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Prof. John T.

Koch
University of Wales

Lilla Hörsalen 17.00 - 18.00


Gothenburg, 2 December 2015

This talk presents a case for an alternative model of Celtic origins: speakers of Proto-Indo-European
first reached the Atlantic as early as the Copper Age (3rd millennium BC), their language then evolved
into Celtic, and expanded back towards west-central Europe, preceding the historical expansions, and
onward to Cisalpine Gaul and Anatolian Galatia.
Celtic forms one branch of the Indo-European
macro-family of languages, together with:
• Anatolian (including Hittite)
• Indo-Iranian (including Sanskrit)
• Greek
• Italic (including Latin and the Romance languages)
• Germanic (including Swedish and English)
• Armenian
• Balto-Slavic
• Tocharian (in present-day Xinjiang, China)
• Albanian
1707
Edward Lhuyd
Archæologia Britannica

the language family


scientifically discovered
and labelled ‘Celtic’

Oppenheimer_raster.indd 152 14/05/2010 16:15:36


The living Celtic languages of
Lhuyd’s day (1660–1709)
Gaelic (or Goidelic) subfamily
1. Irish
2. Scottish Gaelic
3. Manx (last native speaker died
1975, now revived)

Brythonic subfamily
4. Welsh
5. Breton
6. Cornish (died out about 1800,
now revived)

Oppenheimer_raster.indd 152 14/05/2010 16:15:36


Ancient Celtic languages

1. Goidelic = ogam Irish


2. Brythonic or Brittonic
3. Gaulish
4. Lepontic (attested in the Italian Alps)
5. Galatian (attested in central Asia Minor and the
eastern Balkans)
6. Celtiberian (attested in east-central Spain)
7. Tartessian (in south Portugal and south-west
Spain) [The classification is disputed, but
numerous Celtic names are widely recognized
in the corpus.]
The SW (‘Tartessian’) Hamp, E. P. (with D. Q. Adams) 2013 The Expansion of
the Indo-European Languages: An Indo-Europeanist’s
inscriptions: some key Evolving View, Sino-Platonic Papers 239, Philadelphia,
Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations,
points University of Pennsylvania.
Jordán Cólera, C. 2005 Celtibérico, Zaragoza, Ediciones del
1. a corpus of 95–100 Departamento de Ciencias de la Antigüedad.
Kaufman, T. 2015 Notes on the Decipherment of
Tartessian as Celtic, Journal of Indo-European
2. closely dated example Monograph Series 62. Washington DC, Institute of the
Study of Man.
in the mature style Koch, J. T. 2009a. (2nd edn. 2013) Tartessian: Celtic in
the South-west at the Dawn of History, Celtic Studies
c. 650–625 BC 13. Aberystwyth.
Villar Liébana, F., B. M.a Prósper, C. Jordán, M.a P.
3. Despite some recent Fernández Álvarez 2011 Lenguas, genes y culturas
en la prehistoria de Europa y Asia suroccidental.
controversy, most Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

investigators agree that op a r i i n

the corpus contains ty


TARTESSIAN
Dublin Institute for
Advanced Studies
many Celtic names, and
TARTESSIAN

Institiúid Ard-Léinn
Bhaile Átha Cliath
more are now seeing
Latest News
the matrix language as Professor Werner Nahm, Director of the School
Celtic as well. i 0 iabniq
i0iabniq
of Theoretical Physics, will give a seminar on
TARTESSOS
Is Tartessian Celtic? in the Lecture Hall,
ISBN 978–1–891271–17–5
nonialat
10 Burlington Road, on Friday, 16 October 2015
celtic studies publications xiii
at 3.00 p.m.
What is the ‘Celtic from the West’ theory?

The Proto-Indo-European parent language reached


Europe’s Atlantic Façade as Proto-Indo-European and
then evolved into Celtic there. It did not undergo the
sound changes defining Celtic (such as weakening of *p)
in some other place (such as central Europe) and then
move west.

Contact with the non-Indo-European languages of south-


western Europe (such as Iberian and Palaeo-Basque) was
probably a factor transformation of Proto-Indo-European into
Proto-Celtic. These languages also lack the sound /p/.
The most prevalent model for Celtic origins today:
The ‘threefold Celts’
 [= people called Keltoi
 = users of Hallstatt (later La Tène) type Iron Age material
 = speakers of Proto-Celtic]
expanded out of west-central Europe (near the source
of the Danube)
from about the beginning of the Iron Age, i.e. c. 800–750
BC (= Hallstatt C1a).
G J K L M

