Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Recovering Policy Autonomy and Moving towards Egalitarian and Green Growth
Author(s): Amiya Kumar Bagchi
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 42, No. 11/12 (November–December 2014), pp. 17-37
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24372900
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Recovering Policy Autonomy and
Moving towards Egalitarian and Green Growth
into the urban states and empires of the Bronze Age. Prior to the Urban Revo
lution there were no kings, no cities, no writing systems, and no social classes.
This was perhaps the most extensive and far-reaching social transformation
in human history, with greater implications for life and society than either the
Industrial Revolution or the Neolithic Revolution (Smith 2011).
This is an expanded version of the Foundation Day Lecture delivered at ANS Institute
of Social Studies, Patna, on 8 October 2013. 17
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«N mation of both national income and occupations: the share of the primary
sector, producing agricultural goods (including fish, meat and vegetables)
£ and minerals, in both national income and employment must decline to,
say, 15 per cent or less, before we can call it an industrialised economy. In
this sense, none of the SAARC countries are industrialised economies. It
should be added that there are still communities in South Asia and else
where in the world which have yet to fully complete the Neolithic revolu
tion, and they are some of the worst victims of predatory capitalism and
globalisation. Thirdly, it would be a mistake to suppose that the majority
of the people benefited from either the urban or the industrial revolution
(Smith 2011; Bagchi 2006). As the eminent archaeologist Michael Smith
(2011) puts it, recently:
Here is what happened to life and society after the Urban Revolution:
1. People had to work harder to make a living.
2. People had less freedom and self-determination.
3. Human health went into a nose-dive: people had more diseases and the
lifespan was lowered.
4. Violence and chaos increased in many cases.
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
But while alone among the Italian city states, Venice for a time rivalled
the power of non-capitalist empires such as the Spanish and the Ottoman
Empires, the Netherlands and England were the first of the capitalist nation
states (McNeill 1974; Braudel 1984; Wallerstein 2011 [1974]; Bagchi 2006,
chapters 3, 4 and 6).
The Dutch and the British economies witnessed a structural transfor
mation of the economy from the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries:
agriculture ceased to be the main source of national income and employ
ment. Its place was taken by manufactures or processed commodities and
trade. The structural transformation of the core industrialised countries
was accompanied by the colonisation of countries inhabited by non-Euro
pean peoples, and the latter partly paid for the upward movement of the
peoples of the North Atlantic seaboard and their overseas offshoots.
Harvey (2003) has argued that the phase of neoliberal imperialism
is characterised by accumulation by dispossession. In fact, from the very
beginning, under capitalism, accumulation by capitalists consisted of three
components. The first component was the investment of the surplus value
produced by the labour power of workers employed in enterprises run by
capitalists. The second component was the acquisition of lands of peasants,
including the common resources used by peasants by passing laws that
allowed the capitalist landlords to take over peasant lands and exclude
the peasants from the use of common resources (Allen 1992). The third
component was the dispossession of the people of the countries by the
pioneering capitalist states or states that the capitalist powers could bend
to their will through superior technologies of shipping, trade and war. The
colonial possessions of the European powers, followed by the USA and Ja
pan, witnessed the most successful series of accumulation by dispossession.
After Marx, Rosa Luxemburg was one of the great Marxist thinkers who
focused on colonial policy and militarism as key elements of global capital
ist expansion (Luxemburg 1951 [1913]). She regarded these as instruments
for bringing non-capitalist sectors or regions of the global economy under
the sway of capitalism, and for ameliorating the continually recurring prob
lems of under-consumption or deficiency of effective demand under the
capitalist order (for a discussion of Luxemburg's view of the role of external
markets in capitalist development, see Patnaik 1972).The colonial countries
served that purpose from time to time. But as Luxemburg pointed out mil
19
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
prise economies, people can own land; but so far the PRC has only leased >
3
land to teams of cultivators, individual households or companies.
«a
The second element the two strategies share is a determination to retain
the policy autonomy of the state. In a world in which the European powers ?
and the United States dominated other states through their investment in I
those economies and through loans and grants with strings attached to DO
P
them, policy autonomy required regulating foreign investment strictly, and OQ
ft
getting rid of foreign debt and so-called foreign aid. In the initial years after
the revolution, no Communist government in Asia received foreign aid
any way, except from the Soviet Union and other East European countries
of the Soviet bloc, and most of them tried to absorb the Soviet technology
and become gradually self-reliant. The Japanese did not allow any foreign
enterprise to control any sector of the economy, even during the years US
soldiers occupied their country, and Japan was heavily dependent on for
eign aid. The Republic of Korea (South Korea) and Taiwan (Province of
China) followed this strategy even when they were dependent on US aid.
Both got rid of US aid by raising their rates of investment and saving, and
by rapidly expanding their exports.
