, CTUBH monograph
30. New York: McGraw-Hill.
186 B. Yuen
Fincher, R. (2007). Is high-rise housing innovative? Developers’ contradictory narratives of high-

rise housing in Melbourne. Urban Studies, 44(33), 631–649.
Ford, L. (1992). Reading the skylines of America. Geographical Review, 82(2), 180–200.
Forrest, R., La Grange, A., & Yip, N. M. (2002). Neighbourhood in a high rise, high density
city: Some observations on contemporary Hong Kong. CNR Summary 2, ESRC Centre for
Neighbourhood Research.
Jacobs, J. M., Cairns, S., & Strebel, I. (2007). A tall storey . . . but, a fact just the same: The red
road high-rise as a black box. Urban Studies, 44(3), 609–630.
Kuo, F. (2001). Coping with poverty: Impacts of environment and attention in the inner city.
UN-Habitat. (2008). State of the world’s cities 2008/09. Nairobi: UN-Habitat.
Yeang, K. (1999). The green skyscraper. London: Prestel.
Index
A B
Accessibility, 26, 43, 68–69, 74, 86, 136, Balcony, 13, 59–60, 66, 76, 83, 100, 181
158, 184 Bioregionalism, 66
Accidental neighbors, 162 Black Point, 33
Aesthetic quality, 68 Boundary separators, 68
Aesthetics, 65, 68, 75, 81, 150 Buffer zone, 134
Affordability, 20, 125, 127, 142, 183 Building Authority, 87, 91, 95–96, 100
Affordable housing, 136 Building
Agglomeration, 51 automation, 109
Aging housing stocks, 170 code, 82, 88, 91, 100–101, 103
Air control
circulation, 32 authority, 87
pollution, 31–34, 51–52, 59, 68, institution, 90
76, 113–116, 118–127, 179, system, 90
183
density, 2, 9, 49
indicators, 113–114, 116
design, 7, 38, 91, 97, 99, 105, 182, 185
purification, 184
footprint, 38, 77, 181
quality, 20, 25, 33–37, 44, 110, 113–114,
height, 2, 5–6, 12, 17, 20–21, 34–35, 57,
116–117, 119–121, 125–126,
94, 135, 151
182–183
law, 90, 103–104, 110
indices, 116
loyalty, 160
sulphation levels, 114
Air Pollution Index, 116 management, 109
Airport Railway, 27 orientation, 38
Air ventilation assessment (AVA), 36 regulations, 87, 91, 97, 182
Alleviating pollution, 68 safety, 6, 82, 88, 103, 108
Amenities, 53, 58, 77, 83, 136, 151, 154, services, 10, 109
164, 183 standards, 85, 88, 101, 103
Amenity floors, 53 structure, 83, 101, 109
Anti-modern spirit, 161 systems, 109
Architectural arrangement, 133 typology, 180–181
Architectural Design Building Code, usability, 182
103 Building and Construction Authority (BCA),
Art deco styles, 160 76, 86, 105, 108
Asian Cities, 1–7, 27, 53, 60, 82, 84, 100–105, Building (Construction) Regulations, 92–93,
110, 181 97, 101
Automobile use, 51, 155, 170 Building Control Act, 86–87, 182
Available and structured space, 131 Building Covenant, 90
Avenues of interdependence, 170 Building Ordinance, 83, 87–88, 90–100, 102

DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-9738-5, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011
188 Index
Building (Planning) (Amendment) facilities, 11, 30, 53–54, 134, 137