[ 190 ] i n t e r p r e t i ng ta r t e s s i a n a s C e lt ic

9.2. The traditional ‘invasive’ or diffusionist model for the expansion of the Celtic languages from Iron
Age central Europe; the lavender outline shows the limits of Ancient Celtic linguistic evidence (mostly
following place- and group names); areas in red indicate zones known to have been settled by Celtic
groups after the attack on Delphi of 279/278 BC.
Problems (verging on impossibilities) with the
prevalent model:
• no historical records of Celtic movements from west-central Europe
to the Atlantic
• There are Celtic languages attested in the Early Iron Age (6th–7th
centuries BC) and they are already separate languages widely
separated geographically.
• The Iberian Peninsula has an Iron Age unconnected with that of
west-central Europe.
• The Iberian Peninsula had diverse and archaic Celtic languages, of
which Tartessian is attested as early as the Hallstatt Iron Age.
• The Hallstatt material (Gündlingen swords, &c.) that had been
thought to signal the arrival of Celts in Britain and Ireland in the 8th
century BC more probably went the other way.
‘Hallstatt sword-bearers’ . . . never invaded
the west nor did they bring ‘Hallstatt’ forms to
Britain or Ireland or introduce an early Celtic #

{
language. . . ‘Hallstatt’ buckets, chapes and ##
#
12 unprovenanced
Britain
swords developed from insular Late Bronze #
#
#
###
###
300 km
#

Age forms. . . Although the buckets and swords


###
###

## ##
have their ultimate origin in continental forms,
#
###
#
# #
G
these were not transmitted at the beginning
# #
# #
## ## #
$$
## # # #

of the Iron Age, but half a millennium earlier G #


#
#
##
#
G
# #
#

at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, ## #


#
G #

when the types that have been associated # # #####


# #####
#
## # ##
$$
$#
$$ $$$
with the ‘Celticisation’ of the west were really
#
16 unprovenanced G
Ireland $ $$ $ $$$
$
$$ $ $ $
$
introduced. . . It is likely that some of our # # ##
# # ##
# # ##
G ## #
# #
## G $ $$
$$
$
# # ## $ G$ $
‘Hallstatt sword-bearers’ had their roots in the ##
# $ $
$
$$ $
$
$$#
Late Bronze Age Celtic or Proto-Celtic Atlantic $
$ $$
$
$$
G $
west and introduced ‘Hallstatt forms’, such # $$$$$$## #
$
#

# $$$ #
as Gündlingen swords, winged chapes and # #$$ $$
# $
#$
$$$$
$ $$$ #
G # #
crescentic single-edged razors of Type Feldkirch/
Benissart . . . to more central parts of Europe, {
$ #
$
600 km # $$
$$$$
# #
#
where they or their kinsmen contributed to the #
#

rise of wealth of the Hallstatt Culture during the


earlier eighth century BC.
Gerloff, S. 2004. ‘Hallstatt Fascination: “Hallstatt”
Buckets, Swords and Chapes from Britain and G hoard or probable hoard # river/single find $ burial or presumed burial
Ireland’, From Megaliths to Metals: Essays in Honour domaine d’origine des épées extensions possibles de ce domaine
of George Eogan, eds. H. Roche, E. Grogan, J. Bradley, pistilliformes à languette
(Milcent 2009, fig. 2)
(Milcent 2009, fig. 2)

J. Coles, & B. Raftery, 124–54. Oxford, Oxbow Books.


Today, Renfrew’s 1987 book
tends to be remembered and
argued about mainly (only?)
with regards his hypothesis that
Anatolia in the First Neolithic
(10,000/9,000 years ago)
had been the Indo-European
homeland.
But Archaeology & Language is
also the source of the idea that
PC evolved in situ in western
Europe following the primary
expansion of PIE into the region.
This is still worth considering
and might work (better?) with a
starting point at the beginning
of the Bronze Age, i.e about
5,000 years ago.
Advantages of the ‘Celtic from the West’ over the PC =
HaC1a (Proto-Celtic = Hallstatt C1a) model:
• The geographical distribution of the Ancient Celtic languages more
closely resembles that of the Atlantic Late Bronze Age (c. 1300–
900/800 BC) and the Beaker Copper Age phenomenon of the 3rd
millennium BC than it does any Iron Age culture.
• economy: Celtic from the West entails a single westward expansion,
at a single stage of European cultural development, rather an Indo-
European migration to west-central Europe followed by a Celtic
westward migration 1,000 or more years later.
• It allows that we take at face value Herodotus’s statement that the
Keltoi lived beyond the Pillars of Hercules and next to the Kunētes
(in the Algarve) the westernmost people in Europe.
• It does not require us to somehow ‘explain away’ the earliest
documentary evidence for the Celtic languages, which comes from
the south-western Iberian Peninsula.
A B C D G
F

close inverse E

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distribution {

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300 km

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Atlantic Bronze Age

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metalwork vs. survival of

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non-IE languages (Iberian


Bronze Final atlantique 2

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(Milcent 2012, pl. 81)

