Narendra Modi

Narendra Damodardas Modi (pronounced [ˈnəɾendrə dɑmodəɾˈdɑs ˈmodiː] ( listen);

Narendra Modi
born 17 September 1950) is an Indian politician serving as the 14th and current Prime
MP
Minister of India since 2014. He was the Chief Minister of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014,
and is the Member of Parliament for Varanasi. Modi is a member of the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP), and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu
nationalist volunteer organisation.

Born to a Gujarati family in Vadnagar, Modi helped his father sell tea as a child, and has
said he later ran his own stall. He was introduced to the RSS at the age of eight,
beginning a long association with the organisation. Modi left home after finishing high-
school in part due to an arranged marriage to Jashodaben Chimanlal, which he
abandoned, and publicly acknowledged only many decades later. Modi travelled around
India for two years and visited a number of religious centres before returning to
Gujarat. In 1971 he became a full-time worker for the RSS. During the state of
emergency imposed across the country in 1975, Modi was forced to go into hiding. The
RSS assigned him to the BJP in 1985, and he held several positions within the party
hierarchy until 2001, rising to the rank of General Secretary.

Modi was appointed Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2001, due to Keshubhai Patel's failing 14th Prime Minister of India
health and poor public image following the earthquake in Bhuj. Modi was elected to the Incumbent
legislative assembly soon after. His administration has been considered complicit in the Assumed office
2002 Gujarat riots,[a] or otherwise criticised for its handling of it. A Supreme Court- 26 May 2014
appointed Special Investigation Team found no evidence to initiate prosecution President Pranab Mukherjee
proceedings against Modi personally.[b] His policies as chief minister, credited with Ram Nath Kovind
encouraging economic growth, have received praise.[8] His administration has been
Preceded by Manmohan Singh
criticised for failing to significantly improve health, poverty, and education indices in
the state.[c]
14th Chief Minister of Gujarat
In office
Modi led the BJP in the 2014 general election, which gave the party a majority in the 7 October 2001 – 22 May 2014
Indian lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha, the first time for any single party Governor Sunder Singh
since 1984. Modi's administration has tried to raise foreign direct investment in the
Bhandari
Indian economy, and reduced spending on healthcare and social welfare programmes.
Kailashpati Mishra
Modi has attempted to improve efficiency in the bureaucracy; he has centralised power
by abolishing the Planning Commission. He began a high-profile sanitation campaign, Balram Jakhar
and weakened or abolished environmental and labour laws. He initiated a controversial Nawal Kishore
demonetisation of high-denomination banknotes. Described as engineering a political Sharma
realignment towards right-wing politics, Modi remains a figure of controversy S. C. Jamir
domestically and internationally over his Hindu nationalist beliefs and his role during
Kamla Beniwal
the 2002 Gujarat riots, cited as evidence of an exclusionary social agenda.[d]
Preceded by Keshubhai Patel
Succeeded by Anandiben Patel

Contents Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha

Incumbent
Early life and education
Assumed office
Early political career
16 May 2014
Chief Minister of Gujarat
Preceded by Murli Manohar Joshi
Taking office
 2002 Gujarat riots Constituency Varanasi
2002 election Member of the Gujarat Legislative
Second term Assembly
Development projects
In office
Development debate
1 January 2002 – 16 May 2014
Final years
Preceded by Kamlesh Patel
2014 Indian general election
Prime Minister
Succeeded by Suresh Patel
Governance and other initiatives Constituency Maninagar
Economic policy
Personal details
Health and sanitation
Hindutva Born Narendra
Foreign policy Damodardas Modi
Defence policy 17 September 1950
Environmental policy Vadnagar, Bombay
Personal life and image State, India
Personal life (present-day
Approval ratings Gujarat)
Awards and recognition Political party Bharatiya
State honours
Janata Party
References
Notes Spouse(s) Jashodaben
Citations (m. 1968)
Sources (estranged)

External links Residence 7, Lok Kalyan Marg,

New Delhi, Delhi,
India
Early life and education Alma mater University of Delhi
Narendra Modi was born on 17 September 1950 to a family of grocers in Vadnagar,
Gujarat University
Mehsana district, Bombay State (present-day Gujarat). He was the third of six children Signature
born to Damodardas Mulchand Modi (c. 1915 – 1989) and Hiraben Modi (born c.
1920).[17] Modi's family belonged to the Modh-Ghanchi-Teli (oil-presser)
Website Official website (htt
community,[18][19][20] which is categorised as an Other Backward Class by the Indian
p://narendramodi.in)
government.[21][22]
Government
As a child, Modi helped his father sell tea at the Vadnagar railway station, and said that website (http://pmin
he later ran a tea stall with his brother near a bus terminus.[23] Modi completed his dia.gov.in)
higher secondary education in Vadnagar in 1967, where a teacher described him as an
average student and a keen debater, with interest in theatre.[24] Modi had an early gift for rhetoric in debates, and his teachers and
students noted this.[25] Modi preferred playing larger-than-life characters in theatrical productions, which has influenced his
political image.[26][27]

When eight years old, Modi discovered the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and began attending its local shakhas (training
sessions). There, Modi met Lakshmanrao Inamdar, popularly known as Vakil Saheb, who inducted him as a balswayamsevak
(junior cadet) in the RSS and became his political mentor.[28] While Modi was training with the RSS, he also met Vasant
Gajendragadkar and Nathalal Jaghda, Bharatiya Jana Sangh leaders who were founding members of the BJP's Gujarat unit in
1980.[29]

Also in Narendra Modi's childhood, in a custom traditional to his caste, his family arranged a betrothal to a girl, Jashodaben
Chimanlal, leading to their marriage when they were teenagers.[30][31] Sometime thereafter, he abandoned the further marital
obligations implicit in the custom,[32] and left home, the couple going on to lead separate lives, neither marrying again, and the
marriage itself remaining unmentioned in Modi's public pronouncements for many decades.[33] In April 2014, shortly before the
national elections that swept him to power, Modi publicly affirmed that he was married and his spouse was Ms Chimanlal; the
couple has remained married, but estranged.[34]

Modi spent the ensuing two years travelling across Northern and North-eastern India, though few details of where he went have
emerged.[35] In interviews, Modi has described visiting Hindu ashrams founded by Swami Vivekananda: the Belur Math near
Kolkata, followed by the Advaita Ashrama in Almora and the Ramakrishna Mission in Rajkot. Modi remained only a short time at
each, since he lacked the required college education.[36][37][38] Vivekananda has been described as a large influence in Modi's
life.[39]