Regulations, 95–96 interaction, 6, 78, 136, 183
Building (Planning) Regulation, 83, 92–93, involvement, 141, 160
95–96, 99–103, 182 Commuting facilities, 51
Building Regulations and Codes of Practice, Compact city, 1–3, 6, 21, 26–31, 49
87, 91, 97 Comprehensive Environmental Performance
Buildings Department, 83, 87–88, 100 Assessment Scheme, 100, 182
Building Standard Law, 85, 101, 103 Computational fluid dynamic (CFD), 36,
Built environment, 6, 20, 49, 56, 67–68, 76, 55–56, 114, 117, 183
86–87, 91, 106, 110 Concentrated population mass, 170
Built forms, 25, 31–44, 77, 180, 182 Concentration, 4, 32, 54, 91, 113, 115–116,
Built landscapes, 26, 130 118–119, 134, 155
Bureaucratic patrimonialism, 160 Concept Plan, 68, 75, 141
Congestion, 26, 32, 60, 130
C Consumption trends, 134
Canary Wharf, 135 Contact opportunity, 166
Cantilevered living quarters type, 27 Contamination, 179
Carbon footprint, 180 Contemporary community, 165–167
Carbon production, 170 Contemporary developed societies, 166
Castle Peak, 33 Contemporary new towns, 154
Census and Statistics Department, 27, 50, 125 Contemporary re-urbanization, 161
Central area revitalization, 1 Contemporary urban design, 150
Central Government Offices, 33 Contextual environment, 6, 14, 16–17,
Central place theory, 155 20–21
Chief Executive of Hong Kong, 33 Control variables, 99, 121
China, 4, 27, 34–35, 82, 84–86, 88, 93, Council of Tall Buildings and Urban
100–103, 105, 110 Habitat, 3
Citizen needs, 159 Cramped living space, 151
Citizenship, 159–160 Crime, 1, 18–19, 21, 75, 129, 133, 142, 144,
City 184
in the garden, 137 Crowdiness, 2, 6, 9–11, 14, 21–22
planning, 85, 180 Crowding, 2, 10–12, 43, 52, 91–93, 110, 131,
surface, 33 133–134, 182
Clean air, 6, 113–127, 179, 183 Cultural amenities, 151
Climate change, 77, 179 Cultural structure, 160
Close residential proximity, 165 Culture, 3, 11, 21, 49, 109–110, 130, 161, 182
Close social ties, 165
Clusters and crucifix shapes, 27 D
Code of Practice for Means of Access to Daily rhythms, 156, 184
Firefighting, 98, 102 Daylight, 25, 34, 38–42, 44, 55–56, 182
Code of Practice for Minimum Fire Service Defensible space, 133
Installations, 98, 102 Deforestation, 179
Code of Practice for the Provision of Means of Degree of segregation, 167
Escape in Case of Fire, 98, 101–102 Demographic factors, 131
Codes of Practice, 87, 90, 91, 97, 99 Densely populated cities, 126, 179
Collective consumption, 166 Density
Common community identities, 161 of development, 83
Common space, 71, 84, 156–157, 183–184 ratios, 9
Communities of intimates, 170 Department of Construction, 85
Community Design principles, 43, 50, 52–60
bonds, 72 Detached interdependencies, 162
-building strategy, 160 Developable space, 82–83, 95, 100–101
development, 7, 149–173 Developing countries, 1
Index 189
Development F
control, 88, 91 Facilities, 1, 11, 18–19, 26, 30, 32, 43, 51,
trajectory, 180 53–54, 60, 69–70, 72–75, 86, 91,
Direction of exposure, 164 102–103, 121, 134, 136, 140–141,
Discretionary activities, 132, 171 143–144, 154–155, 158, 184
Domestic buildings, 88, 93–95, 97–98 Facility management, 109
Domestic density, 152 Family life cycle, 73
Double skin facade, 55 Feasibility Study for Establishment of Air
Downward housing filtering, 151 Ventilation Assessment System,
Dwelling 36
area, 2, 10 Feeling of membership, 159
unit, 2, 5, 10, 50, 55, 69, 131–132, Fire resisting construction, 94, 97, 99, 102
136–137, 140, 142, 154 Fire Safety (Buildings) Ordinance, 88, 102
Flat areas, 4
E Flat-specific air quality, 114, 117, 119, 183
Ease of maintenance, 132 Fleeting relationships, 152
Easy accessibility, 74, 158, 184 Floor
Eco-deck, 76 area per dwelling unit, 2, 10
Ecological footprint, 134 height, 13, 18, 131
Ecological solutions, 134 Floor Area Ratios, 28
Economic imperative, 130 Foot traffic, 155–156
Economic prosperity, 179 Functional features, 130
Economic value, 82, 182 Functional interdependence, 162
ECOTECT, 34 Functionalist vision, 88
Effective transportation systems, 170
Functional urban design, 170
Emergency vehicular access, 90
Energy
consumption, 26, 51–53, 60, 76, 181 G
efficiency, 32, 50–51, 55, 58–59, 76–77, Garden city, 68, 71
100 Geotechnical conditions, 96
Envelope design, 54–56, 60, 181 Global city, 86
Environmental impacts, 50, 52–53, 60, 76, Globalization, 3, 135, 144, 179
134, 183 Government housing allocation, 180
Environmental pollution, 31, 91 Government, institutional and community
Environmental Protection Department, 33 (GIC), 28–30
Environmental quality, 25–26, 33–34, 37, GPS system, 181
42–44, 50, 76, 125, 183 Green building
Environmental sustainability, 49–50, 52–60, principles, 182
66, 77–78 technologies, 76–77
Equipment and inspection, 98, 102 Greenhouse gas emissions, 1, 6
Estate facilities, 140 Greening, 65–66, 68–76, 184
Ethnic boundaries, 165, 167 Green legislation, 181
Ethnic groups, 152, 164–165, 167–169, 172 Green linkways, 76
Evaluation Green Mark Incentive Scheme, 76
standard, 85–86 Green Mark Scheme, 76
system in China, 105 Green open spaces, 65–67, 69, 71–75, 77, 137
Evaporative cooling, 184 Green Path, 76
Evidence-based research, 3 Green roofs, 58–59, 71
Expert evaluation, 36 Green sense, 32
Extended shared space, 2, 9 Green space, 26, 50, 65–66, 71–72, 74–75, 77,
Extended space, 2, 9 134, 136, 184
Extensive green roof, 58, 71 Gross floor area, 60, 76–77, 83, 95, 100–101,
External public spaces, 69, 136 109
External space density, 11 Guangdong Provincial Government, 33
190 Index
H Household income, 27, 115, 125, 127