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Atlantic BA cauldrons and

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¤
buckets (Gerloff 2010, plates

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144–51)

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and Aquitanian/Palaeo-

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$ Iberian inscriptions, NE script

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52N (Hoz 2011, mapa 1.1;

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Gorrochategui 2013, fig.1)

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Gerloff, S. (with J. P. Northover) 2010 Atlantic Cauldrons


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PALAEO-BERBER
36N 8W 4W
 12E 16E
extent of Bell-Beaker (campaniforme)
Complex 2800–2100 BC

the Beaker set

Cunliffe, B. 2010 ‘Celticization from the West: The Contribution of Archaeology’ Celtic from
the West: Alternative Perspectives from Archaeology, Genetics, Language and Literature, ed.
B. Cunliffe, J. T. Koch, 13–38. Oxford, Oxbow Books.
Herodotus on the Κελτοί ‘Celts’, writing c. 440 BC

§2.33. I am willing to believe that [the Nile] rises at the same


distance from its mouth as the Ister [Ἴστρος ‘Danube’], which has
its source amongst the Keltoí at Purēnē [Πυρηνη] and flows right
through the middle of Europe, to reach the Black Sea at Miletus’s
colony of Istria [Ἴστρια]. The Keltoí live beyond the Pillars of
Hercules, next to the Kunēsioi [Κυνησιοι], who are the most
westerly people of Europe.

§4.48. . . . the Ister [Ἴστρος ‘Danube’], that mighty stream which,


rising amongst the Keltoí, the most westerly, after the Kunētes
[Κυνητες], of all the European nations, traverses the whole length
of the continent before it enters Scythia.
’Αργανθωνιος (Herodotus 1.163–5) is interpreted as masculine o-stem
|Argantonios|, ‘pertaining to *Argantonos, -\ ?“god of silver” *arganton’ ~ Celti­
berian arkanta, Arganda, Old Irish arggat, airget ‘silver’, Middle Welsh aryant
‘silver’, Breton arc’hant, argant ‘silver’, Latin argentum, Sanskrit rajatám ‘silver’
< Indo-European *h2erg´¦tom ‘silver’ (< *h2erg´- ‘white’; cf. Falileyev 2010, 55–6).
Compare the Western Hispano-Celtic flaccvs argantoni magilanicvm
mirobrigensis (Alconétar, Cáceres), ­a rganto medvtica
melmaniq[vm] (Riba de Saelices [Vallejo 2005, 186–7]), the divine epithet in
lvggoni arganticaeni (­Villaviciosa, Oviedo [Búa 2000, 274]), the family
name of [t]ovtoni argantioq[vm] ­a mbati f[ilivs] (Palencia
[(González Rodríguez 1986, 123; Vallejo 2005, 186–7])

According to Herodotus, Arganthonios ruled Tartessos from


c. 625­‑545 BC. About 550 BC he invited Phocaean Greek visitors
to found a colony anywhere they wished in his territory. When
they refused, he gave them enough silver to build a great wall
around their city to defend it against the Medes.
swords from the Ría de • Current interpretations see Huelva
Huelva deposition as the core of the polity known as
Ταρτησσος in Greek sources and
TRŠŠ in Semitic sources including the
metal-laden ‘ships of Tarshish’ of
the Old Testament. A joint venture to
Ταρτησσος/Tarshish by Hiram of Tyre
and Solomon of Jerusalem in the 10th
century BC has regained credibility.
Mederos Martín, A. 2006 ‘Fenicios en Huelva, en
el siglo X a.C., durante el reinado de Hîrãm I de
Tiro’, Spal 15, 167–188.

• Cypriot influence in the Ría de Huelva


Phase (1050–950/900 BC) followed
by massive Tyrian presence from the
Baiões-Plaza de las Monjas Phase
(950/900–825 BC)
• literacy and the historical record reach
the Atlantic
• beginnings of Palaeohispanic literacy
under Phoenician (and Cypriot)
influence
‘Tartessian’, the
language of the
{
LIPPOS H

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South-western

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%

inscriptions
% KONIMBRIGA

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40N 40N 40N

îî î
î
150 km

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at the very least


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contain evidently

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and which may
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simply be in a
î

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del Río IPOCOBVLCOLA


H ORIPPOH 51 Puente Genil
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B
B
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AESURIS %
IPSES ONOBA manrique BASILIPPO ILIPULA
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% Huelva
DIPPOS H
%
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î

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dated example in
î

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SEXI
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MBA Alentejo stelae (c. 1800–1300 BC.)