In the early summer of 1968, Modi reached the Belur Math but was turned away, after which Modi wandered through Calcutta,
West Bengal and Assam, stopping in Siliguri and Guwahati.[40] Modi then went to the Ramakrishna Ashram in Almora, where he
was again rejected, before travelling back to Gujarat via Delhi and Rajasthan in 1968–69.[41] Sometime in late 1969 or early 1970,
Modi returned to Vadnagar for a brief visit before leaving again for Ahmedabad.[42] There, Modi lived with his uncle, working in the
latter's canteen at the Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation.[43][44]

In Ahmedabad, Modi renewed his acquaintance with Inamdar, who was based at the Hedgewar Bhavan (RSS headquarters) in the
city.[45][46][47] After the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, he stopped working for his uncle and became a full-time pracharak
(campaigner) for the RSS,[44] working under Inamdar.[48] Shortly before the war, Modi took part in a non-violent protest against
the Indian government in New Delhi, for which he was arrested; this has been cited as a reason for Inamdar electing to mentor
him.[48] Many years later Modi would co-author a biography of Inamdar, published in 2001.[49]

In 1978 Modi received a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from School of Open Learning[50] at University of Delhi,[51][52]
graduating with a third class.[53] Five years later, in 1983, he received a Master of Arts degree in political science from Gujarat
University,[54][55] as an external distance learning student.[56]

Early political career

In June 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in India which lasted until 1977. During this period,
known as "The Emergency", many of her political opponents were jailed and opposition groups were banned.[57][58] Modi was
appointed general secretary of the "Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti", an RSS committee coordinating opposition to the Emergency in
Gujarat. Shortly afterwards, the RSS was banned.[59] Modi was forced to go underground in Gujarat and frequently travelled in
disguise to avoid arrest. He became involved in printing pamphlets opposing the government, sending them to Delhi and organising
demonstrations.[60][61] Modi was also involved with creating a network of safe houses for individuals wanted by the government,
and in raising funds for political refugees and activists.[62] During this period, Modi wrote a book in Gujarati, Sangharsh Ma
Gujarat (In The Struggles of Gujarat), describing events during the Emergency.[63][64] Among the people he met in this role was
trade unionist and socialist activist George Fernandes, as well as several other national political figures.[65] In his travels during the
Emergency, Modi was often forced to move in disguise, once dressing as a monk, and once as a Sikh.[62]

Modi became an RSS sambhag pracharak (regional organiser) in 1978, overseeing RSS activities in the areas of Surat and
Vadodara, and in 1979 he went to work for the RSS in Delhi, where he was put to work researching and writing the RSS's version of
the history of the Emergency.[66] He returned to Gujarat a short while later, and was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985.[29] In
1987 Modi helped organise the BJP's campaign in the Ahmedabad municipal election, which the BJP won comfortably; Modi's
planning has been described as the reason for that result by biographers.[67] After L. K. Advani became president of the BJP in 1986,
the RSS decided to place its members in important positions within the BJP; Modi's work during the Ahmedabad election led to his
selection for this role, and Modi was elected organising secretary of the BJP's Gujarat unit later in 1987.[68]

Modi rose within the party and was named a member of the BJP's National Election Committee in 1990, helping organise L. K.
Advani's 1990 Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 and Murli Manohar Joshi's 1991–92 Ekta Yatra (Journey for Unity).[24][69][70] However, he
took a brief break from politics in 1992, instead establishing a school in Ahmedabad; friction with Shankersingh Vaghela, a BJP MP
from Gujarat at the time, also played a part in this decision.[70] Modi returned to electoral politics in 1994, partly at the insistence of
Advani, and as party secretary, Modi's electoral strategy was considered central to the BJP victory in the 1995 state assembly
elections.[70][29][71][72] In November of that year Modi was elected BJP national secretary and transferred to New Delhi, where he
assumed responsibility for party activities in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.[71][73] The following year, Shankersinh Vaghela, a
prominent BJP leader from Gujarat, defected to the Indian National Congress (Congress, INC) after losing his parliamentary seat in
the Lok Sabha elections.[24] Modi, on the selection committee for the 1998 Assembly elections in Gujarat, favoured supporters of
BJP leader Keshubhai Patel over those supporting Vaghela to end factional division in the party. His strategy was credited as key to
the BJP winning an overall majority in the 1998 elections,[71][74] and Modi was promoted to BJP general secretary (organisation) in
May of that year.[75]

Chief Minister of Gujarat

Taking office
In 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assembly seats in by-elections. Allegations of abuse of
power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of
the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001.[71][76][77] The BJP national leadership sought a new candidate for the chief ministership, and Modi,
who had expressed misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement.[24] Although BJP leader L. K. Advani did
not want to ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's
deputy chief minister, telling Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On
3 October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for the December 2002
elections.[78] Modi was sworn in as Chief Minister on 7 October 2001,[79] and entered the Gujarat state legislature on 24 February
2002 by winning a by-election to the Rajkot – II constituency, defeating Ashwin Mehta of the INC by 14,728 votes.[80]

2002 Gujarat riots

On 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers burned near Godhra, killing approximately 60 people.[e] The train
carried a large number of Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the demolished Babri
Masjid.[83][84] In making a public statement after the incident, Modi said that the attack had been terror attack planned by local
Muslims.[3][83][85] The next day, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh across the state.[86][87] Riots began during the
bandh, and anti-Muslim violence spread through Gujarat.[83][86][87] The government's decision to move the bodies of the train
victims from Godhra to Ahmedabad further inflamed the violence.[83][88] The state government stated later that 790 Muslims and
254 Hindus were killed.[89] Independent sources put the death toll at over 2000.[83][90] Approximately 150,000 people were driven
to refugee camps.[91] Numerous women and children were among the victims; the violence included mass rapes and mutilations of
women.[2]

The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have been complicit in the riots,[1][2][3] and has otherwise
received heavy criticism for its handling of the situation.[92] Several scholars have described the violence as a pogrom, while others
have called it an example of state terrorism.[93][94][95] Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There
is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and
that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law."[2] The Modi government imposed a
curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders and called for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the
violence from escalating.[86][87] The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed support for the bandh, despite such actions
being illegal at the time.[3] State officials later prevented riot victims from leaving the refugee camps, and the camps were often
unable to meet the needs of those living there.[96] Muslim victims of the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state
government announced that compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindus, although this decision was
later reversed after the issue was taken to court.[97] During the riots, police officers often did not intervene in situations where they
were able.[2][85][98] In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi's government from 2007 to 2009, was convicted by a lower court for
participation in the Naroda Patiya massacre during the 2002 riots.[99][100] Although Modi's government had announced that it
would seek the death penalty for Kodnani on appeal, it reversed its decision in 2013.[101][102] On 21 April 2018, the Gujarat High
Court acquitted Kodnani while noting that there were several shortfalls in the investigation.[103]

Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. During the riots, Modi said that "What is happening is
a chain of action and reaction."[2] Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding
the episode.[104] Modi has not offered an apology for the riots and has stated that he should be rather punished and not forgiven if
he is guilty.[11][105] In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to the 2002 riots, including that of the
Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look into the issue.[92][106][107] In response to a
petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked
the SIT to investigate the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings.[106] The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010; in May, it
presented to the court a report finding no evidence against him.[106][108] In July 2011, the court-appointed amicus curiae Raju
Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the SIT's position, he said that Modi could be prosecuted based
on the available evidence.[109][110] The Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate's court. The SIT examined Ramachandran's
report, and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the case to be closed. Zakia Jaffri filed a protest petition in response.
In December 2013 the magistrate's court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's finding that there was no evidence against
the chief minister.[111]

2002 election
In the aftermath of the violence there were widespread calls for Modi to resign as chief minister from within and outside the state,
including from leaders of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu Desam Party (allies in the BJP-led National Democratic
Alliance coalition), and opposition parties stalled Parliament over the issue.[112] Modi submitted his resignation at the April 2002
BJP national executive meeting in Goa, but it was not accepted.[113] His cabinet had an emergency meeting on 19 July 2002, after
which it offered its resignation to the Gujarat Governor S. S. Bhandari, and the state assembly was dissolved.[114][115] Despite
opposition from the election commissioner, who said that a number of voters were still displaced, Modi succeeded in advancing the
election to December 2002.[116] In the elections, the BJP won 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.[117] Although Modi later
denied it, he made significant use of anti-Muslim rhetoric during his campaign,[118][119][120][121] and the BJP profited from religious
polarisation among the voters.[116] He won the Maninagar constituency, receiving 1,13,589 of 1,54,981 votes and defeating INC
candidate Yatin Oza by 75,333 votes.[122] On 22 December 2002, Bhandari swore Modi in for a second term.[123] Modi framed the
criticism of his government for human rights violations as an attack upon Gujarati pride, a strategy which led to the BJP winning
two-thirds of the seats in the state assembly.[1][118]

Second term
During Modi's second term the rhetoric of the government shifted from Hindutva to Gujarat's economic development.[76][1][118]
Modi curtailed the influence of Sangh Parivar organisations such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu
Parishad (VHP),[124] entrenched in the state after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry,[76] and dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an
ally of former Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia) from his cabinet. When the BKS staged a farmers'
demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from state-provided houses, and his decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in
Gandhinagar deepened the rift with the VHP.[124][125] Sangh organisations were no longer consulted or informed in advance about
Modi's administrative decisions.[124] Nonetheless, Modi retained connections with some Hindu nationalists. Modi wrote a foreword
to a textbook by Dinanath Batra released in 2014, which stated that ancient India possessed technologies including test-tube
babies.[126][127]

Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to attract criticism. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (who asked Modi for tolerance
in the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat violence and supported his resignation as chief minister)[128][129] distanced himself, reaching
out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. After the elections Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a
reason for the BJP's electoral defeat and said it had been a mistake to leave Modi in office after the riots.[130][131]

Questions about Modi's relationship with Muslims were also raised by many Western nations during his tenure as chief minister.
Modi was barred from entering the United States by the State Department, in accordance with the recommendations of the
Commission on International Religious Freedom formed under the aegis of the International Religious Freedom Act,[132][133] the
only person denied a US visa under this law.[134] The UK and the European Union refused to admit him because of what they saw as
his role in the riots. As Modi rose to prominence in India, the UK[135] and the EU[136] lifted their bans in October 2012 and March
2013, respectively, and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington.[137][138]

During the run-up to the 2007 assembly elections and the 2009 general election, the BJP intensified its rhetoric on terrorism.[139]
In July 2006, Modi criticised Prime Minister Manmohan Singh " for his reluctance to revive anti-terror legislation" such as the
2002 Prevention of Terrorism Act. He asked the national government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006
Mumbai train bombings.[140] In 2007 Modi authored Karmayog, a 101-page booklet discussing manual scavenging. In it, Modi
argued that scavenging was a "spiritual experience" for Valmiks, a sub-caste of Dalits.[141][142] However, this book was not circulated
that time because of the election code of conduct.[143] After the November 2008 Mumbai attacks, Modi held a meeting to discuss the
security of Gujarat's 1,600-kilometre (990 mi)-long coastline, resulting in government authorisation of 30 high-speed surveillance
boats.[144] In July 2007 Modi completed 2,063 consecutive days as chief minister of Gujarat, making him the longest-serving holder
of that post,[145] and the BJP won 122 of 182 state-assembly seats in that year's election.[146]

Development projects
As Chief Minister, Modi favoured privatisation and small government, which was at odds
with the philosophy of the RSS, usually described as anti-privatisation and anti-
globalisation. His policies during his second term have been credited with reducing
corruption in the state. He established financial and technology parks in Gujarat and
during the 2007 Vibrant Gujarat summit, real-estate investment deals worth
6.6 trillion were signed.[76]

The governments led by Patel and Modi supported NGOs and communities in the
creation of groundwater-conservation projects. By December 2008, 500,000 structures
The Sardar Sarovar Dam during a
had been built, of which 113,738 were check dams, which helped recharge the aquifers
2006 height increase.
beneath them.[147] Sixty of the 112 tehsils which had depleted the water table in 2004
had regained their normal groundwater levels by 2010.[148] As a result, the state's
production of genetically modified cotton increased to become the largest in India.[147] The boom in cotton production and its semi-
arid land use[149] led to Gujarat's agricultural sector growing at an average rate of 9.6 percent from 2001 to 2007.[150] Public
irrigation measures in central and southern Gujarat, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam, were less successful. The Sardar Sarovar
project only irrigated 4–6% of the area intended.[147] Nonetheless, from 2001 to 2010 Gujarat recorded an agricultural growth rate
of 10.97 percent – the highest of any state.[149] However, sociologists have pointed out that the growth rate under the 1992–97 INC
government was 12.9 percent.[151] In 2008 Modi offered land in Gujarat to Tata Motors to set up a plant manufacturing the Nano
after a popular agitation had forced the company to move out of West Bengal. Several other companies followed the Tata's to
Gujarat.[152]