Habitability, 86 Housing
Habitable, 44, 93, 110, 130 assessment, 131, 183
Hedonic price model, 113–115, 117, 119, 123, attainment, 161
127, 183 attributes, 116
Hedonic studies, 120 development, 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 35, 49, 53, 55,
High density, 1–4, 6–7, 9–22, 12, 25–27, 59, 66, 77, 134, 160, 183
31–32, 42–43, 49–51, 56, 59, 66, price index, 122
71, 75, 82–84, 89, 91, 95, 100, 110, shortage, 4, 66, 144, 180
113–127, 133, 183 unit, 31, 38–42, 49, 66, 70, 113–114, 116,
High-density environment, 3, 7, 9, 110 121, 123–127, 129, 160, 183
High-density living, 2, 6–7, 9–10, 12, 31, 50, Housing Authority, 5, 56–57, 59, 89, 152, 160,
110, 183 165
High-quality housing, 141 Housing and Development Act, 89
High-rise Housing and Development Board, 5, 72–73,
built form, 31–44, 77 75, 89, 130, 135–137, 140, 142,
community, 65, 77 160, 163, 165
development, 5–6, 13, 32, 35, 43, 51, 69, Human features, 130
135–136, 144, 183–185 Hybrid programming, 181
dwelling, 5, 152
era, 95 I
estates, 129, 184–185 Iconic presence, 179
galleries, 166 Icon of modernity, 185
housing, 1–3, 6, 9, 13, 16, 38–42, 65, Iconographi, 152
69, 74–75, 129–130, 133, 135, Immediate work sphere, 167
150–151, 166, 180, 184 Improved ventilation, 182
living, 1–7, 9, 13–14, 16, 18–21, 33, 35, Income diversity, 164
66, 69, 72, 75, 77, 114, 130–135, Infrastructure, 2, 26, 31–32, 51–52, 54, 83, 86,
140, 142–145, 150, 152, 166, 170, 91, 133, 152, 181, 183
179, 183–185 Inner city, 134, 180
planning, 66 Insecurity, 170
public housing, 3, 65–66, 71, 75, 77, Instrumental support, 162
129–130, 136, 141, 144, 179, 183 Intangible exchanges, 161
residential developments, 43, 114, 183 Integrated land use, 69
tower, 34, 37–38, 44, 181 Intelligence space, 181
Hill slopes, 4 Intelligent building, 109–110
Hoi Lai Estate, 57 Intensification, 5, 26–27, 29, 31, 50, 52, 181
Holistic design, 185 Interaction, 6, 11–12, 43, 58, 66, 72, 74–78,
Homogeneous skyscraper design, 184 130, 132, 136–137, 159, 162, 164,
Homogeneous stratification, 77 166–167, 183–184
Hong Kong, 1–7, 9–22, 25–45, 50, 53–60, 66, Inter-ethnic ties, 164, 167
82–84, 87–101, 104, 110, 113–114, Interior environment, 182
116–121, 125, 129, 133, 144, Internal air space, 93
179–180, 182–183, 185 Internal greenways and connectors, 68
Hong Kong Buildings Ordinance, 83 International Herald Tribune, 134
Hong Kong Government, 91, 96, 119–120 International style, 88
Hong Kong Housing Authority, 56–57, 59 Interpersonal space, 133
Hong Kong Island, 4, 27
Hong Kong Planning Department, 34, 36 J
Hong Kong Planning Standards and Japan, 85, 87–88, 101, 103, 106–107, 110
Guidelines, 36 Joint Practice Note for Green and Innovative
Horizontal expansion, 180 Buildings, 100, 182
Household density, 11 Jurong, 5, 153
Index 191
K Loss of privacy, 52
Kenpeisitzu, 101 Low-density, 26, 134
Key demographic categories, 167 Low energy design, 181
Kowloon, 4, 27–28, 30, 33, 39 Lower income households, 125–127, 183
Kowloon-Canton railway, 28 Low-level social support, 166
Kowloon peninsular, 4 Low-rise, 12–13, 16, 34–35, 44, 50, 52, 69,
132–133, 144, 154
L
Lamma Island, 33 M
Land Macro context, 44
contract, 90 Mandated savings program, 160
leases, 4, 57, 90 Mass transit facilities, 134
policy, 4 Mass transit rail (MTR), 1, 27–30
price, 2, 4, 10, 42 Master layout plan, 57, 90
reclamation, 4 Material conservation, 6
scarcity, 179 Metropolis, 82
use, 26–29, 31, 49–51, 53–54, 67, 69, 75, Metropolitan areas, 114–115
134–135, 137, 154, 181 Microclimate, 26, 57
patterns, 26, 49 Micro context, 44
planning, 88 Microenvironment, 54
Landed residential buildings, 154 Micro scale, 6
Lands Department, 60, 100 Middle classes, 151
Large housing estates, 159, 183 Mid-rise housing, 133
Layout, 11, 26, 37–39, 57, 86, 90, 134 Minister for Home Affairs, 140
Lease condition, 89–91 Ministry of Construction, 85, 101
Legislation, 6, 81–110, 181–182 Mixed use, 1, 26–27, 29–30, 43, 50, 52–53, 77
Legitimacy, 159–160 Modernism, 81
Lei Muk Shue Estate, 57 Modernity, 141, 185
Life cycle, 73, 140, 150–151, 182 Mortgages, 160
Life-cycle costs, 182 Multiple intensive land use, 27–29
Lighting, 31–32, 34, 38–40, 52, 54–57, 60, 70, Multipurpose recreational destinations, 158
76, 86, 93–94, 96–97, 99, 102, 134, Multi-storey living, 183
140, 183 Mutual dependency, 166
Light rail, 28, 76, 155
Liveability, 6, 50–51, 59–60, 129–145, 185 N
Liveability-oriented planning, 132 Nam Cheong, 33
Liveable environment, 130, 136 Nanotechnology, 181
Liveable habitat, 88 Natural open space, 68
Liveable space, 2, 9, 49 Natural ventilation, 34–35, 52, 55, 57, 59–60,
Liveable town, 67 134, 184
Living environment, 4–5, 11–14, 20, 26, 32, Negative attributes, 9
49, 52–53, 60, 65, 71, 78, 103, 114, Negative effects, 2–3, 9–10, 12, 22, 31–32,
116, 131, 135–136, 140–141, 144, 114–115, 122–123
150, 179, 183 Neighbourhood
Living space per flat, 2, 9 -based public life, 170
Local air quality level, 121 -based social ties, 166
Local climate, 54–56 conflicts, 132
Local social interaction, 184 destination, 156
Local street-level pollution, 32 involvement, 163
Loiterers, 133 relationships, 131, 183
London, 92, 134, 180 renewal, 130, 141
Long-term New Kowloon, 4
tenancy, 159 New Territories, 4, 27, 40
wellbeing, 130 New town development, 75
192 Index
New Town Era, 95 Physical public realm, 153

