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The Role of Music in Popular Social Movements: A Theory and Case Study of the Island

State of Hawaii, USA


Author(s): George H. Lewis
Source: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Dec.,
1985), pp. 153-162
Published by: Croatian Musicological Society
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/836774
Accessed: 12-02-2019 00:40 UTC

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G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985). 2, 153-162 153

THE ROLE OF MUSIC IN POPULAR SOCIAL


MOVEMENTS: A THEORY AND CASE STUDY
OF THE ISLAND STATE OF HAWAII, USA

GEORGE H. LEWIS UDC: 78.05:78.067(992.32)


Original Scientfitc Paper
Izvorn znanstveni &aaak
Received: February 20, 1986.
College of the Pacific, STOCKTON, Pridmleno: 20. veljaie 1986.
Acceptedl: July 10, 1985
California, USA PihvaEeno: :o. srpnja 985.

Until the late 1960's and early 1970's, when it became


ignoring the impact of popular music on social and cultu
ments was sociological folly, there were few serious studies
popular music as political expression. Although some ethn
such as Merriam (1964: 208) were arguing that ?songs lead
low, and political and social movements, often expressed
cause of the licence it gives, shape and force the mouldin
ion,<< there were only a handful of social scientists who took
riously enough to allow it to inform their own work. Theref
exceptions, most treatments of popular music as political
likely to be journalistic or historical, rather than sociolo
Although the 1970's and the early 1980's saw some studi
tant phenomenon reported on by sociologists (Nalven, 1
1979; Watson, 1983), it has been a topic that has, strange
tively little attention paid it, given its importance in the stu
political stability and change.

The Role of Music In Social Movements


Social movements arise not only in response to conditi
or injustice but, more importantly, because of changing defi
conditions. Those involved must recognize and define the
unjustice, and one that is intolerable to live with, rather
it off as the result of luck or a cruel twist of fate (Smelser, 1963; Turner,
1969). In addition, participants in such a movement must come to believe
that an alleviation of these intolerable conditions is possible and that their
efforts will be important in obtaining the desired changes in political and
social conditions (Wilson, 1973).

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154 G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162

There
Therearearefour
fourmajor
major
stages
stages
in ,>consciousness
in ,>consciousness
raisings< associated
raisings<withassociat
social
socialmovements.
movements. 1) Social
1) Social
discontent
discontent
must bemustassociated
be associated
with the social
with the
conditions
conditions persons
personsfindfind
themselves
themselves
in (Aberle,
in (Aberle,
1965). 2) These
1965).problematic
2) These prob
social
socialconditions
conditions mustmust
be defined
be defined
not as unchangable
not as unchangable
and due to andfate,due
but, to fa
instead,
instead,asasduedueto the
to the
policies
policies
of theof present
the present
social order,
social
whichorder,
can bewhich c
changed
changed- thus
- thus moving
movingpersons
persons
from social
fromdiscontent
social discontent
to social unrest,
to social
or un
aa readiness
readiness to to
challenge
challengethe political
the political
,structure,structure
to change to social
change
conditions
social con
(Oberschall,
(Oberschall, 1973).
1973).
3) From
3) From
this base
thisofbase
socialofunrest,
sociala unrest,
definitiona of
definition
what o
is
is wrong
wrong with
withpresent
presentsocialsocial
conditions
conditions
and proposed
and proposed
solutions tosolutions
these to
problems,
problems, waswaswellwell
as rationales
as rationales
for participation
for participation
anid assurance
anidthatassurance
such th
participation
participation is both
is both
necessary
necessary
and efficacious
and efficacious
must be developed
must be- developed
in oth- -
er
er words,
words, a social
a social
ideology
ideology
must must
be created
be created
(Zald & McCarthy,
(Zald & McCarthy,
1979; Zur- 197
cher
cher&&Snow,
Snow, 1981).
1981).
4) Social
4) Social
legitimization
legitimization
of the ideology
of theand ideology
the goals and th
of
of the
themovement
movement must must
be sought
be sought
tying it tying
to theitcommon
to thevalues
common of thevalues o
larger
largerpopulation
population in which
in which
the movement
the movement is operating
is operating
(Spector & Kitsuse,
(Spector & K
1977).
1977).This
Thisprocess
processof social
of social
redefinition,
redefinition,
or the mobilizing
or the mobilizing
and eventualand le- eve
gitimization
gitimization of of
discontent
discontentwhichwhich
turns more
turns dissatisfaction
more dissatisfaction
with the social
with t
order
orderinto
intoa force
a forcefor for
change,
change,
is a crucial
is a crucial
and relatively
and relatively
unstudied topic
unstudied
in
the literature of social movements.
Music and popular songs can play an important role in this process
symbolic redefinition and the creation of a social ideology for social m
ments. As Finlay (1980: 3) has noted, if one examines just the lyri
protest songs associated with social movements, one can find many ex
ples of diagnoses of what is wrong with the present order of things,
posed solutions to these wrongs, and rationales for participation in t
movement - all key elements in the definition of a social movement
ology.
In addition to the development of ideology through the content of lyr-
ics, something that has been - to some extent - examined (d'Eramo,
1975; Ferrandino, 1969), a second important function of music in social
movements is in the developmentof social solidarity among members and
potential members (Gamson, 1975; Cashmore, 1979). The songs of social
movements attempt to appeal to and reinforce common values and social
identities among potential and active members. The fact that music is not
often taken seriously as a political activity often gives musicians and
singers more license to reach a broad range of audiences than would be
possible for iother types of political activists, something this author has ex-
amined earlier with respect to the >youth movement<< of the 1960's (Lewis,
1976) and Afro-American protests and social movements in the United
States (Lewis, 1973; 1982). By musically appealing to common values and
traditional roots of a larger audience, then, the goals of the social move-
ment may more easily be linked with these values and thus legitimated
within the larger system (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977).
In addition, there are symbolic aspects of the music of most protest
movements that help to both define ideology and develop solidarity that
are not contained strictly in the lyrics of the songs themselves. The musical