The Modi government finished the process of bringing electricity to every village in Gujarat that its predecessor had almost
completed.[151] Modi significantly changed the state's system of power distribution, greatly impacting farmers. Gujarat expanded the
Jyotigram Yojana scheme, in which agricultural electricity was separated from other rural electricity; the agricultural electricity was
rationed to fit scheduled irrigation demands, reducing its cost. Although early protests by farmers ended when those who benefited
found that their electricity supply had stabilised,[147] according to an assessment study corporations and large farmers benefited
from the policy at the expense of small farmers and labourers.[153]

Development debate
A contentious debate surrounds the assessment of Gujarat's economic development during Modi's tenure as chief minister.[154] The
state's GDP growth rate averaged 10% during Modi's tenure, a value similar to other highly industrialised states, and above that of
the country as a whole.[152] Gujarat also had a high rate of economic growth in the 1990s, before Modi took office, and scholars have
stated that growth did not accelerate during Modi's tenure.[155] Under Modi, Gujarat topped the World Bank's "ease of doing
business" rankings among Indian states for two consecutive years.[156] In 2013, Gujarat was ranked first among Indian states for
"economic freedom" by a report measuring governance, growth, citizens' rights and labour and business regulation among the
country's 20 largest states.[152][157] In the later years of Modi's government, Gujarat's economic growth was frequently used as an
argument to counter allegations of communalism.[1] Tax breaks for businesses were easier to obtain in Gujarat than in other states,
as was land. Modi's policies to make Gujarat attractive for investment included the creation of Special Economic Zones, where
labour laws were greatly weakened.[118]

Despite its growth rate, Gujarat had a relatively poor record on human development, poverty relief, nutrition and education during
Modi's tenure. In 2013, Gujarat ranked 13th in the country with respect to rates of poverty and 21st in education. Nearly 45 percent
of children under five were underweight and 23 percent were undernourished, putting the state in the "alarming" category on the
India State Hunger Index.[158][159] A study by UNICEF and the Indian government found that
Gujarat under Modi had a poor record with respect to immunisation in children.[160]

Over the decade from 2001 to 2011, Gujarat did not change its position relative to the rest of the
country with respect to poverty and female literacy, remaining near the median of the 29 Indian
states.[97] It showed only a marginal improvement in rates of infant mortality, and its position
with respect to individual consumption declined.[97] With respect to the quality of education in
government schools, the state ranked below most Indian states.[97] The social policies of the
government generally did not benefit Muslims, Dalits, and Adivasis, and generally increased
social inequalities.[97] Development in Gujarat was generally limited to the urban middle class,
and citizens in rural areas or from lower castes were increasingly marginalised. In 2013 the
state ranked 10th of 21 Indian states in the Human Development Index.[5] Under Modi, the
state government spent far less than the national average on education and healthcare.[97]

Modi addressing graduates of

Final years the Gujarat National Law
Despite the BJP's shift away from explicit Hindutva, Modi's election campaign in 2007 and University in 2012.
2012 contained elements of Hindu nationalism. Modi only attended Hindu religious
ceremonies, and had prominent associations with Hindu religious leaders. During his
2012 campaign he twice refused to wear articles of clothing gifted by Muslim leaders.[118]
He did, however, maintain relations with Dawoodi Bohra.[118] His campaign included
references to issues known to cause religious polarisation, including to Afzal Guru and
the killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh. The BJP did not nominate any Muslim candidates for
the assembly election of 2012.[118] During the 2012 campaign, Modi attempted to
identify himself with the state of Gujarat, a strategy similar to that used by Indira Gandhi
during the Emergency, and projected himself as protecting Gujarat against persecution
by the rest of India.[118] Modi with Anandiben Patel at a
meeting of BJP MLAs after his
While campaigning for the 2012 assembly elections, Modi made extensive use of election as prime minister; Patel
succeeded him as Gujarat chief
holograms and other technologies allowing him to reach a large number of people,[116]
minister.
something he would repeat in the 2014 general election. In the 2012 Gujarat Legislative
Assembly elections, Modi won the constituency of Maninagar by 86,373 votes over
Shweta Bhatt, the INC candidate and wife of Sanjiv Bhatt.[161] The BJP won 115 of the 182 seats, continuing its majority during his
tenure[162] and allowing the party to form the government (as it had in Gujarat since 1995).[163] In later by-elections the BJP won
four more assembly seats and two Lok Sabha seats held by the INC, although Modi did not campaign for its candidates.[164] In 2013,
the Wharton India Economic Forum (WIEF) at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania cancelled a keynote video-
conference speech by Modi following protests by Indian-Americans.[165] After his election as prime minister, Modi resigned as the
chief minister and as an MLA from Maninagar on 21 May 2014. Anandiben Patel succeeded him as the chief minister.[166]

2014 Indian general election

In September 2013 Modi was named the BJP's candidate for prime minister in the 2014 Lok Sabha election.[167][168] Several BJP
leaders expressed opposition to Modi's candidature,[169] including BJP founding member L. K. Advani, who cited concern with
leaders who were "concerned with their personal agendas".[170] Modi played a dominant role in the BJP's election campaign.[171][172]
Several people who voted for the BJP stated that if Modi had not been the prime-ministerial candidate, they would have voted for
another party.[167][173][174] The focus on Modi as an individual was unusual for a BJP election campaign.[169][175] The election was
described as a referendum on Narendra Modi.[154]