New town planning, 66, 69 Place evaluation, 130
New Towns Programme, 96 Place–spatial features, 130
Niche markets, 160–161 Planning
Noise pollution, 1, 25, 31, 43–44, 51–52, 60, approach, 88
182–183 and design considerations, 140
Non-domestic, 88, 95, 102 issues, 88–89
Non-family neighbour, 163 standards, 36, 136
Non-linear logarithmic hedonic price model, strategies, 50, 52–60
115 Planning Department, 7, 32, 34, 36, 56–57, 60,
Nuclear families, 158 100
Plot ratio, 7, 28, 57, 71, 83, 95–97, 99–101,
O 129
Occasional chit chat, 163 Plurality, 161
Occupational specialization, 166 Podium, 27–28, 30, 34, 36, 42–44, 53–54,
Open space, 11, 21, 25–26, 29–30, 34, 42–44, 58–59, 66
52, 57–60, 65–69, 71–75, 77, 89, Point blocks, 156, 160, 171
92–97, 130, 133–134, 136–137, Population
154, 156, 181–182, 184 capacity, 98
Optimizing spatial configuration, 56–58 density, 2, 4–5, 25, 27, 50, 91, 135, 153
Ordinance for Buildings and Nuisances, 91 growth rate, 27
Ordinance for the Preservation of Order and
threshold, 1
Cleanliness, 91
Post-independence, 135
Outdoor play, 69, 73–74, 132, 137, 166, 184
PRD Regional Air Quality Index, 33
Outlying areas, 155
Privacy, 2–3, 11, 38–39, 43, 52, 56, 71, 132,
Outside space, 131, 183
134, 143–144
Overall healthier interior spaces, 182
Private condominiums, 152
Overall Thermal Transfer Value, 55
Private developers, 4, 57, 110
Overcrowding, 12, 52, 91–93, 110, 182
Private housing, 5, 40, 59, 125, 129, 154, 159
Overexploitation, 179
Problematic living conditions, 129
P Prohibitive costs, 151
Pan Peninsula building, 135 Property management, 109
Park connectors, 68, 71 Property price index (PPI), 119, 121–123
Parks and gardens, 65, 67–69, 72–73, 75 Property prices, 113–117, 119–122, 126, 183
Parks, gardens and connectors, 68 Property value, 113–114, 126
Participate, 141 Proximity to transportation, 164
Pathological behavior, 10 Psychological barriers, 142
Pearl River Delta, 32–33 Psychological dimension, 21
Pedestrian movement, 74 Psychological influences, 131
Pedestrian-oriented, 130, 137 Public health, 92–93, 126, 182
Pedestrian-oriented public realm, 130, 137 Public housing, 3, 5, 27, 40, 42–43, 54,
Pedestrian traffic, 156 56–59, 65–67, 71–72, 74–77,
Performance-based design, 182 129–131, 135–144, 151–152, 154,
Personal space, 2, 10–11, 133–134 158–161, 164–165, 172, 179–180,
Personal space density, 11 183–184
Phenomenal increase, 180 Public housing authority, 5, 152, 165
Physical aspects, 152 Public housing flats, 135
Physical attributes, 131 Public housing programme, 71, 75, 129, 135
Physical building forms, 82 Public housing project, 131, 159
Physical design, 13, 184 Public housing redevelopment, 71
Physical environment, 6, 25–45, 150, 167, Public-led housing strategy, 5
183 Publicly-built Singapore flats, 160
Physical manifestation, 159 Public participation, 90, 166
Index 193
