Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

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Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports

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13,000 years of forest history in the Río Manso Inferior Valley, Northern
Patagonia. Fire-vegetation-humans links
Yamila S. Giachéa,⁎, María Martha Bianchia,b
a
Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano, 3 de Febrero 1370,Caba C1426BJN, Argentina
b
CONICET, Argentina

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Paleoenvironmental studies provide both climate and habitat scenarios for Archeology. The archaeological
Forest paleoecology background of the Argentine Patagonian forest environments is still not well-known. However, thanks to the
Anthropogenic impact undertaken palaeoenvironmental studies some processes are now much better understood. This paper focus on
Pollen-charcoal the forest history of Río Manso valley during the last 13,000 years, with special reference to the dynamics of
Patagonia
humid forest structure and composition, depicted from pollen and charcoal analyses. Subsequently, the ar-
chaeological records are considered to investigate the human occupation of the valley. Our evidences showed
that during Late-Glacial and Early Holocene a highly diverse humid Nothofagus forest was frequently disturbed
by high severity fires. The change to a closed forest with a reduced understory began at ca. 10,600 cal yr BP
under less severity fires. The expansion of Austrocedrus chilensis with the establishment of the mixed forest under
a regime of more frequent fires occurred at ca. 3500 cal yr BP. Scrubland expanded favored by frequent and high
severity fires dramatically changing the landscape appearance by ca. 750 cal yr BP. Although archaeological
data indicate human presence in the valley since ca. 8200 cal yr BP it is not until Late Holocene that a clear
occupation is detected. Groups of hunter-gatherers with high mobility started a more intense use of the forest at
ca.1700 cal yr BP. Throughout the Holocene the forest appears to be sensitive to fire perturbations, making it
difficult to discern between climatic or anthropic causes. Therefore, the influence of native people in the ve-
getation dynamic of the Río Manso valley is still under debate. Clear evidence of human impact is observed later
on, when European colonization started at the end of 19th century.

1. Introduction 2007, 2008; Scheinsohn and Szumik, 2007). Archaeological records

The challenges that forest ecosystems pose to Archeology have been
experienced for decades in Northern Patagonia. Numerous publications
point to the methodology, intended to deal with the archaeological site
formation process from prospection stages to management practices
(Bellelli and Fernández, 2010). Studies initiated in 1994 between
41°–42° S and 71°–72° W, focused on the role of forest and steppe en-
vironments in the adaptation strategies of hunter-gatherers by means of
evaluating archaeological sites distribution and present - time resources
availability (Bellelli et al., 2000a, 2000b; Scheinsohn and Szumik,
2007). One of the recurring questions in archaeological literature fo-
cused on how the space within the forest and the steppe was used.
Although ancient occupations have been registered in forested areas
of Northern Patagonia, Monteverde in Chile, (Dillehay, 1997; Dillehay
et al., 2015), El Trébol site (Hajduk et al., 2006) and Cueva Traful in
Argentina (Crivelli Montero et al., 1993), it is only since the Late Ho-
locene that a clear archaeological occupation is detected (Bellelli et al.,
indicate different modes of occupation and/or exploitation of the Sub-
Antarctic forest over time and space. One approach states that forests
are exploited from the steppe. A logistic occupation through mobility
including the steppe and the steppe-forest ecotone is proposed for ex-
ample, in the areas of Traful and Los Alerces. A second approach states
that some populations lived in the forest permanently. This approach
involves the presence of populations from the western slope of the
Andes and the use of plants in the area of Meliquina (Fernández et al.,
2013; Pérez and Aguirre, 2013). Investigations carried out in south-
western Río Negro and Chubut provinces indicate a progressive in-
crease in the number of cultural contexts after 3500 cal yr BP
Fernández et al., 2013). For this period, populations associated with the
steppe would have increased their permanence in the forests (Bellelli
et al., 2003; Fernández et al., 2013).
Paleoenvironmental studies at the forest and the steppe-forest
boundary contributed with both, climate and habitat scenarios for
Patagonian Archeology. In early fossil pollen studies developed in the