During the campaign, Modi focused on the corruption scandals under the previous INC government, and played on his image as a
politician who had created a high rate of GDP growth in Gujarat.[154][169] Modi projected himself as a person who could bring about
"development," without focus on any specific policies.[169] His message found support among young Indians and among middle-
class citizens.[154] The BJP under Modi was able to downplay concerns about the protection of religious minorities and Modi's
commitment to secularism, areas in which he had previously received criticism.[154] Prior to the election Modi's image in the media
had centered around his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots, but during the campaign the BJP
was able to shift this to a focus on Modi's neoliberal ideology and the Gujarat model of
development,[172] although Hindutva remained a significant part of its
campaign.[169][173][12] The BJP's campaign was assisted by its wide influence in the
media.[159] Modi's campaign blitz cost approximately 50 billion (US$720 million),[154]
and received extensive financial support from corporate donors.[159] In addition to more
conventional campaign methods, Modi made extensive use of social media,[154][169] and
addressed more than 1000 rallies via hologram appearances.[12]
Modi meets his mother after winning
The BJP won 31% of the vote,[11] and more than doubled its tally in the Lok Sabha to the 2014 elections
282, becoming the first party to win a majority of seats on its own since 1984.[172][173]
Voter dissatisfaction with the INC, as well as with regional parties in North India, was
another reason for the success of the BJP,[173] as was the support from the RSS.[169] In states such as Uttar Pradesh in which the
BJP performed well, it drew exceptionally high support from upper-caste Hindus, although the 10 percent of Muslim votes won was
more than it had won before. It performed particularly well in parts of the country that had recently experienced violence between
Hindus and Muslims.[173] The magnitude of the BJP's victory led many commentators to say that the election constituted a political
realignment away from progressive parties and towards the right-wing.[154][173][176][177] Modi's tweet announcing his victory was
described as being emblematic of the political realignment away from a secular, socialist state towards capitalism and Hindu
cultural nationalism.[178]

Modi himself was a candidate for the Lok Sabha in two constituencies: Varanasi and Vadodara.[179] He won in both constituencies,
defeating Aam Aadmi Party leader Arvind Kejriwal in Varanasi and Madhusudan Mistry of the INC in Vadodara by 570,128
votes.[180] Modi, who was unanimously elected leader of the BJP, was appointed prime minister by India's president.[181][182] To
comply with the law that an MP cannot represent more than one constituency, he vacated the Vadodara seat.[183]

Prime Minister

Governance and other initiatives

Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014. He became the first
Prime Minister born after India's independence from the British Empire.[184] His first
year as prime minister saw significant centralisation of power relative to previous
administrations.[127][185] Modi's efforts at centralisation have been linked to an increase
in the number of senior administration officials resigning their positions.[127] Initially Modi with the Chief Minister of
lacking a majority in the Rajya Sabha, or upper house of Indian Parliament, Modi passed Nagaland, T. R. Zeliang, and Naga
a number of ordinances to enact his policies, leading to further centralisation of people in Northeast India,
power.[186] The government also passed a bill increasing the control that it had over the December 2014

appointment of judges, and reducing that of the judiciary.[11]

In December 2014 Modi abolished the Planning Commission, replacing it with the National Institution for Transforming India, or
NITI Aayog.[187][188] The move had the effect of greatly centralising the power previously with the planning commission in the
person of the prime minister.[189][186][187][188][190] The planning commission had received heavy criticism in previous years for
creating inefficiency in the government, and of not filling its role of improving social welfare: however, since the economic
liberalisation of the 1990s, it had been the major government body responsible for measures related to social justice.[188]

The Modi government launched investigations by the Intelligence Bureau against numerous civil society organizations and foreign
non-governmental organizations in the first year of the administration. The investigations, on the grounds that these organizations
were slowing economic growth, was criticized as a witchhunt. International humanitarian aid organisation Medecins Sans
Frontieres was among the groups that were put under pressure.[127] Other organisations affected included the Sierra Club and
Avaaz.[189] Cases of sedition were filed against individuals criticising the government.[127] This led to discontent within the BJP
regarding Modi's style of functioning and drew comparisons to the governing style of Indira Gandhi.[127][186]
Modi repealed 1,200 obsolete laws in first three years as prime minister; a total of 1,301 such laws had been repealed by previous
governments over a span of 64 years.[191][192][193] He started a monthly radio programme titled "Mann Ki Baat" on 3 October
2014.[194] Modi also launched the Digital India programme, with the goal of ensuring that government services are available
electronically, building infrastructure to provide high-speed Internet access to rural areas, boosting manufacturing of electronic
goods in the country, and promoting digital literacy.[195][196]

Economic policy
The economic policies of Modi's government focused on privatisation and liberalisation
of the economy, based on a neoliberal framework.[189][197] Modi liberalised India's
foreign direct investment policies, allowing more foreign investment in several
industries, including in defence and the railways.[189][198][199] Other proposed reforms
included making it harder for workers to form unions and easier for employers to hire
and fire them;[197] some of these proposals were dropped after protests.[200] The
reforms drew strong opposition from unions: on 2 September 2015, eleven of the Modi with other BRICS leaders in
country's largest unions went on strike, including one affiliated with the BJP.[197] The 2016. Left to right: Temer, Modi, Xi,
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, a constituent of the Sangh Parivar, stated that the underlying Putin and Zuma.
motivation of labour reforms favored corporations over labourers.[189]

The funds dedicated to poverty reduction programmes and social welfare measures were greatly decreased by the Modi
administration.[127] The money spent on social programmes declined from 14.6% of GDP during the Congress government to 12.6%
during Modi's first year in office.[189] Spending on health and family welfare declined by 15%, and on primary and secondary
education by 16%.[189] The budgetary allocation for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, or the "education for all" programme, declined by
22%.[189] The government also lowered corporate taxes, abolished the wealth tax, increased sales taxes, and reduced customs duties
on gold, and jewelry.[189] In October 2014, the Modi government deregulated diesel prices.[201]

In September 2014, Modi introduced the Make in India initiative to encourage foreign
companies to manufacture products in India, with the goal of turning the country into a
global manufacturing hub.[189][202] Supporters of economic liberalisation supported the
initiative, while critics argued it would allow foreign corporations to capture a greater
share of the Indian market.[189] Modi's administration passed a land-reform bill that
allowed it to acquire private agricultural land without conducting a social impact
Modi at the launch of the Make in
assessment, and without the consent of the farmers who owned it.[203] The bill was India programme
passed via an executive order after it faced opposition in parliament, but was eventually
allowed to lapse.[186] Modi's government put in place the Goods and Services Tax, the
biggest tax reform in the country since independence. It subsumed around 17 different taxes and became effective from 1 July
2017.[204]

In his first cabinet decision, Modi set up a team to investigate black money.[205] On 9 November 2016, the government demonetised
500 and 1000 banknotes, with the stated intention of curbing corruption, black money, the use of counterfeit currency, and
terrorism.[206] The move led to severe cash shortages,[207][208][209] a steep decline in the Indian stock indices BSE SENSEX and
NIFTY 50,[210] and sparked widespread protests throughout the country.[211] Several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange
cash.[212][213] In the subsequent year, the number of income tax returns filed for individuals rose by 25%, and the number of digital
transactions increased steeply.[214][215]