Public realm, 52, 75, 130, 137, 153 Residential walking neighbourhoods, 150
Public space, 26, 65–66, 69, 72–73, 77, 134, Resident’s perception, 131
136–137, 140, 150, 153, 155, Residents’ satisfaction, 33, 54, 183
157–158, 165, 171, 182–184 Residual category, 156
Public transportation, 119, 156, 158–159 Resource consumptions, 50–51
Public transport interchange, 53–54 Resurgence, 3
Retail facilities, 53, 60
Q Retroactive legislation, 182
Quality Revenue, 4
of construction, 131 Revitalization, 1, 26
of life, 3, 6, 32, 58, 65, 68, 75–76, 130, Reynolds stress model (RSM), 117–118
161, 179, 183–184 Reynolds-stress turbulence model, 114, 117,
of life measures, 130 183
Quantitative control, 88 Riots, 149–150
Questionnaire survey, 13 Robotics, 181
Roof gardens, 71
R Rooftop gardens, 66, 184
Racial diversity, 164 Room arrangement, 131
RADIANCE, 34
Rail rapid transport system, 155
Rapidly urbanizing nations, 170 S
Rapid restructuring, 67 Safety
Rapid urbanization, 65, 126 control, 90
Rapid urban and population growth, 144 measures, 85–86, 90
Rating and Valuation Department, 119–120 Safety and Security Index, 109
Rational design, 89 Saleable floor area, 84
Recreational uses, 154, 156 Scheduled Areas, 96
Rectangular mass type, 27 Sea views, 20–21
Reduced toxicity, 182 Selective En-bloc Redevelopment Scheme
Re-entrant shapes, 37–38 (SERS), 135
Regenerated city areas, 68 Semiology, 161
Regional Air Quality Management Plan, 33 Sense of community, 7, 136, 184
Regional smog problem, 32 Seoul metropolitan area, 115
Registered Geotechnical Engineers, 101 Services, 1, 10–11, 26, 28, 30–31, 50–51, 54,
Registered Structural Engineer, 101 58, 60, 72, 86–87, 95, 98–100, 102,
Registration Ordinance, 96 109, 130–131, 133, 136–140, 143,
Regulated market, 160 153–155, 159, 162–163, 166–167,
Relative Satisfaction Indices (RSI), 131 172, 180–181, 183
Renewal plans, 141 Settlement dispersal, 69
Resale market, 160 Shape-making architecture, 6
Rescue, Code of Practice for Fire Resisting Shared wealth, 159
Construction, 102 Sick building syndrome, 183
Residential blocks, 30, 42, 57, 67, 136–137, Simple modernist slabs, 160
154, 157 Singapore, 1, 3–7, 9–22, 53, 65–69, 71–73,
Residential buildings, 1, 3–7, 9, 13, 16, 20, 75–77, 86, 88–89, 101, 105–110,
25–45, 49–50, 55, 57, 81–110, 129–130, 135–144, 151–161,
129–145, 149–173, 180, 183–185 164–167, 170, 172, 179–180,
Residential density, 11, 51, 150, 153 182–183, 185
Residential environment, 67, 75, 77, 82, 155 Singaporean new towns, 154–155
Residential floors, 53–54 Singaporean social networks, 162
Residential height, 2 Singapore Building and Construction
Residential satisfaction, 12, 74, 129–131, Authority, 76, 86, 105
140 Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT), 135
Residential Satisfaction Scale (RSS), 131 Single-family houses, 69, 158
194 Index
Site coverage, 83, 95–97, 100 T

