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25% Metal

“Stop running so fast!” As my strawberry popsicle melted down my side, I struggled to

keep up with the growing pace of my close neighborhood friends while we sprinted down 19th

Street in Oakland, California. My father worked from 6am to 8pm as a construction manager

while my mother spent her days as a live-in caregiver in distant cities. With both of my parents

gone, I spent my afternoons making new friends and embarking on unsupervised adventures

within the neighborhoods of my relatives across the Bay Area—which is where I met my

newfound friend, Joseline. After digging ditches in abandoned parking lots and playing

basketball at San Antonio Park, Joseline’s older brother, Julio, would buy ice cream for the

whole block of kids to lure us all back home before the streetlights came on. We followed this

daily routine for weeks during the summer of 2007 and idolized Julio as a local hero—up until

his generosity halted sharply. For several days in a row, Julio was nowhere to be found when the

ice cream truck rolled down our street, and neither was Joseline. As my concern grew rapidly, I

waited outside of their family’s house each day in hopes of seeing my friend emerge from

within. After several days went by, she finally came out—but only to scream and chase after her

brother, who was being dragged from their home by four police officers. While her family coped

with the horrifyingly violent scene, I ran toward her as her body melted onto their lawn. In

between her sobs, I managed to ask her, “Where are they taking him? Jo, where is Julio going?”

With tears flooding her cheeks, she faintly replied, “Jail—they’re taking my brother!” Initially,

in my young mind, I was overwhelmed with confusion—Julio was no criminal in my eyes. He

was my hero—a local samaritan who was not nearly a threat that needed to be removed from

society. So why were the police using resources to hurt their family in taking him away? The

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image of a pillar of my community getting thrown out and forgotten while greater threats

continue to live freely within society has continued to haunt my life for years—which prompted

me to ask the question: How does mass incarceration disproportionately affect racial minority

groups in America?

As a young child, my thoughts could not reconcile with the crippling reality that Julio

remained behind bars—so in order to cope, I spent countless hours at Joseline’s home mourning

the loss of her brother with her family. I quickly learned that Julio had the money to buy ice

cream for everyone through his daily work and affiliation with drug distribution. Dealing drugs

was, and still is, an easy form of income for countless youth who reside in low-income

communities; it has become a growing phenomenon as these communities face catastrophic

issues such as gentrification, police terror, chronic illnesses, and widespread financial instability.

In 1968, the Nixon Administration declared a War on Drugs in an attempt to decrease criminal

activity and drug use during one of the most trying decades in American History, (Alexander

34). In an article released by the US National Library of Medicine & National Institute of Health,

it was stated that “Since 1972, the number of people incarcerated has increased 5-fold without a

comparable decrease in crime or drug use.” Nixon’s war is a war that has been fueled and

supported by wealthy politicians and affluent communities who are blind to the repercussions of

incarceration, which hasn’t had an effective impact on lowering criminal activity throughout the

nation. Prison population rates have skyrocketed while criminal activity has had little to no

change--yet government officials and lawmakers continue to uphold mass incarceration as a

glorious tool to promote public safety. According to research conducted by the Equal Justice

Initiative in 2017,

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The United States incarcerates more of its citizens than any other nation in

the world. The increase in the jail and prison population from less than 200,000

in 1972 to 2.2 million today has led to unprecedented prison overcrowding and

put tremendous strain on state budgets. The United States has 5 percent of the

world’s population but nearly 25 percent of its prisoners (EJI).

In a nation that has been commonly associated with the idea of freedom, a quarter of the world’s

inmates remain behind metal bars. The staggering growth of the United States’ prison population

provides issues of space due to inadequate funding that fails to support millions of inmates

across the nation. While prisoners suffer and struggle, communities outside of prisons are prone

to a crippling collapse as more members are incarcerated--leaving behind broken homes and

unstable family structures. The War on Drugs has plucked children, parents, spouses, and other

critical members from families and communities instead of offering pathways towards stability

so that no one is forced to turn to illegal crimes in desperate attempts to earn a salary. Removing

these members from their homes only to have them return with little to no assistance or

rehabilitation only increases the likelihood that they will slip into the same, vicious cycle of

financial instability and desperation.

