Socio-economic profiles and factors of dacoity in Chambal valley districts

Chapter-4
Results and Discussion
The present chapter is divided into six major sections. The first section deals in details the socio-
economic profile of the dacoits surveyed in the four districts of Bhind, Morena, Sheopur and
Gwalior. This entails the marital status of the dacoits, educational qualification, financial status,
place of birth and the family structure of the dacoits. The second section comprises of the
causative factors of the dacoity problem. Here we encounter some of the very common but
intricate factors which are responsible for this. We graphically analyze the possible factors of
dacoity and which of the factors have contributed largely in all the four selected districts. The
third section is an empirical analysis of the changing pattern of dacoity in the Chambal valley.
The analysis has been done both graphically and with the help of appropriate statistical tools to
test this changing pattern. The results are quite interesting as it shows a remarkable shift in the
changing pattern of dacoity and that kidnapping is the latest trend. The fourth section presents
the genesis of rehabilitation of dacoits, while the fifth section sketches the status of rehabilitation
of the surrendered dacoits in the selected four districts of the Chambal valley. The last section is
more or less a conglomeration of the pertinent findings in the previous sections and provides a
brief summary. The descriptions of each of the sections are thus described as below.
I. Socio-Economic Profile of the Dacoits
Table 4.1: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Bhind District
Sample Average Marital Educational Place Family Family’s

distribution Age Status qualification of Structure average
birth monthly
income
General 9 27 9 married 3 literate 1 urban 9 joint 5 LIG
0 6 illiterate 8 rural family 4 MIG
unmarried 0 nuclear 0 UMIG
family 0 HIG
70
SC/ST 7 21 6 married 1 literate 0 urban 7 joint 3 LIG
family 0 HIG
OBC 6 23 3 married 0 literate 0 urban 6 joint 5 LIG
family 0 HIG
Others 03 27 3 married 1 literate 0 urban 3 joint 0 LIG
family 0 HIG
Note: Total 25 Dacoits
Table 4.2: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Morena District

birth monthly
income
General 4 26 3 married 2 literate 3 2 joint 2 LIG
1 2 illiterate urban family 2 MIG
unmarried 1 2 nuclear 0 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
SC/ST 8 20 4 married 1 literate 2 7 joint 6 LIG
rural family 0 HIG
OBC 11 22 6 married 1 literate 0 8 joint 8 LIG
rural family 0 HIG
Others 02 26 0 married 0 literate 0 2 joint 2 LIG
rural family 0 HIG
Note: Total 25 dacoits
Table 4.3: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Sheopur District

birth monthly
income
1unmarried 6 illiterate urban family 3 MIG
8 6 nuclear 1 UMIG
71
rural family 0 HIG
7 0 nuclear 0 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
OBC 6 24 3married 0 literate 0 4 joint 5 LIG
6 2 nuclear 0 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
Others 3 28 3married 2literate 0 3 joint 2 LIG
3 0 nuclear 0 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
Table 4.4: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Gwalior District

birth monthly
income
7 2 nuclear 1 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
5 2 nuclear 1 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
OBC 6 23 3married 1 literate 0 4 joint 2 LIG
6 2 nuclear 1 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
Others 3 27 3married 2literate 0 2 joint 1 LIG
3 1 nuclear 1 UMIG
rural family 0 HIG
Note: Low Income group (LIG) Rs. 0-5,000

Middle Income group (MIG) Rs. 5,000-10,000
Upper Middle Income group (UMIG) Rs. 10,000-25,000
High Income group (HIG) Rs. 25,000 and above.
It has been observed that in the Districts of Bhind, Sheopur and Gwalior 80-84% of the dacoits
are married while 20-16% are un-married. However in Morena district there is certain parity in
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the number of married and un-married dacoits. The former constituting 52% while the later
constituting 48% of the total sample.
Regarding the marital status of the dacoits in the four districts under study, a unique observation
was made in the district of Morena. While there was a vast disparity between the number of
married and bachelor dacoits in Bhind, Sheopur and Gwalior, there was a striking parity between
them in the district of Morena, the ratio being 13:12. A huge proportion i.e. (48%) of dacoits
being un-married is indeed an interesting phenomenon. This may indicate development of new
value system among dacoits in this district which legitimize sexual gratification outside the
wedlock. Such value systems are characteristics of groups having leftist ideological proclivities.
It might be too premature to predict on this basis that dacoits in Morena district are developing
leftist ideas, but I need to mention here that in course of my conversation with various senior
police officials, I was informed that Naxalite influences are indeed gradually diffusing into
dacoit gangs in the district.
Table 4.5: Marital Status of Dacoits Chart 4.1: Marital Status of Dacoits
Marital Status of Dacoits

25
Districts Married Unmarried 21 21
20
20
Bhind 21 4
15
13
Values
12 Married
Unmarried
Morena 13 12 10
5
5 4 4
Sheopur 20 5
0
Bhind Morena Sheopur Gwalior
Gwalior 21 4 Districts
Source: Field Survey Source: Field Survey
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Regarding the educational background of the dacoits among the four districts under study, it was
observed that 72-84% is illiterate while 16-28% is literate. The dacoits are generally illiterate and
devoid of any formal education.
Table 4.6: Educational Backdrop of Dacoits Chart 4.2: Educational Backdrop of Dacoits
Educational Backdrop of Dacoits

25
Districts Literate Illiterate 21
20
20 19
18
Bhind 5 20
15
Values
Literate
Morena 4 21 10
Illiterate
7
6
5
Sheopur 6 19 5 4
0
Gwalior 7 18 Bhind Morena Sheopur Gwalior
Districts
While studying the social background of the dacoits, I have taken two parameters into
consideration. They are place of birth of the dacoits and their family structure.
Across the four districts 80-90% of the dacoits are from rural background while 4-20% had come
from urban background. It is argued, that, the crimes of violence are most common among a
relatively homogenous sub cultural group, in any large rural community. From the psychological
point of view it is hypothesized that the greater the degree of integration of the individual into
the subculture of violence, the higher the probability that his behavior will be violent in a variety
of situations.
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Table 4.7: Place of Birth of Dacoits Chart 4.3: Place of Birth of Dacoits
Districts Rural Urban Place of Birth of Dacoits

30
Bhind 24 1 25 24 24
21
20
20
Morena 20 5
values
15 Rural
Urban
10
Sheopur 24 1
5
5 4
1 1
0
Gwalior 21 4 Bhind Morena Sheopur Gwalior
Districts
As regards the second parameter i.e. family structure, 72-100% of the dacoits come from Joint
Family background while 0-28% is from Nuclear Families. As to their family background, most
of them again belong to joint families. The predominance of rural and joint family background
among these dacoits show that tradition bound society contributes a lot towards this sub-culture
of dacoity for which these Chambal ravines are so infamous. As neo-local residences crop up and
couples set up nuclear families in Urban Settings, they alienate themselves from the baghi
culture and come under the modern, conformist values of mobility. Thus development and
urbanization, inter alia, are suggested remedies to the menace of dacoity.
Table 4.8: Family Structure of Dacoits Chart 4.4: Family Structure of Dacoits
Joint Nuclear
25
Districts Family Family 20
15
Bhind 25 0 Joint Family
10
Morena 19 6 5 Nuclear Family
0
Sheopur 17 8
Gwalior 18 7
75
Regarding the financial status of the dacoits, it has been observed that all the dacoits belong
either in the middle or in the low income category, as is shown in the table below. None of them
belong to Upper Middle or High Income categories. These observations show that the profession
of dacoity today is not at all a lucrative one and offers no chances of social mobility. Unlike the
organized criminal underworld operating in the cities where chances of amassing wealth are
immense, dacoity remains a rather unglamorous profession drawing recruits from these rustic
sons of the ravines. So a search of a “rags to riches story” among Chambal dacoits is bound to be
frustrating.
Table 4.9: Income Status of Dacoits Chart 4.5: Income Status of Dacoits
Upper
Low Middle Middle High High Income
Districts Income Income Income Income Bhind
Upper Middle…
Bhind 13 12 0 0 Morena
Middle Income
Morena 18 7 0 0 Sheopur
Low Income Gwalior
Sheopur 16 8 1 0
0% 50% 100%
Gwalior 11 10 4 0
II. Causative Factors of the Dacoity problem
The present study has been conducted in the four districts of Madhya Pradesh. The problem of
dacoity in the valley has indeed been persistent for more than a century, and it has also been
widespread. 25 convicted dacoits from each of the district jails including Central Jail of Gwalior
have been taken into account. Thus 100 convicted dacoits, in aggregate were interviewed to
know the factors responsible for dacoity. The data presented in the following table analyze the
factors after interviewing with the convicted dacoits. The factors including land disputes, party
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politics, vengeance, police mis-conduct, insulting females, local institutions, wrong society,
aggressive institutions, home environment, and emotive issues.
Table 4.10: Factors of Dacoity
Factors Bhind Morena Gwalior Sheopur
Land disputes 2 3 5 5
Party politics 3 2 3 3
Vengeance 2 5 2 2
Police misconduct 2 2 1 3
Insulting female 5 2 3 2
Local institutions 2 3 2 3
Wrong society 2 3 3 1
Aggressive institutions 2 1 2 2
Home environment 2 2 3 3
Emotive issues 3 2 1 1
Source: Field Survey
Chart 4.6: Factors of Dacoity
6
5
4
3
2 Bhind
1 Morena
0
Gwalior
Sheopur
77
1. Land Disputes
Quarrels over land arise because of illegal possession. The trouble starts when a stronger person
or party illegally possesses the land of the weaker person or party. In most of the cases, the latter
tries to settle the dispute locally and amicably but unfortunately does not succeed that creates
factions and fights. Thus, murders take place accidentally and in a fit of anger and resentment.
As Fateh Singh of Sheopur being deprived of his 32 Bighas of land, forcibly took possession of
his own land. For this he was arrested but later on the case was amicably settled. However, his
opponent implicated him in the theft of a Mauser. As a result he committed the murder of his
opponent, absconded and turned a dacoit.
Chart 4.7: Number of Dacoits citing land disputes as the reason
Number of dacoits citing land disputes as the reason
Sheopur
Gwalior
Number of dacoits
citing land disputes as
Morena the reason
Bhind
0 2 4 6
Another case may here be cited. Dhurva of Gwalior lost some of his land due to Raju who
further got him implicated in certain offences. When Dhurva tried to persuade Raju a fight
ensued. As a result Dhurva with the help of other friends killed two sons of Raju and absconded.
Many such cases can be cited to illustrate that land disputes lead people to fights, murders and
later dacoities.
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Balbanta of Bhind, one of the biggest dacoits of the Chambal basin, also was a victim of land
disputes arising out of party factions and resorted to murder. While on trial, he jumped bail,
absconded and turned a dacoit. Case of Bhole Ram was also another instance.
Disputes often arise over the partition of land. A stronger person tries to occupy a better piece of
land or he tries to acquire a little more than the other. The dispute takes the form of a quarrel.
Both of the parties develop a sort of hostile and revengeful attitude. Ultimately, the stronger man
tries to drag the weaker man into terrible circumstances and disputes arise in which murders are
common.
Panna Singh of Morena, a school teacher, had a dispute with his cousin on partition. In the
quarrel that ensued his younger brothers’ murder, the prosecution could not succeed, as he could
not get witnesses. Not being satisfied with this, he committed the murder of his cousin’s sons and
absconded. Similarly Subba Singh of Sheopur had a quarrel with one member of his family over
the partition of land. On instigation by others that he was implicated by the member in a case of
theft, he tried to kill him but failed. Though this was mutually settled, he tried again and killed
him, later turning a dacoit.
Generally, a large number of cases of violence arise out of disputes over land. Fights often take
place which result in murders. Verrier remarked, “Murders connected with property are not
generally committed for gain in the ordinary sense. They rather arise out of disputes about rights
and privileges, and the actual murder is the result of anger and resentment, rather than a desire
for possession. In several cases indeed murder has been a form of self-defence against someone
who tries to take away land or other property that the murderer believes to be his right”,
(Verrier (1950). Practically, every murderer absconds to escape from the clutches of law and
finds shelter in the ravines and starts committing robberies and dacoities of his own or joins the
79
alliance of the existing gangs operating in the area. Thus, the disputes over land are at least
indirectly responsible for creating dacoits.
2. Party Politics
The party disputes of villages not only create dacoits but help the gangs in committing dacoities
and kidnapping also. In the words of Mathur “These feuds and rivalries very often prompt one of
the houses of the opponent”, (Mathur R. N. 1961). Generally the village feuds create two
parties. The party of the rich persons either takes illegal possession of a piece of land belonging
to the members of the other party, or implicates them in some offences truly or falsely and
harasses them in several ways. The members of the other party either sell out the disputed
property or harbor the gangs.
Sometimes a stronger party tries to kill the members of the other party. They plan to commit
murders in such a way that, in case all are arrested, they are all eventually acquitted by the
courts. The second party, finding no way out, takes law in its own hands and kills the members
of the stronger party and absconds.
Chart 4.8: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing party politics as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing party politics as factor

4
3
Number of convicted
2
dacoits citing party
1 politics as factor
0
Bhind Morena Gwalior Sheopur
Almost every village is divided into party factions. These factions arise out of trivial matters of
self-interests and the widening of such interests creates hostility. People of this area develop a
80
sort of vendetta and try to inflict retribution on their enemy. They take law in their own hands
and abscond either on committing murders or in order to commit murders later on. For example,
the gang of Nahar Singh was born out of animosity between the two Thakur parties of village
Nand in Bhind.
Panchayats also sometimes generate feuds. Now-a-days, every village is divided into factions
due to enmity that has been bred by the Gram Panchayat elections. Generally, two stronger
persons of the village contest the election and form two hostile camps in the village. The losing
party develops enmity against the winning-party. The enmity grows on till a fight breaks out in
which murders take place and many persons abscond. Thus at village ‘Pipra’ the old Sarpanch
Ganesh of Morena lost the election to Govinda. The party of Ganesh was seeking an opportunity
to fulfill their revengeful purpose. Both the parties assembled to celebrate the whole festival. The
Banias of the village were asked by Ganesh to distribute ‘gur’ freely as was customary. Govinda
opposed it and said that all the villagers should contribute “Chanda” for the ‘gur’ distribution.
Ganesh and Govinda exchanged hot words and a fight broke out in which a boy was severely
injured and later on expired in the hospital. After the incident twenty-nine members of the party
of Ganesh absconded.
Sometimes, village factions arise out of victimization by a stronger party. The major caste-group
of the village imposes several injustices on the minor caste-group. It creates enmity which grows
on with the increasing harassments. The injustices like harming standing crops, teasing and
insulting the female-folk and involving innocent persons in false cases are common. The minor
caste-group tries to avoid the quarrel in the beginning, but when its patience exhausts, a serious
fight breaks out. In the fight, sometimes, murders also take place and the culprits abscond to
81
escape from the clutches of law. Thus, Hira Singh and Moti Singh turned outlaws due to
victimization by Chalte Singh, (Katare, S. S., 1972).
The haves like ex-Zamindars, big land-holders and other rich persons of the villages continue
their malpractices by exploiting the have-nots. A sort of awakening has appeared in the have-
nots who now refuse to surrender to the haves. It offends the haves, who in collaboration with
other stronger party try to oppress the peasantry. It creates a revengeful attitude between the two
sections of the village society. Fights often spread up and the have-nots abscond due to the upper
hand of the haves. Thus, a big land-holder Halke of village Hinnod in Sheopur tried to oppress
the Gujars of his village because they refused to offer their services to him. He tried to exert the
police pressure. The Gujars counteracted this move. One day, when he tried with his party to
suppress them, hot words were exchanged and a fight ensued. Four Gujars absconded and joined
the gang of Balbanta.
3. Vengeance
The tendency to take revenge has been found very strong in the people of the lower Chambal
basin. The Thakur who came from the ruling class comprise a large part of the population. They
are taught to die rather than bear an insult. Any attack on their “self-respect” takes a bad turn. A
quarrel takes place if anybody opposes them. They are so sensitive that if someone does not pay
them due regards or shows any arrogance, they take it as a challenge to their dignity. They turn
violent in ordinary brands and commit murders. According to Rustamji “Tempers are easily
frayed. Murder by way of private vengeance is a part of the rules of the game without any sense
of sin” (Rustamji 1961). Traditions have also played an important role in shaping the revengeful
nature of the people. Not only the Rajputs, but all the communities, Brahman, Thakurs, Harijans,
Vaisya, were born and brought up in the healthy climate of this region, and they imbibed the
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dauntless spirit and martial traditions of the Rajputs. In the event of any dispute, generally the
matter was never taken to a court of law for justice but on the contrary people took the law into
their own hands and decided matters themselves at the point of the gun or by the edge of the
sword. This is the fact that revenge is answerable for many murders in India. If a man informs
against another, and gets other into trouble or pecuniary loss, the vengeance is almost sure to
follow.
Chart 4.9: Number of Convicted dacoits citing vengeance as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing vengeance as factor