Skidmore, 135, 181 Tai Kok Tsui, 33
Sky garden, 42, 54, 59, 77 Taipei Metropolitan area, 115
Sky open space, 58–60, 181 Tai Wai, 33
Skyscrapers, 1, 50, 184 Tall building living, 6, 9–22
Social acceptability, 21, 26 Tall buildings, 2–3, 6, 9–22, 27, 29, 32–34,
Social adaptation, 10 42, 44–45, 56, 65, 81–82, 95, 103,
Social context, 3 129, 133–134, 142–144, 152, 155,
Social differentiation, 161 179–181, 183, 185
Social function, 131, 184 Tall residential buildings, 1, 3–4, 6–7, 9,
Social inequities, 26 25–45, 81–110, 129–145, 149–173,
Social insurance, 166 183–185
Social integration, 164–165, 167, 172 Technological advancements, 3, 129, 135,
Social interaction, 11–12, 58, 72, 74–77, 132, 179–180
137, 159, 166, 184 Technological efficiencies, 181
Social isolation, 129 Tenant satisfaction, 131, 133
Social myths, 160 Terrorist destruction, 181
Social pathology, 10, 12 Testing of Installations and Equipment, 102
Social pinnacle, 161 Toa Payoh, 13, 137–138, 153–154
Social quality, 42–43 Topography, 4, 44, 82
Social space, 53, 60, 72, 157 Total suspended particulates (TSP), 115–116
Social status, 20, 161, 170 Tower blocks, 3, 71, 135, 180–181
Societal culture wars, 161 Town centres, 68, 136–137, 154–155, 158–159
Socio-demographic, 73 Town Planning Board, 99
Sociologists, 151–152, 162 Traffic fumes, 31
Spaciousness, 131 Traffic speed, 130
Spatial configurations, 56–58, 60, 181 Tramways, 28
Spatial plan, 68 Transit, 1, 26–28, 30, 51, 75, 101, 134, 155,
Spatial planning, 68, 86 159
Spatial strategy, 49 Transport network, 43, 76
Spectacular view, 3, 134 Tseung Kwan O Lines, 27
State’s legitimacy, 160
Statutory Overall Thermal Transfer Value, 55 U
Strategic policy, 3 Ubiquitous physical environment, 183
Street block, 4, 11 Unique activity pattern, 156
Street patterns, 25, 34 Unique neighbourhood, 160
Structural safety, 6, 85–86, 100–101, 182 United Kingdom (UK), 3, 12, 34, 130, 135,
Subjective interpretation, 14 161, 171
Substantial premium, 170 Unsupervised outdoor play, 166
Suburban living, 151 Urban areas, 4, 6, 26–27, 32, 51, 58, 65, 68–69,
Suburban-style housing, 16 93, 103, 113–127, 179
Subways below ground, 28 Urban built-up density, 135
Super tall building, 3, 6, 13–14, 16–17, 20–21 Urban canyons, 34
Surveillance, 133 Urban compactness, 69
Sustainability, 6, 21, 25–26, 49–61, 66, Urban density, 2–3, 9–10, 12, 22, 26, 32
68, 76–78, 82, 86, 91, 109–110, Urban designers, 150–152, 161, 170
180–181 Urban design fundamentals, 155
Sustainable community, 77 Urban design and planning, 150
Sustainable development, 33, 49, 66, 68, 75, Urban development, 1, 5, 21, 25, 49, 53, 69,
180 84, 96, 135
Sustainable high-rise, 49–61, 181, 184 Urban dweller, 9, 58, 167
Symbolic community, 160–161 Urban environment, 2, 10, 26, 34, 68–69,
Symbolizing citizenship, 160 82–83, 91, 133, 158, 179–180
Index 195
Urban fabric, 26, 34, 89 Vertical dimension, 93