Over the first four years of Modi's premiership, India's GDP grew at an average rate of 7.23%, higher than the rate of 6.39% under
the previous government.[216] The level of income inequality increased,[217] while an internal government report said that in 2017,
unemployment had increased to its highest level in 45 years. The loss of jobs was attributed to the 2016 demonetization, and to the
effects of the Goods and Services Tax.[218][219]

Health and sanitation

In his first year as prime minister, Modi reduced the amount of money spent by the central government on healthcare.[160] The
Modi government launched New Health Policy (NHP) in January 2015. The policy did not increase the government's spending on
healthcare, instead emphasizing the role of private healthcare organisations. This represented a shift away from the policy of the
previous Congress government, which had supported programmes to assist public health goals, including reducing child and
maternal mortality rates.[220] The National Health Mission, which included public health programmes targeted at these indices
received nearly 20%[221][222] less funds in 2015 than in the previous year. 15 national health programmes, including those aimed at
controlling tobacco use and supporting healthcare for the elderly, were merged with the National Health Mission. In its budget for
the second year after it took office, the Modi government reduced healthcare spending by 15%.[223] The healthcare budget for the
following year rose by 19%. The budget was viewed positively by private insurance providers. Public health experts criticised its
emphasis on the role of private healthcare providers, and suggested that it represented a shift away from public health facilities.[224]
The healthcare budget rose by 11.5% in 2018; the change included an allocation of 2000 crore for a government-funded health
insurance program, and a decrease in the budget of the National Health Mission.[225] The government introduced stricter packaging
laws for tobacco which requires 85% of the packet size to be covered by pictorial warnings.[226] An article in the medical journal
Lancet stated that the country "might have taken a few steps back in public health" under Modi.[220] In 2018 Modi launched the
Ayushman Bharat Yojana, a government health insurance scheme intended to insure 500 million people. 1 lakh people had signed
up by October 2018.[227]

Modi emphasised his government's efforts at sanitation as a means of ensuring good health.[220] On 2 October 2014, Modi launched
the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan ("Clean India") campaign. The stated goals of the campaign included eliminating open defecation and
manual scavenging within five years.[228][229] As part of the programme, the Indian government began constructing millions of
toilets in rural areas and encouraging people to use them.[230][231][232] The government also announced plans to build new sewage
treatment plants.[233] The administration plans to construct 60 million toilets by 2019. The construction projects have faced
allegations of corruption, and have faced severe difficulty in getting people to use the toilets constructed for them.[229][230][231]
Sanitation cover in the country increased from 38.7% in October 2014 to 84.1% in May 2018; however, usage of the new sanitary
facilities lagged behind the government's targets.[234] In 2018, the World Health Organization stated that at least 180,000
diarrhoeal deaths were averted in rural India after the launch of the sanitation effort.[235][236]

Hindutva
During the 2014 election campaign, the BJP sought to identify itself with political
leaders known to have opposed Hindu nationalism, including B. R. Ambedkar, Subhas
Chandra Bose, and Ram Manohar Lohia.[127] The campaign also saw the use of rhetoric
based on Hindutva by BJP leaders in certain states.[237] Communal tensions were played
upon especially in Uttar Pradesh and the states of Northeast India.[237] A proposal for
the controversial Uniform Civil Code was a part of the BJP's election manifesto.[12]

The activities of a number of Hindu nationalist organisations increased in scope after Modi pays obeisance at Tirumala
Modi's election as Prime Minister, sometimes with the support of the Temple in Andhra Pradesh
government.[127][237] These activities included a Hindu religious conversion programme,
a campaign against the alleged Islamic practice of "Love Jihad", and attempts to
celebrate Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, by members of the right wing Hindu Mahasabha.[127] Officials in the
government, including the Home Minister, defended the conversion programmes.[237] Modi refused to remove a government
minister from her position after a popular outcry resulted from her referring to religious minorities as "bastards."[127]
Commentators have suggested, however, that the violence was perpetrated by radical Hindu nationalists to undercut the authority
of Modi.[127] Between 2015 and 2018, Human Rights Watch estimated that 44 people, most of them Muslim, were killed by
vigilantes; the killings were described by commentators as related to attempts by BJP state governments to ban the slaughter of
cows.[238]

Links between the BJP and the RSS grew stronger under Modi. The RSS provided organizational support to the BJP's electoral
campaigns, while the Modi administration appointed a number of individuals affiliated with the RSS to prominent government
positions.[238] In 2014, Yellapragada Sudershan Rao, who had previously been associated with the RSS, chairperson of the Indian
Council of Historical Research (ICHR).[12] Historians and former members of the ICHR,
including those sympathetic to the BJP, questioned his credentials as a historian, and
stated that the appointment was part of an agenda of cultural nationalism.[12][239][240]

Foreign policy
Foreign policy played a relatively small role in Modi's election campaign, and did not
feature prominently in the BJP's election manifesto.[241] Modi invited all the other Modi at the Banaras Hindu
leaders of SAARC countries to his swearing in ceremony as prime minister.[242][243] He University in Varanasi
was the first Indian prime minister to do so.[244]

Modi's foreign policy, similarly to that of the preceding INC government, focused on
improving economic ties, security, and regional relations.[241] Modi continued
Manmohan Singh's policy of "multi-alignment."[245] The Modi administration tried to
attract foreign investment in the Indian economy from several sources, especially in East
Asia, with the use of slogans such as "Make in India" and "Digital India".[245] The
government also tried to improve relations with Islamic nations in the Middle East, such
as Bahrain, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as with Israel.[245] Modi and US President Donald
Trump giving a joint statement.
During the first few months after the election, Modi made trips to a number of different
countries to further the goals of his policy, and attended the BRICS, ASEAN, and G20
summits.[241] One of Modi's first visits as prime minister was to Nepal, during which he
promised a billion USD in aid.[246] Modi also made several overtures to the United
States, including multiple visits to that country.[243] While this was described as an
unexpected development, due to the US having previously denied Modi a travel visa over
his role during the 2002 Gujarat riots, it was also expected to strengthen diplomatic and
trade relations between the two countries.[243]

In 2015, the Indian parliament ratified a land exchange deal with Bangladesh about the Modi meeting Myanmar's leader
India–Bangladesh enclaves, which had been initiated by the government of Manmohan Aung San Suu Kyi in New Delhi in
Singh.[186] Modi's administration gave renewed attention to India's "Look East Policy", January 2018
instituted in 1991. The policy was renamed the "Act East Policy", and involved directing
Indian foreign policy towards East Asia and Southeast Asia.[245][247] The government
signed agreements to improve land connectivity with Myanmar, through the state of Manipur. This represented a break with India's
historic engagement with Myanmar, which prioritised border security over trade.[247]