6
Number of convicted
3
dacoits citing
vengeance as factor
2
0
The revengeful spirit is found much stronger in the ladies. They instigate their husbands and sons
to take revenge and kill the enemy. Sher Singh of Morena was instigated by his mother to avenge
his father’s imprisonment for fourteen years in a dacoity case, and his death within the four-walls
of the prison. Sher Singh was ordered by his mother at the time of cremation of her enemy
Chand Mal to kill all his enemies. He could not kill them but on the third day he was able to chop
off the nose of one of his enemies. He absconded along with his brother and paid the debt of the
family by killing his enemies.
83
People turn violent on small matters even by making them their prestige issues. Walsh remarked
“In the ordinary fight, which invariably follows the preliminary abuse arising out of some trivial
and temporary dispute, beating and bruising, indicating triumph and monetary superiority,
generally satisfy the victor. But long-nursed animosity and calculated vengeance demand
something more in the nature of a permanent injury and mark, to be exhibited to the public gaze
and to be remembered for all time”, (Walsh, 1929). They take revenge by committing mass
dacoities in which the whole village is ransacked. Thus, some of the relatives of Kaptan Singh
were coming to his village. Some Kachhis of a nearby village looted them on their way. When
Kaptan Singh came to know about it, he collected all his party-members and attacked the
Kachhis and ransacked the whole village. His party looted 60 houses and took away all the
property of the village. The police tried its level best to check such mass dacoities but could not
help, as the party of Kaptan Singh of Bhind could not be punished. Only a general fine was
imposed on them as a punishment.
Small matters like cattle-trespass take a bad turn. For example, in the period (2000-01), some
cattle of Durga Singh of Sheopur entered the field of Daroo Singh and harmed his standing
crops. Daroo Singh along with his brother Anand attacked Durga Singh in the khalihan and beat
him. Durga Singh developed enmity and decided to take revenge. His associate Dhurva also had
an enmity with the Patel Raju of his village. They decided to kill their enemies. One day they
organized a riot and killed three persons, two sons of the Patel Raju and Daroo Singh and
absconded. Dhurva surrendered to the police after two years. But Durga Singh joined the gang of
Balbanta.
People are so hopeless that even insignificant matter hurt their pride and they desire revenge by
committing dacoity with murder. Walsh remarked, “The system of private warfare, or the
84
bloody-feud, or the spirit of vindictive retaliation, as the case may be, still forms the basis of
much of the crime committed in India”, (Walsh, 1929). For example, Kaloo, a Dhobi of village
Rajakhera, slapped a nephew of Changu because he grazed his cattle in the field of Kaloo. This
was treated as a great insult. Changoo prepared a floating gang, and attacked the families of the
Dhobies, looted and tortured them and insulted the females. Thus the revenge was taken.
‘Blood for blood’ still rules the minds of the people and a person will not hesitate to sacrifice
even his life in his attempt to avenge his brothers or other relations. Thus murders multiply. The
story of Chote Singh is a glaring example of how a brother turned a dacoit after killing a police-
informer. He was the younger brother of Buddu Singh. He was the favour of a police officer by
supplying precise information against the gang of Chameli. There was another police-informer
Charna, who supplied information against Buddu Singh and helped the police in arranging a raid
against him. Chhote Singh out of love for his brother thought of taking revenge on Charna. One
day the said police officer took Chhote Singh in his confidence and asked him to kill Buddu
Singh and earn a heavy reward. Chhote Singh pretended loyalty to the police officer and
promised to kill his dacoit brother if he got a rifle. The police officer was pleased with this and
gave him a rifle on a promise from him to kill his dacoit brother within a fortnight. He killed his
enemy Charna and absconded with the police rifle joining his brother later on. Thus, he
eliminated the possible danger to his brother by killing Charna.
The feud, which plays so important role in the society in the lower Chambal basin, is developed
through petty causes. It generally ends with revenge, which takes the form of seizure of the land,
reducing the families of the opponents to beggary and at times eliminating their families by
killing them. Dacoities, kidnappings and murders are committed to satisfy this spirit of revenge.
The Bhind-Morena Crime Situation Committee (unpublished) reports, “Murder by way of private
85
vengeance is a part of the rules of the game without any sense of sin. Kidnapping for ransom
serves the twin ends of revenge and a larger profit”.
4. Police Misconduct
Misconduct of the police has serious consequences in the lower Chambal basin, where tempers
are readily frayed, and people take the law into their own hands and decide matters themselves at
the gun point or by the edge of the sword. This particular trait of their nature has been
instrumental in forcing them to banditry on the slightest pretext of misbehavior of the police. The
Police, in trying to obtain information regarding the dacoits and their movements, sometimes
misbehave with people in various ways. They are very often cruelly beaten for obvious reasons
in the name of getting information of the gangs, and their activities. Naturally they are afraid of
the police treatment. A person having an association with the gang reacts to such treatment by
joining the gang.
Chart 4.10: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing police mis-conduct as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing police mis-

conduct as factor
4
Number of
convicted
2
dacoits citing
police mis-
0 conduct as factor
Bhogi Singh provides such an example. He was a boy of seventeen belonging to the family of
Hira Singh and Moti Singh. One day, while he was on his way from village Khandoli to Rangoli,
he met a police party. The police beat him mercilessly thinking that he might be coming from the
gang and asked him to accompany them. He was so frightened with the maltreatment of the
86
police, that he pretended to take water and slipped away into the nearby ravines and joined the
gang in spite of great opposition of Hira Singh and Moti Singh.
Unreasonable behaviour of the police also leads persons to turn antagonistic. For example, it is
alleged that Dhiraj Singh was ill-treated and harassed by the police for harbouring his brother,
Nahar Singh. The latter used to visits his house in spite of the heavy police pressure and warning
but the former was helpless because of his blood relation. The police committed several
atrocities and compelled him to leave his village and migrate to another village Bhatua in another
district. But his brother continued his visits there also. On one of his visits police learnt about it
and a police officer, along with his force, reached the village for spot enquiry. He found the
given information was correct, and losing his temper, he ordered his men to set fire to the house
and when it was reduced to ashes he left the village. Dhiraj Singh was out of station at that time.
When he returned he found his family in tears and the house in ashes. It embittered him so much
that he lost his balance and turned an outlaw at the age of seventy.
Many persons turn hostile and outlaws due to faulty investigation. Thus, the investigating officer
of Police Station Saondha listed the name of Fateh Singh as a suspect in the stolen Mauser of
Darshan Singh on the information of Kapte, who had a dispute over a piece of land with Fateh
Singh. And this that fact was known to the police officer. It is difficult to deny that Fateh Singh
turned hostile because he was dishonestly implicated in the case of stolen Mauser. Faulty actions
of the police officers may also lead to absconding. For example, a person even after murdering
his enemy got free by bribing a police officer. The police officer obliged him by implicating an
ex-criminal. To avoid harassment, the ex-criminal turned a dacoit.
The police attempt in turning a casual dacoit into a police-informer is also responsible for turning
them into dacoits. For instance, Chameli fell in love with a dacoit Sundera. She remained with
87
the gang for six months. When she returned a Police Station Officer Shaitan Singh and a Circle
Inspector Saheb Singh tried their level best to make her a police-informer. She told about it to
Sundera who called her back into the gang. In an encounter, she was caught by the police and
was released on bail. It is alleged that she was so cruelly harassed by them that ultimately she
decided to join the gang. Later on, she turned into a very cruel criminal.
Sometimes, the police harassment and beating aggravates resentment, which in turn leads
persons to banditry. Dhurva was slapped and beaten by a Station Officer Tahsildar Singh on the
complaint made by his enemy Raju at a banquet party in a village. It shocked him because he
was insulted before a large gathering. He returned home and exchanged hot words with Raju. A
fight broke out. He killed two sons of his enemy and absconded. In this case also the police
action aggravated the circumstances. The attitude of the police favorable to some while
unfavorable to some other is also partly responsible for hostility in certain cases. It is even
alleged by some that the police often kill dacoits who have surrendered or caught alive. Thus
every wrong action of the police creates animosity against them and as a reaction new dacoits
spring up on the ashes of the older ones.
5. Insulting Females
Any assault on the chastity of a woman is treated as a dangerous offence, because of the high
standard of domestic morals. Harvey mentioned, “If a man insults another by uncomplimentary
allusions to the chastity of his female relatives, such affront very likely leads to bloodshed”,
(Harvey, 1972). In India the “woman” is regarded as the focal point of prestige in the family.
Rape, adultery and molestation of a woman cause a deep emotional disturbance in the family and
till it is fully avenged people look down on that family. In the lower Chambal basin, people often
kill such offenders. Bhatnagar remarked, “The Gujars and Brahmins will not tolerate any sexual
88
offence against their womenfolk. With them an offence committed leaves a permanent injury
which can only be wiped out by seeking revenge and vendetta takes form of murder”,
(Bhatnagar, 1961).
Chart 4.11: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing insulting as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing insulting females as factor
5
4.5
4
3.5
3 Number of convicted
2.5 dacoits citing insulting
2 females as factor
1.5
1
0.5
0
Hotam Singh serves as an example. His younger sister aged sixteen was raped by Genda Singh,
the son of a local Patel Phool Singh. On getting this information he met Phool Singh and
complained against his son’s behaviour. Phool Singh in place of showing any sympathy to the
victim further insulted him so that he decided to take revenge. He purchased a gun to kill Genda
Singh and Phool Singh but it was seized by the police in time. It compelled him to return to his
service. After a few months he again returned home and killed Genda Singh, Phool Singh and
three other persons of the party of Genda Singh. He absconded and became an outlaw. He was
actively supported by Katan Singh.
Any assault on the chastity of a Brahmin lady is treated as a grave offence and is heavily
punished. Thus, in a village ‘Khedia’, a Patel Annandi Singh was a rich landlord. A Gujar
89
Barelal was an ordinary cultivator. The latter developed immoral relations with the wife of a
Brahmin, who made a complaint to the Patel. The Patel tied the latter with a rope and hung him
in a well and illegally acquired his land just to punish him. After this incident the latter
absconded and became a dacoit.
Wife’s infidelity is fully avenged and people commit murders on such unlawful relationship.
Walsh explained, “It is more usual for him to nurse his grievance until it so preys upon his mind
that the very sight of his wife goads him into frenzy, and he makes a murderous attack upon her
in the middle of the night when she is peacefully sleeping”, (Walsh 1929). Thus the gang leader
Sattoo was entangled with Chanda, the wife of a Thakur Champatia. Chanda was distantly
related to Sattoo. Champatia learnt about the bad character of his wife and warned her of the dire
consequences. In spite of the warning, she went to meet Sattoo in the evening on a pretext.
Champatia followed her and caught her red handed in an uncompromising position. He decided
to kill her. In the night he killed her with an axe. He could not abscond because of the fear of the
dacoit Sattoo. So, he went to the Police Station and reported the murder committed by him.
Similarly, cases of abduction and rape of ladies are avenged with killings.
Wife’s infidelity upsets the mental balance of the husbands and they become dacoits to wreak
vengeance if the enemy is stronger. Tantoo of village Nangoo became a dacoit because a Rajput
Jandel Singh had immoral relations with his wife. He developed a revengeful attitude and
attacked Nannoo Singh, a nephew of Jandel Singh, with a sword. It hurt him. Tantoo was
arrested and was released on bail. He absconded to wreak vengeance and became a dacoit.
Rape is regarded as something morally and socially bad and even a minor child develops hatred
towards such acts. For instance, Prem Singh, a son of a Zamindar of Sheopur, raped a young girl
Prema. She committed suicide after-wards. She had only one brother, who was only ten years old
90
at the time of the incident. When he grew to be eighteen, one day he hide himself in a bush and
killed Prem Singh with an axe. He then went through the village with the head of Prem Singh in
his hand and declared that he had taken the revenge of his sister’s rape. Thus, in the words of
Walsh, “What operates upon his mind is a mixture of humiliation resulting from offended dignity
and of fear of the consequences to himself of caste action rather than any ordinary feeling of
jealousy”, (Walsh, C., 1929). The higher castes like the Thakurs and Brahmins never tolerate
such sexual offences and they avenge it by killing persons, though as Bhatnagar observed
“Chamars and other lower castes may affect a compromise in matters, where sexual or
matrimonial offences have been committed”, (Bhatnagar, K.S, 1961).
6. Local Institutions
Now days every villager faces many difficult situations and falls prey to the anti social elements.
In the past his interests were secured by the indigenous panchayat system which used to settle
disputes sincerely and cordially. Every one’s interest was safe and no one, whether rich or poor,
went against the decisions of the ‘panchayats’. But, with the passage of time, these panchayats
lost their status and social control due to the increasing anti social elements and materialistic
tendencies of the people. When a poor person approaches these panchayats and lodges
complaints against injustices done to him, he/she does not get justice. He cannot approach courts
of law with his meager resources and, thus, out of sheer repulsion and frustration, turns hostile.
Court of law cannot take care of all these disputes because long-drawn-out trials exhaust the
patience of the litigants. Moreover, a legal trial is a costly affair and even when a case is decided
the loser party will not abide by the decision but would like to take the law in its own hand by
committing a murder and absconding. As might is frequently right in the Chambal area, the
easiest course for a dissatisfied man is to take to the ravines and wreak vengeance.
91
Chart 4.12: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing Local Institutions as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing local institutions as factor
2.5
1.5 Number of convicted