GADIR %
% SAEPOH MAENUBA
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Almuñécar
the -briga line
C I L B ILACIPPO H
the mature style
Cádiz CENI Toscanos
H place-names with IP(P)O % Alcorrín
SW (Tartessian) inscriptions (c. 750–400 BC)
HBAESIPPO
LBA warrior stelae (c. 1250–750 BC)
(left) from Medellín
î

% pre-colonial Phoenician trading posts (c. 950–800 BC)


% Phoenician colonies (c. 800–500 BC) FRETUM TARTESSIUM
c. 650–625 BC.
onfirm their earlier indentification as isolatable syntactic units.
The version of the Untermann/Correa transliteration system used here is a
ollows.The South-western or ‘Tartessian’ Script
a a e e i  i o o u u

ba b b e B bi U bo p bu  P

ka ga k ke ge K ki gi q ??U ko go g     ku gu Q

ta da t te de T ti di 0 ?U to do DY tu du d

l l m m m, n n r r ?( ŕ R

s s ś S ?φ A :|
some forms in the SW inscriptions identified as Celtic names
aalaein, meleśae, The 72 most legible inscriptions
aarkuui, mutuuirea, comprise 1752 graphemic
signs. The sequences of signs
aibuuris, niiraboo, provisionally identified as
akoosioś, ooŕoir, names all have Indo-European
albooroi, rinoeboo, or Palaeohispanic parallels,
alkuu, sarune(ea), usually both. Most often these
forms have specifically Celtic
]anbaatiia, soloir, affinities, including case endings
asune, taalainon, that are consistent with a
bootiieana, ]taarnekuun, classification as Celtic. This
onomastic subset comprises 596
ebuuŕoi, tiilekuurkuu, signs or 34% of the corpus.
kaaśetaana (probably tiirtoos,
an occupational title tuurea,
rather than a name), tuuŕekuui,
koobeeliboo, ]tuurkaaio[, Cf. kings of Tartessos
liirnestaakuun, -uarbuui, ’Αργανθωνιος and
lokooboo, uursaar Gargoris
naŕkee (J.27.1),
naŕkee (S. Martinho), naŕkeentii and these variants
naŕ[ke]e (J.1.1), make up 276 of the 1752 signs
naŕk [e] (J.26.1, J.57.1, MdC),
e
of the 72 most readable SW
na]ŕk e (J.16.2),
e
inscriptions. These forms thus
naŕk et i (J.56.1)
e i
constitute 15.8% of the corpus.
naŕk enii (J.2.1, J.21.1),
e

n[aŕke]enii (J.6.1),
naŕkeentii (J.12.1, J.16.1, J.17.2, J.18.1),
[n]aŕkeentii (J.1.5),
na]ŕkeentii[ (J.4.3),
n(a)ŕkeenii (J.11.1),
n]aŕkeenii (J.11.3),
na]ŕkeeni (Corte Pinheiro) Most of what we know of
naŕ]keenii (J.19.1), the Ancient Celtic languages
naŕrk e:n: (J.23.1),
e
is names. So, trouble with
n[a]ŕk en (Cabeza del Buey IV),
e
the matrix language is not a
na[ŕ]k en (Monte Gordo),
e
surprise.
naŕk enai (J.7.1, J.55.1),
e

]naŕkeeuu[ (Corte do Freixo 2).


[ 102 ] tartessian

The Tartessian epigraphic formula J.21.1


Arzil, Garvão (Concelho de Ourique), south Portugal [Museu da Escrita do
Sudoeste, Almodôvar; Museu Regional, Beja] (Correia no. 61) 109.5 x 46.5 x 11cm
NAMES followed by
uar(n)baan tee-ro-baare baa-naŕkeentii
|u̯ ar aman de-ro-bāre(t) ma narkēnti|
Commentary
The inscription is carefully carved
between two lines along three
sides of the large stone. It follows
tentative translation: ‘. . . has carried away the conventional arrangement—
right-to-left, anti-clockwise, be-
to the highest destination, so they now lie ginning in the lower right-hand
corner, and closing with the
down [here].’ formula word naŕkeenii. Signs
have been lost at the beginning
naŕkeentii looks Indo-European. (removing the entire naming
phrase, which cannot have been
longer than eight signs) and
tee-ro-baare looks (specifically) Celtic with ro also in the middle, where the
formula tee[(e)· ro-ba]are can
< PIE *pro. be restored with confidence.