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: administracion@inapl.gob.ar (Y.S. Giaché).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.09.001
Received 29 December 2016; Received in revised form 18 August 2017; Accepted 1 September 2017
2352-409X/ © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Giaché, Y.S., Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.09.001
Y.S. Giaché, M.M. Bianchi
Fig. 1. Geographic location of the study area, paleoecological sites and archaeological sites.
Chilean Lake District (Heusser et al., 1996; Heusser, 2003 Villagrán,
1988) and in the area of Nahuel Huapi National Park (NHNP)
(Markgraf, 1983, 1984), both vegetation and glacial histories have been
taken as evidence of the timing, magnitude, and frequency of latitu-
dinal changes in the westerly winds since the Late-glacial times
(Heusser et al., 1996). In addition, the pollen-vegetation links studied
from shelters, and caves, as well as peat bogs, ravines and outcrops
associated to archaeological sites provided scenarios to the dwelling
sites of native populations (de Porras, 2010; Mancini et al., 2008; Páez,
1991; Páez et al., 1999).
This paper present our first results for El Valle del Río Manso history
since late Glacial times, with special reference to the dynamics of humid
forest structure and composition, depicted from lake sediment pollen
and charcoal analyses. The long-term history of humid forest is con-
trasted to published archaeological evidence in an attempt to under-
stand the natural and antropogenic causes of landscape transformation.
2. Site location and field work
El Laguito del Morro (41° 31′ 54.0 S, 71°48′ 25.2 W) is a 6 m deep
small lake located in the humid forest of the Río Manso Inferior valley
2
Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
(Fig. 1). At least 2000 mm annual precipitation coming from the South
Pacific Ocean allows the ingression of Valdivian forest elements to the
westernmost portion of the valley. Fitzroya cupressoides, Weinmannia
trichosperma, Podocarpus nubigenus and a variety of vines and ferns co-
exist with dominants of tree and understory strata, Nothofagus dombeyi
and Chusquea culeou, respectively. The lake is surrounded by a
Sphagnum peat bog with shrubs of Escallonia virgata, Gaultheria mucro-
nata, saplings of Austrocedrus chilensis as well as a variety of ferns.
Sediment cores were extracted from the lake using a Livingstone
corer and sampled for radiocarbon dating, pollen and charcoal ana-
lyses. Cores correlation was done by magnetic susceptibility analysis.
3. Materials and methods
3.1. Lithology
Core lithology showed a sequence of organic-rich sediments (gyttja)
with several interspersed tephra layers, beginning with greyish-brown
organic clay (700–800 cm), overlain by dark brown organic silt
(0–700 cm). Volcanic ash layers variate in thickness (0.5–8 cm), grain
size (pumiceous-silt) and color (dark grey-white) (Fig.3). Several
Y.S. Giaché, M.M. Bianchi Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

Table 1 3.2. Dates and age model

Radiocarbon ages from El Laguito del Morro.
Seven radiocarbon dates were converted to calendar years using a
Labo ID Top depth (cm)a Bottom depth (cm)a 14
C age ± Cal yr BPb
4th order polynomial (Table 1). The age-depth model was obtained
UBA-26969 147 150 1229 25 1107 with CLAM 2.2 (Blaauw, 2010) using a cubic spline smoothing (Fig. 2).
UBA-26970 397 400 3816 35 4146
UBA-29133 479 483 4628 53 5228
UBA-26971 557 558 5386 42 6156 3.3. Pollen extraction
UBA-26972 648 651 7648 33 8433
UBA-20549 767 768 10,790 63 12,605 Pollen was obtained by standard techniques using Lycopodium ta-
UBA-29134 811 815 11,316 49 13,197
blets to calculate pollen influx (Bennett and Willis, 2001). Pollen
a samples were taken at 8 cm intervals. Pollen counting was carried out
Adjusted depths were used to calculate the age-depth model. They represent ad-
justments in the core depths after subtracting the depths of tephra layers > 1 cm thick. under microscope (40 ×–100× magnification) with the help of Pollen
b
Based on CLAM (Blaauw, 2010; version 2.2). Southern Hemisphere calibration. Atlas for identification (D'Antoni and Markgraf, 1978; Heusser, 1971).
The pollen sums of 82 samples counted reach at least 300 pollen grains
excluding aquatic and palustrian taxa.
Pollen diagrams were made with TILIA 1.7.16 software, and pollen
zones were subdivided by Cluster Analysis, CONISS (Grimm, 2011).
Pollen taxa were gathered in ecological groups to facilitate interpreta-
tion (Table 2, Fig. 3). Poaceae is included in the ecological group of
humid forest trees and shrubs because this plant family is most prob-
ably represented at the site by Chusquea culeou, a bambusoid cane,
evenly found in N. dombeyi forests (Table 2). This assumption in based
on the identification of charred fragments of Chusquea culeou leaves in
the charcoal samples. This taxon is separate in the pollen diagram
(Fig. 3) to facilitate the interpretation of charcoal trends.