dacoits citing local
1 institutions as factor
0.5
Bhind
Morena Gwalior
Sheopur
When a quarrel takes place, people try to settle it locally and, if they fail, they do not approach
courts of law but take the law in their own hands. Any quarrel is sufficient to serve as a motive
for brutal murders. If a man is killed, it is quite certain that there would be another murder to
take revenge. People abscond either on committing murder or in order to wreak vengeance on the
enemy. Thus want of justice appears to be one of the factors encouraging dacoity.
Thus, Nahar Singh and Bhuta Singh committed cattle-lifting from the house of a Gadaria of a
village. The Gadaria held a panchayat in which Nahar Singh was proved guilty, but Bhuta Singh
got scot-free. Nahar Singh was much excited. After an exchange of hot words, he beat Bhuta
Singh and the Panchas, because of their one sided judgment. Bhuta Singh was annoyed at this
behaviour and decided to punish him. While returning home he was surrounded in a field by the
party of Bhuta Singh and was cruelly beaten. In retaliation, he brought forth Sardar Singh, the
mightiest dacoit of the valley, to punish him. About half of the village turned against him and
92
hence Sardar Singh could not take any action against Bhuta Singh. Nahar Singh became an
active harbor and later on a confirmed dacoit.
The dacoit and outlaws do not believe in court trial. A villager who lives in a remote corner of an
isolated region has no resources to go to longer distances for honorable settlement of his quarrel
but tries to fight it out by himself, if he happens to take the shelter of the courts, he is often
harassed by the prolonged procedure and high expenditure involved there. He decides his case on
the spot then and there without going to the court. For instance, Ramola, who was a friend of
absconders Jwala Singh and Sheetla Singh, was falsely implicated in some murder cases thrice
by an enemy of his friends. He appeared before the court of law twice but absconded on the third
time, just to avoid lengthy and expensive trials of the courts.
The police case history of criminal Ratti reveals that a Kachhi named “Ratti” encroached on the
land of another Kachhi Manoo and took illegal possession of a well and a mango tree, by paying
a handsome bribe to the Patwari. When Manoo learnt about it, he lodged a complaint against
Ratti with the Gram Panchayat in 1960, but could not get any justice. Out of anger and
resentment, he threatened to kill Ratti. His elder brother tried to console him, but all in vain. He
absconded and became a dacoit.
Thus, most of the dacoits spring up from the isolated far off villages, who do not find justice in
society. They do not possess means to fight out their interests in the courts and, hence, adopt the
way of crime just to punish the wrong doers. In this connection, Dixit asserts, “The
administration of justice these days has become so complicated, costly and time consuming that
the average villager finds himself unable to cope with its demands. The result is that the
aggrieved person gets impatient and begins to think of adopting the shorter course to take the
93
law into his own hands. This leads to violence, commission of heinous offences and finally to
recourse to the ravines to escape from the long arm of the law”, (Dixit, J.C, 1964).
7. Wrong Society
The lower Chambal basin has never been free from skilled robbers and dacoits. In this part of the
country, when a person gets annoyed with the existing circumstances, he does not like to adjust
himself with these, but develops a sort of revengeful spirit. He takes law into his own hands and
absconds and joins the society of dacoits, which is readily available if one shows his inclination
to join it. An absconder leads criminal life for years together without much difficulty. As
Sleeman remarked, “The haunts of the dacoits were chiefly in the ravines of the Chambal, and
the dense jungle in the Aldwar, Kurowlee and Gwalior States and that they had staunch friends
and protectors in the petty chiefs and landlords of the independent States, who invariably
received a portion of their spoil and booty.” Even now one can find harbourers of the gangs in
the villages adjoining the ravine-belts and forest. It is because of this fact that a Police Officer
(private communication) remarks, “Association with dacoits is conducive to the illicit trade of
smuggling, disposal of stolen property and traffic in women for nobody dare make a complaint
against a man who is in the good books of dacoits”, (Sleeman, 1949).
94
Chart 4.13: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing Wrong Society as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing wrong society as factor
1 Number of convicted
dacoits citing wrong
0 society as factor
Number of convicted…
The dacoits move freely in the ravines and jungles and get assistance from the harbourers.
Prakash Singh was an active harborer to Sher Singh. The former developed intimacy with the
latter and earned easy money through harboring, but it was known to the police. Before he could
be arrested, he joined the gang. He led the life of a dacoit for eight years. A Superintendent of
Police contacted him through a person and promised him to grant pardon, if the whole gang
surrendered. He met the Police Officer and expressed his hopes, but the gang refused to
surrender. When he came to inform about it to the Superintendent of Police, he was arrested and
was sentenced to fourteen years’ rigorous imprisonment.
If the dacoit-gangs are liquidated newer ones crop up on the ashes of older ones, as the harborers
are always there to create trouble for their own vicious interests. For example, Prakash Singh,
although, living a retired life, harbours the gangs. His son became a dacoit and his whole family
harbours the gangs, because of the tendency to earn easy money.
95
The system of police-informers is itself, at least in certain respects, as bad as that of the
harbourers. The police-informers have their own self-interest.
8. Aggressive Institution
The seeds of dacoity, in the lower Chambal basin, have been laid in her old martial traditions.
This region is inhabited by various Thakur clans like the Rajputs, the Sikarwars, the Chauhans,
the Kachhwahas, the Parihars, the Hadas, the Pawars, the Bhadorias and other martial clans like
the Jats, who have a glorious past. These same have resisted the invasions of the Afghans, the
Pathans, the Mughals and the Marathas from time to time and created a buffer zone along the
lower Chambal basin, between the northern and southern India.
It is a hard agony of fate that quite a few of the soldiers of this region turned dacoits. Walsh
mentions, “Soldiers, members of labour parties, and, in small numbers, ex-criminals, returning
to their homes, had tasted the sweets of a new life of adventure, and were unwilling to settle
down again to the dull pursuits of agriculture. The sword had taken the place of the plough in
their thoughts and affections”, (Walsh, 1929). The martial tradition has perhaps made quite a
few people more hot-headed and violent. They flare up into killing the opponents on the slightest
provocation. They developed tenacity for seeking revenge. This tendency is responsible to some
extent for the existing conditions.
In the event of any dispute, instead of going to the court, people take law into their own hands
and decide matters themselves at the point of a gun or by the edge of the sword. If a man is
killed, it is certain that it would be followed by another murder by way of revenge. Enmity is the
essential cause of the whole trouble. People abscond either after committing murder or they
abscond in order to take vengeance on the enemy in accordance with their old traditions.
96
Chart 4.14: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing aggressive institution as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing aggressive institution as factor
1.5
1
Number of convicted dacoits
0.5 citing aggressive institution
as factor
0
Number of convicted…
On petty enmities blood-feud is common. Qanungo aptly remarks, “Blood feud was not common
to the war-like Rajputs only. It was common with men of every community even of lower classes.
It existed long before in the land it exists till today”, (Qanungo, 1960). All other castes have
been born and brought up in this social environment, and, hence, they have also imbibed the
martial traditions of the Rajputs.
9. Home Environment
Most of the homes of the lower Chambal basin are the breeding places of criminality. A home
shapes the personality of the children preparing them to embark upon careers of crime. The
children are not taught to adjust to the new situations of life. Hence, they commit serious
offences on petty affairs. The factors related to the home environment affecting criminality may
be discussed as under:
97
Chart 4.15: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing Home Environment as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing home environment as factor
2.5
2
Number of convicted dacoits
1.5 citing home environment as
factor
1
0.5
0
10. Scarcity
Scarcity has a definite impact on dacoity. The hardships of economic position, the increased
necessities of the growing population, the growth of individual rights, traditional custom of
occasional extravagance, the tardy procedure of courts and some of the conditions of modern
life, have tended to enhance the difficulties of people. The case of the lower social section is
even worse for whom the struggle for existence is still more severe. They are constantly under
the pressure of want, misery and disease.
11. Family Profession
The nature of family occupation exerts a very profound impact on the minds of the children. It
shapes the character, attitude and mental make-up of the children. The reality is that the dacoits
got training in the art of crime from their childhood. The study found that many times the dacoits
were the products of the families, who were engaged in illegal occupations such as smuggling,
98
disposal of stolen property, thefts, robberies and dacoities, and, thus, the seeds of criminality
were sown in the tender age.
For instance, Dhiraj Singh and Nahar Singh belonged to a family of ring leaders, who were
carrying on smuggling, robberies and dacoities. Nearly all the notorious gangs of that time used
to take shelter in the houses of Ram Singh and Shyam Singh. These two families committed all
sorts of crimes but no one dared report against them.
Chameli, a daughter of a prostitute, learnt the art of criminality from her mother’s occupation.
She used to pay visits to a dacoit Sundera who paid her handsomely. She developed a taste for
the gang-life and became a living sin on the earth by her criminal deeds.
Similarly, Mithoo Lal belonged to a family of professional dacoits and harbourers. He learnt the
art and developed a criminal taste because of the illegal occupations of his family.
12. Wrong Company
Again it was found in the study that many times dacoits were associated with the gangs in some
form or the other from their early childhood. They and their parents had been associated with the
gangs of smugglers, robbers and dacoits. This wrong association impedes their healthy growth.
Their energies were channelized into bad ways by these unsocial and unhealthy associations.
They developed bad habits like cattle-lifting, smuggling, thefts, robberies and sexual offences.
They had no cultural or social contacts with the outer world, as they lived in the remote and
isolated part of the country. Sutherland & Cressy observed, “When persons become criminal,
they do so because of contacts with the criminal patterns and also because of isolation from anti-
criminal patterns. Any person inevitably assimilates the surrounding culture unless other
patterns are in conflict”, (Sutherland. E. H. & Cressy, D. R., 1955).
99
13. Emotional Issues
Emotional issues too, are responsible to a very large extent for the creation of dacoits. Emotional
disturbances cause hypertensions, which arise from the unhappy homes, unhappy occupations
and undesirable attitudes of society. When people are troubled, harassed, threatened or insulted,
they cannot always restrain themselves. Very often they sharply react because the impulse of the
moment determines their reactions.
Chart 4.16: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing Emotional Issues as factor
Number of convicted dacoits citing emotive issues as factor
2.5
1.5 Number of convicted

dacoits citing emotive
1 issues as factor
0.5
Bhind Morena
Gwalior Sheopur
The roaming dacoits have created terror among the people but they have gained
favour of their own caste fellows. Several families are earning easy money through harbouring,
disposing of the stolen property, smuggling, theft and robbery. The native youth is easily
tempted by the easy wealth, tremendous influence and adventurous life of dacoits. A child
imitates all that he sees and starts committing theft and later on extends the scope of his criminal
activities The young boys imitate not only the anti-social activities of the dacoits but their ways
of living also.
100
Every family associated with the dacoits desires to earn illegal money. Even the harbourers,
agents, guides, police-informers and the agencies charged with law enforcement try to earn
through illegal means.
People of the lower Chambal basin have different ideals. Rebellion is regarded by them as heroic
act. The commission of unlawful acts such as robberies and dacoities by such rebels are no sin.
According to local people say “it is better to commit dacoities, smuggling and similar offences
rather than die of starvation”. With this background the concept ‘group ideals’ is something
altogether different from what the civilized world understands by the terms. The repression in
society is found not only between the haves and the haves-not but between the higher castes and
the lower castes also.
Many persons join the gangs for mutual well being. The family-members out of their bonds of
affection join the absconded members and take to banditry. For instance, Biru Singh, Mangal
Singh and Maharaj Singh associated themselves with Nahar Singh for mutual well-being.
14. Other Aspects
The elections brought new changes in the minds of every villager. So far they were oppressed
and exploited by the Thakurs and Brahmins but now every caste showed its own importance as a
reaction to the hierarchical castes. The lower and middle castes refused to cast their votes in
favour of the Thakurs and they contested the election of the Gram Panchayats. During the
election period the villages were divided into two hostile groups. As a result dacoits and
harbourers were brought to lime-light. The problem of dacoity became more complicated. These
elections created great rifts between communities. Different communities sought help from the
gangs of their respective caste and all such villages provided good opportunities to the existing
101
gangs. Such villages became the scene of plunder, dacoities, murders and kidnappings for
ransom.
Thus, the above-mentioned factors have tended the people to choose the path of crime.
III. Dacoity and Kidnapping in Bhind, Sheopur, Morena and Gwalior: The Status
Mapping
1. BHIND
In the Bhind district of Indian state of Madhya Pradesh the number of dacoity was 5 while the
number of kidnapping was 39 during 1998. As it could be seen from Table 8, the no. of
kidnapping initially increases than dacoity but only in case of dacoity it has eventually
decreased. From this table, a notable thing is that, during 2002, the no. of dacoity was absolutely
zero which is a significant achievement. But during 2005, it had reached double digit by 14. And
at last, during 2007, the no. of dacoity is only 1.
And in case of kidnapping, the number was 70 while the number of dacoity was only 1 which is
negligible during 2000. And finally, during 2007, the no. of kidnapping is 16 which imply a
decreased trend in kidnapping.
The compound growth rate of dacoity and kidnapping of Bhind is -0.36% and -13.89%
respectively.
At the outset, it should be realized that from the above table, a massive decrease of dacoity and
high increase of kidnapping resulted in the maximum difference between dacoity and
kidnapping.
102
Table 4.11: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Bhind
District Year Dacoity Kidnapping Log(Dacoit Log(Kidna
y) pping)
1998 5 39 1.6094379 3.663562
1999 3 66 1.0986123 4.189655
2000 1 70 0 4.248495
2001 1 47 0 3.850148
BHIND 2002 0 24 0 3.178054
2003 2 28 0.6931472 3.332205
2004 1 33 0 3.496508
2005 14 20 2.6390573 2.995732
2006 3 17 1.0986123 2.833213
2007 1 16 0 2.772589
Source: State Crime Records Bureau, Police Head Quarters, M. P., Bhopal
Chart 4.17: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Bhind
Dacoity and Kidnapping in Bhind
16
17
20
33 2007
28
Kidnapping 2006
24
47 2005
70
2004
66
39 2003
2002
1 2001
3
14 2000
1 1999
2
Dacoity 1998
0
1
1
3
5
0 20 40 60 80
103
1.1 Summary Output Table of Dacoity and Kidnapping: Descriptive Statistics of Bhind
District
From the following tables we also note the descriptive statistics of the two variables i.e. dacoity
and kidnapping. The results show that the mean, median and mode values of the variable
kidnapping are greater than that of dacoity in Bhind.
a. Frequencies
Dacoity Kidnapping
N Valid 10 10
Missing 0 0
Mean 3.1000 36.0000
Std. Error of Mean 1.29486 6.16441
Median 1.5000 30.5000
Mode 1.00 16.00
Std. Deviation 4.09471 19.49359
Variance 16.767 380.000
Skewness 2.496 .871
Std. Error of Skewness .687 .687
Kurtosis 6.763 -.497
Std. Error of Kurtosis 1.334 1.334
Range 14.00 54.00
104
Minimum .00 16.00
Maximum 14.00 70.00
b. Frequency Table-Dacoity
Dacoity Kidnapping
N Valid 10 10
Missing 0 0
Mean 3.1000 36.0000
Median 1.5000 30.5000
Mode 1.00 16.00(a)
Std. Deviation 4.09471 19.49359
Variance 16.767 380.000
Skewness 2.496 .871
Kurtosis 6.763 -.497
Range 14.00 54.00
Minimum .00 16.00
Maximum 14.00 70.00
105
c. Frequency Table-Kidnapping
Frequenc Valid Cumulative
y Percent Percent Percent
Valid 16.00 1 10.0 10.0 10.0
17.00 1 10.0 10.0 20.0
20.00 1 10.0 10.0 30.0
24.00 1 10.0 10.0 40.0
28.00 1 10.0 10.0 50.0
33.00 1 10.0 10.0 60.0
39.00 1 10.0 10.0 70.0
47.00 1 10.0 10.0 80.0
66.00 1 10.0 10.0 90.0
70.00 1 10.0 10.0 100.0
Total 10 100.0 100.0
2. SHEOPUR
Table 4.12: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Sheopur
District Year Dacoity Kidnapping Log(Dacoity) Log(Kidnapping)
1998 1 5 0 1.609438
1999 1 19 0 2.944439
2000 3 19 1.0986123 2.944439
2001 3 24 1.0986123 3.178054
106
SHEOPUR 2002 3 19 1.0986123 2.944439
2003 5 8 1.6094379 2.079442
2004 0 5 0 1.609438
2005 2 4 0.6931472 1.386294
2006 2 7 0.6931472 1.94591
2007 0 6 0 1.791759
Chart 4.18: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Sheopur
Dacoity and Kidnapping in Sheopur

30
25
24
20
19 19 19
Dacoity
15 Kidnapping
10
8
7
6
5 5 5 5
4
3 3 3
2 2
1 1
0 0 0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
From the statistics between 1998-2007 of the incidence of dacoity and kidnapping, it has been
observed that the incidence of kidnapping is far more than dacoity. In the year 1998, we have
only one incident of dacoity whereas the no. of kidnapping is 5 in the same year. An interesting
trend is that, in the year 2004, there were no incidents of dacoity, but the no. of kidnapping was
5. In the year 2001, Sheopur suffered from the highest incidence of kidnapping i.e., 24. But
subsequently from the year 2002-07, it was marginally decreased although the no. of kidnapping
is always more than dacoity.
107
There has been a negative growth rate of kidnapping which is -10.72% and the growth rate of
dacoity is 0.024%.
2.1 Summary Output Table of Dacoity and Kidnapping: Descriptive Statistics of
Sheopur District
From the following tables we also note the descriptive statistics of the two variables ie dacoity
kidnapping are greater than that of dacoity in Sheopur.
a. Frequencies
Kidnappin
Dacoity g
N Valid 9 9
Missing 0 0
Mean 2.2222 12.2222
Std. Error of Mean .49379 2.61819
Median 2.0000 8.0000
Mode 3.00 19.00
Std. Deviation 1.48137 7.85458
Variance 2.194 61.694
Skewness .405 .345
Kurtosis .406 -1.992
Range 5.00 20.00
108
Minimum .00 4.00
Maximum 5.00 24.00
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Valid .00 1 11.1 11.1 11.1
1.00 2 22.2 22.2 33.3
2.00 2 22.2 22.2 55.6
3.00 3 33.3 33.3 88.9
5.00 1 11.1 11.1 100.0
Total 9 100.0 100.0
Valid Cumulative
Valid 4.00 1 11.1 11.1 11.1
5.00 2 22.2 22.2 33.3
7.00 1 11.1 11.1 44.4
8.00 1 11.1 11.1 55.6
19.00 3 33.3 33.3 88.9
24.00 1 11.1 11.1 100.0
Total 9 100.0 100.0
109
3. MORENA
Table 4.13: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Morena
1998 5 30 1.6094379 3.401197
1999 3 23 1.0986123 3.135494
2000 6 33 1.7917595 3.496508
2001 14 30 2.6390573 3.401197

