Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
COMS 690
Charles Acland
04.03.2019
Understanding the complexities of a space as broad as celebrity culture feels often like a very
daunting task. The Celebrity Culture Reader, edited by P. David Marshall, presents an array of
perspectives and potential avenues of discussion and analysis, from broadly historic
constructions of stars to the very specific consequences of fame. This part-essay, part-
annotated bibliography will very briefly discuss the main arguments of chapters with similar
themes across the book’s six sections. While I had initially planned to craft six separate points of
analysis to follow the original organisation, I will instead regroup most of the chapters in order to
highlight several notable concepts and frame five areas of interest. With that in mind, the
analysis of chapters that focus particularly on one individual such as “The Longing of
Alexander,” “Walter Winchell: Stardoom,” and “Investigating the Serial Killer” fall out of the
possible scope of this paper, thematically and in length. I ultimately seek to argue that the
continued shifting means that there is much more at stake than idle fascination of a star
(citation). A last important note is that though Celebrity Culture Reader was published in 2006,
many of its concepts ring even more true over a decade later.
These initial chapters offer a historic guide and overview to the construction of the celebrity
figure and several specific ‘systems’ across the media sphere. Central to this section is the
construction of a public identity or persona and a mediated or presumed authenticity on the part
of the celebrity figure. I believe that the interplay of identity, authenticity, and power on the part
In the opening chapter, Richard Sennett theorizes of the individual man as an actor, not in a
professional capacity but simply as a person in society. A man is, broadly, able to mediate
displays of emotion in public, and therefore presents a different version of himself than in private
(Sennett 22). I believe the gentle reminder that we are all capable of constructing an alternate,
public persona is an important set up for the rest of the text, where the gap between general
society and celebrity is seemingly incredibly wide. In addition to the capacity to act, Max Webber
also speaks to man’s capacity to dominate, placing the importance of charisma as central to the
construction of individual authority (56). With examples and references from kings to dictators,
Webber demonstrates how the intentional wielding of charlisma allows for individuals to exert
power and control over others (Webber 61). Charisma is an arguably hallmark quality of a
celebrity figure, so the text offers an important underlying warning against the potential
consequences of becoming too taken by the supposed stardom or celebrity of a single person.
David Giles interrogates the question of where fame come from. He examines specific areas of
life such as one’s personality, birth, and genetics in an attempt to understand why people
pursue fame, and questions how this may be in response to various factors such as the
dichotomy of one’s own genius or madness, or influence from outside sources like family and
how these elements stand up to factors of education, technological access, and social media
engagement. As an interesting counterpoint, Daniel Boorstin uses the case study of pilot
Charles Lindbergh to illustrate the transition from hero to celebrity, and effectively how
Lindbergh faded from public consciousness when he could no longer hold attention after his
heroic deed (Boorstin 88). This man’s sudden fame was not perhaps anticipated or sought, but I
would argue that his desire and struggle to remain in the public eye speaks to an underlying
In “The Discourse on Acting,” de Corva traces the historic creation of acting and actors within
the development of the film/cinema industry as it grew from the labour of production and
development into a separate profession. Lowenthal, on the other hand, conducts a content
analysis of celebrity biographies, claiming that “the interest in individuals has become a kind of
mass gossip” (124). Both fall back on the fame of an individual as it exists outside of films or
books in order to generate success. The appeal is not necessarily in the specific media form,
but in the audience’s desire to connect further with their idol. Within the context of each chapter,
there is nothing inherently malicious in industry’s desire to capitalize on the fame of its stars, but
contemporary cautionary tale exists in sites like the disastrous Fyre Festival, where festival
goers were lured by big name artists and influencers (Brokes The Guardian).
Francesco Alberoni evaluates the sociological phenomenon of stars, describing the particular
position of celebrities as people “whose institutional power is very limited or non-existent but
whose way of life and going-ons are of general or maximum interest” (109). As part of a
community of public interest, stars themselves are evaluated by each other and the broader
public on issues of morality, public and private behaviours, and wider expectations. Richard
Dyer takes these evaluations a step further and argues that stars can themselves can only be
considered ideologically, functioning as images such as the Rebel or the Pin Up, that can
coexist and conflict with one another (162-164). I do ultimately wonder how these broader
conceptions of a celebrity figure alter our ability to understand celebrities as real people; if their
images move closer to the abstract, how are we able to ground our consumption and interest to
Television's Personality System; Meanings of the Popular Music Celebrity; The Reign of
The above five chapters are all concerned with specific stars and star systems (television,
music, literature, academia, and politics respectively). John Langer considers the construction of
a television star system just as important as film, citing Stuart Hall’s theory of “encoding,
decoding” to highlight the impact of television on its audience and argues the appeal of the
television star as opposed to film, one whose public identity seems more ordinary, intimately
and more closely connected with fans and to daily life (citation). David Marshall has similar
claims for music celebrities: “the affective, emotional and sentimental” play a particular
role in the construction of the celebrity personality” and “the notion of authenticity is
equally central in the maintaining of a direct relationship between an artist and their
audience” (186).