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G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162 155

forms
forms chosen
chosen
by protest
by protest
musicians
musicians
usually involve
usually
elements
involve
drawn
elements
from dr
the
the>traditional<
>traditional<music
music
of the of
oppressed
the oppressed
group. These
group.
elements
These
usually
elements
in-
volve
volvethe
the
useuse
of traditional
of traditional
melodies,
melodies,
transformed
transformed
by the use of by
newthe
lyrics,
use of ne
but
butwhich
whichare are
recognized
recognized
by most
byparticipants
most participants
as deriving from
as deriving
>the peo- from
ple's?<
ple's?< music
music(Lewis,
(Lewis,
1973). 1973).
Also,
Also,familiar
familiar
forms
forms
of musical
of musical
structurestructure
may be used,
maysuchbe
as used,
rhythmsuch as
patterns
patterns or or
traditional
traditional
dance forms,
dance as
forms,
well as as
thewell
special
asuse
theof special
traditional
use of
instruments
instruments thatthat
are a are
partaofpart
the specific
of thecultural
specific
heritage
cultural
of the
heritage
oppressedof the
group,
group, to to
symbolically
symbolically
definedefine
the music
theas that
musicof the
as that
people.ofFinally,
the people.
the F
style
styleofof
presentation
presentation
of theof
music,
the the
music,
body the
language
body of language
the performers,
of the p
and
andthethe
styles
styles
of dress
of dress
they choose
they -choose
usually in
- usually
oppositionintoopposition
the estab- to
lished
lishedway
way of presenting
of presenting
popularpopular
music in music
the larger
in society
the larger
- all serve
society
to -
symbolicaly
symbolicaly identify
identify
these these
players players
and their and
performances
their performances
as part of the as p
culture
culture of of
thethe
oppressed
oppressed
group. group.
In
In considering
consideringthe presentation
the presentation
and performance
and performance
of protest songs,
of protest
one
has to also take note of the ritual nature of music, and the effect of this
ritual in creating feelings of identification and solidarity in the audience.
Once in individual has been brought into the sphere of a movement's activi-
ties, the use of music in gatherings can, unquestionably, reinforce the
feelings of communal belonging and social solidarity. Such social rituals,
when they are effective, help to emotionally charge the interests members
of these groups hold in common, elevating them to moral rights and sur-
rounding them with a >>kind of symbolic halo of righteousness<< (Collins,
1982: 28).
This function of emotionally charging the interests of group members
is more effectively done via music, a non-rational medium, than it is via
speeches, pamphlets, or other rational, language-based means. Thus, as
Durkheim suggested in the context of religion, musical events can provide
the sorts of emotional, euphoric, vitalizing, and integrative experiences that
more rationalistic appeals can not. This function of music is doubly impor-
tant in the context of social movements, when one considers the high pro-
portion of the nonliterate in most oppressed populations, for whom rational,
language-based arguments are, at the most, noneffective and, at the least,
totally inappropriate means of communication.
Therefore, in summary, music is an especially unique and effective
force in the mobilizing of discontent within an oppressed population be-
cause: 1) Music can clearly define the state of social discontent and develop
the elements of a social ideology to reinforce and rationalize the social
movement; 2) Music is less likely to be taken seriously, and thus censored
or repressed, than more rational and literal forms of communication, such
as speeches or pamphlets; 3) Music can powerfully tie social protest to the
traditional values and symbols of the group, via use of traditional musical
forms, instruments, dress and modes of presentation; 4) Music can project a
powerful emotional message that may be more effective in promoting sol-
idarity than more >rational<< modes of communication; 5) Music, in this
emotional communication, can charge the interests of the group, elevating
them to the intensity of moral rights.