Urban form, 1–2, 25, 27, 49, 52, 69, 170 Vertical greening, 71, 184
Urban greening, 65–66, 68 Vertical green open spaces, 71
Urban heat island, 31–32, 76, 183 Vertical green panel system, 59
Urban housing models, 159 Vertical slums, 3, 135, 144
Urbanization, 26, 65, 82, 88, 126, 161 Vibrant street life, 153
Urbanization process, 82 Visual centre, 57
Urbanized regions, 179 Visual coherence, 68
Urban labour and housing markets, 158 Visual corridor, 42, 57
Urban land, 25, 51, 91, 144 Vulnerability, 133
Urban landscapes, 144
Urban Lines, 27 W
Urban morphology, 25–26 Walkways, 28, 43–44, 54, 59, 75–76, 97, 139,
Urban planning, 6, 12 154
Urban population, 1, 12, 21, 25, 179 Wall effect, 7, 32–33, 57, 183
Urban regeneration, 144 Wang Tau Ho, 13
Urban renewal, 89–90 West Kowloon, 33
Urban revolution, 3 Wind directions, 34–35
Urban sprawl, 1, 26–27, 31, 49–50, 134, 180 Window-floor area ratio, 38–39
Urban water cycle, 76 Wind tunnel, 31–32, 36, 56–57, 117, 183
Usable floor area, 98, 100–101
Wong Tai Sin, 13, 42
Utopia, 161
World Commission on Environment and
U-values, 55
Development, 49
V
Vandalism, 74, 132 Y
Ventilation, 7, 25, 31–44, 52, 54–57, 59–60, Yuen Long, 33
71, 76, 86, 93–94, 96–97, 99, 101,
134, 150, 182–184 Z
Verandah type, 27 Zoning, 44–45, 88–89, 99