In the literary field, Joe Moran argues that reflections must be made when it comes to
and cultural capital (329). Similarly, Jeffrey Williams describes how the star system of academia
struggles to negotiate between being viewed as professional versus popular, where name
recognition exists as a kind of top-down trickle effect that even permeates campuses and
classrooms (383). Lastly, in “The Celebrity Politician,” John Street explains that even though
politics is becoming marketable through popular political figures, the democratic process makes
voting for simply popular preference impossible. Rather, he sees politicians as “symbol creators”
who demonstrate the important cultural dimension of being human (Street 366).
All five of these systems are aware of the impact that stars or celebrities can have on their
particular industries and particularly their audiences and broader society. The perceived
authenticity of a celebrity’s public image creates the illusion of a more intimate relationship with
their fans or audience, which can in turn lead to economic success. I argue that these,
combined with historic conceptions of celebrity and fame, set the stage for wider effects and
consequences, such as the new economies and labour models born of celebrity culture and the
gendered nature of specific forms of consumption which will be discussed in the following
sections.
This section aims to highlight the specific economies that have developed in parallel with
celebrity culture as a whole. For me, these economies raise questions regarding the
commodification of an identity or our overall attention, and to return to part one, the moral and
ethical stakes involved in potentially manipulating audiences or fans through various forms of
Articulating Stardom
Barry King says that as a whole, the political economy of stardom consists of the “interplay of
(representation) and audience response to that image (identification) exists the cultural
economy of the human body as sign and signal which may further stereotypes and typecasting
(King 238). There is also the persona as “the intersection of cinematic and filmic discursive
practices in an effort to realize a coherent subjectivity” (King 241). This subjectivity can be
actualized and made productive through fan encounters and media engagements, but King also
argues that physical appearance is an already developed and constructed sign (whether viewed
directly by an audience or through camera work) that cannot necessarily be changed (King
238). With the advent of incredible advancements in makeup, costuming, and visual effects, this
is one argument that does not necessarily withstand the passage of a decade, but King’s
Through the term phantasmagoric labour, Ernest Sternberg traces the history of an economy of
self-presentation, which centers the image instead of information, usually reserved for
celebrities, all for the capitalist market (423). Phantasmagoric capitalism, or the economic
capacity to load products (be it objects or persons) with evocative meaning, contains three
elements when it comes to the labour of a persona (Sternberg 423). Personification consists of
a person’s virtuous qualities chosen specifically for an audience. Their attributes are both their
physical person and any objects that become synonymous with their image, while allegories
designate specific behaviours or activities that humanize a persona into someone “just like us”
(Sternberg 427-431). This labour is illustrated specifically through reality television in the
chapter, “John, a 20-year-old Boston native with a great sense of humor.” In it, Alison Hearn
describes reality television as a site of persona construction, in which the self and the creation of a
particular public identity for consumption has become commodified, citing autonomous marxist
theories of production and immaterial labour (618-619). Lastly, Charles Fairchild claims that while
the show Australian Idol is a falsified version of genuine talent development and the music industry
at nearly every stage of competition, it has successfully commodified the attention economy (287).
The theme of authenticity returns here, where in the case of this show, it is also as much of an
illusion as the supposed reality it represents. Interestingly enough, American Idol, cancelled in 2017
after a fifteen year run, was revived in 2018 by ABC (Deggans NPR). In a media landscape full of
“real-life” competition style television, one does wonder how the arguably misleading economy of
self-presentation fairs against the reality of economic capital, or if the former even really matters so
long as audiences are watching. It also raises the question of whether or not audiences are aware
this commodification of their attention and the disingenuous nature of the program, of it if even
In “Celebrity and Religion,” Chris Rojek invokes the concept of a “para-social interaction,” or
relations of intimacy constructed by mass media rather than direct experience, to contextualize
the religious-like zeal of certain fan communities for celebrities citation. From the St. Thomas
effect, which compels individuals to physically authenticate an object of desire through touch
and photograph, all the way to elevation, or “the social and cultural process involved in raising
the celebrity above the public,” Rojek speaks of this fervor as the “organized mobility of fantasy
and desire” (390; 403; 397). My argument in this section is that with the exception of Lawrence
dubious light.