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G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162
156

In
In the
theremainder
remainderof this
of this
paper,
paper,
I shallI present
shall present
an analysis
an of
analysis
the music
of
of what has become known as the ,Hawaiian Renaissance<, a contemporary
socio-cultural movement in the American island-state of Hawaii that il-
lustrates and amplifies the points made in the discussion so far.

Music and the Hawaiian Renaissance

On March 22, 1977, Dr. George Kanahele addressed the Rotary


Honolulu, the capital of Hawaii, on the subject of the resurgance o
in Hawaiian culture that had been building around the state sin
ginning of the decade. >Some have called :it a 'psychological ren
purging of feelings of alienation and inferiority. For others it is
tion of self-dignity and self-importance... What is happening am
waiians today is probably the most significant chapter in their m
tory since the overthrow of the monarchy and loss of nationhoo
For, concomitant with this cultural rebirth, is a new political aw
which is gradually being transformed into an articulate, organize
monolithic, movement.* (Kanahele, 1977: 1)
Central to the development of this awareness was the creati
new mode and type of music in Hawaii in the late 1960's and earl
basically a reaction to the cultural and commercial domination of
ican mainland as Hawaii became increasingly popular as a tourist spot
from 1920 onward. These new songs of Hawaii have much in common with
the songs of many protest movements, perfo,rming ideological, motivatio-
nal, and integrative functions. They are nationalistic and celebrate the tra-
ditions of native Hawaiians in opposition to the cultural domination of the
mainland United States and the entertainment needs of the booming tourist
industry.
Groups formed in the 1970's refused to continue the tradition of >Cute<
names of the past, like the Royal Hawaiian Serenaders or the Waikiki
Beachboys - names that conjured up images of happy-go-lucky brown
lackies of the popular American Hawaiian films and nightclubs. Instead,
they named themselves after Hawaii, the land. The Sunday Manoa, Hui
Ohana, the Makaha Sons of Ni'ihau, Olomana.
This concern with the land is a theme strongly reflected in the lyrics
of the new songs (such as >>E Kuu Morning Dew< and >>Nanakuli Blues<)
which celebrate the beauty of various island places and lament their de-
struction by contemporary off-island concerns, or the fact that the land -
once Hawaii - is now owned by foreigners who refuse to treat it with the
care and reverence it demands. As the late George Helm, musician and po-
litical activist, said in description of these songs, >Hawaiian views on na-
ture are the subject of many songs and contain a true respect for nature.
Many of the songs now openly express, if one understands the words, the
language - pain, revolution; it's expressing the emotional reaction the
Hawaiians are feeling to the subversion of their lifestyle.( (Helm, 1976: 3)
Such songs have been written and sung 'in support of political demon-
strations since early 1970, when protesters sought to prevent the Bishop

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G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985). 2, 153-162 157

