Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1. Introduction
3 Cf. Hanks(1987),Briggs/Bauman
(1992).
a
Cf. Hanks(1989).
2 Susanne Gtinthner and Hubert Knoblauch
rhetoric as well as poetics,theologr and literary criticism, all have been based on
genre-concepts. These conceptshave mainly been preoccupiedwith written texts
(with few exceptions,e.g.the seminalwork of Lord (1945/65)),whereasthe work
'communicativeturn' in
of Bakhtin (1979186)and Volosinov (1929186)prompted a
genre theory startingin the 1960s.For Volosinovand Bakhtin,languageis primarily
located in the very communicativeinteraction in which it is produced, and it is
realized by means of concrete utteranceswhich vary accordingto the activity in-
volved.The tight connectionbetweenlanguageand socialrealityis basedon the fact
that languageis used within typical social situations(Bakhtin 7979186). Speaking
occurs in speechgenreswhich guide the interactionand which are determinedby
socialstructures.
"Speech genres clrganizeour spccch in almost the same way as grammatical (syntactical)
forms do. We learn to cast our speech in generic forms and, when hearing others' speech,
we guess its genres from the very first words; we predict a certain length [...] and a certain
compositional structure; wc foresee the end; that is, from the very beginning we have a
sense of the speech whole, which is only later differentiated during the speech proc€ss".
(Bakhrin 1979186:7 8f.)
'
Within this contcxt, we cannot elaborate on the Bakhtinian approach in detail; it must suffice
to say that it is integrated in the approach to be sketched.Researchbasedon Volosinov and Bakhtin
have been taken up in several academic disciplines,as e.9., in folklore, linguistics, anthropology,
sociologl; even some currents within rhetoric that havecome to account for the interactive character
of genres ret'er to Bakhtin and Volosinov (Miller 1984).
6
Such as context, form, structure, frequenry, location, audienceetc. Cf. Rohrich (1988), Honko
(1987:752\.
Culrurally pattemed speaking practices 3
'
1
Cf. Oring (1986: 134-5).
8
Th" notion of genres, however, lacks prccision: Whereas, in "Models of the Interaction of
l,anguage and Social Life" Hymes (1977:65) claims that "all speech has formal characteristics of
some sort of manifestation of genres", in "Ways of Speaking" (1974: 443-444) he reaches the
conclusion "that communities differ' according to the portion of speech which "is generically
organized"and the portion that is more spontaneousand "thus escapesgeneric regimentation and
why."
4 Susanne Gr)nthnerand Hubert Knobtauch
9
So*" of these studies have been prompted by this approach ro genres.
10
Cf. B"rg"r/Luckmann (1966).
Susanne Gtinthner and Hubert Knoblauch
"the use of genres is normally linked to clearly defined typcs of social situations. A given
genre may never appcar in one type of communicative situation, rarely in another,
frequently in still another, and always in some. From the point of view of the actor's
knowlcdgc thcre may be situations in which he is forced to use a particular communicative
genre, others in which thc mattcr is optional and he is merely likely t<t do so, and still
othcrs in which he will riqorouslv avoid its use."
tt
"R"li"l' or "Entlastung" as a consequcnceof the process of routinization is described by
G e h l e n ( 1 9 6 1 ) w i t h i n t h e German tradition oI Philosophical Anthropology. Cf. also
Berger/Luckmann (1966) for a s h o r t E n g l i s h s k e t c h o f t h i s a p p r o a c h .
Culrurally patterned spenking practices /
'"
Concerning the status of the "structural features",we should point out that what is at work
is an indexical association of talk to context.
13
Fo. the diflerence between situatecland situational cf. Erving Goffman (19S3b).
to
Thi, corresponds to the vertical co-occurrencerule, according to which the occurrence of a
specific syntactical form is linked to e.g. a specific lexical choice and a certain prosodic register. Cf.
Ervin-Tripp ( 1986: 233).
Culturally pattemed speaking practices 9
15
C f . S i l u . r s t e i n ( 1 9 8 5 ; 1 9 9 3 ;o n m e t a p r a g m a t i cc a t e g o r i e sfolk-metapragmatic
, discourse and
the limits of native speakers'awarenessof their languageand its significancefor linguistic research.
10 Susanne Gtinthner and Huben Knoblauch
16
Cf. Selting (lgg}) on the function of intonation to contextualizedifferent activities and
".g.
genres;Couper-Kuhlen (1992) on speech rhythm in repair sequences;Erickson on the rhythmic
organizationin listing sequences.For thc interactive relevanceof such prosodic devicescf. Couper-
Kuhlen/Selting(in press).