3.4. Charcoal analysis

Sediment samples of 1 cm3 were taken at contiguous 1 cm intervals,

Fig. 2. Age-deph model for sediment cores of El Laguito del Morro.
column segments contain plant macrofossils with excellent preservation
that were used for dating. Cupressaceae wood fragments were obtained
at 495–500 and 770–794 cm.
soaked in a 25 cm3 de-flocculant solution (2% sodium hexametapho-
sphate) for 48 h at room temperature and sieved through 125 μm mesh
screens (Whitlock and Larsen, 2001). Charcoal particles were counted
under a stereomicroscope in gridded Petri dishes and classified in grass
and wood particles at the 125 μm fraction to reconstruct local fire
history. Charcoal counts were converted to accumulation rates (CHAR;
particles cm− 2 yr− 1, Higuera et al., 2009). Severity index was used in
order to infer the severity of fire events (Sottile et al., 2011; Whitlock
et al., 2006).

total grass charcoal particles (cm−3)

SI =
total charcoal particles (cm−3) + 1.

This index ranges from 0 (indicating crown or wood fires, high se-
Table 2
Pollen taxa in ecological groups.
verity) to 1 (indicating understory fires, low severity). Charcoal analysis
was done with CharAnalysis, Philip E. Higuera (http://sites.google.
Humid forest trees and Matorral Andean-steppe Understory herbs com/site/charanalysis/) and the severity index diagram was performed
shrubs herbs with TILIA 1.7.16 (Grimm, 2011).
Aextoxicum punctatum Berberis Acaena Apiaceae
Aristotelia chilensis Diostea Asteraceae Galium 4. Results
Azara Lomatia Caryophyllaceae Gentianaceae
Cunoniaceae Maytenus Ephedra Geraniaceae
Drimys winteri Rhamnaceae Euphorbiaceae Gesneriaceae
Pollen and charcoal data allowed reconstructing the forest history of
Embothrium coccineum Schinus Gomphrena Hypericum the Río Manso Inferior valley since Late Glacial Holocene transition.
Ericaceae Quinchamalium Gunnera Nothofagus dombeyi-type dominated pollen assemblages for 13 mil-
chilensis lennia. In Zone 1 (13,200–10,600 cal yr BP) pollen of Nothofagus
Fitzroya-Pilgerodendron Rosaceae Liliaceae
dombeyi-type decrease from 88% at the bottom sample to the lowest
Laurelia Papilionoideae
Misodendrum Urtica values of the entire sequence (46%). Ferns reach as much as 27% at the
Myoschilus oblongus Polygonum bottom of this zone. Humid forest elements (14%), Poaceae, scrubland
Myrtaceae Ranunculaceae (matorral) (11%) and Andean-steppe herbs (4%) increase while
Nothofagus dombeyi- Rubiaceae Cupressaceae (7%) decreases to the top. Charcoal severity index values
type
Nothofagus obliqua-type Solanaceae
fluctuate from 0.01 (high severity) to 0.6 (low severity) while charcoal
Onagraceae Valeriana accumulation rates (CHAR) reach 19 particles cm2 yr− 1 at
Poaceae Vicia 13,160 cal yr BP.
Podocarpaceae Violaceae In Zone 2 (10,600–8300 cal yr BP) scrubland taxa decrease with
Pseudopanax
minimal values of humid forest trees and shrubs (2%). Cupressaceae
Ribes
Tristerix tetrandrus disappears while Nothofagus dombeyi-type slightly increases. Charcoal
severity index ranges from 0.04 to 0.8 and CHAR reaches 10 particles