MORENA
2002 7 20 1.9459101 2.995732
2003 4 39 1.3862944 3.663562
2004 7 24 1.9459101 3.178054
2005 9 26 2.1972246 3.258097
2006 5 30 1.6094379 3.401197
2007 15 37 2.7080502 3.610918
Chart 4.18: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Morena
Dacoity and Kidnapping in M orena
40
35
1998
30 1999
2000
25
2001
20 2002
2003
15 2004
2005
10
2006
5 2007
0
Dacoity Kidnapping
110
The incidence of dacoity reached the double figure i.e., 14 and 15 only in the year 2001 and
2007. But so far as the incidence of kidnapping is concerned, it shows a consistent trend and the
year 2003 was the worst affected when 39 incidents of kidnapping was happened. The latest
statistics that we have in the year 2007 we have 37 incidents of kidnapping whereas 15 incidents
of dacoity happened in the same year. Hence, needless to mention that the incidents of number of
kidnapping are far more than the incidence of no. of dacoity from 1998 to 2007.
We have computed the growth rate of dacoity and kidnapping which are 8.10% and 1.56%
respectively.
3.1 Summary Output Table of Dacoity and Kidnapping: Descriptive Statistics of Morena
District
kidnapping are greater than that of dacoity in Morena.
a. Frequencies
Dacoity Kidnapping
N Valid 9 9
Missing 0 0
Mean 6.6667 28.3333
Median 6.0000 30.0000
Mode 5.00(a) 30.00
Std. Deviation 3.27872 5.76628
Variance 10.750 33.250
111
Skewness 1.502 .423
Kurtosis 2.773 .143
Range 11.00 19.00
Minimum 3.00 20.00
Maximum 14.00 39.00
Multiple modes exist. The smallest value is shown
Valid Cumulative
Valid 3.00 1 11.1 11.1 11.1
4.00 1 11.1 11.1 22.2
5.00 2 22.2 22.2 44.4
6.00 1 11.1 11.1 55.6
7.00 2 22.2 22.2 77.8
9.00 1 11.1 11.1 88.9
14.00 1 11.1 11.1 100.0
Total 9 100.0 100.0
112
c. Frequency Table: Kidnapping
Valid Cumulative
Valid 20.00 1 11.1 11.1 11.1
23.00 1 11.1 11.1 22.2
24.00 1 11.1 11.1 33.3
26.00 1 11.1 11.1 44.4
30.00 3 33.3 33.3 77.8
33.00 1 11.1 11.1 88.9
39.00 1 11.1 11.1 100.0
Total 9 100.0 100.0
4. GWALIOR
Table 4.14: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Gwalior
1998 3 59 1.09861229 4.077537444
1999 2 57 0.69314718 4.043051268
2000 8 47 2.07944154 3.850147602
2001 3 40 1.09861229 3.688879454
GWALIOR 2002 8 80 2.07944154 4.382026635
2003 8 81 2.07944154 4.394449155
2004 8 52 2.07944154 3.951243719
2005 6 44 1.79175947 3.784189634
113
2006 10 49 2.30258509 3.891820298
2007 3 61 1.09861229 4.110873864
Chart 4.20: Crimes Related to Dacoity and Kidnapping in Gwalior
Dacoity and Kidnapping in Gwalior