Estate
Estatefrom
from evicting
evicting a pig
a pig
farmer
farmer
from from
their lands
theirinlands
Ohau'sinKalama
Ohau'sVal-
Kalam
ley.
ley. Such
Suchcrusades,
crusades, against
against
actions
actions
of theoflarge
the landowners
large landowners
and real estate
and rea
developers,
developers, gained
gained momentum
momentum through
through
the 1970's
the and
1970's
are and
a major
are con-
a major
sideration
siderationinin thethepolitical
political
equation
equation
of Hawaii
of Hawaii
in the in
early
the
1980's.
earlyAs1980's.
Olo- A
mana's
mana'sJerry
Jerry Santos
Santosputputit: >>Kawela
it: >>Kawela
Bay andBay Turtle
and Turtle
Bay haveBay been
have
re- been
zoned
zonedforforresort
resort areas,
areas,
and and
the people
the people
who lived
whothere
livedfor
there
20 years
for 20haveyears
to
move
moveout outbecause
because their
their
leases
leases
werewere
tradedtraded
suddenlysuddenly
to an insurance
to an insurance
com-
pany
panyon onthe
themainland.
mainland. AndAnd nobody
nobody
even knew
even about
knewit...
about
But it...
if you
Butsing
if yo
aa song
songabout
about it,it,
all all
kinds
kindsof people
of people
will know..
will know..
.< (Olomana,
.< (Olomana,
1978: 47) 1978: 47
Perhaps
Perhapsthe the most
mostsignificant
significantsocialsocial
protestprotest
of the of
1970's
thethat
1970's
involved
that in
both
bothconcern
concern forforthethe
landland
and and
the support
the support
of the of
new the
music
new was
music
the was
movement
movementtoto get
getthethe
U.S.U.S.
Navy Navy
to stop
to using
stop using
the island
theofisland
Kaho'olawe
of Kaho'ola
for
bombing
bombingpractice,
practice,something
something
theythey
had been
had doing
been for
doing
many
for
years.
many Activists
years. Acti
such
suchasasGeorge
George Helm
Helmandand
Walter
Walter
Ritte,Ritte,
supported
supported
by localby
musicians,
local musicians
held
huge
hugerallies
rallies
ininprotest
protest
of the
of the
Navy's
Navy's
policies
policies
and, inand,
January
in January
of 1976, crept
of 197
onto
ontothetheisland
islandandand
>occupied<
>occupied<
it in it
protest.
in protest.
AmongAmong
other efforts
other inefforts
sup-
port
portof ofthis
this occupation
occupationwas was
the recording
the recordingof a traditional
of a traditional
chant bychant
Keli'i b
Tau'a,
Tau'a,a amember
member of of
Hokule'a,
Hokule'a,
and the
andwriting
the writing
of suchof
newsuch
songs
newof songs
protestof
as
as Debbie
DebbieMaxwell's
Maxwell's >Hawaiian
>Hawaiian
Awakening?,
Awakening?,and Harry
and Mitchell's
Harry Mitchell's
>>Mele O >>
Kaho'olawe.<
Such efforts have been critical in legitimating the goals of the ac
and obtaining popular support for them. The Kaho'olawe moveme
accepted even by members of the traditional Hawaiian Civic Club
earlier took out newspaper ads in opposition to it. Even more signific
fact that the earlier militant image of the movement has now
mystical and spiritual overtones and its goals have become almost
demand of the people, a phenomenon aided to a great extent by
imization and incorporation as a part of the cultural renaissance.
we needed was to get Hawaiians active and off their ass. Music is
est way I know, because people tune into music... that's what I use
music for.< (Helm, 1976: 3)
Another, related, topic addressed in the lyrics of the new music is hos-
tility towards tourists and criticism of their impact on Hawaii in terms of
land use, real estate development, and bastardization and cooptation of
traditional Hawaiian culture. >I hate tourists. Oh, I don't hate the tourist
person - I hate the industry. We have no control over that industry. It's
like a giant malignant cancer and it's eating up all our beaches, all the
places that are profound for our culture. It's grabbing them. They take the
best.< (Ritte, 1982: 68)
Songs like >Hawaii '78? can be quite blunt in their condemnation of
tourism, or they can be very subtle, focusing on the daily lives of people in
some romantic past time before the influx of tourism, making their points in
the traditional Hawaiianlstyle of Kaona, or hidden meaning. >>Hawaiian mu-
sic reflects the attitudes toward life and nature. These are basically clean
protests and not harsh, but with a deep hidden meaning, which Anglo Saxon
reasoning cannot appreciate.< (Helm, 1976: 3)

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158 G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162