Defence policy
India's nominal military spending increased steadily under Modi.[248] The military
budget declined over Modi's tenure both as a fraction of GDP and when adjusted for
inflation.[249][250] A substantial portion of the military budget was devoted to personnel
costs, leading commentators to write that the budget was constraining Indian military
modernization.[249][251][250]

The BJP election manifesto had also promised to deal with illegal immigration into India
in the Northeast, as well as to be more firm in its handling of insurgent groups. The Modi
government issued a notification allowing Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist illegal immigrants The President of Israel Reuven
Rivlin and Chief of General Staff of
from Pakistan and Bangladesh to legalise their residency in India. The government
the Israel Defense Forces Gadi
described the measure as being taken for humanitarian reasons but it drew criticism Eizenkot with Modi.
from several Assamese organisations.[252]
The Modi administration negotiated a peace agreement with the largest faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland
(NSCM), which was announced in August 2015. The Naga insurgency in northeast India had begun in the 1950s.[252][253] The
NSCM and the government had agreed to a ceasefire in 1997, but a peace accord had not previously been signed.[253] In 2015 the
government abrogated a 15-year ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCM (NSCM-K). The NSCM-K responded with a series
of attacks, which killed 18 people.[252] The Modi government carried out a raid across the border with Myanmar as a result, and
labelled the NSCM-K a terrorist organisation.[252]

Modi promised to be "tough on Pakistan" during his election campaign, and repeatedly stated that Pakistan was an exporter of
terrorism.[254][255][256] On 29 September 2016, the Indian Army stated that it had conducted a surgical strike on terror launchpads
in Azad Kashmir. The Indian media claimed that up to 50 terrorists and Pakistani soldiers had been killed in the strike.[257][258][259]
Pakistan initially denied that any strikes had taken place.[260] Subsequent reports suggested that Indian claim about the scope of the
strike and the number of casualties had been exaggerated, although cross-border strikes had been carried out.[254][261][262] In
February 2019 India carried out airstrikes in Pakistan against a supposed terrorist camp. Further military skirmishes followed,
including cross-border shelling and the loss of an Indian aircraft.[263][264][265]

Environmental policy
In naming his cabinet, Modi renamed the "Ministry of Environment and Forests" the
"Ministry of Environment, Forests, and Climate Change."[266] In the first budget of the
government, the money allotted to this ministry was reduced by more than 50%.[266]
The new ministry also removed or diluted a number of laws related to environmental
protection. These included no longer requiring clearance from the National Board for
Wildlife for projects close to protected areas, and allowing certain projects to proceed
before environmental clearance was received.[189][266] The government also tried to
reconstitute the Wildlife board such that it no longer had representatives from non- Modi (right) at CoP21 Climate
governmental organisations: however, this move was prevented by the Supreme Conference, in Paris, announcing
Court.[266] the founding of an International
Solar Alliance (ISA). November
Modi also relaxed or abolished a number of other environmental regulations, 2015.
particularly those related to industrial activity. A government committee stated that the
existing system only served to create corruption, and that the government should instead
rely on the owners of industries to voluntarily inform the government about the pollution they were creating.[189][267] Other changes
included reducing ministry oversight on small mining projects, and no longer requiring approval from tribal councils for projects
inside forested areas.[267] In addition, Modi lifted a moratorium on new industrial activity in the most polluted areas in the
countries.[266] The changes were welcomed by businesspeople, but criticised by environmentalists.[267]

Under the UPA government that preceded Modi's administration, field trials of Genetically Modified (GM) crops had essentially
been put on hold, after protests from farmers fearing for their livelihoods.[268] Under the Modi government these restrictions were
gradually lifted.[268] The government received some criticism for freezing the bank accounts of environmental group Greenpeace,
citing financial irregularities, although a leaked government report said that the freeze had to do with Greenpeace's opposition to
GM crops.[268]

Personal life and image

Personal life
In accordance with Ghanchi tradition, Modi's marriage was arranged by his parents when he was a child. He was engaged at age 13
to Jashodaben, marrying her when he was 18. They spent little time together and grew apart when Modi began two years of travel,
including visits to Hindu ashrams.[24][269] Reportedly, their marriage was never consummated, and he kept it a secret because
otherwise he could not have become a 'pracharak' in the puritan Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.[270][51] Modi kept his marriage
secret for most of his career. He acknowledged his wife for the first time when he filed his nomination for the 2014 general
elections.[271][272] Modi maintains a close relationship with his mother, Hiraben.[273]
A vegetarian and teetotaler,[274][275] Modi has a frugal lifestyle and is a workaholic and introvert.[276] Modi's 31 August 2012 post on
Google Hangouts made him the first Indian politician to interact with citizens on a live chat.[277][278] Modi has also been called a
fashion-icon for his signature crisply ironed, half-sleeved kurta, as well as for a suit with his name embroidered repeatedly in the
pinstripes that he wore during a state visit by US President Barack Obama, which drew public and media attention and
criticism.[279][280][281] Modi's personality has been variously described by scholars and biographers as energetic, arrogant, and
charismatic.[11][282]

He had published a Gujarati book titled Jyotipunj in 2008, containing profiles of various RSS leaders. The longest was of M. S.
Golwalkar, under whose leadership the RSS expanded and whom Modi refers to as Pujniya Shri Guruji ("Guru worthy of
worship").[283] According to The Economic Times, his intention was to explain the workings of the RSS to his readers and to
reassure RSS members that he remained ideologically aligned with them. Modi authored eight other books, mostly containing short
stories for children.[284]

The nomination of Modi for the prime ministership drew attention to his reputation as "one of contemporary India's most
controversial and divisive politicians."[154][285][286][287] During the 2014 election campaign the BJP projected an image of Modi as a
strong, masculine leader, who would be able to take difficult decisions.[154][169][167][173][174] Campaigns in which he has participated
have focused on Modi as an individual, in a manner unusual for the BJP and RSS.[169] Modi has relied upon his reputation as a
politician able to bring about economic growth and "development".[288] Nonetheless, his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots continues to
attract criticism and controversy.[4] Modi's hardline Hindutva philosophy and the policies adopted by his government continue to
draw criticism, and have been seen as evidence of a majoritarian and exclusionary social agenda.[4][169][11][127]