90
80 80 81
70
60 59 61
57
50 52
47 49 Dacoity
44
40 40 Kidnapping
30
20
10 8 8 8 8 10
6
3 2 3 3
0
98
99
00
01
02
03
04
05
06
07
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
The ten year statistics that we have on dacoity and kidnapping proves that kidnapping is the
major problem in the district of Gwalior in comparison of dacoity though the growth rate shows
a negative trend in case of kidnapping i.e., -0.17% while the growth rate of dacoity stands for
8.04%. In the year 1998 and 2007, we have only three incidents of dacoity whereas 59 and 61 is
the total no. of kidnapping in the same year. The highest incidence of dacoity was 10 that
happened in the year 2006 whereas 81 is the highest no. of kidnapping happened in the year
2003. So it proves beyond doubt that kidnapping is the major crime in this region.
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4.1 Summary Output Table of Dacoity and Kidnapping: Descriptive Statistics of
Gwalior District
kidnapping are greater than that of dacoity in Gwalior.
a. Frequencies
Dacoity Kidnapping
N Valid 10 10
Missing 0 0
Mean 5.9000 57.0000
Std. Error of Mean .91226 4.43722
Median 7.0000 54.5000
Mode 8.00 40.00(a)
Std. Deviation 2.88483 14.03171
Variance 8.322 196.889
Skewness -.153 .871
Kurtosis -1.806 -.180
Range 8.00 41.00
Minimum 2.00 40.00
Maximum 10.00 81.00
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Valid Cumulative
Valid 2.00 1 10.0 10.0 10.0
3.00 3 30.0 30.0 40.0
6.00 1 10.0 10.0 50.0
8.00 4 40.0 40.0 90.0
10.00 1 10.0 10.0 100.0
Total 10 100.0 100.0
Valid Cumulative
Valid 40.00 1 10.0 10.0 10.0
44.00 1 10.0 10.0 20.0
47.00 1 10.0 10.0 30.0
49.00 1 10.0 10.0 40.0
52.00 1 10.0 10.0 50.0
57.00 1 10.0 10.0 60.0
59.00 1 10.0 10.0 70.0
61.00 1 10.0 10.0 80.0
80.00 1 10.0 10.0 90.0
81.00 1 10.0 10.0 100.0
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Total 10 100.0 100.0
Table 4.15: Comparison of Growth Rate of Dacoity and Kidnapping between Bhind,
Sheopur, Morena and Gwalior District
Districts Growth Rate
Dacoity Kidnapping
BHIND -0.36% -13.89%
SHEOPUR 0.024% -10.72%
MORENA 8.10% 1.56%
GWALIOR 8.04% -0.17%
To find out separately the growth rate of dacoity and kidnapping of four districts of Madhya
Pradesh, we have calculated log of dacoity and log of kidnapping. We calculated the
compounded growth rate of dacoity as -0.36% and that of kidnapping as -13.89% in Bhind
district. We have computed t-value for dacoity and kidnapping are -0.084 and -4.66.
In this analysis, we have seen that the computed t-value for dacoity and kidnapping, both are
greater than table value at 1% probability level. So the growth rate is statistically insignificant at
1% probability level.
Compound growth rate of kidnapping surged from -0.17% to 1.56% in Morena than Gwalior. In
Bhind, Sheopur and Gwalior district, the growth rate are residing at negative place i.e., -13.89%,
-10.72% and -0.17% respectively. Among the 4 districts, in case of dacoity, it could be seen that
the maximum growth rate is 8.10% in Morena. In Bhind the growth rate of dacoity showed a
negative picture i.e., -0.36%.
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Thus we may conclude that there are total 4 cases of dacoity and 4 cases of kidnapping i.e., total
8 cases of crimes in the 4 above mentioned districts. In each case of 4 districts the growth rates,
the values of R2 and t-value are not statistically significant. But it has been observed that the case
of kidnapping in 4 districts is a serious threat rather than dacoity.
Note: (I have tried to find out the growth rate of kidnapping and dacoity in Chambal. In this
study, growth is defined in terms of log function (logarithmic trend equation), Y=abt or log Y
=log a + t log b and the growth rate is computed using the equation (anti log of b-1)*100)
IV. Genesis of Rehabilitation of Dacoits in Chambal Valley
The deviant sub-culture of the baghi in the Chambal Valley, as we have seen has a historicity
which to an extent dramatizes the image of him as a rebel against the oppression of a superior
political authority before which he refuses to capitulate. However, with the changing political
environment, the role of the political rebel has become increasingly less relevant but the image of
the rebel still continues to carry some of the stereotype. It is in this context of the changes in the
society and polity that the role of the baghi has to be understood for a proper appreciation of the
process of the reintegration of baghis with the society. The role content of the baghi has an
inherent contradiction between the role of the rebel and that of the dacoit. The baghi as a rebel
has a positive role content whilst the baghi as a dacoit carries with it the stigmatized image of the
criminal. Both tend to get combined into a single status of the baghi. The combination of these
two antithetical aspects of baghi role creates tensions within the baghi and paves the way for a
reintegration with the larger society and culture by a redefinition of one’s role.
Historical evidence suggests that armed action against the Chambal Valley deviants has
generally been meeting by armed resistance and the success gained by such action has at best
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been ephemeral and short-lived. The British compelled the Scindia of Gwalior to find a military
solution of the problem. This led to military action in the valley in 1869 and 1875.This was
followed up by meeting out exemplary punishment to the arrested, distributing jagirs to
influential Rajputs on the condition that they would maintain law and order, the re-organization
of the Police by the British, and the conditional pardon of some dacoit leaders, (Katare, 1972).
1. Madhav Rao Scindia (1920)
For the first time Madhav Rao Scindia sought a non-military solution which he believed would
result in a permanent solution of the problem. He held various conferences to ensure co-
operation of the local people. On 30 Jan, 1920 he called a conference of Zamindars at Karera,
near Shiv Puri, to devise measures to eradicate the dacoity menace. No police or military was
allowed in this conference. The conference was also attended by some 400 dacoits. A sort of
Panchayat was constituted in this gathering and a list of the crimes committed by the dacoits was
prepared and the kind of punishments that should go with such crimes was worked out. The
punishments were greatly minimized and the following decisions were taken:
1. The State government would arrange for the maintenance of the families of the surrendered
dacoits as long as they would be in Jail.
2. After the release of surrendered dacoits the State government would help generously in their
rehabilitation.
3. The Police won’t go to fetch the dacoits to jail but they would surrender themselves of their
own accord at the gates of the jail, (Bhatt, 1962)
This finally led to willing surrender of many dacoits.
A follow-up conference was held on 2nd March 1920. It was attended by 500 persons and proved
to be a success in meeting the objective for which it was convened. A committee of 59 persons
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was formed to help and suggest to the government various measures to check the re-appearance
of the problem.
In addition to these, provisions were meant to attract the dacoits who would surrender
voluntarily, the Scindias warned Zamindars and Jagirdars who failed to produce the dacoits with
whom they had alliance with confiscation of their zamindaris and jagirs. The Inspector General
of Police was empowered to confiscate the property of the absconding dacoits, out of which a
Dacoity Relief Fund could be raised to help the victims of the dacoits.
By dint of such novel policies adopted by him, Madhav Rao Scindia was able to bring peace to
the area and succeeded in reclaiming 80 percent of the criminals. Unfortunately, this approach
which yielded very satisfactory results was not continued for long. However, this experiment did
testify to the efficacy of non-violence, (Bhatt, 1962).
The non-violence and persuasive methods of dealing with the problem of Chambal Valley
dacoits met its first setback immediately after independence. Some prominent congressmen like
K.D.Paliwal, Vidyawati Rathor, H.K.J.Bhoota had worked out a proposal for the surrender of
Man Singh and his gang. The proposal had to be dropped when another section in the party
charged them for being in collusion with the gang (Singh, 1966). Tehsildar Singh, son of Man
Singh, has testified to this abortive attempt and has tried to suggest that although they enjoyed
many of the material satisfaction of life, they were not lured into criminality for money.
Circumstances also acted compulsively in forcing such a choice on them and more than once
they have wanted to settle down to a peaceful life if it was possible. However, it is the report of
the Bhind Morena Crime Situation Inquiry Committee of 1952 that summarises succinctly the
attitude of the new establishment. The Chairman R.K.Dixit observed that the balance of opinion
seemed to be that a general amnesty was a counsel of despair and should not be adopted except
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in the last resort. The committee on their part saw no reason why with determined effort the
administration could not wipe out the gangs and they only therefore could only recommend that
determined measures should be taken towards the end. A promise of amnesty, at least, they felt
could be extended to those against whom there were no evidences. Such amnesty would help the
desertion of gangs by many of their followers and also help bring back the absconders.
2. Acharya Vinoba Bhave (1960)
The shift towards a policy of suppression from that of voluntary submission, however, did not
mean that the advocates of the latter became indifferent to the non-violent approach. By July
1953 “Vikram”, a monthly journal published from Ujjain came out with an editorial note that the
government of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan had been unable to solve the
problem of Chambal ravines (dacoity) through violent methods. They had not grasped the reality
of the problem. The editorial advised that Vinoba Bhave be requested to make an experiment in
the non-violence in the dacoit infested Chambal ravines. It also mentioned that Vinoba should be
granted facilities so that he may easily contact the notorious dacoits, (Guru Sharan, 1974).
This demand on Vinobha came on the heels of his experiment in Telengana which gave birth to
the Bhoodan Movement in the midst of a bloody strife of land. In 1957 Mahavir Singh a
Sarvodaya leader of Etawah is said to have proposed to Baba Raghav Das a non-violent solution
to the problem of dacoity in Chambal Valley. May be on account of the death of the latter
nothing came out of this proposal at that time.
In 1957, H.S. Kohli, Deputy Inspector General of Police, Madhya Pradesh is said to have
suggested to the Government that, though the Police have been successful in liquidating 13 out
of 16 dacoit gangs yet the problem remains as it was before. Violence had failed in eradicating
the menace of dacoity in the region. He also suggested that it can be solved on a permanent basis
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only through non-violent methods and for this Acharya Vinoba Bhave should be requested to
come in Chambal Region and make an experiment in non-violence, (Bhatt, 1962).
In 1959 the late Major General Yadunath Singh of Etawah who was deeply concerned with this
problem visited Bhind along with Dr. Sushila Nayar, Member of Parliament and Mrs. Indira
Gandhi, the then Congress President. The local congress committee of Bhind requested these
people to handle this problem seriously and try to find some non-violent solution, as violence
had failed in solving it. The same year in July a desperate effort was made by Har Sevak Mishra,
former congress president of Bhind district, who accompanied by Prem Narayan Sharma, a
worker of Gandhi Memorial Fund, went to Kashmir to meet Vinoba personally to appeal to him
to pay a visit to the dacoit infested areas (Singh, 1966). At the same time Tehsildar Singh, son of
Man Singh wrote a letter to Vinoba expressing his desire to meet him or any of emissaries sent
by him. Major General Yadunath Singh was sent by Vinoba to meet Tehsildar Singh. Through
him Tehsildar Singh requested Vinoba to visit Chambal ravines and try his experiment of non-
violence on the dacoits. Vinoba responded to their invitation and decided to give a month time to
Chambal Valley. It was planned that he would reach Agra on May 5, 1960, (Bhatt, 1962).
Vinoba, according to his schedule, reached Agra on 5th May, 1960 and from 8th May he started
touring the area. He camped in 26 villages all of which were associated with notorious dacoits of
the valley and ended his tour on 8th June, 1960, exactly after a month. During this period the
authorities of the State of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh did whatever they could to help
Vinoba in making his peace mission a success. Anti-dacoity operations were halted for the time
being. The dacoits who surrendered to Vinoba were allowed to remain with him for some days
freely. In the mean time the workers of the Samiti under Major General Yadunath Singh tried
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their best to spread the message of Vinoba to procure the surrender of as many dacoits as
possible.
The efforts of the mission of Vinoba resulted in the voluntary surrender of 21 dacoits, 04 from
Morena, 09 from Bhind, 06 from Agra, 01 from Bharatpur and 01 who had no warrant against
him.
The efforts however, were not limited only to the surrender to dacoits. The Chambal Ghati
Shanti Samiti, a voluntary organisation with 10 members was formed at the direction of Vinoba.
Swami Krishna Swaroop of Agra was made its president and Hem Dev Sharma of Gwalior, its
Secretary. The main tasks of the Samiti were to look after the legal aspects of the surrendered
dacoits, to take care of problems of their families and to generate an environment of peace in the
area.
Vinoba non-violent intervention which was facilitated by the government of Madhya Pradesh
and Uttar Pradesh started suffering from the unhelpful attitude into which these states relapsed.
As a consequence Vinoba practically abandoned the institutional efforts aimed at solving the
problem. The Police once again started suffering from the feeling that erosion was taking place
in the credibility of the law and order institutions. The Police Chief K.F. Rustamji, on 2nd June,
1960, bewailed the unfortunate role of the Mission. He observed “It is a matter of regret that the
Mission should have deliberately given a set-back to the task of maintaining law and order in the
area in order to please the dacoits. Apart from operational time lost, and statement made against
the Police the Mission has delivered a blow to the morale of the force, it took three years for the
police and the people of these districts to turn the battle in their favour and when we are nearing
the end, we are told that the courage and sacrifice of all was in vain, that the police officers who
had shed their blood for defending others, had used a rifle and had thereby created dacoits, and
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the dacoits sincerely feel that they have been oppressed by the police”. Rustamji further observed
that “if such a mission is sent again to deal with crime in an area there should be special
legislation which would enable it to act, and could remove the confusion and doubt in the minds
of those who are charged with the duty of law enforcement, clearly there is a conflict between
what the law required and what the mission wants, and it is wrong to ask police to do what the
Mission wants”, (Govt of Madhya Pradesh, 1965).
However, Vinoba’s efforts in the Chambal Valley led to two significant developments. First, for
the first time the problem of dacoity in the region and its solution was viewed in the context of
sarvodaya philosophy. This enabled the understanding of the problem in a larger sociological
frame which debunked the narrow social pathological dimensions of criminological behavior.
The values that were evoked for the solution of the problem were universalistic in appeal and
extolled the basic virtues and innate goodness of man. Its appeal to the dacoits therefore asked
them to give up their deviant way of life without shirking responsibility for their deeds. In effect
they were being asked to accept their share of punishment voluntarily, cleanse themselves of the
stigma of the dacoit role and get integrated with the mainstream of national and social life. The
second important development that was the outcome of Vinoba Mission was the creation of a
legitimate passage of re-entry of the deviant into the mainstream which on the one hand implied
the voluntary acceptance of penal punishment but which at the same time offered him a new
social status free from any social stigma.
Afterwards, a controversy and a sort of hostile attitude developed in some quarters of the State.
So it became very difficult for the Peace Mission to carry on its activities openly and with
enthusiasm. Virtually Vinoba had to ask the Mission to stop its activities. The scene again turned
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to one of violence and terror. A sort of vicious circle of violence prevailed over the area. The
inhabitants had to suffer from the atrocities of both—the police as well as the dacoits.
We have already observed how the cessation of the activities of the Mission became imperative
in the face of a critical attitude of the Police. The conversion role practically came to an end. The
Mission therefore started working on prevention of the malady rather than its cure.
The perception of the dacoits had also undergone change. The bullet or the gallows were the only
two alternatives to which they could surrender in view of a basic distrust of the police. The third
alternative of “Samarpan” became viable when the deviant sub-culture witnessed the voluntary
surrender of 20 dacoits before Vinoba in May 1960,the commutation of Tehsildar Singh’s death
sentence on 3rd June, 1960, the relevance of all those convicted by 1970,and finally their
rehabilitation and metamorphosis to peaceful citizenship and acceptance by the society. The
legitimacy of voluntary surrender had come to stay.
3. Jayprakash Narayan (1972)
Not unlike 1960, this time again the initiative for surrender came from the dacoits. Madho Singh
was the man who initiated the voluntary surrender. His efforts date as far back as 1966. In this
connection he had written letters to a number of persons, whom he thought would be in a
position to take up the problem. “For the last 6 years, I wanted to evolve a solution which might
put an end to all this. For it I tried a lot. To Gulzarilal Nanda, then Home Minister, I sent many
persons. To different governments in Madhya Pradesh I have been sending emissaries and
letters. I had written letters to Vinoba, Prime Minister and President but all these efforts bore no
fruit.” Madho Singh is confirmed by an advocate Shri Vidya Ram Gupta of Morena, who
observed that the outlaw chief wrote a letter in 1969 to the convener of “Anti-Dacoit Police
Collaboration committee” expressing a desire to surrender (Mainstream, April 29, 1972).
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In the same year i.e.1969 on 20th October one Jagrup Singh, a forest contractor met Vinoba. He
was sent by Madho Singh as a representative of the dacoits to make Vinoba agree to visit
Chambal Valley and accept surrenders. On 25th June, 1971, he himself went to meet Vinoba at
his ashram in Wardha in disguise but with no success. Then on 1st October, 1971 Madho Singh
disguised as Ram Singh, a forest contractor, met Jayprakash Narayan (JP) at Patna and requested
him to take the responsibility of surrender. It was in his third meeting with JP that Madho Singh
disclosed his real identity. JP assured him that if the attitude of the government was favorable, he
would take the responsibility. JP accordingly wrote letters to the Chief Ministers of MP, UP and
Rajasthan and contacted the central government also. From the very beginning he made it very
clear that the dacoits could be persuaded to surrender only if they could be assured that the law
and order would take its own course but amnesty of life would be granted to them and humane
treatment would be meted out to them after their surrender (Joshi, Mishra and Garg, 1972).
The fact that the dacoits who surrendered to Vinoba in 1960 were leading a normal life and there
was no case of relapse to any criminal activity on their part encouraged the government to go
into the experiment once again.
After getting favourable replies from the concerned Chief Ministers, JP constituted the Chambal
Ghati Shanti Mission in the month of October 1971. The immediate task of contacting the gangs
and persuading them to surrender was made the responsibility of Mahavir Singh and Hemdev
Sharma. A contingent of selfless workers of the Mission Mahavir Singh, Hemdev Sharma,
Charan Singh, S.N. Subbarao, Lokman, Tejsingh, Dareylal along with some others started
contacting the dacoit gangs from November 1971 onwards. For the whole month of November
no link between the dacoits and these workers could be established. Then Madho Singh, who
after returning from Patna had also started convincing the dacoits regarding the possibilities of
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surrender, was approached by some of these workers and was told about their failure in
contacting the dacoit gangs.
Madho Singh advised them to contact first the family members, relatives and influential persons
of the area and convince them so that they, in turn, could ask their relatives and family members
who were operating as dacoits to surrender. This method worked and the workers of the Mission
on most of the time accompanied by the family members of the dacoits were able to contact
them. Some of the dacoits were doubtful about the assurance of the grant of amnesty for life.
Some dacoits including a few gang leaders expressed a desire only to surrender before Vinoba,
and a few proposed to surrender only before the Prime Minister. Such proposal came from those
who were ignorant of who JP was and felt insecure unless they surrendered before the highest
authority or before one who has already demonstrated that surrender before him was safe
enough. On 13th December, 1971, JP issued a secret appeal to the dacoits of the valley, urging
them to lay down arms and to co-operate in the program of the country. He also made it clear
that the attitude of the government was favorable and that they should stop their criminal
activities and prepare themselves for voluntary surrender. In Feb 1972, Tehsildar Singh, son of
Man Singh was released from the prison by the efforts of JP. He also joined Lokman and other
workers of the Mission.
In Feb 1972, P.C. Sethi replaced S.C. Shukla as Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. It is
acknowledged almost universally that the new C.M. showed considerable dynamism in tackling
the problem of surrender and rehabilitation of dacoits. By 1st and 2nd of March 1972, Mahavir
Singh, Hemdev Sharma and Tehsildar Singh met JP at Delhi and Madho Singh informed Shri
Jaya Prakash Narayan that he had been successful in persuading about 100 dacoits to surrender.
On JP’s request to the MP Government, Phargarh area was declared a peace-zone and the dacoit
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gangs in that area could be contacted with comparative ease. One Jeep was provided to the
Mission by Himalaya Seva Sangh which added to the efficiency of the Mission in establishing
contact with dacoits and persuading them to surrender. In the 2nd week of March 1972, after
discussion with the Prime Minister and the Home Minister, the Chief Minister of Madhya
Pradesh met JP and assured him of his full co-operation in facilitating the surrender and also
indicating his acceptance of a 20 point scheme worked out by the Sarvodaya and government
authorities. By this time the gangs of Kalyan Singh, Makhan Singh, Harvilas, Mohor Singh,
Sarup Singh, Tilak Singh, Pancham Singh and Kali Charan along with their gang members had
been contacted and persuaded to surrender.
Some more Jeeps were provided to the Mission by the police department. The workers of the
Mission combed the whole area and contacted as many dacoits as possible. The Central Home
Ministry convened a meeting of Inspector General of Police of the three States: U.P., M.P.,
Rajasthan to work out plans and procedures for the surrender of dacoits. It was followed by a
meeting of the CM of the three concerned states at Delhi on 2nd April 1972. The CM of UP was
not present at this meeting but was represented by an emissary. It was decided that:
1. The Mission be provided with vehicles of Police Department for quicker and easier contacts
with the dacoits.
2. The Police force should suspend its operations against the dacoits until such times the dacoits
could make up their minds about voluntary surrender.
3. That one of the first steps which would be considered as an earnest of their desire to surrender
would be their release forth-with of the persons whom the dacoits had kidnapped for ransom
without any pre-conditions, (National Herald, 3rd April, 1972).
128
By 8th April in response to the above pre-condition most of the estimated 80 persons kidnapped
by the dacoits of Chambal Valley had been released and 2 or 3 such released persons had
reached their home also, (Hindustan Standard April 9, 1972). The gang of Madho Singh had
also released 12 kidnapped persons without taking any ransom. Finally on 10th April 1972, JP
met Prime Minister along with the CM of M.P. After getting her consent on the entire plans and
proceedings, JP reached Gwalior on 11th April 1972. As a result of his efforts and that of the
Mission, the police of M.P., the State Government of the three States and the dacoits, from 14th
April to 6th June 1972,322 dacoits surrendered along with 191 weapons.
Table 4.16: Surrender of dacoits in Gwalior Division from 14th April to 6th June, 1972 and
weapons surrendered
Date Place No.of Dacoits No.of weapons
14-4-1972 Jaura (Morena) 82 48
16-4-1972 Jaura (Morena) 81 62
17-4-1972 Gwalior 1 0
23-4-1972 Dabra (Gwalior) 25 15
1-5-1972 Gwalior 81 36
14-5-1972 Morena 13 8
15-5-1972 Gwalior 2 0
16-5-1972 Gwalior 7 6
25-5-1972 Gwalior 6 4
26-5-1972 Gwalior 1 0
1-6-1972 Gwalior 18 9
3-6-1972 Gwalior 4 3
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6-6-1972 Gwalior 1 0
Note: Later upto July 1972, 68 more dacoits surrendered
Source: CID Office, Gwalior
4. S.N. Subbarao (1970)
The most recent voluntary surrender of dacoits organized by the Sarvodaya organization is
significant in as much as these have not been presided over by the charismas of Vinoba and JP. It
is also significant that the absence of such charismatic personalities indicates a certain
institutionalization of the methods and procedures initiated by them. The co-ordination of the
efforts of the voluntary organization with that of the formal structure of power of the State and
the country had been affected by the intervention of the charismatic personalities. The
acceptance in principle of the 20 points arrived at jointly by the Sarvodaya authorities under the
leadership of JP and the highest authorities of the State provided the main guidelines of the
institutional framework legitimizing the novel co-operation between a voluntary organization
and the state apparatus. This provides perhaps an important aspect of what is usually understood
as routinization of charisma.
It is in this context that the attempt at securing the voluntary surrender of dacoits twice in 1976
has to be grasped in order to be appreciated.
The major efforts at securing voluntary surrender of dacoits came in quick succession. The first
was initiated by the government of UP in January 1976 and the other in Rajasthan in the month
of August 1976. In January 1976, a meeting of high ranking Police Officers of these states
concerned was held at Gwalior to curb the menace of dacoity. Tehsildar Singh (Vice Chairman
of Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan) and other office bearers of the Sansthan were invited to this
meeting. The predominant view in that meeting was in favour of trying to obtain a voluntary
surrender of the operating dacoits of Agra division in a manner similar to that of 1972
130
experiment. The efforts towards obtaining the voluntary surrender of dacoits of Agra division
began in right earnest when in the last week of February 1976 Minister of State for Home Affairs
(UP) announced in a press conference that about 100 dacoits of Agra division on behalf of
Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan were ready to surrender. The Sansthan was to submit a list of such
dacoits to the government by 5th March 1976 (Nav Bharat Times, 24 Feb, 1976).
The efforts of the Sansthan for contacting the dacoits and persuading them to surrender started
on a warfooting from the month of April. In all, the efforts were directed towards contacting 12
gangs operating in the Chambal Valley. A Scheme was drawn for contacting and persuading the
following gangs by Sansthan workers including some ex-dacoits.
Table 4.17: CGSS and a few ex-dacoits to contact Dacoit Gangs
Name of Gang List of dacoits
Harvilas-Nathi Gang 1. Madho Singh
2. Harvilas-Nathi Gang
3. Jangjit Singh
4. Tej Singh
5. Padam Singh
Attar Singh, Gujar Singh 1. Ram Sanehi
2. Bulaki
3. Mohor Singh
Ram Lakhan Singh 1. Madho Singh
2. Jangjit Singh
131
3. Tej Singh.
4. Kanhai
Bhogi-Puttan Gang 1. Ganga Singh
2. Tehsildar Singh
Deshraj Gang 1. Pooran Singh
2. Sobran Singh
3. Lokman Dixit
Shrikishan Gang 1. Jagat Singh
2. Tehsildar Singh
Lal Singh Gang 1. Tehsildar Singh
2. Tej Singh
3. Jagat Singh
Kamta Singh Gang 1. Jagat Singh
2. Tehsildar Singh
Source: Office of Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan (U.P.)
By mid-May the gangs of Lal Singh, Bhogi-Puttan and Deshraj had been contacted. In order to
contact and persuade other gangs Subbarao asked the UP Government to approach the M.P.
Government for the release of Madho Singh, Mohor Singh and a few others, so that the influence
and services of these ex-dacoits could be used in securing the surrender of as many dacoits as
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possible. However, by 19th May, 1976 the gangs of Janak Singh, Kamta Singh and Sattar were
also contacted.
From 15th May onwards the Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan decided to organize a Youth Peace
Camp (Tarun Shanti Kendra). This was mainly to provide an opportunity to the intellectuals,
students and creative youth to have a deeper insight of the problem of dacoity in the Chambal
region. The other major objective being to socialize the surrendering dacoits for leading a
peaceful and useful life after their surrender. By 20th May the Office of Chambal Ghati Seva
Sansthan was shifted from village Jaitpur to Bateshwar, Tehsil Bah. The Youth Peace Camp was
also converted into Samarpan Shivir. Dacoit leader Lal Singh was the first surrendering dacoit
who come to stay at the Samarpan Shivir on 20th May, till the date of surrender ceremony (3rd
June 1976).
By 21st May, 75 dacoits were stated to have entered the Peace Zone of Mainpuri district. By 25th
May, dacoits started visiting the Samarpan Shivir at Bateshwar. The gangs of Janak Singh,
Bhogi-Puttan and Attar Singh camped at Shoripur in a temple near Bateshwar. On 26th May
Madho Singh reached Agra on parole to contact and persuade the remaining dacoits. Mohor
Singh also reached Bateshwar on 29th May, 1976 for the same. A Gayatri Yagna was started in
the Samarpan Shivir from 28th May to be continued upto 3rd June 1976.This was organized to
provide a religious atmosphere to the surrendered dacoits for their spiritual purification as they
were supposed to enter a new life (a kind of rebirth) after their voluntary surrender.
On 29th May a meeting was held in New Delhi attended by Subbarao, Central Minister P.C.Sethi
(who was the C.M. of M.P. during the surrender of dacoits in M.P.in 1972), C.M. of U.P., and
Union Minister for Home Affairs. The decision to accept the surrender of dacoits in U.P., on the
guidelines of 1972 surrender had the un-official sanction of the Government of U.P. from the
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very beginning. Finally on 30th May, the C.M. of U.P. got the consent of the P.M. for accepting
the proposed surrender of dacoits.
From the very beginning the government of U.P. took the initiative to solve the problem of
dacoity in Agra division on a non-violent basis. The first step taken in this direction by the U.P.
Government began with the meeting of the top Police Officers with their counterparts in M.P.
and with the workers of the Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan in Jan1976 at Gwalior. From then
onwards, the governmental machinery had been fully co-operating with the Chambal Ghati Seva
Sansthan in terms of:
1. Facilitating its workers in contacting the dacoit gangs
2. Facilitating it to use the services of some ex-dacoits, serving their prison terms in M.P.at that
time.
3. Providing funds for its functioning.
4. Providing vehicles and wireless sets etc and finally
5. Making provisions (like the M.P. Govt.) for the rehabilitation of the surrendered dacoits along
with the victims of dacoits.
The efforts and the keen interest taken by the DIG (Anti-Dacoity Operation), Agra Range
regarding the securing of surrender of dacoits was of great help to the Sansthan for the work at
hand. On the request of Sansthan in order to facilitate easy contact with the dacoits, in the month
of May, two Peace Zones were declared by the government, one at Bateshwar of Tehsil Bah and
the other in the Police station area of Orawar (12 villages) in districts Mainpuri. It implied no
operation against dacoits in that area. The Provincial Armed Constabulary and other armed
forces were removed from these Peace Zones. The SSP Agra in order to cope up with the efforts
of Sansthan in the last week of May (the time at which the efforts of Sansthan were at its peak),
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gave special instructions to all his subordinate officers and the concerned Police Officers. The IG
UP issued orders to the Police on 27 May not to harass in any form the dacoits and their families
who were to surrender. Later, on 2nd June, he visited the Samarpan Shivir at Bateshwar.
Besides this cooperation with the Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan for a non-violent solution of the
problem of dacoity, there was also the warning by Additional IG (UP) to the dacoits of stern
police action against those who would not surrender. In order to satisfy the anxieties of the
surrendered dacoits, the Minister of State of Home Affairs (UP), himself met them on 27th May
at Bateshwar. He assured them to give due recognition to their complaints and the terms and
conditions of surrender and later rehabilitation etc.
The governments of MP and Rajasthan also played a cooperative role in the efforts’ of the Govt.
of UP and Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan for securing surrenders of as many dacoits as possible.
Without any hitch, the MP Govt released Madho Singh, Mohor Singh, Kalyan Singh, Jangjit
Singh, Ramphal and Raghunath Singh-on parole to facilitate the work of surrender for the UP
Govt. Keeping in view, the intention of some of the gangs not to surrender, the MP Police on 1st
June kept a strict watch on its borders along with UP and Rajasthan. The Govt. of Rajasthan,
declared Raja Khera area (Dist Bharatpur, sub division Dholpur) as Peace Zone, to facilitate the
workers of the Sansthan in contacting dacoits. The Rajastan dacoits who were willing to
surrender, could also cross over to UP from there.
However unlike the environment in which the previous surrender had taken place, the surrender
at Bateshwar did have some disappointments. Nearly 40% of the estimated surrenders did not
take place. This was unfortunate particularly because all of them had been in the Peace Zone but
only 60% were decided finally on voluntary submission, while the others opted for the
continuation of deviant behavior.
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Of the prominent gang leaders who had arrived in the Peace Zone were Harvilas and Nathi,
Bhogi Ram and Puttu Singh, Kamta Singh, Shri Kishan, Deshraj, Lal Singh and Attar Singh. It is
interesting to note that these several gangs tended to get organized around two factional
leaders—Janak Singh and Shri Kishan-Kamta Singh. However, whilst the two enemies
submitted to the enemies, Deshraj, Shri Kishan, Harvilas and Natthi walked out at the last
moment. Also the atmosphere of the Peace Zone was marred by threats of violence. The total
number of voluntary surrender consisted of dacoits (63) as well as those who were not dacoits
but nevertheless were harassed by the Police for alleged alliance with dacoits or for petty crimes.
The latter found voluntary surrender as a dacoit as one way out of the harassment by the Police.
The pattern was different in Rajasthan the following August. The number of voluntary surrenders
were less (21) than in Bateshwar. The norms of the Peace Zone were not violated and none who
had come in the Peace Zone walked out. Harvilas who walked out in Bateshwar walked in at
Dholpur but without his gang. However the violation of the peace zone did not take place. It was
however not possible to avoid some deviations from strict adherence of some of the guidelines in
the 20 points e.g. whereas it was required that everybody holding kidnapees for ransom should
release them before his surrender could be accepted, surrender were accepted in cases where the
kidnapee was released and ransom money extorted. Also in some cases arms were not
surrendered on one plea or the other.
Voluntary Surrender, Escape and Repeat Surrender
Although most of the dacoits who have voluntarily surrendered undergo the terms of punishment
as per prior understanding, their problems inside jails and outside sometimes compel or
encourage some dacoits to escape. Interviews with dacoits and gang leaders reveal certain
features of the new situation in which these dacoits find themselves. There is a tendency for the
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hierarchy which is existent within dacoit gangs to be carried into the prisons and open jails even
after surrender. Thus the authority of the gang leader vis-a vis the members of the gang which
has been transferred from the ravines to the jails tends to continue. While this continuity is
irksome to the gang members in this new situation the tolerance limits by and large are
maintained. However, problems arise when the leader of one gang expects the member of
another gang to bend to his authority. This in one situation from which a dacoit tries to seek
escape, which again is possible if he escapes from the prison itself.
Then there is the other problem of the hierarchy of dacoits in the new situation, where some
dacoits are more important than others in the eyes of the Mission as well as authorities of the
State. Therefore there is a feeling amongst dacoits lower down in the hierarchy of importance
that the Mission and the authorities pursue the terms and conditions of their surrender more
vigorously for those who are more important than they are. Consequently the families of the
more important dacoit’s leaders receive better security and attention and economic benefits than
the others do. Thus the families of less important dacoit leaders or gang members are more prone
to harassment by their erstwhile enemies than the others. This has compelled some dacoit
members to escape.
It is interesting to note that all the 18 of the 20 dacoits who escaped or tried to escape, were gang
members and only 2 gang leaders of low rank. Of the 20 escapees, 12 were shot dead. 2 were re-
arrested and 4 re-surrendered while one was absconding and one not known (CID Office
Gwalior). There is at least one dacoit leader who in all has surrendered three times.
The problem of surrender, escape and re-surrender has another aspect. Since the Chambal Valley
falls under the jurisdiction of three adjacent States, dacoits belonging to one State having
surrendered in another find that they are at a disadvantage. The State to which one surrenders
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claims that since he does not belong to that state he cannot be a beneficiary of some of the
rehabilitation measures. In such cases a dacoits prefer to escape from the alien state to which he
has surrendered. These problems of the jurisdiction of the state, nativity of the dacoit and the
measure of the rehabilitation, however, have been later sorted out and the contradictions
removed. Illustratively the problem of a Sikh dacoit (Bishambar Singh) was typical. He was
denied rehabilitation provisions because he was a Punjabi and MP Govt. refused to take his
responsibility. It was with great effort that the Sansthan could make the authorities accept the
fact that in spite of being a Punjabi he belongs to MP and for all practical purpose belongs to the
State. Raghunandan Singh is an example of escape from MP who chose to resurrender in
Rajasthan in 1976.Harvilas Mallah is yet another case, although he belongs to UP, he shifted his
family to Rajasthan before surrendering and chose to surrender in Rajasthan.
We have therefore been witnessing alternative methodologies of action directed towards the
solution of dacoity problem. On the one hand the time honored methods of coercion and social
control by the established institutions of law and order have been used, perhaps with great vigor
with the advent of British administration. On the other hand, the alternative method of Social
Change through persuasion and voluntary surrender initiated experimentally by Madhav Rao
Scindia, and continued through the voluntary efforts of Sarvodaya organization has become the
second method of solving the problem of this deviance. Conflicts and co-operation between the
adherents of these methodologies of action has been one of the significant outcomes of the social
process of change.
V. Present Status of Rehabilitation of Surrendered Dacoits
250 dacoits were interviewed out of 501 dacoits who have surrendered till date. Again out of 250
dacoits, 70 dacoits are from Gwalior, 60 from Morena, 60 from Sheopur and 60 from Bhind. It is
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very difficult to trace the surrendered dacoits due to certain unavoidable reasons and sometimes
the surrendered dacoits were not willing to share their present status of livelihood. The
surrendered dacoits were selected on a random basis and also of their availability. Most of the
dacoits were engaged in cultivation or as agricultural labourer. Others were engaged in forestry,
mining-quarrying, household industry etc. The following table shows the occupation of
surrendered dacoits in the four districts of Chambal ravines.
Table 4.18: Occupation of surrendered dacoits in the four districts of Chambal ravines
District Cultivation Agricultural Forestry Mining & Household Other
laborer quarrying industry services
Bhind 20 15 10 5 0 10
Morena 30 10 5 5 3 7
Gwalior 25 20 10 4 7 4
Sheopur 15 22 15 3 3 2
Note: Total: 250 dacoits
Chart 4.20: Occupation of surrendered dacoits in the four districts of Chambal Ravines
35
30
25
20 Bhind
Morena
15
Gwalior
10
Sheopur
5
0
Cultivation Agricultural Forestry Mining & Household Other
laborer quarrying industry services
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1. Cultivation
Surrendered dacoits start cultivation has become the most important activities. The M.P. govt.
said that Rs. 400 crore project to reclaim two lakh hectare ravine area in the Chambal region is
sanctioned. Agriculture is the main stay. There is one main crop, but those numbered with tube
wells can get the second crops. Some sow mustard in the rabbi season. Horticulture is not
possible because of scarcity of water, absence of irrigation infrastructure. In the absence of water
of agriculture, there is no trace of modern and progressive farming, livestock have reduced due
to lack of pastures.
2. Agricultural Laborer
Next to cultivators, majority of surrendered dacoits are engaged as agricultural laborers. The
number of dacoits engaged as agricultural laborers has been on increase. Small and unfertile land
holding without irrigation facilities, do not provide stable occupation to dacoits and they prefer
to supplement their cultivation and income by working in the fields of big and well off
cultivators. Agricultural laborers are in great demand during peak period when transplantation
and harvesting is done. Once the peak period is over they become jobless. However, it is
observed that many undertake temporary migration to adjacent areas where agricultural laborers
are in demand. The army of agricultural laborers has grown at a phenomenal rate, and rural
indebtedness has gone up. Capitalism which is taking deep roots in India is not capable of
effecting radical solutions to these urgent and fundamental problems.
3. Forestry
It is fact that the main source of livelihood of dacoits is agricultural and there are varieties of
subsidiary sources of income for them such as forestry, hunting, fishing, plucking of tendu
leaves, and collection of honey, bee wax, mahua, and chironji. They sell these items in weekly
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market. Change in economic set up due to industrialization and urbanization has been
responsible for diminishing of these traditional occupations.
4. Mining and quarrying
Being rich in mineral and natural resources, Chambal ravines provides ample opportunity to the
people. Though mining and quarrying activities are taking place at a large place scale in the
region and it is a striking fact that dacoits have been much benefited from the development of
modern mining sector.
5. Household Industries
It includes manufacturing, processing and repairing. In Sheopur, traditional home-base
industries, such as weaving of rough and cheap cotton cloths, making of rope, mat, basket,
potteries and tiles, black smithy, stone carving and wood works, are main household industries.
Like other traditional occupational (fishing, forestry etc.) home based industries have been badly
affected by the development of modern house hold industries in urban and semi-urban areas. On
the one hand traditional home based industries are dying firstly and household industry is
flourishing on the other.
6. Other Services
A small portion of surrendered dacoits is engaged in some petty works especially in construction,
employed in bidi-rolling and incense stick industries.
Table: 4.19 Quality of houses of surrendered dacoits
District Thatched House Tiled House