A majority of the support drawn in favor of the movement for mass incarceration

stemmed from the comfort that it offered to the general public, where law enforcement officials

and presidential administrations tied the decriminalization of American streets to the growing

rates of imprisonment. However, in as study conducted by the Vera Institute of Justice, they

found that “the United States spent roughly $33 billion on incarceration in 2000 for roughly the

same level of public safety it achieved in 1975 for $7.4 billion,” (VIJ). The War on Drugs has

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simultaneously cleaned and destabilized the streets and homes of urban communities and

families of color while doing little to actually decrease illegal crimes. The United States has

exponentially increased their spending on the prison system while creating little to no dent in the

rise of criminal activity--which goes to prove to that this war was less of a matter relating to

attacking crime and illicit drug use, and more of a war relating to race. In the same article

released by the NLM, it was stated that the the use of illicit drugs is nearly at the same rate of

7.2-7.4 percent between White and Black citizens, but “the number of White drugs users is vastly

greater than that of drug users of color because White people are a larger share of the

population,” (NLM). Drugs are a prevalent issue in predominantly White, affluent, suburban

neighborhoods as much as they are in urban cities populated heavily by people of

color—however, police presence is concentrated heavily in urban communities, which ultimately

means that there will naturally be a higher count of arrests for citizens of color since the police

concentration is greater in their communities. Despite the equal rate of drug use, Black citizens

made up 62.6% of incarcerated drug offenders in 1996 according to the NLM. While in jail, one

is unable to financially support or assist their loved ones—which puts countless families in

positions lacking stability or a regular source of income.

Since Black citizens make up a majority of incarcerated drug offenders, a large number

of Black families are left with the daunting task of trying to survive with the loss of their own

and the impending doom of bills and financial responsibilities. In a study released by the

University of Chicago Legal Forum, it was found that “Most felony defendants, whatever their

race, tend to be poor, ill-educated, and not apart of a stable household. Disproportionately, they

are Black.” The War on Drugs has placed the label of “threatening criminals” on the Black

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population of America in order to ignore the reality that Black citizens have endured everything

from slavery, to the Jim Crow Era, and now, mass incarceration. A prison sentence is not the

right cause to heal the wounds that have surfaced from centuries of oppression and racism that

Black citizens have endured—healing begins with the rehabilitation and reparations needed to

rebuild undermined communities. However, as history has made its mark, America has

prioritized the oppression and punishment of racial minority groups, particularly Black citizens,

over rehabilitative efforts.

The repercussions of mass incarceration and its effects on racial minority groups doesn’t

start and end at the arrest and release of each prisoner. It begins before they are even born, and

lasts past their grave. The criminal justice system has been set, initially, to imprison primarily

people of color. Before the War on Drugs in the 1970s, Black folks made up a third of the prison

population which was disproportionate in regards to their fraction of the overall US population

according to data released by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. Police officers have had a history

of being concentrated in redlined communities of color that faced neglect and were plagued by

unemployment and gentrification--which created a recipe for desperate methods of survival,

(Potter). In an article released from Eastern Kentucky University, Dr. Gary Potter details how the

evolution of policing in America began with slave patrol officers from the South in 1704. In a

journal relating to “the misplaced emphasis on urbanization in police development,” Philip L.

Reichel discussed how the three central goals of slave patrol officers were to capture and return

slaves to their owners, “provide a form of organized terror to deter slave revolts; and, to maintain

a form of discipline for slave-workers who were subject to summary justice if they violated any

plantation rules,” (Reichel). Slave patrol officers used organized violence and fear tactics to

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empower slavery in the South, and to subject all African American citizens to the doom and

torture of slavery. Essentially, slave patrol officers made up one of the earliest American

gangs--however, instead of being imprisoned, they used their power to control who faced

bondage and created a trend of imprisoning Black folks which has continued even with modern

systems of law enforcement, (Potter). Police within the United States stem from the inherently

oppressive and slave-like structure of slave-patrol, and it has only further evolved since the

1700s as police have continued to target Black and Brown communities. The structuring of

today’s prison system and police forces draws similarities to times of slavery as people of color

are ripped from their communities and homes to work for unsustainable wages behind bars in

many privatized prisons that utilize inmates for low-wage labor, (Bobo, Thompson). In an article

released by Harvard University on racialized mass incarceration, it states how private prisons

unite with wealthy corporations to take advantage of prisoners who are forced to work extensive

hours for little to no payment in return, (Bobo, Thompson). Not only has policing evolved from

its early beginnings as a slave-patrol organization, but prisons, too, have grown into a modern

form of enslavement for citizens of color in the United States.

Following the abolition of slavery and the evolution of the criminal justice system in

America, Black communities were given no reparations to recover--which left millions in

financial instability, (Potter). In a journal relating to the causes and consequences of mass

incarceration in America published by CUNY, it discussed how communities of color were

forced to turn to unconventional forms of income as they grew increasingly hungry for an

income. Law enforcement officials and politicians were aware of this debilitating process, and

they preyed upon these neighborhoods to further weaken communities of color, (Travis). Before

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Black and Brown children were even welcomed into the world, their paths were already set up to

be met with racial profiling and race-based targeting for criminal activity. This pre-existing

pathway for disaster was created by law enforcement and upheld by popular media in television,

literature, and film which has perpetuated the stereotype that people of color are more prone to

heinous crimes.