Approval ratings
As a Prime Minister, Modi has received consistently high approval ratings; at the end of
his first year in office, he received an overall approval rating of 87% in a Pew Research
poll, with 68% of people rating him "very favorably" and 93% approving of his
government.[289] His approval rating remained largely consistent at around 74%
through his second year in office, according to a nationwide poll conducted by
instaVaani.[290] At the end of his second year in office, an updated Pew Research poll
showed Modi continued to receive high overall approval ratings of 81%, with 57% of
those polled rating him "very favorably."[291][292] At the end of his third year in office, a
Modi interacting with the school
further Pew Research poll showed Modi with an overall approval rating of 88%, his children after delivering his address
highest yet, with 69% of people polled rating him "very favorably."[293] A poll conducted on Independence Day in New Delhi,
by The Times of India in May 2017 showed 77% of the respondents rated Modi as "very 15 August 2017
good" and "good".[294] In early 2017, a survey from Pew Research Center showed Modi
to be the most popular figure in Indian politics.[295]

Awards and recognition

Modi was named the Best Chief Minister in a 2007 nationwide survey by India Today.[296] In March 2012, he appeared on the cover
of the Asian edition of Time Magazine, one of the few Indian politicians to have done so.[297] He was awarded Indian of the Year by
CNN-IBN news network in 2014.[298] In 2014, 2015 and 2017, he was named one of Time magazine's 100 Most Influential People in
the World.[299][300][301] He was also declared winner of the Time magazine reader's poll for Person of the Year in 2014 and
2016.[302][303] Forbes Magazine ranked him the 15th-Most-Powerful Person in the World in 2014 and the 9th-Most-Powerful
Person in the World in 2015, 2016 and 2018.[304][305][306][307] In 2015, Modi was ranked the 13th-Most-Influential Person in the
World by Bloomberg Markets Magazine.[308] Modi was ranked fifth on Fortune Magazine's first annual list of the "World's
Greatest Leaders" in 2015.[309][310] In 2017, Gallup International Association (GIA) conducted a poll and ranked Modi as third top
leader of the world.[311][312][313] In 2016, a wax statue of Modi was unveiled at Madame Tussaud Wax Museum in London.[314][315]

In 2015 he was named one of Time's "30 Most Influential People on the Internet" as the second-most-followed politician on Twitter
and Facebook.[316] In 2018 he was the third most followed head of the state on Twitter,[317] and the most followed world leader on
Facebook and Instagram.[318][319] In October 2018, Modi received UN's highest environmental award, the 'Champions of the Earth',
for policy leadership by “pioneering work in championing” the International Solar Alliance and “new areas of levels of cooperation
on environmental action”.[320][321][322] He was conferred the 2018 Seoul Peace Prize in recognition of his dedication to improving
international cooperation, raising global economic growth, accelerating the Human Development of the people of India by fostering
economic growth and furthering the development of democracy through anti-corruption and social integration efforts. He is the first
Indian to win the award.[323] In January 2019, PM Narendra Modi, a biographic film starring Vivek Oberoi as Modi, was
announced.[324]

State honours

Decoration Country Date Note Ref.

Order of
Saudi Member Special Class, The highest civilian [325]
Abdulaziz Al 3 April 2016
Arabia honour of Saudi Arabia
Saud
State Order of
Ghazi Amir [326]
Afghanistan 4 June 2016 The highest civilian honour of Afghanistan
Amanullah
Khan
Grand Collar of
10 February The highest honour granted to foreigners by [327]
the State of Palestine
2018 Palestine
Palestine
United Arab The highest civilian honour of the United Arab [328]
Order of Zayed 4 April 2019
Emirates Emirates

Order of St. [329]

Russia 12 April 2019 The highest civilian honour of Russia
Andrew

References

Notes
a. Sources describing Modi's administration as complicit in the 2002 violence.[1][2][3][4][5]
b. In 2012, a court stated that investigations had found no evidence against Modi.[6][7]
c. Sources stating that Modi has failed to improve human development indices in Gujarat.[4][5]
d. Sources discussing the controversy surrounding Modi.[4][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16]
e. The exact number of people killed in the train burning is variously reported. For example, the BBC says it was 59,[81] while The
Guardian put the figure at 60.[82]

Citations
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(subscription required)
2. Nussbaum, Martha Craven (2008). The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future. Harvard University
Press. pp. 50–51. ISBN 978-0-674-03059-6.
3. Shani, Orrit (2007). Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism. Cambridge University Press. pp. 168–173. ISBN 978-0-521-
68369-2.
4. Buncombe, Andrew (19 September 2011). "A rebirth dogged by controversy" (https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/a
-rebirth-dogged-by-controversy-2357157.html). The Independent. London. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20111225024
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3482789).Jaffrelot, Christophe (2013). "Gujarat Elections: The Sub-Text of Modi's 'Hattrick'—High Tech Populism and the 'Neo-
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a/16iht-letter16.html). The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0362-4331). Archived (https://web.
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9. Menon, Kalyani Devaki (2012). Everyday Nationalism: Women of the Hindu Right in India. The University of Pennsylvania
Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-8122-2234-0. "Yet, months after this violent pogrom against Muslims, the Hindu nationalist chief
minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, went to the polls and won a resounding victory"
10. Mishra, Pankaj (April 2011). Visweswaran, Kamala (ed.). Perspectives on Modern South Asia: A Reader in Culture, History, and
Representation. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 188. ISBN 978-1-4051-0062-5. "The chief minister of Gujarat, a young up-and-coming
leader of the Hindu nationalists called Narendra Modi, quoted Isaac Newton to explain the killings of Muslims. "Every action",
he said, "has an equal and opposite reaction.""
11. Stepan, Alfred (January 2015). "India, Sri Lanka, and the Majoritarian Danger". Journal of Democracy. 26 (1): 128–140.
doi:10.1353/jod.2015.0006 (https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjod.2015.0006).
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13. "Indian PM Narendra Modi still mired in controversy, says expert" (http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/indian-pm-n
arendra-modi-still-mired-in-controversy-says-expert-1.3036836). Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 16 April 2015. Archived
(https://web.archive.org/web/20171014073116/http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/indian-pm-narendra-modi-still-
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7/12/12/us-india-state-poll-idUSDEL17441120071212). Reuters. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20131016064718/http://
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External links
Political offices
Preceded by Chief Minister of Gujarat Succeeded by
Keshubhai Patel 2001–2014 Anandiben Patel
Preceded by Prime Minister of India
Incumbent
Manmohan Singh 2014–present

Lok Sabha
Member of the Lok Sabha
Preceded by
for Varanasi Incumbent
Murli Manohar Joshi
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