17
cf. winkler (1986).
18
Cf. Heath (1986) on body movement in meclicalconsultation.
1e
Cf. Auer's (1993) analysis of verb-initial positioning reveals that the beginning of cerrain
communication genres (e.g. jokes) in German is contextualized by verb-first-phrases (such as,
nKontmt
Fiachen in die Schule...";'Comes little Fritz to school...').
12 Susanne Gtinthner and Hubert Knoblauch
20 Cf.
K""nan's (1974)descriptionof "kabary"performances in a Malagasycommunity:Here
elaboratemetaphors,traditionalsayingsand formsof indirectionare usedin order to avoidopen
conflictand also to demonstrate
one'srhetoricability.
Cutntratty patterned speaking practices 13
The elementsoutlined above, which are located in what we call the internal
structureof communicativegenres,have to be distinguished from the interactive
context,based on the dialogicityof utterancesbetween rnultiple participants.
Althoughthe elementsof the internal structurescan be discernedin dialogical,
conversational the very fact that utterancesare dialogicallyproducedby
utterances,
anddistributedamongdiftbrentparticipantsgivesriseto a particularstratumof fea-
tureswhich deservesspecialconsideration. and consequently, a separatelevel of
analysis.This situativelevel,first of all, is comprisedof itual pltertomenn,such as
the openingand terminationof interactivecontacts,greetingand farewell rituals,
ritualsof invitingand accepting,etc. (Goffman i981). Besidetheserituals,f'eatures
11
"' Cf. also Tannen (1993).
14 Susanne andHubertKnoblauch
Gtinthner
'"
Cf. also Bakhtin (1979186:62)who pointed out, elements situated on the external structure
may also be constitutive of certain pattcrns and genrcs: "Any researchwhose material is concrete
language - the history of language,normative grammar, the compilation of any kind of dictionary,
the stylistiqsof language and so forth - inevitably deals with concrete utterances (written and oral)
belonging to various spheres of human activity and communication: Chronicles, contracts, texts of
laws, clerical and other documents,various literarv, scientific,and commentarial genres,official and
personal letters, rejoinders in everydaydialogue (...) and so on.n
Culturally patterned speaking practices 17
23
A ri*ilur opposition between kroses'angr!', a genre which is highly confrontational and
which is associated with women, and 'an oratory genre" used by men, focussing on social harmony
and agreement is discussed by Kulick (1992) in his ethnography of speaking practices in a Gapun
community (Papua New Guinea). What is revealing about these gendered genres (laoses versus
oratories) is the fact that the obscenity-filled kross-making is negatively valued and speakers using
"krosesn are seen to have an immature personality; men's oratories - in contrast - are positively
valued and considered to be oriented to the well-being of the community. These two genres also
function as indexes of gender-related characteristica: Whereas women are associated with
individualism, atomicity and anti-social behavior, whose selfish actions constantly threaten the
community, men are seen as sociable, generous and temperate (Kulick 1992:287-288). As in the
Malagasy society, men tend to inform their wives whenever there are infractions that they have been
subjected to. The wives are then expected to perform lcrosand get publically angry. In doing so they
reinforce the stereotype of women being quarrelsome and loud-mouthed.
2a
Cf. Hartog (Igg})who analyzesgender roles in genetic counselling sessionsin Germany.
"lto
25
wh"."u. most research in this field uses the notion of pattern of scheme, in other areas of
research the notion of genre is more frequently referred to. This holds e.g. for research on oral and
written forms of scientific communication (Swales 1990; Dubois 1988), and especially for religious
communication.
Culturally patterned speaking practices 19
car, or the informal poetical genressuchas the kiyori amongthe Wana (Indonesia)
(Atkinson i984). Political speechgenresexhibit speciticfeatureson the level of the
internal structure;but their specialfunction accruesby the social,temporal and
spatialframe of the social occasionsin which they are used and by which they are
distinguishedfrorn other tbrms of every day talk (Duranti 1984).
Socialstructuresalso find expressionin written genres,as for examplein the
"official" languagedocumentsproduced in the 16th century colonial Yucatan. By
rnvokingdominant(Spanish)ideologicaland institutionalframeworks,the authors
of thesedocumentssustainedthe appearancethat they sharedthe samevaluesand
norms as their Spanishcolonizers.However,this framework is interspersedwith
many local Mayan discoursestructures.Becauseof the influenceof the Spanish
colonial power, hybrids develop which mlr Spanishand local Mayan elements
(H a n k s 1987) .