Bhind 40 dacoits 20 dacoits
Morena 35 dacoits 25 dacoits
Gwalior 30 dacoits 40 dacoits
Sheopur 50 dacoits 10 dacoits
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Chart 4.22: Quality of Houses of surrendered dacoits
60
40
20 Thatched House
0 Tiled House
Thatched House
Source: : Field Survey
Most of the surrendered dacoits in the four districts of the research area live in thatched house.
Sheopur top the list where 50 dacoits live in thatched house and in Gwalior 30 dacoits live in
thatched house. Gwalior top the list where 40 dacoits live in tiled house and in Sheopur 10
dacoits live in thatched house. As Gwalior is the capital city, most of the surrendered dacoits are
little bit financially well off and they can afford tiled house. Sheopur is the most remote district
in the northern part of Madhya Pradesh and most of the surrendered dacoits lived in the thatched
house. Needless to mention, Sheopur is surrounded by dense forests and mountains and also not
very developed.
The majority of houses in this belt are in adobe with thatched roofs. In heavy rains, many houses
get destroyed or damaged with little relief for restoration.
The government adopted a five point program of rehabilitation for the dacoits of Madhya
Pradesh. The program can be viewed from two angles, one of providing short term reliefs and the
other in terms of long term assistance. The first was designed to meet the immediate needs while
the latter attempted to solve the long term problems that could arise in the way of permanent
rehabilitation. The massive government measures programmed for the rehabilitation of the
surrendered dacoits was as follows:
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7. Short-term Reliefs
Short term relief measures were undertaken to cover the immediate or urgent requirements of the
families of the former dacoits after surrender. Under these measures, provisions were made to
give food grains at the rate of two quintals per family. An ad-hoc monetary grant of a sum up to
400 hundred rupees per family was included in the scheme of reliefs for expenses in exigencies
like illness, marriage, religious ceremonies etc. According to a note of the Commissioner of
Gwalior division, an amount of Rs.1, 22,800 was distributed to the Superintendent of Police of
the concerned districts to the 250 families of the surrendered dacoits as short reliefs immediately
after the surrender. When introducing the scheme, the government made it clear that this short
term money relief was intended only to help the recipients to tide over the initial hardship and
that they should not get the impression that the payments were doles or gratuities given as a sort
of family pension to be extended as relief to the families indefinitely. Under the short term phase
a cash amount of Rs.400/-per family was distributed among the families of 250 dacoits
(Personal Interview) and among the families of the victims this amount was Rs.500/- per family
(Personal Interview). Under the long term phase the provisions were made for-(a) distribution
of land,(b) Scholarship to the children for education and (c) Preference in taking their wards in
governmental jobs.
Table 4.20: Compensation for making houses
Districts Thatched House Tiled House

Bhind Rs.100 Rs. 400
Morena Rs. 50 Rs. 300
Gwalior Rs. 150 Rs.450
Sheopur Rs. 200 Rs. 350
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Chart 4.23 Compensation for making houses
Sheopur
Gwalior
Morena
Bhind
0 100 200 300 400 500
Tiled House Thatched House
Compensation given for houses was inadequate. For thatched houses compensation was given at
a rate varying from Rs.50 to Rs.200 and around Rs.350 to Rs.450 for a tiled house which was
gross inadequate. Thus the process of disbursement was not only economically inadequate it was
also an utterly dehumanizing experience.
Several unhealthy practices were reported during the distribution of compensation. Money was
siphoned off in different ways and the surrendered dacoits were deceived. The disbursement was
extremely slow. Even today many surrendered dacoits complain of not having received the
compensation.
8. Long Term Measures
8.1 Occupational Rehabilitation
The major steps taken towards long term rehabilitation of the former dacoits were in the
allotment of lands and grant of agricultural subsidy.
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Table 4.21: Total number of surrendered dacoits who were allotted land
Districts Irrigated land Dry Land Barren Land
Bhind 10 acre 24 acre 28 acre
Morena 08 acre 26 acre 28 acre
Gwalior 14 acre 20 acre 30 acre
Sheopur 12 acre 28 acre 22 acre
Chart 4.24: Total number of surrendered dacoits who were allotted land
40
30
Irrigated land
20
Dry Land
10
Barren Land
0
Almost all the dacoits came from rural areas. It was thought most expedient to allot them some
cultivable lands with a view to setting them on permanent basis with their families in agriculture.
But most of the land was not fit for agriculture. For agricultural operation 250 families of dacoits
were given the grant of Rs.3, 52,905 up to 2008-09, (Personal Interview).
The government sanctioned a matching cash subsidy to each recipient of land to help him derive
real benefit from cultivation. The subsidy was made available for the following purposes:-
(a) Purchase of bullocks: As essential requirement for cultivation, each allottee of land was
offered a subsidy of Rs.2500 for buying a pair of bullocks.
(b) Purchase of agricultural implements: For purchase of implements like bakkher, ploughs etc.,
each allottee of land was given a cash subsidy of Rs.100.
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(c) Purchase of miscellaneous equipment: For miscellaneous items like rope, judas, baskets,
spades etc., a further grant of Rs.100 to each member was made available.
(d) Purchase of seeds and fertilizers:-For these inputs, each allottee was sanctioned Rs.200 per
acre.
(e) Subsistence allowance:-From the date of actual handing over of land, a subsistence allowance
of Rs.15 per month to each member of the family of the surrendered dacoit was provided for.
This allowance was payable for the first period of nine months from the date of giving actual
possession of land to the dependent members of the families of the dacoit-prisoners concerned.
Under the provision of subsidy, the total subsidy grant to anyone allottee of land under all the
above heads was not to exceed Rs.5000.
8.2 Education facilities
The education facilities provided inside the prison and outside are mostly irrelevant for the
surrendered dacoits themselves in so far as those adults are illiterate and do not get interested in
books and news papers provided in the library. But arrangements were also made for the
education of the growing children of the dacoits so that they should become fit to enter life with
light and hope in due time. Initially, provisions for scholarship were made available to the
genuinely needy on the basis of a means test. But the authorities were directed to adopt a liberal
approach in judging the means of the applicant, and in applying the standards. Hostel facilities
have been provided for these children—a hostel each in Gwalior and Sagar. The scholarship
grants for the various levels of studies are as under:
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Table 4.22: Scholarships Grants admissible to children of surrendered dacoits admitted to
Educational Facilities (Monthly)
Scholarship for hostel Scholarships for non-hostel

Classes
boarders in Rs. students in Rs.
Primary 60.00 35.00
Middle 60.00 40.00
Higher secondary 65.00 45.00
Collegiate(for graduation) 75.00 50.00
Post-graduate 100.00 75.00
Chart 4.24: Scholarships Grants admissible to children of surrendered dacoits admitted to
Educational Facilities (Monthly)
Post-graduate
Collegiate(for
graduation)
Higher secondary
Middle
Primary
0 20 40 60 80 100 120
Scholarships for non-hostel students in…
Scholarship for hostel boarders in Rs.
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In almost all cases, teacher had clear ideas about what quality education should involve.
Teachers variously cited good discipline, vocational training, and learning skills that would
enable children to become good citizens. Interestingly, academic progress was not explicitly
mentioned by any of the teachers, though classroom observations suggested that it was an
implicit concern. What alarmed us, however, was that the absence of the initiative seemed to be
linked to the absence of knowledge on the right to quality education, and thus the information
required for understanding how, through the process of the state, their children was entitled to it.
The amounts disbursed under the education of dependent children of surrendered dacoits are
detailed in the further accompanying table, as noted from the records of the Rehabilitation Cell,
Office of the Commissioner, Gwalior.
Table 4.23: Expenses incurred on Education of Children of Surrendered Dacoits
Year No of children Amount in rupees
1972-73 169 52,939.00
1973-74 220 87,922.00
2008-09 205 166,136.95
Source: Rehabilitation Cell, Office of the Commissioner, Gwalior
Education is most affected since this gets minimal support from the administration. There are
little teaching facilities or equipments. Children generally squat in floors. There is practically no
science in our rural education and this people are devoid of any scientific temper. Teaching and
learning are drudgery in general, through sheer neglect.
Three persons out of the families of dacoits were taken in government service. Thus the above
schemes were floated to help integrate the deviants in the main stream of society (Personal
Interview). A hostel was also established at Gwalior for children of surrender dacoits. The wives
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of the dacoits were also encouraged to visit Mahila State Home to learn and engage in useful
economic activities (Personal Interview).
8.3 Employment
Any meaningful rehabilitation must satisfy the psychological wants of living and of living
comforts through material means. Material means have the cultural content when they take the
form of employment. Therefore under the rehabilitation scheme for the surrendered dacoits and
their family members, provisions were made to offer government employment to the eligible
children or wholly dependent members of the families of these dacoits. Directions were given by
the Chief Ministers those sons and daughters of the surrendered dacoits (i.e. those eligible by
qualifications, education, ability, etc.) should be appointed to ministerial posts such as lower
division clerks and the cases of those fit for higher posts should be referred to the Chief
Secretary. The same kind of assistance has also been extended for the rehabilitation of the
families and their members rendered indigent by the depredations of the dacoits.
8.4 Rehabilitation of Victims
7,028.93 acres of land was distributed among 700 families of the victims of dacoity at the rate of
15 acre per family by 1975.Since October 1974, it was lowered to 5 acres per family.
Agricultural grant of Rs.83, 520 had been distributed among 62 families. 147 members of such
families were taken into government services.
Table 4.24: Scholarship for the Education of Children of the victims of Dacoity
Year Number of children Amount in rupees