A
A third
thirdtheme,
theme, that
thatof of
an urgent
an urgentconcern
concern
for preserving
for preserving
the traditio
the
ways
ways of ofHawaii,
Hawaii, andand
eveneven
the the
Hawaiian
Hawaiian
race, race,
is the is
subject
the subject
of a good
ofnu
a
ber of these songs, such as >All Hawaii Stands Together<< and >E Na Ha-
wai'i.< As Palani Vaughn said of his work; >>By the third album, the con-
tent got rather political, saying things like 'the race is dying, we must sur-
vive.' In fact I've been called a racist, but my answer is the Hawaiian race
is a dying one and I don't find it a crime to foster its survival.> (Vaughn,
1979: 147)
With respect to this third major theme, the song cycle about he canoe
Hokule'a is a clear and significant example - as is the more recent (1982)
song cycle written by Roland Cazimaro on Pele, the goddess of fire, or Olo-
mana's song which ends with; >Why must they always wipe out all our
past ?< Jerry Santos, of Olomana, notes; ?The new interest in the music is
tied to the diminishing factor of the Hawaiian lifestyle. With the buildings
and the condominiums and the thousands of people, a lot of the old things
vanish very quickly. There is more of an urgency to remember the old val-
ues correctly.<< (Olomana, 1978:45)
Many of these songs are written and sung in Hawaiian. This is of spe-
cial import because - even with the increased study of the language evi-
denced in the 1970's - the majority of Hawaiians do not understand it.
Thus, they rely on translations given by performers during their live shows
or, in some cases, appearing as linar notes on their record albums.
Because of this, songs are more likely to be recognized by their melo-
dies than their titles, and the fact of being sung in Hawaiian takes on the
larger and more general symbolic significance of a protest against the de-
struction of the language and its replacement with English. In this way,
the very act of singing or listening to songs sung in Hawaiian becomes an
act of social protest at the same time as it is a reaffirmation of cultural
identity.
Many of the songs use musical forms that are associated with native
tradition - from the chants of early Hawaii to the song stylings of the
slack key guitarists. Many also will use some lyrics from the older songs,
brought into the cultural repertoire of the new composers by artists such as
Gabby Pahinui or Genoa Keawe, with only parts of the lyrics changed to
>updatle< the songs for their new purpose. Thus, the new songs are located
in a well established tradition of the people's music, which enhances their
appeal to a wide range of listeners and provides a basis for identification
with the movement.

The instrumentation of the new songs is also an important character-


istic of their appeal. Many of the most popular performers, such as the
Beamer Brothers or Hokule'a, use indigenous folk instruments in their
arrangements - instruments that had not been a part of popular music un
til their introduction in the 1970's.

The slack key guitar regained its central place in the music of the
1970's, but along with it came strings like the tiple and the requinta a

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G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162 159

percussions
percussions like
likethe
theipu
ipu(a(agourd
gourd drum),
drum), 'ili'ili
'ili'ili
(stone
(stone
castanets),
castanets),
pahup
sharkskin
sharkskin drum),
drum),andanda'ulili
a'ulili(triple
(triple
gourd
gourd rattle).
rattle). The
The
music
music
played
played
on
instruments
instruments is ismore
morepolished
polishedthan thantraditional
traditional rural
rural
songs
songsandand
chants
ch
many
many ofof them
themareareplayed
playedininwayswaysthat
that
would
would never
neverhave
have
occurred
occurredin
ditional
ditional settings.
settings.Nevertheless,
Nevertheless,the theuse
use
ofof these
these instruments
instruments hashas
emp
sized
sized nationalistic
nationalisticpride
prideininthe thetraditions
traditions ofof the thepeople
people
andand
is aimed
is aim
stablishing
stablishing an
an identification
identificationwith
with those
thosetraditions
traditionsandand
people.
people.
Too,
Too,
the th
us
such
such instruments
instrumentsisisa aself-conscious
self-conscious act
act
in in
opposition
oppositionto to
thethe
forms
forms
of ins
of
mentation
mentation found
foundin inmainland
mainland>>pop<
>>pop< music
music or or
the
the
tourist
tourist
lounges
lounges
of Wai
of W
Thus,
Thus, the
the selection
selectionof
ofinstruments
instruments is is
also
also
a political
a political
statement
statement
abou
a
need
need to
to respect
respectHawaiian
Hawaiiantraditions
traditions
andand toto
oppose
oppose
mainland
mainlanddominat
dom
and
and cultural
cultural cooptation
cooptationby
bythe
thetourist
tourist
industry.
industry.
Many
Many ofof these
thesemusical
musicalgroups
groupswill
will
perform
perform with
with
hula
hula
dancers
dancers
as i
preters
preters of
of the
themusic
musicinto
intothe
thesymbolic
symbolicform
formof of
thethe
dance
dance
or, or,
in other
in othe
ca
as aa traditional
traditionalmusical
musicalaccompaniment
accompaniment foir
foir
thethe
dance,
dance,thusthus
tying
tying
th
cultural
cultural forms
formstogether
togetherasassymbolic
symbolic expressions
expressions of of
new new
ethnic
ethnic
pridp
identity.
identity. TheThe Cazimero
CazimeroBrothers
Brothers have
have a halau
a halauof of
dancers,
dancers,trained
trained
by
and,
and, who
who have
havebecome
becomepartpartofoftheir
their regular
regular show
show (Cazimero,
(Cazimero, 1978:
1978:
113
since
since the
the late
late 1970's,
1970's,thethemusic
musicjournal
journal Ha'Ha'
Ilono
IlonoMeleMelehashas
beenbeen
devod
equal
equal time
time toto both
bothmusic
musicandandhula.
hula. Many
Many ofofthethe
new new groups
groupswillwill
perfp
musically
musically forfor various
varioushalaus
halausininthetheMerrie
Merrie Monarch
Monarch andandKingKing
Kameh
Kam
competitions
competitions and andsupport
supportthe thedancers
dancers at at
many
many local
local
shows
shows andand
beneb
(Kamakawiwaole,
(Kamakawiwaole,1982) 1982)
Finally,
Finally, mention
mentionshouldshouldbe bemade
made ofofthethe
general
general style
style
of of
presenta
prese
of the
the singers,
singers,groups
groupsand anddancers.
dancers. InIndress,
dress,
theythey often
oftenwearwear
theths
clothing
clothing ofof the
theHawaiian
Hawaiianworking
working class
class
oror the
thetraditional
traditional clothes
clothes
anda
the
the Hawaiian
Hawaiian past
past- -asasopposed
opposedtoto the
theflashy
flashyuniforms
uniforms andandsuits
suits
of
of the
the Waikiki
Waikikiperformers.
performers.As AsIsrael
IsraelKamakawiwaole
Kamakawiwaole of of
thethe
Makaha
MakahSo
of Ni'ihau
Ni'ihau says;
says;>We>Wejust
justus,
us,man.
man. WeWewear
wear ourourown ownclothes,
clothes,whatwho
mamma
mamma made made for forus.us.You
Youdon't
don't like
likeus,us,that's
that's tough.
tough.You Youbetter
bett
yeah?<<
yeah?<< (Kamakawiwaole,
(Kamakawiwaole,1982) 1982)