Within the 72 inscriptions examined


statistically here, variants of the formula
account for 565 signs of the total of 1752 or
_[
iineKRanera ]e h n a b r a u_ [
32.2% of the corpus and 49% of the matrix  __

language, i.e. excluding the names (counted as Syntactic analysis


596 signs or 34% of the corpus). . . .]uarb aan tee[(e)· ro- ba]are naŕkeenii
|. . . ¯araman de (e). . . ro- b\re; naŕkenji|
    acc.sg. pvb ?E pf V 3sg. V 3pl.

‘[This grave/death] has carried away. . . to the highest destination. They now remain.’
ro or ao, it would entail the characteristically Celtic loss of Indo-European p in
original *pro or h2epo.
the principal defect in the two-language theory
___________________________________________________________

J.56.1 “A syntagm like


Madroñera, Cáceres, Spain [Museo Arqueológico Provincial, Cáceres] akoosioś naŕkeetii
(Correia no. 77) 160 x 65cm (Untermann 1997, J.56.1)
seems undoubtedly to be
a funerary formula from an
Indo-European language
with a thematic nominative
singular anthroponym
followed by a third person
singular verb, also with
thematic inflexion.”
(Villar 2004, 264)
 i0eKRan Soi ( l ) o 8 a        Syntactic analysis
  akoo(l)ioś naŕkeet ii
                    N nom.sg. V 3sg.
Villar,
‘Akolios F. lies/rests
now 2004 ‘The Celtic
[here].’ Language of [Rodríguez
the IberianRamos: akoolion: . . .
?Cf. κεῖται Πάτροκλος
Peninsula’, P. Baldi & P. U. Dini (eds.),But,Studies in 2010, 394 n. 517. ]
see De Hoz ‘[here] lies Patroklos’
Baltic and Indo-European Linguistics in Honor of (2006, 296; Iliad 23.210).
Commentary
William R. Schmalstieg, Amsterdam, 243–74.
A single complete series of 14 signs running right-to-left in the middle of a
smooth surface. The stem line of l l is obscured where the stone is cracked. This
J.18.1 ‘Mealha Nova 1’,
Aldeia de Palheiros (Concelho de ­Ourique), south Portugal [Museu
Regional, Beja]

   r oDr e K a n aÀ i0o p 
  [ b]ehab o
  n e K Ra n a b er a
  i0
bootiieana≡ keertoo ≡robaa tee·baare baa naŕkeentii
|Bōd´eanā≡ kerdo ≡roa mā de·bāre; ma narkenti|

‘[this grave] has borne away Bōd´eana 〈and〉 the first daughter
of the craftsman (Old Irish cerd; Welsh cerddor); so “they”
remain in place [here]’.
For robaa |roa mā| < IE *pro-meh2, cf. Middle Irish rom ‘early,
too soon’ < IE *pro-mo-, Homeric πρόμος ‘foremost man’
compare anbaatiia iobaa[ |­Amba(χ)tiā iōa mā| ‘youngest
daughter of Amba(χ)tos’ (J.16.2) and tuurea iub aa |Tureā
iūa mā| ‘youngest daughter of Turos’ (J.7.8).
J.1.1 
‘Fonte Velha 6’ Bemsafrim, Lagos, south ‘For the divine Lugoues and
Portugal [Museu Municipal Figueira de Foz; for the chief men—and for
Museu da Escrita do Sudoeste, Almodôvar]
(Correia no. 15) 136 x 73 x 15cm all the “heroic ones”—a
burial rests unmoving within
the sacred grove that has
carried away [the offering/
deceased] towards the
ploughland, so they might
give [benefit].’

Transliteration
lokooboo≡niiraboo too aŕaia|i kaaltee lokoo|n ane naŕkee
kaakiiśiin|koolobo|o ii tee·ro-baar|e (be)e tea|siioonii
North-west Hispano-Celtic examples of the ­dative plural theonym from the
earlier Roman Period: Lvcvbo arqvienobo (Sober, Lugo), LVcovbv[s]
arqvieni[s] (Outeiro do Rei, Lugo; Búa 2000, 266–7), dibvs m[.] lvcvbo
from Peña Amaya, north of Burgos (Búa 2003, 153–4; Marco Simón 2005, 301), and
lvcobo ­a rovsa[-] (Lugo).
s/
J.4.1   enusanoiio # i

‘Benaciate 2’, S. Bartolomeu de Messines   ] * * a r a b r a b o e n i Ru = enab rau


(Concelho de Silves), south Portugal
   o d e r o a t * * [ ------- ]

?ibooi ion asune ≡ uarbaan


≡ ekuuŕine obaar baara*******taa oretoo/
‘In the town(??) . . . I [this stone monument] have
carried to the highest one, to Asun\ (??the divine
she-ass/mare) and Ekuu‑ŕ¼(g)n¼ (the horse queen)
. . . . of deliverance (< coursing under).’

ekuuŕine = Eku-rīganī ‘horse-queen’:


cf. the Gaulish and Ancient British horse
­goddess EPONA REGINA.
A B C D G
F
If we conclude that the theory of Hallstatt E

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origins will not account for Hispano-Celtic 1

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(being both too late and unconnected to

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300 km

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at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age,

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Bronze Final atlantique

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than this. These include the following:

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"

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writing use a revived local burial rite of the 4 c . 1 0 0 0 B C "

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Europa occidental. Barcelona, Crítica.