1972-73 1,299 4,58,388
1973-74 2,143 9,36,536
1974-75 2,031 6,73,959
Source-Divisional Commissioner Office (Gwalior)
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8.5 Bank loan to Surrendered Dacoits
The ex-dacoits who served their sentence at Nav Jivan Shivir Mungaoli, one ex-dacoits chief had
received two loans of Rs.20, 000 each for starting a dairy. And a loan of Rs.66, 000 was made
available to a wife of another for the purchase of the tractor (Nav Bharat Times 1976). During
the year 2010, State Bank of India loaned Rs. 20,000 to some dacoits for the purchase of
buffaloes etc.
On 14th Nov 1973 near about 100-125 of the surrendered dacoits were transferred to specially
prepare open jail at Mungaoli in district Guna, where they could live with their families
(Personal Interview). The open Jail now termed as Navjivan Shibir permitted the Sarvodaya
Voluntary Organisation to apply its theory of speedy rehabilitation. The Mission as well as the
state initiated a system of self-government in some of their communal aspects of life and living
at Navjivan Shibir. A panchayat came into existence and started operating as an important
decision making body which dealt with disputes amongst its own members inside the Navjivan
Shibir and also interact with the Mission and the Jail authorities to communicate the needs of the
inmates (Personal Interview).
Several economic activities were started within the open jail as a part of the program of
rehabilitation. Land belonging to the Jail could be cultivated by the inmates, a flour mill was
opened, a furniture manufacturing unit started functioning and a milk diary was also started.
Those inmates who showed interest in such gainful employment were rewarded by other kinds of
relaxations. Their period of parole was extended and the profits of their productive labor went to
them, and they were encouraged to produce more.
The activities related to the surrender and rehabilitation of dacoits were being conducted by the
Chambal Valley Peace Mission established by Vinoba in 1960 and reshaped by Jai Prakash
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Narayan in 1972.However,with the expansion in the activities of the Mission, internal
differences on management of the problems of rehabilitation led to the formation of Chambal
Ghati Seva Sansthan in 1975.The main role of rehabilitation and the two surrender programmes
in 1976 shifted to the Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan under the leadership of S.N.Subbarao.
Presently, it is the sansthan which is carrying on the implementation of the guidelines and
looking to the rehabilitation of surrendered dacoit families and their victim families in Madhya
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan.
On the eve of surrender of dacoits on 3rd June 1976 various plans were formulated by the
government for socio-economic development of the dacoit infested areas of Agra division. For
Tehsil Bah (district Agra) a development scheme costing Rs.32 crores was drawn up. The main
items being:
(a) An increase in the area under kharif from 18,000 hectares to 40,000 hectares under rabi crop
and for other crops from 500 hectares to 8500 hectares.
(b) The establishment of 292 small scale and cottage industries, and
(c) The construction of roads and bridges rupees 4 crore, 70 lakhs scheme (Nav Bharat Times: 4th
June 1976)
Another development plan for this region was announced by the C.M. of U.P. where 50 crore
proposal for the Chambal-batwa region to be developed in two phases was worked out for
consideration. Under the first phase roads, bridges and minor irrigation were to be taken up. The
second phase was to cover major irrigation projects (Hindustan Times: 7th June 1976).The
opinion of the Central Zonal Council was in favour of assistance by the centre to the state of
M.P., U.P., and Rajasthan in implementing their socio-economic developmental scheme to check
the menace of dacoity. A proposal for carrying out a study of the problem of dacoity by the
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Bureau of Police Research was also put forward. A meeting with Planning Commission was also
emphasized for the economic development of the region. (Hindustan Times: 12th June 1976)
The Harijan and Social Welfare Department (U.P.) one week prior to the surrender ceremony,
proposed to provide loans for surrendering harijan dacoits (if any).These loans were to be
provided as a measure of rehabilitation. The Agricultural development branch of SBI
(Shamsabad) put forward a proposal for providing a financial aid to the families of surrendered
dacoits for agricultural purposes, under its jurisdiction. The development and rehabilitation
agencies of government responded efficiently to the demands of the new situation and promoted
the voluntary role of the sansthan in surrender, rehabilitation and development.
9. Rehabilitation of Dacoits who surrendered to Vinoba in 1960
9.1 Legal Aid
In total the Chambal Ghati Shanti Samiti spent Rs.15000 for the court cases of the surrendered
dacoits. This amount was made available to Chambal Ghati Shanti Samiti by (a) Gwalior
Chamber of Commerce (b) Sarwa Sewa Sangh (c) Gandhi Smarak Nidhi (M.P.) and (d) Gandhi
Smarak Nidhi (U.P.)
9.2 Economic Aid
The dacoits were rehabilitated on the land allotted by Madhya Pradesh Bhoodan Yagna Board.
For rehabilitation most of the surrendered dacoits were given financial help by Chambal Ghati
Shanti Samiti. A hostel at Bhind was started by the Samiti for the education of the children of
dacoits and the children of the victims of the dacoits. The international Mission---“War on
Want” and certain Social Welfare Agency of Germany also made financial contribution in line
with Chambal Ghati Shanti Samiti towards the rehabilitation and reintegration of these dacoits.
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On behalf of the Chambal Ghati Shanti Samiti and other social welfare agencies, the following
are the attainments by March 1962 towards the socio-economic integration of the 14 out of 20
dacoits who submitted voluntarily to Vinoba in 1960s.
(1) Lokman---his land was under plough in village Bigwa. Family lived in its own house in
Bhind city. His son was sent for education at the expense of Samiti at Visarjan Ashram, Indore.
Half of his land was under dispute at village Ditawli.
(2) Ram Sanchi---his land at village Niwari had been under agricultural operations. His family
possessed a house of its own and also possessed some land at village Jaluapura.
(3) Bhagwan Singh---his land at village Ruan which had been confiscated by the government
earlier, and given to others was restored to his family. His land was under agricultural operations.
His family had shifted to village Goth, where the villagers collectively constructed a house for
the family. Younger brother of Bhagwan Singh was also sent to Indore for education but was
back on account of bad health. There was no enmity with the family on the part of others.
(4) Bhoop Singh---his land was under agricultural operations at village Achhin. Some rivalry
was there in the village.
(5) Kanhai---his brother got established at village Khera Rathore and the whole of his land was
under the plough.
(6) Kharehera---his land at village Sikta was under agricultural operations, while the family lived
at Bhind.
(7) Tej Singh---family migrated to village Pidhora to stay with his elder brother, while his land
was under the plough at village Moghna.
(8) Jangjit---a financial help of Rs.70 was provided to him by the samiti.
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(9) Vidya Ram---family at village Pratap pur, land was under the plough, no opposition in the
village.
(10) Lacchi---family at village Khadit, people of the village have constructed a house for the
family.
(11) Probhudayal---only two bighas of land under the plough. Family at village Khadot in its
own home. One of his sons was helped by German Sahayata Kosh.
(12) Durjan---family stayed at his own village.
(13) Moharman---economically unsound position, financial help to the family was provided by
German Sahayta Kosh.
10. Role of Social Work Agency
Besides exerting the moral influence on the dacoits towards their making voluntary surrender,the
social services agency has also played an important role in helping their rehabilitation—the
rehabilitation of the former dacoits and their families in normal social life through the process of
moral transformation. During this study, some information about the work of some social
organizations which came forward to take up tasks in this regard has been collected.
A Case Study of Voluntary Organization, engaged in the Socio-Economic Development Work in
Chambal Valley and in Rehabilitation of Surrendered Dacoits.
10.1 Mahatma Gandhi Seva Ashram at Joura
This Ashram at Jora in Morena district was instituted by the efforts and the contributions of the
Chambal ghati shanty samiti. The main aim of the ashram is to provide institutional facilities to
those entrusted to its care for eradicating evil traits and to create a healthy social and cultural
atmosphere in the institutions to be run on the Ashram models, viz.—
(1) Establishment of educational institutions
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(2) Establishment of cultural centres with organization of regular games, sports, prayer
activities etc.
(3) Establishment of Industrial centres for encouragement of arts and crafts.
(4) Establishment of training centres for education and training of rural population in new
techniques of agriculture.
(5) Service institutions for social work and social uplift.
(6) Social service for bringing about all round development of the rural area.
(7) Enlistment of cadres to organize all the above activities and achieving the aim.
Before coming over to Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, the eminent social worker,
S.N.Subba Rao, held the charge of the Ashram. The Ashram has agricultural and cattle farms and
is running its own school. It organizes games and sports and holds regular prayer meetings. It
also organizes meetings of released dacoits and of members of families of those residing in
Prisons and of Social Workers from time to time. It conducts discussions into the problems that
such families are facing and formulates the practical solutions arrived through these discussions
for being put into effort. The ashram has taken on hand a few projects of village and cottage
industries. In all the ashram activities, the undercurrent and spirit is of creating peaceful and
friendly atmosphere that helps in reforming and remoulding the trouble mongers and in re-
educating and rehabilitating individuals and families through social care
Mahatma Gandhi Seva Ashram at Joura, district Morena was established in 1970 for developing
a group of workers by S.N.Subbarao, a Youth Worker, to deal with the social aspects of the
problem of dacoity and work for the establishment of a just and peaceful society through non-
violent means.
155
In 1972, Subbarao along with his colleagues (Hem Dev, Mahavir Singh and others) helped in the
organisation of mass-surrender of dacoits before J.P.
Subsequently, more surrender programmes of the dacoits of the Chambal region were organized
by him in 1976, one in U.P.and the other in Rajasthan. Along with this, he also took up certain
socio-economic and cultural programmes with the objective of breaking the vicious circle of
crime phenomenon from this region.
But the integrated comprehensive development programme was taken up from April 1977 when
the Association of Voluntary Agencies for Rural Development helped the Ashram in preparing a
plan for 23 villages of Joura Block and mobilized the resources through EZE, a West German
Charitable agency.
For the purpose of the study, the terms of reference have been:
1) To know and understand the different stages of implementation of different economic
schemes as well as their achievement.
2) To know the social programs organized by the Ashram and assess their contribution in making
the local youth self-dependent and reducing the gap of leadership in the villages.
3) To identify the problems hindering the implementation of the program.
4) To know the methodologies adopted to secure participation of the local community and the
beneficiaries.
10.1.1 Objectives of the Ashram
The Ashram have been formulated taking into consideration the needs and requirements of the
area and its people, such as (a) To establish educational centres for the spread of education in the
area, (b) To arrange the following programs---games, exercise, and prayers daily through the
cultural centres proposed to be established in the villages, (c) To establish industrial centres, (d)
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To establish training centres and to train the youth in developed technologies and techniques of
agriculture, (e) To encourage the youth to work for the betterment of the society and to create
interest among them for social work, (f) To direct efforts towards integrated socio-economic
development of rural poor, (g) To work for the development of attitudes and initiatives for the
promotion of village industries and Khadi production scheme and National Integration, (h) To
adopt any other programme related with the Gandhian Ideology.
10.1.2 Area of Operation
The area of operation of the Ashram covers the entire State of M.P. which could be increased or
decreased by Sandharan Sabha as per requirements.
In connection with the surrender and rehabilitation of dacoits, the Ashram operates at an inter-
state level. Ashram integrated socio-economic development programme covers 23 villages of
Joura Block, district Morena, M.P.
10.1.3 Organizational structure
The Ashram, since its inception has developed a two-tiered organization structure, the Executive
and the Staff, to administer its various integrated socio-economic, cultural and educational
programs. This structure has been evolved in Ashram attempt to ensure local involvement.
The Executive committee is mainly concerned with policy formulation, chalking out plans and
development of implementation schemes.
The staff which forms the second tier is responsible for the organization of various services for
the local community, under various heads of programs of the Ashram. The Ashram has 70 full
time paid workers; of them 35 are project workers. Classification of the workers is as follows
(Ashram Records, 1980).
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Table 4.25: Programme-wise staffing pattern of the Ashram 1980
S.No Programme No. of Workers
1. Integrated socio-economic development project 35
2. Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan 5
3. National Youth Project 6
4. Adult Education 5
5. Education(2 schools and one Balwadi) 14
6. Khadi 3
7. Sheopur Ashram 2
The workers are predominantly from the urban areas. Only about 30% of them are from rural
areas. 60% of them are from M.P. and U.P. The rest are either from South India or from Punjab,
Haryana or Delhi. 80% of them are in the age group of 25-45.They have also diversified
educational background. 90% of them have had education in the range of 5th to 10th standard and
the rest of them have had education up to college level.
The work programmes of the Ashram are as follows:
a) Surrender of dacoits was the main thrust of the Ashram. The Ashram contacted, persuaded,
and ultimately secured the surrender of dacoits at different times and places—(1) In 1972 at
Joura, M.P. (2) In 1976 at Bateshwar, (3) In 1976 at Dholpur, Rajasthan. A total of 520 dacoits
surrendered during the referred period.
b) Organisation of Shanti Sena, to strengthen the efforts of peace and non-violence, and to
provide a base for constructive programme involving the youth. A total of 24 shanti sena units
have been formed in between 1975 and 1976 in 24 villages of Joura and Sabalgarg Tehsil.
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c) Organisation of campaign against social evils.
d) Organisation of community prayers, games for children in the villages.
e) Organisation of Lok Adalat---a committee comprising of a lawyer and ¾ workers of the
Ashram was formed to redress the grievances of the people.
10.2 The CRDP Plan---its different aspects
The objectives of the plan have been prepared after taking into consideration the needs and the
problems and requirements of the area such as (1) rapid growth of ravines, (2) lack of irrigational
facilities, (3) traditional agricultural practices, (4) almost total absence of village industries, (5)
poor quality of livestock, (6) un-employment and underemployment among the youth. The goals
of the plan are as follows:
1) Development of irrigation through installation of small tube-wells.
2) Land development through reclamation of medium as well as shallow ravines.
3) Development of village industries and organization of training cum demonstration program.
4) Development of animal husbandry to serve as a demonstration centre.
5) Organization of training for the local youth in various day to day crafts and technologies to
make them self-dependent, (Avard, 1976).
10.3 Chambal Ghati Shanty Samiti
This samity was organized to serve the families and children of the dacoits who surrendered in
1960.The samiti also organized the defence of cases against these dacoits in courts. Due to
shortage of funds, the activities of the samiti were very much restricted and suffered from
handicaps.
159
10.4 The Madhya Pradesh Bhoodan Mandal Board
After the first surrender movement of 1960, having in view the dependents of the dacoits
involved and their need for constructive help in taking to respectful life, The Madhya Pradesh
Bhoodan Mandal Board extended its assistance to such elements. During the period 1960 to
1972, the Mandal helped some 12 such families with allotments of agricultural plots in the
village of Bardha Bujurg and Kalaram near Sheopur, Morena district. The extent of the gift land
varied from 15 to 25 bighas to each awardee. Both the villages have now come under irrigation
and the recipients of the Bhoodan lands are now well off in their new family situation there.
During the period up to 1972, the Board has distributed about 245 bighas of land to such families
of former dacoits (Report of M.P.Bhoodan Mandal Board, 1971-73).
10.5 Chambal Ghati Shanti Mission
The Samiti already mentioned was revived in the name of this Mission under the Chairmanship
of Jai Prakash Narayan in 1972.The mass surrender of dacoits having been achieved; the impulse
to muster all possible resources and to place responsibilities on right shoulders to give help and
protection to the families of such dacoits became irresistible. The problems of families
victimized by the dacoits throughout the past years were also crying for attention. Therefore the
Mission took upon itself multifarious activities. The formal defence of the dacoits who
voluntarily surrendered had to be organized for minimizing the rigorous of Court trials and at the
same time the arrangements for the rehabilitation of the affected families had to be pushed
through. The Mission workers also took hand in reconciling mutual disputes and resolving
enmities between dacoits, their families and their enemies who suffered at their hands so that
peace was restored as far as possible in the dacoit infested areas without further violence. The
major activity of the Mission was to function as a liaison agency to resolve all the tangled
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matters----as between the dacoit themselves, their families, the victims and their families and
with the government for taking the right steps and measures for easing the difficulties all round.
The Mission had a fund of about 4 lakh rupees, more than half of which was contributed by the
State government and the rest of the money was collected by the mission from different sources
for its relief work. Besides financial aid, the Mission was given about a 100 bighas of
agricultural land by the Madhya Pradesh Bhoodan Yagya Board for the rehabilitation of the
families of the surrendered dacoits. On requests and appeals from the Mission, many persons
responded with donations of various utility articles for relief of the destitute families. The
Mission employed its own financial resources for meeting the Court expenses in defence of the
dacoits in the trials and in giving all sorts of help to the suffering families. The Mission co-
ordinated its activities with the government in processing cases of dacoit families and the victim
families deserving compassion and extraordinary material assistance immediately. The Mission
had almost utilized its funds and its activities ceased especially following the arrest of its leaders
and workers on declaration of nation-wide emergency.
10.6 Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan
On imposition of the emergency, most of the workers of the Mission earlier described, cut off
their relations with the Mission and organized themselves into the Chambal Ghati Seva Sansthan.
This institution in fact came into prominence shortly before the emergency, formed by elements
later joined by the Mission workers to give real size and strength. The sansthan is helping the
government in implementing the various rehabilitation measures at the social work level in
bringing relief to the indigent families both of the surrendered dacoits and of victims in distress
through the depradations of dacoity.
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10.7 Mahila Mandal
The activities of the Mahila Mandal, although of great importance, have yet been limited in
scope mainly due to the lack of healthy surroundings and atmosphere for relief work by women
and for women suffers in the city environs where rehabilitation work is being organized. The
Mandal has however done some good work in helping the families---women and children---of
the surrendered dacoits to get admission in State relief homes and giving them after care
attention, (Singh, 1975).
It should be appreciated that all the social services involved work of an extremely self-sacrificing
nature and the reliefs sought to be given were to a diverse combination of men, women and
children of an especially aggravated criminal community of dacoits do not permit of being
measured by any yard-stick. Any criticism would be undeserving of the nobility of purpose and
spirit of humanity.
VI. Summary of the Key Findings
However, in the matter of rehabilitation of the former dacoits and their families, the salient
features of their life in the process of rehabilitation come to surface for examination under this
overall study.
1. Social Status
Social status can be regarded as an indicator of the assimilation of the dacoits into a community.
As clarified earlier, dacoity had developed as a cottage industry so to say, as an accepted and
recognized institution in society. Thus he who practiced it accumulated power and prestige and
was not of the lower order of functioning in the society. The majority of cases accepted the
position that by going into the profession of dacoity, their social status only went up. Most of
them conceived that they carried the same or even acquired status even after surrendering. Some
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others stated that by surrendering, their status went down. Most of the dacoits who felt a decline
in status after surrender belonged generally to those having lower caste consciousness or lower
gang consciousness. There were a few noted for higher caste feelings among the surrendered
dacoits who observed that they felt a decline in status by surrendering, but these were
comparatively new comers to the profession and had no importance in the gangs and who
generally failed to cash in with any appreciable advantage by way of rewards, revenge or
handsome money benefits out of the profession and then surrendered.
2. Reactions to Dacoity
Murders, abduction, rape of women, ruthless violence and bloody acts have been common in the
lives of dacoits. There are dacoits with even more than 100 murders and a galore of dacoity
exploits in their accomplishments, besides cases of kidnapping for ransom. It is worth the effort
to imagine how such people could adjust themselves to remain in peace in an artificially
arranged area not far removed from the environs where blood for blood had been the principle of
living for them in the past. Thus the protection of the dacoit themselves and their dependents
from their enemies is involved in the very first avenue of affording life for them after they have
laid down their arms and has been the major task before the government. The most important
aspects of the first steps taken for the rehabilitation of the dacoits and their families were also to
extend all sorts of reliefs and rehabilitation assistance to a whole mass of victim families so that
their irate feelings of animosity and vengeance towards the surrendered dacoits and their
kinsmen in the areas were weakened, softened, and quenched as far as possible. Other practical
measures that had to be taken by the government were in effecting withdrawal, cancellation and
suspension of arms licenses of the opponents after careful scrutiny of the complaints and
information collected from the dacoits and all the concerned persons in various ways. A peculiar
163
feature of the kind of handling of such a situation is that arms licenses have had to be given to
the members of the families of the surrendered dacoits who genuinely live in fear of retribution
from their enemies. Arrangements were made to provide armed guards to those dacoit prisoners
who need protection of their lives when they visit their place on parole or on leave or visit their
enemy area during temporary release.
In this connection, besides the governmental efforts and arrangements, the contribution of
voluntary social agencies, especially of the workers of the Shanti Mission, no less credit and
praise for their patient endeavors in the most trying circumstances. They visited all the places of
the affected areas, met the people and tried to convince them, to reconcile them, to make them
forget their old enmities and to forgive those who have come to their shelter and help themselves
and everyone in the earnest urge for leading a peaceful life with mutual understanding, love and
amity. The dacoit prisoners too made attempts to contact their enemies and rivals personally or
through intermediaries assisted by the peace mission or arrangements by the government. They
begged pardon for their sins and pleaded that since they have voluntarily laid down their arms, it
would not be part of any valor to take revenge, but if anyone still had the feeling to take revenge,
he could freely ask for the head of the one that he wanted and not the fair name and honor of a
wife, mother or the lives of children. In spite of such heart moving and sustained efforts of all
concerned, survival of hatred revived by feelings of past horrors and the pain and misery of
wounds that do not heel so quickly have to be witnessed for a long time till completely new
conditions are brought about. So, there have been cases of burning of standing crops in harvest,
attack on the surrendered dacoits or on the members of their families or relations, a few murders
here and there in retribution and vengeance, etc.
164
During this study, to a question put to each surrendered dacoit whether he continued with fear in
mind of attack by his enemy, most of the dacoit prisoner inmates replied in affirmative in
frankness and truth. The answers given by them on measures taken by them impelled by fear
were revealing and indicated in the following table
Table 4.26: Measures taken by dacoit prisoners against fear of enemies
Sl. no. Measures taken
1 No effort made
2 Taking care and precaution
3 Trying for razinama
4 Visits with guard
5 Shifted family
There are many who have shifted their families, some have sold their property in the village
while others are trying to do so. Others who visit their homes take precautions or go with guards.
Generally, people who have fear of their enemies after surrendering and are living open prison
life are those who committed murders, dacoity, or abductions in their own village or wanted to
commit these out of dacoity, but did not succeed and later surrendered. Dacoit leaders in most of
the cases investigated in this regard did not confess to having any fear from enemies. They
seemed to be true and honest. It is possible that in some cases, the surrendered dacoits came to
the prison after eliminating all their enemies. It is said that in one instance, there were 24
murders to eliminate one group of enemies in which not a single number, male, female or a child
was spared. In some cases, where fear lurked, the remnants of the family left the village and
settled in some other place. It appeared, however, that the dacoits hailing from Bundelkhand
165
Region among the prisoners were fearless. It was mainly because there was not much murder
background.
Some dacoits recorded were noted for harbouring fear even after surrender, but only a small
portion has actually met with some sort of retaliation from enemy quarters for past deeds. In two
cases, there was direct attack on the dacoit-prisoners when they visited the area on temporary
release from the open prison. In four cases, some family members or relative have been reported
killed as retribution after the dacoits in question surrendered. In one instance, standing crops of
the dacoit prisoners’ families have been burnt by the enemy.
It is said in the cases of attacks on the dacoit-prisoners themselves that there was no danger to
their families so long as they are alive. This showed the intensity of personal enmity in which the
priority of vengeance was directed against those who bore the legacy of the previous harm done
by them and the wrath kindled personally. So long as they were alive, the avenging acts did not
fall on their families residing in the area of dacoity, in the villages. In one case, when a dacoit
prisoner returned after serving a term in prison before surrender, he was attacked by his enemies
in the village. He had to suffer heavily and he again absconded. On a second occasion when he
went on a short term release from the open prison after surrender, he was again attacked, but he
managed to save himself and returned to the prison. He says that unless they, his enemies, killed
him, they would not dare or turn their attention to touch his son or other family members.
3. Cases of breach of trust and deceit after surrender
During the early dacoity period, the police used to harass the dacoits in many ways. As if the
dacoits could be brought to civility through all kinds of measures, the police resorted to
destruction of crops, stopped cultivation activities and sometimes levelled villages and houses of
dacoits to the ground. This was counter-tyranny from police. In order to escape from such a
166
situation, the majority of dacoits transferred properties to the names of their brothers and other
close relatives who were not in the dacoit list of the police and to them also they left the care of
their wives and children. The mutual trust was kept and the dacoits had their share of the produce
from the trustworthy brethren from time to time when they returned after their dacoity raids and
activities. In most cases, this understanding has continued even after the dacoits took the course
of voluntary surrender.
In some cases, the dacoits have completely left their properties in the hands of such relatives in
their areas while their own families are with them or have settled at some other places or else
they are contemplating to do so after their release from the prisons. Therefore, in majority of
cases, property is not the crux of disputes or enmity between the dacoits, their relations, and
enemies whom they had harmed during their dacoit life. Cheating and breach of trust have not
influenced their pre-occupations of attacks and fear of revenge. There are a few cases of clear
disputes over property. Instances of deceit have been adduced in which the dacoit prisoners are
said to have been deceived by their brethren in whose trust they left their property. In one case, a
real brother was asked to convey the land property and to have a house constructed in the city in
the dacoit prisoner’s wife’s name, but the brother got the property transferred to his own name
and got a house constructed in his wife’s name although the whole money came out of the
prisoner dacoity reapings. In the circumstances of the surrender, the claims are being denied and
the dacoit in question is fighting in court because the claim involves a huge property associated
with a temple. There are few cases where the dacoit prisoners claims and rights to their
properties in their villages, either acquired or otherwise, are being denied by the contestants. In
one case, a dacoit is not being given possession of a house which he purchased during his dacoity
days. In another, a dacoit handed over his dacoity income to a married woman of his own
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caste(recognized as lower caste) on the anticipation that she would divorce her husband and
would become the life partner of the dacoit in question, but she did not do so upon the surrender
of this man.
4. Some Problems of Rehabilitation
In spite of great efforts made for the rehabilitation of the surrendered dacoits and their families
and also of others rendered indigent by dacoity menace, some problems are indeed very trying
and defeat the efforts at solution. Such problems are being sketched in the following paragraphs:
(1) Among the surrendered dacoits, some of them have not yet been allotted any land or given
the cash subsidy for some reason or the other. Those of the Uttar Pradesh, did not get any kind of
rehabilitation benefit, the exception in this category is mainly leaders who actually belonged to
U.P. but somehow managed the allotment of land and subsidy from M.P. However, the dacoits of
U.P. had been given one buffalo each costing nearly 2000 rupees by a voluntary welfare agency
from Gujarat. But the fact is that almost all this money went to waste because the dacoits were
then in closed prison and the buffaloes given to their wives or old parents who failed to feed or
keep the buffaloes properly and so the buffaloes died. And in the matter of allotment of land
also, there has been a good deal of resentment of discrimination in the earlier allotments being of
15 acres and the later allottees getting only 5 acres of land.
(2) Of the land allotted, the allotment made to some of the allottees is reported to be barren and
non-cultivable. Such allottees had returned their pattas quite earlier, but no new allotment has
been made to them hitherto.
(3) Some recipients are not in a position to derive any benefit out of the land allotted to them
because of the land allotted being in their enemy area where their families were not safe and
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could not stay to work on the lands. The solution to this problem is proving difficult because of
survival of enmity in the former dacoit infested areas as already explained.
(4) There are allottees that are not in a position to cultivate because the lands they received are in
unauthorized control of others and there is no eviction machinery. In some of these cases, the
occupants and those disputing the allotments are fighting the government for compensation or
allotment of land in lieu of their dispossession.
(5) There is a grave problem that of security of life which the government is bound to ensure for
the surrendered dacoits, or for that matter, anyone who lives under fear and threat. The
government has assured protection to the dacoits and their families, but there have occurred a
number of murders of the members of the “families of the dacoits’ ever since their surrender”.
As already brought to attention in this study, attacks have been made on the dacoit-prisoners
themselves or they have been intimidated by their enemies. In one case, the son of a dacoit was
killed; and when the dacoit came out after completing his sentence, he took revenge and
absconded. In another instance, two cousins of a dacoit were killed although he has been
released and does not have any feeling of revenge.
(6) A problem is of security of property. In some cases, the surrendered dacoits have been made
to suffer economically or acute economic distress after their surrender. As cited earlier, there was
the case of burning of the crops of a dacoit prisoner by his enemy in the village. On complaint
being lodged with the police, it has been reported that the police did not take any serious action
on such matters. In some other cases, as for example, in the village of Bhadoriya Rajputs, the
destruction was extensive and it was futile to expect government to handle the situation to bring
any relief by way of security to property. Among the Bhadoriya Rajputs, there was a single
family of Tomar Rajput. Over some disputes and provocation, the Tomars committed the
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murders of some Bhadoriyas and absconded to join dacoity. The Bhadoriyas cultivated the lands
left by the Tomars, leveled the pucca house and destroyed the flour mill owned by the Tomar
family. Now after surrender, the Tomar dacoit convicts are trying to sell their property in the said
village, but the Bhadoriyas are holding sway. Furthermore, there are cases of encroachment into
the lands of surrendered dacoits, against which the so called rehabilitation becomes a matter of
ridicule.
(7) Another reason identified for this has been the apathetic attitude of officials towards the
surrendered dacoits. There has been general complaint from the surrender dacoits and their
leaders like Lokman and others that the government officials do not pay due attention to the
problems and grievances. It is even alleged that the officials are more imbued with anti-dacoit
zeal rather than the spirit of rehabilitating them. They suffer both from apathy and antipathy
towards the dacoits and seem to harbor the feeling that the surrendered dacoits and their families
should not have been extended the privileges of socialization and actually deserved nothing but
harsh punishments. So we see the stress of social norms and contradictions of life aggravating
the problems on hand.
Thus we see that government efforts are both being applied to rehabilitation as well as for
wastage and contra results. The efforts of social work agencies prove ineffective and inadequate.
Due to lack of coordination of efforts, red tape and bureaucratic process, delay and negligence on
the part of administration, the executives and jail administration, along with accomplishments,
aggravation of problems becomes more manifest. In the words of Subba Rao, unfortunately,
though much has been done in the direction (i.e. towards rehabilitation), yet it has not been
systematic on our part, we (social work agency) have all along suffered for shortage of men and
money.
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Socio-economic profiles and factors of dacoity in Chambal valley districts