3
Y.S. Giaché, M.M. Bianchi
Fig. 3. Lithology, selected pollen taxa and charcoal records from El Laguito del Morro. The grey line represents the background CHAR.
cm2 yr− 1 at ca. 9100 cal yr BP.
In Zone 3 (8300–3500 cal yr BP) Nothofagus dombeyi-type in-
creases to reach the highest values in the whole sequence (97%) at the
expenses of other taxa with the exception of Poaceae which shows
peaks (13%) at ca. 5600 cal yr BP. Charcoal severity index varies from
0.02 to 0.74 and CHAR reaches 13 particles cm2 yr− 1 at 6100 cal yr BP.
In Zone 4 (3500–746 cal yr BP) Cupressaceae increases sharply
(20%) while ferns, understory herbs and Andean-steppe herbs increase
moderately. CHAR reaches 20 particles cm2 yr− 1 at the bottom and
charcoal severity index ranges from 0.01 to 0.73.
In Zone 5 (746 cal yr BP - to present), humid forest trees and
shrubs (17%) peak, understory herbs increase (8%), while Cupressaceae
(6%) and ferns decrease towards the top. Severity index fluctuates be-
tween 0.03 and 0.75 and CHAR attains values 20 particles cm2 yr− 1.
5. Discussion
Humid Nothofagus forest with a highly diverse understory typical of
the “valdivian” rain forest, existed at Laguito del Morro after degla-
ciation. The development of this forest was promoted by mild and moist
climatic conditions before 13,000 cal yr BP. Wet conditions are sug-
gested by the pollen of rain forest trees, including tree ferns in the
Cyatheaceae family, and Fitzroya cupressoides, an endemic conifer of the
rainforest that probably grew on wet sites near the lake. These taxa
declined after 10,600 cal yr BP leading to a gradually impoverished
4
Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
canopy which gives rise to a pure Nothofagus forest with a cane un-
derstory by ca. 8300 cal yr BP. During dry periods after ca.
6000 cal yr BP, low severity fires may have been propelled by the ac-
cumulation of dead cane and litter. At ca 3500 cal yr BP the expansion
of Austrocedrus chilensis changed the forest structure to a mixed
Nothofagus-Austrocedrus forest. The open canopy favored the penetra-
tion of light to the soil level allowing herbaceous vegetation to prosper
under a regime of more frequent but less severe fires.
The expansion of scrubland, at ca. 750 cal yr BP under frequent and
severe fires dramatically replaced the ancient forest. The process of
change, “matorralización”, implied a radical replacement of the com-
munity of arboreal species, by scrub species, capable of regrowth after
fire (Raffaele et al., 2014). Towards recent times forest fragmentation
occurs under land use pressure.
5.1. Regional paleoecology
According to paleoecological studies, North Patagonian rainforest
communities prevailed under cold and humid conditions at the west of
the Andean range during the Late Glacial and Early Holocene (Heusser
et al., 1996; Villagrán, 1988; Moreno and León, 2003; Moreno, 2004).
In contrast, open forest alongside widespread burning occurred at the
east of the Andean range, in present mixed forest locations as early as
ca. 15,000 cal yr BP (Whitlock et al., 2006; Bianchi and Ariztegui,
2012; Iglesias et al., 2012a, 2012b). Pollen and charcoal data indicate
Y.S. Giaché, M.M. Bianchi
that biomass burning was relatively low in warm/dry steppe-dominated
landscapes during the Late Glacial period which increased as more
humid conditions favored forest development (Iglesias and Whitlock,
2014). During Early Holocene, a mosaic of Valdivian and North Pata-
gonian rainforest communities were established during a relatively dry
phase in Región de los Lagos and northern Chiloé, (Moreno et al., 1999;
Moreno et al., 2001; Abarzúa and Moreno, 2008; Abarzúa et al., 2004)
while the forest advanced eastward into the steppe throughout the
northeastern slopes of the Patagonian Andes (Whitlock et al., 2006;
Iglesias et al., 2012b). During the Mid-Holocene, shrubland dominated
by Rhamnaceae and local fires decreased as vegetation cover became
more discontinuous at lake Huala Hué (Iglesias et al., 2012a), and the