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1. EBA/MBA 1900/1800–1300 BC > 2. LBA 1300–900/800 BC > 3. EIA

claiming Bronze ancestors/founders: nativism as a response to the Orientalization


(Phoenicians and Tartessians) at Bronze-Iron Transition (c. 900 BC)
§5. the common Palaeohispanic name Arquius
and the regional survival of archery from the
Beaker Copper Age

‘The name Arquius probably meant one who


had to do with a bow, that is to say, an archer,
and was derived from a Celtic word cognate
with Latin arquus and arcus, a bow or arch’
(1891–4, 106). ‘We have probably a trace of
the word [for bow] in Welsh arffed, “the lap or
abdomen”, cf. German Schambug’ (Ib., FN 7).
Rhŷs, J. 1891–94 ‘The Celts and the other Aryans of the P and Q
groups’, Transactions of the Philological Society, 1891–94, 104–31.

< NW IE *haérku̯ os ‘bow and/or arrow’; Latin arcus,


earlier arquus; Gothic arƕazna ‘arrow’, OE earh.
Cf. Trawsganu Cynan Garwyn: cant armell ym arffet ‘a
hundred arm rings in my lap’ ; Latin arcuātus ‘bent like a
bow’ (Spanish arqueado ‘curved’) ~ PC *arku̯ eto- ‘(human
body) flexed like a bow’
The word does not otherwise survive in Goidelic or
Syr John Rhŷs Brythonic; MIr. boga and Welsh bwa from Old Norse, OIr.
saiget ‘arrow’, Welsh saeth from Latin.
1840–1915
EXAMPLES: Arquius, &c.
¶CELTIBERIAN REGION . L. Arqvivs [L. f.] Gal. Aetvrae Arqvi f. (CIL II, 2465 — Valença, Viana
Co[nt]v[ci]anco (CIL II, 2830; HEp, 6, 896 — San do Castelo); Camala Arqvi f. Talabrigensis
Esteban de Gormaz, Soria); A(vlo) M() Mvnerigio (AE, 1952, 65 — Estoraos, Ponte de Lima, Viana do
Arqvi f. (CIL II, 2834; HEp, 10, 582 — Calderuela, Soria); Castelo); Abrvi Arqvi Apiobicesis (Vasconcellos
L. Valerivs L. f. Arqvocvs (Palol-Vilella 1987, 96; 1905, 234; J. Mª. Blázquez 1962, 81 — Taroquela,
HEp, 2, 151; HEp, 13, 199 — Peñalba de Castro, Burgos). Cinfães, Viseu); Ambato Arqvi f. (ERZamora, 114;
CIRPZ, 241— Villalcampo, Zamora); Arqvio Talai f.
¶CENTRAL REGION. Arqvio (HEp, 4, 103; ERAv, 30 — (ERZamora, 103; CIRPZ, 164 — San Pedro de la Nave,
Ávila); Fl[orin]a liberta Arqviocvm (AE, 1985, Zamora); Iemvriae Arqvi f. (HAE, 913; ERZamora,
604; Abascal 1994, s.v. — Alcalá de Henares, Madrid). 41; CIRPZ, 264 — Villalcampo, Zamora); Aplondvs
¶WESTERN PENINSULA. Arqvivs Cantabr(i) Arqviaecvs Svrnae f. Mirob(rigensis (CIL II,
(AE, 1973, 307 — Braga); Arqvivs Viriati f. Ɔ 4980 b; AE, 1913, 5; AE, 1987, 616 k — Garlitos, Badajoz);
Acripia (CIL II, 2435; HEp, 4, 1011 — Braga); [A] Ambati Arqvici (HEp, 11, 361 —Barruecopardo,
rqvivs Cantab[ri---] (AE, 1973, 308; HEp, 1, 664 Salamanca); [H]ercvl[an]ae Arq[vi]c(i) f(iliae)
— Braga); Apil[vs] Arqv[i] (CIL II, 2433 — Dume, (HEp, 11, 386 — Salamanca). ¶Divine Names:
Braga); C. Ivlio Cilio Arqvi (Gimeno - Stylow LVGVBO ARQVIENOBO C. Ivlivs Hispanvs V.
1993, nº 48 — Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Cáceres); S. L. M.(IRLugo, 67 — Liñarán, Sober, Lugo) possibly
Arqvia Helena (CIL II, 377 — Condeixa-a-Velha, meaning ‘to the Lugoues Arqui(o)-genoi, i.e. born of
Condeixa-a-Nova, Coimbra); AntoniVm ArqViVm, the archer’; LVGOVBV[S] ARQVIENI[S] Silonivs
ex gente VisaligorVm (CIL II, 2633; ERPL, 303 Silo EX VOTO (IRLugo, 68; IRG II, 18 — Sinoga,
— Astorga, León); ArqViVs Clemens GigVrrVs Rábade, Otero del Rey, Lugo); ¶ S.W. INSCRIPTIONS.
(ERPL, 12; HEp, 7, 387 — Puente de Domingo Flórez, In MLH IV, the opening sequence of inscription J.7.6
León); S. Arqvi(vs) Cim(---) l(ibertvs) (CIL II, (‘Ameixial 2’, Loulé, Faro) aarkuuioriou〈ti〉bea:i where
2373 — Carriça, Maia, Ourense); Valerie Arqvi it is preferable to segment aarkuui as a dative singular
(f.) (AE, 1983, 508 — Yecla de Yeltes, Salamanca); PC *[arku̯ i̯uːi] ‘to/for Arquius’ > aarkuui [arku̯ (u̯ )uːi].
more EXAMPLES: delabialized byform