Another example,of how socialstructuresmay give rise to particulargenres,
stemsfrom Chinii. During the Song-Dynasty(960-1279)in the province of Hunan
a special"women'swriting system"was developed,which has been used right up
until the 20th century exclusivelyby women. Women used this writing systemfor a
speciticgenre, the "women'sletters" (ntishtt)which for centuriesturned out to be
a very common form of communicationamongwomen in certainparts of Hunan.
When women married,they movedinto their husbands'houseand very often were
extremelyisolated from their own family and friends, rttisltu had the function of
keepingin touch with other women: In this genrewomen narratedtheir sorrowful
experiencesin the husband'sfamily, oftered comfort, provided help and created a
female publicity. (Sternfeld 1990:24tf.). Ntislruwere written in the local dialect,
usingpaper,cotton ur fans aswritingmaterial.Thus,besidesoral lamentinggenres,
this written genrewas developed,to allow women who were very isolatedfrom their
familiesand triendsto communicatetheir grievances and seek comfort.
The notion of genre also turns out to be useful in the analysisof media
communication.Startingfrom Labov'sschemeof narration,Montgomery (1991)
identifies radio shows as discoursegenres with fixed structures:The opening
consistingof a frame and an focus;the secondpart of a complication,a closing,an
orientationand an evaluation,leadingto a coda,and the closingsectionconsistsof
a resum6, a moral and a final framing. Alvarez-CaccamoKnoblauch's(1992)
analysisof communicativepatternsin leavingmessageson answeringmachines
revealsthat not only the outgoingmcssages arc constitutedby stereotypicalfeatures
(greeting, identification, instruction etc.) resembling minimal forms (Wojcik
1987/88),but also the incomingmessages are organizedaccordingto certain pat-
terns.Similarobservations weremadewith respectto electronicmail (Murray 1988).
::Jl,?fi:,,iryff
;1.::#$:'jr;:'il:iil'J-Hff ilTj:X,ff
ill?:filliJff:,::i
Linguistic ideologiesdeterminethe "relevancestructures"(Schutz/Luckmann1973)
which give rise to the patterningof communicaticn,to genresand similar forms. The
investigationof the relation of linguisticideologies,communicativepatterns and
social structures,however,demandsan overarchingconcept.We would argue that
the communicative budget - which is conceived as the totality of communicative
processesinfluencing the permanenceand changesof society - provides such a
concept. It comprisesthe sum of communicativeprocesses that are available to
individual members,categoriesof actors,groups,milieus and institutionswithin a
society(Luckmann 1988: 284). The communicativebudget is not only a scientific
container for the existingcommunicativeforms in a particular culture. Similarly to
the concept of "linguisticfield" (Bourdieu 1991),it describesthe socialdistribution
of communicativeforms,which is affectedby the socialrelevanceof communicative
genres,ethnotheoriesand prevailinglinguisticideologiesin a particular community.
As the sketch of the external structure has shown, the communicativebudget of
modern societiesis stratifiedaccordingto ditferentdivisions:a) the dimensionof so-
cial categoriesof typical communicatorsand their interrelationship(such as, men-
women; children-adults;experts-laypersons;membersof a certain caste,classetc.);
b) the institutional domain suggestingthat there is a functional division in the
communicativebudgetof modern societiesso that 'similar'communicativeproblems
are treated differently accordingto the specificinstitutionalsphere (law, politics,
science, religion etc.); c) segmentarymilieu divisionswhich cut across various
spheres(suchas,family milieus,leisuregroups,life-stylemilieus).All three divisions
regulatethe accessof individualsto the meansof communicationand thus construct
their communicativecompetence.As Bourdieu(1991)suggests, the accessto a parti-
cular "field" - or in our terminology:To a socialcategory,institutionaldomain and
milieu - is a decisivecriterion organizingthe budget.Accordingto Bourdieu (1991),
the power of the words dependson the power of the speakerof the words, which
is determined by her/his social location in a particular "field". In addition to this
view, one should stressthat the sociallocation of the speakeris itself constructed
communicativelyto a large extent,as his/heraccessto a certain field is built up by
communicativeactivities,i.e. by way of communicativeforms, patterns and genres.
Admittedly, this sketch is but a rough outline. Yet, it allows to understand
how genres are part of a cultural systemof signsand have "value loadings,social
distributions,and typical performancestylesaccordingto which they are shapedin
the course of utterances"(Hanks 1987: 670).Thus, the analysisof communicative
patterns and genres can prove to be an important link between language and
culture, as in the actual production of utterancesoriented to a specific genre,
speakersnot only produce culturally routinizedconventionsof communicationbut
also reconfirm, recreate or modify typified organizationalforms of communicative
Culntratly patterned speaking practices 23
behavior.
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