expansion of Austrocedrus chilensis started at lake Mascardi at ca.
5400 years BP (Bianchi and Ariztegui, 2012). At Central Andes and
Patagonia desert, or semiarid regions expanded and the limits of the
arid–semiarid region were displaced eastward reaching the maximum
displacement in the southern extreme of Patagonia by 6000 cal yr BP.
At the same time, “monte” and shrub steppes developed at the center of
the region, suggesting maximum dry conditions and the establishment
of the Arid Diagonal north of 42°S (Mancini et al., 2005). During Late
Holocene, forest fragmentation occurred under cool and wet climatic
conditions along the west-east humidity gradient throughout Chile and
Argentina. To the east, the last 3000 years were characterized by the
eastward expansion of the forest-steppe ecotone. Fire activity was at its
highest between 3000 and 1900 cal yr BP determining a major change
in forest environments (Whitlock et al., 2006; Markgraf and Bianchi,
1999; Iglesias et al., 2012b, 2014). Towards recent times, climate
variability and disturbance regimes increased at both sides of the
Andes. Millennial scale oscillations in effective moisture associated
with the ENSO are consistent with these patterns (Iglesias et al., 2012a;
Iglesias and Whitlock, 2014; Whitlock et al., 2007).
5.2. Forest occupation history
At present, no archaeological evidences have been found for the
Late Glacial-Holocene transition at Río Manso valley. However, humans
were present north and west of the study area. To the west, Monteverde
archaeological site shows a forest-adapted economy, based on the col-
lection of plants and hunting since ca.15,680 cal yr BP (Dillehay et al.,
2015). Evidence of lithic industry along with a wide variety of plant
remains and wooden objects indicates a low-density colonizing popu-
lation adapted to cool temperate grassy wetland and Nothofagus forest
environment (Dillehay, 1997; Dillehay et al., 2015; Scheinsohn, 2003).
To the east, Cueva Traful (Crivelli Montero et al., 1993) and El Trébol
site (Hajduk et al., 2006) show the co-existence of humans with extinct
fauna, at ca. 10,600 cal yr BP in open forest and parkland environ-
ments.
Bone and lithic artifacts at Población Anticura archaeological site
indicate that since 8300 cal yr BP hunter-gatherers made a moderate
use of the resources provided by a closed low diversity Nothofagus
dombeyi forest (Bellelli et al., 2013).
In the Mid-Holocene the archaeological record of several regions in
Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego registered significant changes of cul-
tural patterns, indicated by either a decrease of human occupation, or
the advent of new strategies to obtain natural resources. Therefore the
question arose whether climatic conditions played a major role on
Patagonian societies (Orquera, 2005; Zárate et al., 2005)
At the beginning of Late Holocene, groups of hunter-gatherers with
high mobility between the steppe and the forest made more intense use
of the forest resources and probably, seasonal occupation become more
frequent since 1700 cal yr BP at Río Manso Inferior valley (Bellelli
et al., 2013; Fernández et al., 2013). Regionally, fire activity was
highest between 3000 and 1900 cal yr BP determining a major change
in Northern Patagonian forest environments (Iglesias et al., 2014). By
this time, a vast record of shelters with rock paintings is a clear ar-
chaeological sign of the occupation in Northern Patagonia (Podestá and
5
Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
Albornoz, 2007; Podestá et al., 2008). After 1700 cal yr BP, human
population expanded in the valley, when the increase in natural fires
may have facilitated both displacement and resource findings. Another
possibility is that humans either provoked or induced accidental fires
giving place to the expansion of scrubland at ca. 750 cal yr BP under
frequent and severe fires.
In historical times, after 600 cal yr BP, the first major episodes of
forest clearing are recorded in the entire region. Paleoecological lit-