¶Celtiberian region. Arcea Alticon Aleonei 1956, 154, nº 20 — Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha-a-Nova,
filia (Abásolo 1974a, 48 — Lara de los Infantes, Castelo Branco); L. Svlla Arci f. (AE, 1967, 157
Burgos); Arcea [---] Ambati f. (Abásolo 1974a, — Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha-a-Nova, Castelo Branco);
188 — Lara de los Infantes, Burgos); Arcea [---] Tertvla Arci f. (HAE, 1172; Almeida 1956, 133
avca Ambati Terenti f. (EE, VIII 150; Abásolo — Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha-a-Nova, Castelo Branco);
1974a, 160 — Lara de los Infantes, Burgos); Arceae Tovtoni Arci f. (AE, 1967, 144; HEp, 2, 770; HEp,
Desiiae Cadaeci f. (Abásolo 1974a, 95 — Lara 5, 989 — Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha-a-Nova, Castelo
de los Infantes, Burgos); [A]rceae Dessicae Branco); Arcivs (HEp, 5, 1055 — Ponte da Barca,
Pat[er]ni f. (AE, 1983, 600; HEp, 4, 198 — Lara de Viana do Castelo); Arcissvs Arenier(i) f. (CIL
los Infantes, Burgos); Arcea Elanioca Paterni f. II, 733; CPILC, 116; Albertos 1977b, 35 — Cáceres);
(Abásolo 1974a, 146 — Lara de los Infantes, Burgos); Medamvs Arcisi f. caste[l]lo Meidvnio
Arceae Longinae C. f. (matri) (CIL II, 5799; (Cadones 130 — Cadones, Celanova, Ourense).
Abásolo 1974a, 154 — Lara de los Infantes, Burgos);
Arcea Plandica Maticvla(e) f. (CIL II, 2860;
Abásolo 1974a, 176 — Lara de los Infantes, Burgos). • The renowned 20th-century
Celtic-scholar Kenneth Jackson
¶Western Peninsula. Arciae Mo[---] (HEp, 4,
1023; ERRBragança, 22; HEp, 12, 599 — Meixedo, thought there was a non-Indo-
Bragança); Arcivs Epeici f. Bracarvs (HAE, 992; European language—spoken
HEp, 11, 647; HEp, 13, 647 — Vila da Feira, Aveiro);
Tavrvs Arci f. Ammicivs (AE, 1971, 146; HEp, 7, alongside a P-Celtic one—
168 — Villar del Rey, Badajoz); Anivs Arci (ILER, 974
— Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha-a-Nova, Castelo Branco);
amongst the Picts. The place-
Arcivs (AE, 1967, 157 — Idanha-a-Velha, Idanha- name and group-name evidence
a-Nova, Castelo Branco); [Cae]nivs Arci (Almeida
that was the basis for Jackson’s
Arrows and archery wrist
guards were essential to the
Beaker package everywhere.
After the Early Bronze Age,
there is little trace of archery in Beakers (= intoxicating
beverage), archery
later prehistoric Britain, Ireland, equipment, copper
or NW France. Loanwords daggers
predominate in the attested
Insular Celtic languages: MIr.
boga and Welsh bwa from
Old Norse, OIr. saiget ‘arrow’,
Welsh saeth from Latin. Breton
gwarek ‘bow’ is a deverbative
formation.
Parker Pearson (2005, 28)
explains this gap with the rise
of the ‘pan-European warrior
cult’ (during the Middle Bronze
Age), which valued hand-to-
hand engagements between Harrison, R. J. & V. Heyd 2007 ‘The Transformation of Europe in the Third
high-status combatants and Millennium BC: the Example of “Le Petit-Chasseur I + III” (Sion, Valais,
equipment suitable for such Switzerland)’, Prähistorische Zeitschrift 82/2, 129–214.
activity: leather shields, leather Parker Pearson, M. 2005, ‘Warfare, violence and slavery in later prehistory:
armour, spears, rapiers later an introduction’, Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory, BAR
swords. International Series 1374, ed. M. Parker Pearson & I. J. N. Thorpe, 19–33.
Thus exceptionally, in the Iberian Peninsula, bows and arrows are one of the
recurrent motifs of the Late Bronze Age warrior stelae, where they occur together
with other items of the high-status warrior’s panoply: shields, spears, swords,
helmets, chariots, brooches, mirrors, combs (Harrison 2004, 144, 146).
Harrison, R. J. 2004 Symbols and Warriors: Images of the European Bronze Age. Bristol, Western Academic & Specialist Press.