‘Is There a Fan in the House?’; ‘Feminine Fascinations’; ‘Reading Gossip Magazines’;
Rooted in the example of rock music, Grossberg describes fandom as inextricably linked to both
consumption and affect. It is not homogenous or single minded, but actively constructed with
different sub groups and an ever changing part of culture (Grossberg 583). I suggest here that
these affects and subgroups can play out in a variety of ways, from complex identifications and
celebrity figure and fan writings. On one level, Joke Hermes views gossip magazines as both a
means of and motivation for consumption, categorizing three kinds: malicious or scandalous,
friendly, and royalty news (291). Mostly female readers (though there are intersections with the
camp/queer community) seek to inform themselves, validate their views on certain celebrities,
and maintain social relationships through this consumption (Hermes 293). On the next level,
loosely defined as creating connection or having sympathy for a character (255). Through the
imitation, copying, adoration, or worship of female stars, these women embody a subjective
response that has much less to do with erotic desire and much more to do with “intimacy
This leads us to the highly specific fantasies of Elvis even after his death, which Stephen
Hinerman argues is a highly gendered but necessary component of “the imagined and symbolic
life,” that is ultimately created through the overall systems of power and control within society
that favour men (607). However, the underlying judgement is that these are somewhat strange
behaviours. In a later section of “Authorizing the Celebrity,” Rosemary Coombe details the
extremely secretive communities of science fiction fanfiction writers, the vast majority of whom
are women, who engage in the crafting of homoerotic love stories (744-746). These women
must place themselves in a space of “secrecy and risk,” deep in the online underground for fear
of reprisal from real-life partners or employers or the larger public (Coombe 747). I know from
personal experience that while contemporary fanfiction spaces are much more publicly
accessible, they are still dominated by women who have internalized the use of pseudonyms in
order to distinguish between online and offline personas. This system does not specifically
favour men, but does reinforce a different kind of oppression of women and of their desired fan
expression.
‘I Don’t Have a Great Body, But I Play One on TV’ and ‘Beauty and the Female Body’
The specifically gendered chapters of The Celebrity Culture Reader continue as they turn
specifically to women’s self-perception and their bodies. In “I Don’t Have A Great Body,”
Elizabeth Kissling frames an argument against celebrity self-help fitness books, claiming their
negative impact on women’s relationships with their minds and bodies, self-esteem, and health.
She also considers them anti-feminist and an over-valuing of patriarchal standards of beauty
(Kissling 551). Those same standards are discussed by Kathy Davis in the following chapter in
her critique of cosmetic surgery, where she finds that both men and women place the value of
beauty above all other qualities (564). Davis ultimately places the female body and surgery
within politics of power and oppression (and sometimes liberation), which is also cultural in its
specific targeting of female bodies and female consumption of celebrity as opposed to men, I
am aware of how these divisions unfortunately continue to exist today. However, it is very
heartening to read both Kissling and Davis who cast a critical, argumentative lens on these sorts
of judgements. With the bombardment of westernized beauty standards apparent in nearly all
forms of media consumption and propagated by celebrities new aged social media “influencers,”
the problem does not seem limited simply to cosmetic surgery, but is still entangled in a larger
patriarchal system.