erature states that these events were likely related to the increase in
regional land use by natives (Veblen and Lorenz, 1988; Veblen et al.,
1992; Markgraf and Bianchi, 1999). Chronicles of adventurers, histor-
ians, religious, and military of the nineteenth century speak of great
burnings in forests and steppes, as a product of the usual practices of
hunting, communication and war between different indigenous groups
(Raffaele et al., 2014). In contrast, during the period of European co-
lonization the use of fire increased throughout Northern Patagonia
(Iglesias and Whitlock, 2014). Great burnings generated for the im-
plantation of pastures definitively modified wooded landscapes. To-
wards the middle of the 20th century the use of fire began to be re-
stricted due to socio-cultural changes and increased environmental
awareness leading to the establishment of policies for prevention and
suppression of fire (Raffaele et al., 2014).
6. Conclusion
Interdisciplinary debate over the chronology and modes of human
use of forest habitats since Late Glacial times in Southern Andes pro-
moted paleoecological studies in Río Manso, a Northern Patagonian
valley with a long history of human occupation.
During the Late Glacial and Early Holocene, 13,200–8300 cal yr BP,
a highly diverse humid forest frequently affected by high severity fires
occupied the westernmost part of the valley. A close, low diversity
Nothofagus forest with reduced fires existed after 8300 cal yr BP. After
ca. 6000 cal yr BP, dry periods are frequent under low severity fires
After 3500 cal yr BP, the humid forest was replaced by a mixed forest
following a regional trend. At 8200 cal yr BP, archaeological evidences
show the presence of hunter-gatherers in the valley with moderate use
of the forest resources. The archaeological record of the valley became
very poor until ca. 3500 cal yr BP. Later on, clear archaeological signs
of human occupation in the entire mountain range forest exist. By this
time, groups of hunter-gatherers made a more intense use of forest
resources and probably a seasonal occupation that became more fre-
quent since 1700 cal yr BP. This signal coincides with the date when the
Andean Patagonian forest reached its present composition. After
1700 cal yr BP, human population expanded in the valley, when the
increase in natural fires may have facilitated both, displacement and
resource findings. Humans provoked either induced or accidental fires,
triggering the expansion of scrubland at ca. 750 cal yr BP. However,
variable indigenous population densities were not associated with
fluctuations in fire occurrence, suggesting that climate-vegetation-fire
linkages evolved with minimal or very localized human influences in
the Río Manso valley as it is the case in the whole region. Major epi-
sodes of forest clearing began, likely related to the increase in land use
by European settlers during the nineteenth century. Towards recent
times, the Río Manso valley forest recovers, probably due to the es-
tablishment of policies for prevention and suppression of fire after mid-
twenty century.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by Agencia Nacional de Promoción
Científica y Tecnológica (PICT-2012-0471) “Cazadores-recolectores,
paleoambiente y usos del pasado en el bosque del suroeste de Río Negro
y el noroeste de Chubut.” Many thanks to P. Lacau and family for al-
lowing us to work in their property and for their warm reception. S.
Fontana, T. Gieseke and M. Rogel for core extraction and field
Y.S. Giaché, M.M. Bianchi
assistance. C. Gogorza and A. Irurzún are acknowledged for magnetic
susceptibility analyses used for core correlation. P. M. Fernández and C.
T. Bellelli should be mentioned for their fruitful discussions about the
archaeological context. Help from M. Martínez and M. Toledo with
graphs is also appreciated. Two anonymous reviewers greatly con-
tributed to improve the manuscript.
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