In addition to the over-criminalization of people of color in media, which lacks any real

foundation in factual evidence, Black citizens who commit crime are also demonized by media

coverage unlike their white counterparts. In a report conducted and released by Nancy A.

Heitzeg, the Program Director of Critical Studies of Race/Ethnicity at St. Catherine University, it

stated that

Black [folks] are mostly likely to be seen on TV news as criminals; they

are four times more likely than whites to be seen in a mug shot; twice as likely

to be shown in physical restraints; and 2 times less likely to be identified by name,

(Heitzeg).

With media upholding the idea that Black citizens are criminals, it instills fear into the public as

the general image of Black Americans becomes stained by the facade that they all pose a threat

to public safety. The demonization of people of color in mainstream media serves to justify the

growing rates of incarceration--but imprisonment isn’t taking away rampant criminals, it’s

locking up adolescents who need support rather than a lifetime of reprimands. Hopo Finau, a

licensed psychologist who works with criminals in the Provo, Utah region, discussed the

negative, lasting repercussions that can come from the demonization of people of color within

mainstream media. Finau explained how “Mainstream news sources depict Black and Brown

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people either in prison, as violent criminals, or within broken homes. These negative images

become normalized for viewers who see this image perpetuated across all forms of media.”

Finau spends his days counseling adolescents in juvenile detention facilities, as well as speaking

with parental figures who are incarcerated. Finau’s experience with inmates remains vastly

different from the common stereotypical narratives that are presented in media. Finau discussed

the circumstances of many inmates: “Most of the people that I speak with and counsel aren’t

violent or prone to criminal activity. Some of [the juvenile inmates] sold drugs to provide for a

sick family member, some of the adults came from unstable homes and were never taught

different from what they saw on the streets or TV.” Finau’s intimate connection to and

experiences with inmates displayed how detrimental it can be for oppressive images to be widely

accepted on a national scale. Inmates in America are deemed as subhuman and often receive

little to no empathy or institutional support--which inevitably places them in prison. Looking

back, Julio was only 17 when he was arrested and taken away from his home, school, and family.

Unlike the police officers and District Attorney's office that saw Julio as a threat, our

neighborhood saw him as another child working to pull his family out of the choking grasp of

poverty.

Lisa McClun, a licensed school psychologist in the Bay Area, spoke to the horrors of

incarcerating youth and what their future holds out for them after prison. Upon working with

primarily youth of color struggling with broken homes and mental illness, McClun declared that

“the school-to-prison pipeline is a system that works to place these troubled teens behind

bars--but prison only makes their already awful living situations even worse.” McClun

encounters troubled youth to offer counsel and support as a counselor in order to help steer them

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away from toxic methods of emotional release such as illicit drug use or impulsive criminal

activity. When asked about the aftermath that incarceration can have on the lives of youth,

McClun stated that “it’s virtually impossible to return to society in tact after you’ve spent several

months or even years in a prison facility. Some of these kids walk in with chronic depression or

severe anxiety which is only heightened by stressful situations like their living conditions at

home which cause them to lash out.” The horrors of prison have extensive, negative

psychological repercussions--especially against youth who have little to no experience with

building healthy relationships or open communication. The criminalization of youth of color

throughout different mediums of entertainment and news coverage also illustrates an inevitable

path of crime for troubled youth and pushes them away from getting assistance and support from

others. McClun continued to explain that “putting [disenfranchised youth] in a concrete and

metal building and treating them like animals only makes it more difficult for them to return

home; and once they do, they lack the resources to get back on their feet so they turn to crime.”

In discussing the school to prison pipeline, it was clear to see that it is less of a horizontal line

connecting school to prison, and more of a sphere-like cycle that repeats to no end when one

lacks the support needed to break the cycle. Upon incarcerating youth at a young age, they

ultimately become entrenched in a system that is constructed for their own demise--and it places

them at a weakened position in society that is nearly impossible to return from. Once the Jim

Crow Era was attacked by the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, lawmakers and police

officers were forced to find a new way to disenfranchise the Black and Brown citizens of

America--and imprisonment became their new, centralized tool.

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Upon release from prison, the next chapter is grave and exhausting--especially since mass

incarceration is only a new label upon the pre-existing Jim Crow Era. In order to toughen the

reprimands on criminal activity, the “Clinton Administration presented and passed the ‘Three

Strikes’ rule which mandated a life sentence for three-time offenders in 1994,” (Alexander 34).