Conclusion

The development of a >new< music in Hawaii in the late 1960's and


early 1970's clearly illustrates the points made concerning the place of mu
sic in social movements, the central focus of this paper. The new music, in
its choice of lyrics, its use of the Hawaiian language, and its modes o
presentation, serves to identify sources of discontent of the local population
and to address, to a great extent, three major issues prominant as social
concerns in Hawaii: 1) land use issues; 2) ecological and cultural impacts of
mass tourism; and 3) the destruction of traditional culture and the dyin
out of the Hawaiian race.
Although not pointing specifically at modes of solution to these p
lems, the music is more apt to imply solutions in a more traditiona
subtle manner of Kaona, or hidden meaning in the lyrics and the sty
presentation. That it has been effective is implied in the comments of

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160 G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162

Waihee, leader of the 1978 State Constitutional Convention, at which


amendments were passed to establish the Office of Hawaiian Affairs and
to address problems of traditional Hawaiian right, education, and lands.
Waihee stated flatly that the music and dance of the renaissance was >the
glue that kept the package together,<< and that >you cannot understand how
it all happened without understanding the music and the renaissance.<
(Kanahele, 1979: 7)

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162 G. H. LEWIS: MUSIC IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, IRASM 16 (1985), 2, 153-162

Summary

ULQGA GLAZBE U POPULAIRNIM DRUSTVENIM KRETA"NJIMA: TEORIJA I


OBRADA SLUC4AJA OTOCNE DRZAVE HAWAII, SAD

U sociologkom ,pruavanjiu glazbe pos-toji malo istraiivanja u utjecaju glazbe


kao poiititkog izra2avanja. Ovaj 61anak donosi analizu uloge, glazbe u aktualinom
drugtvenom kreta!njfu u amer~kikoj otolnloj dr2avi Hawaii. Identificiran-a su 6etiri
stujpnja svijesti u uspanu koja 6ini dio druMtveniih kretanj,a: d1ru&tveno nezadaowAj-
stvo, drugtveni nemiri, razvitak drugtvene ideologije i drugtvena legitimizacija. Za
svaki od ta 6etiri stupnja analizira se havajska protestna glazba kako bi se po-
kazalo na kioji je nadin pri,donijela irazvitku poj.edi,nog stupnija 'svijesti. U analizi
glaube ne razmatraju se samo toelstovi pjesama nego i stilovi izvedbe, melodije, ti-
povci linstrum-eriata, te izvodilacka poj,ava i iodjeda.

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