The goal of this section is to illustrate the complex role of the media industry in our
understanding of celebrity. Concepts such as tabloidization and the ever narrowing gap
between a celebrity and their public contextualize the struggles of figures such as Tiger Woods
and Princess Diana as they become symbolic of ideas far beyond what originally brought them
‘Celebrity, The Tabloid and the Democratic Public Sphere’; ‘Is Straight the New Queer?’;
‘(Don’t) Leave Me Alone’
Graeme Turner refers broadly to tabloidization as “the trivialization of media content in general”
(491). He draws comparisons between more respected and more “trashy” celebrity magazines,
explaining the hierarchical structure of ‘media people’ versus ‘ordinary people,’ and claims that
consumers play an important role in cultural visibility (Turner 494-495). This could arguably be
seen in Momin Rahman’s chapter on news coverage of David Beckham, as the insistent focus
on Beckham’s fashion and hair ultimately resulted in a queering of his image (226). According to
Rahman, the sport star is a prime example of how “the culture of fame operates,” in that
Beckham ultimately had very little control over the both the media’s reporting and public
reception (Rahman 224). As another, more serious example, in the wake of his sexual abuse
scandal, Michael Jackson struggled to maintain his star image in news media, as Stephen
Hinerman argues, due to his audience’s ruptured sense of morality and authenticity (Hinerman
461). From another perspective, if we turn to C.L Cole and David Andrews, the strategic
marketing of Nike on behalf of Tiger Woods at the beginning of his career allowed Woods to
embody a “fantasy of a conflict-free and colour-blind America” and created a specifically more
positive consumer identification (Cole and Andrews 348). Another ad eventually framed him as
speaking to the power of the media to exert control over dominant celebrity narratives (Cole and
Andrews 354).
This tense relationship between the media and celebrity comes to a head in the two chapters
that discuss the death of Princess Diana. In “Exemplary Differences,” Richard Johnson explains
how conventions of media and grief were “thrown into crisis” (511). Not only would there be no
more photographs of the beloved icon, mourners grieved the lost promise of her life (Johnson
511). Her death also became linked to the new negotiated boundaries between publicity and
privacy; between the intense coverage of her official affairs as princess, personal issues such
as an eating disorder were public knowledge (Johnson 513). In “Vanishing Point,” Catharine
Lumby considers Princess Diana a symbol of the way mass media has changed our lives (531).
Not only were there vicious cycles condemnation against the photographers who allegedly
caused her death and avid consumption of coverage of Diana’s funeral processes, but the
circulation of specific kinds of positive imagery and the creation of a charity in the princess’
name revealed her not only as a public figure and celebrity, but as a commodified industry
(Lumby 535). Though her image was more controlled than ever, I argue that Princess Diana’s
fate ultimately sheds important light on the extreme end of harmful effects of an over-active
media system based around the consumption of individuals within the public sphere and speaks
to a devaluing of their existence as human beings first, beyond their status as commodified
objects.
The final five unmentioned chapters of The Celebrity Culture Reader speak to what I would
consider more current and future concerns, which will be quickly summarized here. In “New
Media,” David Marshall speaks of new media’s impact on celebrity systems, highlighting the role
of subjectivity and pointing to a narrowing gap between celebrities and audience (636). He,
Graeme Turner, and Frances Bonner also analyze the variety of individual roles involved in the
production of a celebrity, from agents to managers in the book’s final chapter (Turner et al. 770).
Similarly, in “The Negotiated Celebration,” Joshua Gamson seeks to unravel the tumultuous
relationship between celebrities and the various media organizations with whom they engage in
“mutual dependence, mutual co-optation, battles, and negotiation” (718). And finally, Kembrew
McLeod tackles the equally complex entanglements of celebrity image ownership in “The
Private Ownership of People”. The last point of concern for me at the end of this paper is how
these relationships, and especially that between celebrities and fans, are exacerbated in today’s
current constant digital age. Celebrities are now losing control over their own image and being
sued by photographers when they use a photo of themselves taken by paparazzi (Rosenbaum
Buzzfeed News). Direct, often unmediated access to an idol via their social media channels
could not only make the job of a publicist or management company more difficult, but in some
ways encourages the development of perceived intimacy between celebrity and audience. A
desire to know everything about a public figure through gossip magazines becomes an ability to
follow their every move in almost real time, creating potentially dangerous situations. With the
evolution of ‘stan’ culture, defined commonly by Maija Kappler “as harmless shorthand for
"superfan," (but effectively, a dark reference to the 2000 Eminem song “Stan”) this subculture
dominated by young women is at once judged and emboldened by the hysteria that once
characterized the height of The Beatles popularity and reifying a position within a patriarchal
system (Kappler Huffington Post Canada; Marshall 504). Their obsessions manifest in the cyber
abuse of critics or competing artists, and transgressing normal boundaries of privacy in order to
ask for photos (Kappler Huffington Post Canada; CapitalFM). While is it fair to imagine that
celebrities and public figures can expect a certain amount of renegotiation within their private
lives and public images, these constantly shifting boundaries are one of my primary sites of
struggle in understanding celebrity culture. Despite their path or motivations toward fame or
which star system they belong to, celebrities are ultimately people, who deserve the same
dignity and respect that we in the general public offer each other, let there lasting and
devastating consequences.
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