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Chapter-4

Results and Discussion

I. Socio-Economic Profile of the Dacoits

Table 4.1: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Bhind District

Sample Average Marital Educational Place Family Family’s

Table 4.2: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Morena District

Sample Average Marital Educational Place Family Family’s

Table 4.3: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Sheopur District

Sample Average Marital Educational Place Family Family’s

Table 4.4: Socio-Economic Profile of Convicted Dacoits in Gwalior District

Sample Average Marital Educational Place Family Family’s

Note: Low Income group (LIG) Rs. 0-5,000

constituting 48% of the total sample.

dacoit gangs in the district.

Marital Status of Dacoits

Source: Field Survey Source: Field Survey

devoid of any formal education.

Educational Backdrop of Dacoits

Source: Field Survey Source: Field Survey

Districts Rural Urban Place of Birth of Dacoits

Source: Field Survey Source: Field Survey

urbanization, inter alia, are suggested remedies to the menace of dacoity.

Source: Field Survey Source: Field Survey

II. Causative Factors of the Dacoity problem

aggressive institutions, home environment, and emotive issues.

Table 4.10: Factors of Dacoity

Factors Bhind Morena Gwalior Sheopur

Source: Field Survey

Chart 4.6: Factors of Dacoity

Source: Field Survey

opponent, absconded and turned a dacoit.

Chart 4.7: Number of Dacoits citing land disputes as the reason

Number of dacoits citing land disputes as the reason

Source: Field Survey

him, later turning a dacoit.

indirectly responsible for creating dacoits.

property or harbor the gangs.

of the stronger party and absconds.

Chart 4.8: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing party politics as factor

Number of convicted dacoits citing party politics as factor

Source: Field Survey

victimization by Chalte Singh, (Katare, S. S., 1972).

the gang of Balbanta.

Chart 4.9: Number of Convicted dacoits citing vengeance as factor

Number of convicted dacoits citing vengeance as factor

Source: Field Survey

family by killing his enemies.

imposed on them as a punishment.

eliminated the possible danger to his brother by killing Charna.

serves the twin ends of revenge and a larger profit”.

joining the gang.

Chart 4.10: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing police mis-conduct as factor

Number of convicted dacoits citing police mis-

Source: Field Survey

gang in spite of great opposition of Hira Singh and Moti Singh.

ex-criminal. To avoid harassment, the ex-criminal turned a dacoit.

spring up on the ashes of the older ones.

Chart 4.11: Number of Convicted Dacoits citing insulting as factor

Number of convicted dacoits citing insulting females as factor

Source: Field Survey

actively supported by Katan Singh.

absconded and became a dacoit.