Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
of Tam O’Shanter
Assignment #1: The Local & The Global
When walking through the neighbourhood that I grew up in, I see a motley assemblage of
cultures, homes, and people. Throughout the years, the Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood has
changed greatly and it continues to transform due to a multitude of factors. David Hulchanski’s
report, “The Three Cities Within Toronto”, and Doreen Massey’s piece, “A Global Sense of
Place”, shed light on some of these transformative factors that influence neighbourhoods,
including urban and global relations, respectively. This essay will attempt to characterize the
Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood at a local, urban, and global scale by drawing on the
aforementioned literature.
Local Scale:
At first glance, the Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood looks like a generic suburban region of
the Greater Toronto Area. Residential options include single-detached houses, semi-detached
houses, and large apartment complexes. Commercial spaces range from large department stores
like Walmart in Agincourt Mall to small family businesses and ethnic supermarkets clustered in
plazas. There are a wide variety of restaurants serving different cultural cuisines. Institutional
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this neighbourhood. Another defining feature of this neighbourhood is the large population of
elderly people who reside in the Shepherd Terrace senior home. A substantial fraction of the
neighbourhood map is taken up by green space, which seems to be the perfect addition to a
neighbourhood’s defining features. The neighbourhood was first established in 1892, and was
part of the suburban development of Toronto, which consisted largely of a middle and high
income caucasian population, who lived in some of the single-detached houses that still stand
today. Rapid development and investment in the infrastructure of the area resulted in the creation
of a respectable suburb with access to a highway and many institutional areas. Then, in the
mid-1970s after the immigration policies of Canada were altered, many low income immigrant
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Tam O’Shanter community, as many newer buildings, including the one in which my family
resides, were built to cater to the low income immigrants who decided to make this part of
Shortly after this change, the Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood experienced “white flight”,
as a large percentage of the caucasian population moved to other areas. This is reflected in the
most current census data which shows that 75% of the population in this area are visible
minorities, with Chinese and South Asian immigrants making up the majority (City of Toronto
17). Furthermore, a low income population remained in the area, and the previous investment in
infrastructure and development did not continue. Today, this area has no access to the subway,
and only has a few bus stations that do not operate well enough to meet the commuting demands
of the area. The green space has been converted into a private golf course that locals have limited
Private Golf Course access to. The prices of the houses have risen
replaced by high-rise condominiums that previous tenants of the area cannot afford. The local
characteristics of this neighbourhood are definitely shaped by the history of the area, and
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Urban Scale:
My neighbourhood is deep within the City #3 area according to “The Three Cities Within
broader city seems to apply in most cases, but can be challenged in others.
The report draws on the observation that “poverty has moved from the centre to the edges
of the city” (Hulchanski 1) and “low-income households are concentrated in the northeastern and
the northwestern parts of the city” (Hulchanski 1). This accurately describes the Tam O’Shanter
neighbourhood, which is a suburb located in the northeastern part of the city. Census data shows
that the median household income of this neighbourhood is much lower than the city median
(City of Toronto 13). Additionally, the data regarding commute times shows that residents of this
neighbourhood spend a longer time travelling to work compared to city averages, which also
employment, yet they have the poorest access to the Toronto Transit Commission’s subway
stations” (Hulchanski 12). This is exemplified in my neighbourhood because the closest subway
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census tracts include two contrasting urban forms - high rise apartments on the major arterial
the reconstruction of the whole area. This phenomenon contradicts Hulchanski, who addresses
potential gentrification into City #2, while disregarding City #3 as a candidate for gentrification.
He says that “some of the increases in incomes and housing prices occurring in City #1 could
very well result in spillover gentrification to adjacent, relatively low-income census tracts that
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Furthermore, the averages depicted in the census data may agree with Hulchanski’s framework,
but a large range of incomes affect that data and many higher income families reside within City
#3 suburbs in the expensive single-detached houses that they own. Thus, Hulchanski’s
framework may be an accurate description of some urban relations this neighbourhood has with
the greater city of Toronto, but it also disregards the diversity of people that exist in the
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Global Scale:
the notion of what a place really is. She describes her hometown of Kilburn, stating that it is
“not a seamless, coherent identity or a single sense of place which everyone shares” (Massey
153). The Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood could also be described by this statement because it
consists of a variety of different identities that come together. In the past when immigration
policies were different in Canada, the Tam O’ Shanter neighbourhood was a more ethnically
homogenous population. However, as time has passed, globalization has been a “source of
geographically uneven development” (Massey 156) which has contributed to the “uniqueness of
place” (Massey 156). A high immigrant population has transformed this place into an area full of
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neighbourhood, which depict economic
of place. Unlike other, more affluent areas, there are no expensive brand stores like Gucci, Apple,
or Nordstrom because there is a lack of a substantial customer base for these products in this
area, as the population is mostly lower income and could not afford these higher end products.
which is the shrinking of time and space due to technological advancements and developments in
infrastructure. One major component is the public transportation that is available to those in this
area. This neighbourhood doesn't have access to the Toronto’s subway infrastructure and instead
relies upon buses for commuting. Lack of investment in the neighbourhood’s infrastructure
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closer to the subway line is often more Differential Access to Mobility
weak” (Massey 150), and this can be seen in the transportation problem present in this
neighbourhood. Many residents in this area with a higher income utilize their cars to get to work,
which increases their personal mobility, and thus inadvertently reduces the mobility of people
that rely on a public transit system to travel, because the need for such a system goes down. This
is a prime example of how different individuals can reinforce the power geometries that are in
place, which leads to others becoming powerless and trapped in unfortunate situations.
Conclusion:
Global and urban relations come together at a local scale to change our sense of place. In
the case of the Tam O’Shanter neighbourhood, Massey’s statement that “places are
processes” (Massey 155) is quite apparent as this neighbourhood has been through many changes
throughout the years due to the shifts in the population. This neighbourhood continues to change
as processes of gentrification, and the effects of time-space compression influence the character
of this area.
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Works Cited:
Hulchanski, D. (2007) “The Three Cities Within Toronto: Income Polarization Among Toronto’s
Massey, D. (1994) “A Global Sense of Place.” In Space, Place and Gender. Minneapolis:
scarborough
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