The cycle of crime that many offenders of color faced made them susceptible to the Three

Strikes Law as law enforcement officers used tactics of profiling to help return people of color to

prison upon smaller offenses. Despite being met with relief, offenders who happened to stay

away from their return to prison were dealt the harsh reality of possessing a criminal record--and

the effects proved to long-lasting and practically inescapable. Following Clinton’s installment of

laws that were set on permanently ridding society of countless individuals upon the Three Strikes

Law, Clinton also was set out to undermine released prisoners through economically

disenfranchising tactics. In Michelle Alexander’s novel, ​The New Jim Crow Era: Mass

​ lexander analyzed how Clinton replaced the Aid to Families with Dependent
Incarceration, A

Children “AFDC” with a block grant called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF).

Alexander explains how TANF “imposes a lifetime ban on eligibility for welfare and food

stamps for anyone convicted of a felony drug offense,” (57). Clinton’s new implementation of

TANF only stripped released inmates of any potential governmental support--and made it

difficult for families who relied on AFDC for survival to find other suitable resources,

(Alexander). TANF, however, was only one of many new installments of neglect against Black

and Brown communities plagued by imprisonment and poverty. Alexander exposes how Clinton

went on to allow and encourage federally assisted public housing projects to exclude anyone who

had a criminal history--which only strengthened the war on racial minority groups. With a lack

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of housing support, many went on to face the horrors of homelessness as they were left to fend

for themselves on the streets. Alexander continue to illustrate how the Clinton Administration

did little to end crime in comparison to their efforts of waging war on impoverished communities

of color. Robbing local leaders, parents, and employees from their homes and neighborhoods not

only creates a ripple effect that undermines a family unit, but it also traumatizes generations to

come who have seen countless of their own people live behind metal bars.

​ on’t put that there!” As I rearranged a picture frame on a drawer, Joseline

“​Para! D

quickly scolded me at my misplacement while we stood in Julio’s old room. It remained nearly

untouched besides the bed that Joseline would sleep in occasionally. The mirror had dust on it,

his clothes remained hung in the closet, and his shoes were neatly stacked within the corner by

his backpack. To most strangers, they would look and see a neat room coated in dust, but to

Joseline’s family, they saw hope; hope that he would return soon, but moreso, hope that he

would return as the same person when he left. Unfortunately, the harsh reality is that

incarceration robs one of everything that once made them human--and it leaves them to remain

as a prisoner within their own skin. With a majority of inmates being Black and Brown,

American prisons are filled with walking carcasses that have been signed, sealed, and delivered

as threats since birth--and there is no return in this case.

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Works Cited

Birchett, Colleen, et al. ​The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness,

by Michelle Alexander​. Samuel DeWitt Proctor Conference, Inc., 2011.

Bobo, Lawrence D., and Victor Thompson. “Racialized Mass Incarceration Poverty,

Prejudice, and Punishment.” Vol. 12.

“Bureau of Justice Statistics Home Page.” ​Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS),​

www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=kfdetail&iid=488​.

Finau, Hopo. “Victims of Mass Incarceration.” 24 Feb. 2019.

Heitzeg, Nancy A. “Criminalizing Education.” ​Hameline.edu,​ St. Catherine University, 2009,

www.hamline.edu/uploadedFiles/Hamline_WWW/HSE/Documents/criminalizing-educati

on-zero-tolerance-police.pdf.

“Mass Incarceration.” ​Equal Justice Initiative​, 11 Mar. 2019, eji.org/mass-incarceration.

McClun, Lisa. “School to Prison Pipeline.” 22 Feb. 2019.

Moore, Lisa D., and Amy Elkavich. “Who’s Using and Who’s Doing Time: Incarceration, the

War on Drugs, and Public Health.” ​Ncbi.nlm.nlh.gov​, US National Library of Medicine,

May 2008, ​www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2374804/​.

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Philip L. Reichel (1992) The misplaced emphasis on urbanization in police development,

Policing and Society, 3:1, 1-12, DOI: 10.1080/10439463.1992.9964653

Potter, Gary. “The History of Policing in the United States, Part 1.” ​The History of Policing in

the United States, Part 1 | Police Studies Online,​ 25 June 2013,

plsonline.eku.edu/insidelook/history-policing-united-states-part-1.

Stemen, Don. “More Incarceration Will Not Make Us Safer.” ​The Prison Paradox,​ Vera

Institute of Justice, July 2017,

www.vera.org/publications/for-the-record-prison-paradox-incarceration-not-safer.

Tonry, Michael. “Race and the War on Drugs.” ​University of Chicago Legal Forum,​ Chicago

UN Bound, 1994,

chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1155&context=uclf.

Travis, Jeremy. “The Growth of Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and

Consequences.” ​Choice Reviews Online,​ vol. 52, no. 05, 2014,

doi:10.5860/choice.185911.

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