ÉCIJA III, Sevilla MONTEMOLÍN, Marchena, Sevilla


• bows & arrows as represented on SW Peninsular LBA warrior stelae
• probable arrowheads
§13. probable arrowheadsfrom
from the Ríade
the Ría deHuelva
Huelva deposition
deposition (1050–950/900
(1050–950/900 BC) BC)
• Bronze
and bows Age rockasart
& arrows from Fossum,
represented on SWTanum, Sweden
Peninsular LBA warrior stelae
Harrison, R. J. 2004 Symbols and Warriors: Images
of the European Bronze Age. Bristol, Western
Academic
Harrison, R. J.&2004
Specialist
SymbolsPress.
and Warriors: Images
of the European Bronze Age. Bristol, Western
Ruiz-Gálvez
Academic Priego, M. 1995
& Specialist Press. ‘Cronología de la Ría
de Huelva en el marco del Bronce Final de Europa
Ruiz-Gálvez Ritos M.
occidental’,Priego, de1995
paso‘Cronología
y puntos dedepaso.
la La Ría de
Ría de Huelva en el marco del Bronce Final de
Huelva en el mundo del Bronce Final europeo, ed. M.
Europa occidental’, Ritos de paso y puntos de
Ruiz-Gálvez, 79–83. Madrid, Editorial Complutense.
paso. La Ría de Huelva en el mundo del Bronce
Final europeo, ed. M. Ruiz-Gálvez, 79–83.
Madrid, Editorial Complutense.
Arcobriga: probably
not ‘the hillfort of the
bear’ PIE *H2ŕ̥tḱos,
cf. Palaeohispanic
ARTIVS ‘bearlike’.
There were three
places in the ancient
Iberian Peninsula called
Arcobriga. The location
of only one is certain:
Monreal de Ariza in the
province of Zaragoza.
An impressive hill
overlooks the ruined
Roman town there.
Thus far, no pre-Roman
hillfort has been found
on the site.
Arcobriga enlarged
& Montemolín turned
CON CLU SI O NS
Due to rapid advances in research — especially in the field of archaeo­
genetics — we will probably soon know more about the peoples and
languages of later prehistoric western Europe than we do now.
Present evidence permits the following provisional conclusions.
• Undifferentiated Proto-Celtic did not first expand from west-central
Europe towards the Atlantic beginning in the earliest Iron Age
(Hallstatt C1a, 800/750 BC).
• It is not impossible that Proto-Celtic expanded rapidly westward
from ‘Urnfield’ west-central Europe at the beginning of the Late
Bronze Age (1300/1200 BC).
• However, it is more likely that Celtic roots in the west are deeper,
going back to the Early Bronze Age (2100–1700 BC) or Beaker
Copper Age (late 3rd millennium), the result of a primary expansion
of Proto-Indo-European to the Atlantic before Proto-Celtic emerged.
Prof. John T. Koch
University of Wales

Lilla Hörsalen 17.00 - 18.00


Gothenburg, 2 December 2015

This talk presents a case for an alternative model of Celtic origins: speakers of Proto-Indo-European
first reached the Atlantic as early as the Copper Age (3rd millennium BC), their language then evolved
into Celtic, and expanded back towards west-central Europe, preceding the historical expansions, and
onward to Cisalpine Gaul and Anatolian Galatia.

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