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High-Rise Living in Asian Cities

Belinda Yuen · Anthony G.O. Yeh

Additional material to this book can be downloaded from http://extras.springer.com

ISBN 978-90-481-9737-8 e-ISBN 978-90-481-9738-5

© Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

CD-ROM included in inside back cover

Cover illustration: Photograph taken by Mr. John Cheuk-yee Ng.

Printed on acid-free paper

Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com)

1 Introduction: High-Rise Living in Asian Cities . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Appendix (CD-ROM included inside back cover)

Stephen J. Appold Kenan-Flagler Business School, Kenan Institute of Private

Anthony G.O. Yeh and Belinda Yuen

1.1 Compact City, High Density and High-Rise Housing

A.G.O. Yeh (B)

B. Yuen, A.G.O. Yeh (eds.), High-Rise Living in Asian Cities, 1

Fig. 1.1 Building height and

The research debate on high-rise housing largely involves investigation of the

1.2 Hong Kong and Singapore – Highest Density and Tallest

1.3 High-Rise Living in Hong Kong and Singapore

Anthony G.O. Yeh and Belinda Yuen

A.G.O. Yeh (B)

B. Yuen, A.G.O. Yeh (eds.), High-Rise Living in Asian Cities, 9

2.2 Tall Buildings and High Density

background and interpersonal relationship. The perception of crowdiness depends

2.3 Super Tall Living in Hong Kong and Singapore

Table 2.1 Distribution of current floor levels of respondents

Hong Kong Singapore

Current floor level Number of respondents Percentage Number of respondents Percentage

1–5 floor 111 11.6 29 13.3

2.3.2 Main Findings

2.3.2.1 (A) Satisfaction of Living Height

Table 2.2 Comparison of satisfaction of living height

2.3.2.2 (B) Perception of Tall Building

Table 2.3 Comparison of perceived building height

Not a tall building Tall building Very tall building

Building Hong Singapore Hong Singapore Hong Singapore

10-storey 31.4 32.1 1.03 1.3 – 0.2

Fig. 2.1 Perception of tall building by present floor level

2.3.2.3 (C) Highest Preferred Living Height

Table 2.4 Comparison of highest preferred floor level

Hong Kong Singapore

Highest preferred floor No. % No. %

1–5 floor 2 0.2 2 1.0

2.3.2.4 (D) Concerns of High-Rise Living

Table 2.5 Comparison of concerns about high-rise living

Hong Kong Singapore

Concerns about high-rise living Percentage Rank Percentage Rank

Fire risk 25.8 1 9.0 5

Stephen S.Y. Lau

3.2 Urban Morphology and Its Implications: The High Rise,

S.S.Y. Lau (B)

B. Yuen, A.G.O. Yeh (eds.), High-Rise Living in Asian Cities, 25

3.3 A Compact City: Case of Hong Kong

Primary MILU Secondary MILU Tertiary

Meifoo Sun Chuen MTR

Residential Land Use Car Parks GIC(Government Institutional

Type C office and Type D office, residential and

2 office towers 32 residential blocks 41 residential blocks 16, residential towers

3.4 Environmental Challenges Related to Compact High-Rise

Positive effects Negative effects

3.4.1 Air Quality, Wind Environment and Air Ventilation

Natural ventilation (South-East wind)