The third element for the construction of a developmental state both
strategies shared was a determined drive towards universalisation of liter
acy, as quickly as possible. The rate of literacy in South Korea in 1950 was
about the same as that of India. But by the 1960s, it had gone up to 60 per
cent in South Korea, and it took India another three decades to reach that
level. By now the South Koreans have attained 99 per cent literacy, and we
are still to reach 75 per cent literacy even by the most minimalist criterion.
Moreover, South Korean entrants into tertiary education have gone up to
more than 25 per cent of the relevant cohort, whereas, even with the very
low quality of education doled out by most private engineering, medical
and management institutions in India, the proportion of entrants of the
relevant age group has not exceeded 12 per cent.
There would seem to be a distinct difference between the Japanese
strategy plus and the Communist strategy in one respect. The Commu
nists nationalised all but the tiny enterprises, whereas there was a distinct
place for private enterprise in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan (Province
of China). There are, however, two qualifications to this distinction. First,
in both Taiwan (Province of China) and South Korea, banks remained
nationalised for a long time. In both economies, the government stepped
in as a direct producer when private enterprise seemed unequal to the task.
Thus, Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO) was created as a public
enterprise with the money South Korea received as war reparations after
signing a peace treaty with Japan. In Taiwan (Province of China), the gov
ernment created two major semiconductor enterprises, which succeeded
in making that economy the global capital of computer hardware. On the
other side, both China and Vietnam encouraged private incentives for 21
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
The policy autonomy that was lost in 1991 has not been recovered, as DO
£
the latest crisis involving the falling rate of exchange of the Indian rupee •s
=T
and the collapse of the seven-year growth story of the Indian economy
clearly demonstrates. India's growth acceleration story was short-lived. As
India's current account deficit (CAD) as a proportion of GDP increased,
almost without a break, from January 2006 to July 2013, the government
behaved as if India had graduated to the position of the US economy
which thrives on sucking in funds for domestic absorption from the rest
of the world. Warnings had been sounded by many economists about the
stupidity of such behavior (see, for example, Chandra 2008; Chandrasek
har 2011). On the one hand, the government was keeping the domestic
rate of interest high in order, partly, to encourage debt-creating capital
inflows. On the other hand, it was allowing corporate houses to borrow
recklessly abroad, where the rates of interest were much lower. The gov
ernment allowed big firms, including subsidiaries of foreign transnational
firms, such as Renault, to import any manufacture it needed and spent bil
lions of dollars of foreign exchange. Thus, the incentive structure became
badly skewed against domestic industry, and especially labour-intensive
manufacture (Bagchi 2014b). Such skewed incentive structures were also
responsible for rendering Indian development excessively dependent on
the service sector (Mazumdar 2014).
There is a further factor that has made Indian development so ineq
uitable. In the regime of bonanza of cheap finance, the major beneficiaries
became business groups, and stand-alone firms, even if more profitable
than business house-affiliated firms, had little chance against take-over
bids by transnational firms or big business houses (Chakraborty 2014). So
inefficiency became built into the Indian industrial structure. The same
factors also facilitated the further growth of corporate power over the
Indian political system.
The recovery of the policy autonomy by a democratically-minded
political formation in India will be an arduous process. It will involve
toughly implemented pro-peasant land reforms all over India, disciplining
the Indian capitalist class, many of whose members used India as a base to
emerge as capitalists domiciled in Britain or some other foreign country,
raising the scandalously low rate of taxation on the Indian rich and su
per-rich, and fighting to remove the corrupt influence of big business on
Indian politics, an influence that has been repeatedly exposed in the CAG
reports and in investigations by courageous civil servants such as E.A.S.
Sarma, Madhav Godbole and Ashok Khemka. 23
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Social Scientist
the rich have forged coalitions to defend their incomes and wealth whenever
they have felt that their wealth is threatened by the pressure of other classes.
Two of the most notorious recent examples of this are the coalition of Tea
Party Democrats and Republicans to block all measures of the Obama adminis
tration in the USA that might remotely benefit the poor, and the coalition of the
Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats in the UK to put through ever more
unequalising measures, such as raising student fees in all institutions of higher
education in one of the most unequal societies in the world (Bagchi 2014a).
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
mated that the BJP has spent on Rs 5000 crore, or slightly less than $1 billion >
3
on election advertising alone in campaigns for the Lok Sabha elections (Va
w
radarajan 2014). Then the candidates belonging to the rich-friendly parties
will spend untold thousands of crores of rupees for the Lok Sabha and State ?
3
Vidhan Sabha elections. w
DO
a;
Resource-Intensity and the Ecological Cost CM
r>
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Social Scientist
While the IPCC continues to warn the global community that little is
o
CM being done to arrest or even slow down climate change (Gillis 2014), the
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<u two top users of non-renewable resources in the world, namely, the USA
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E and China are trying to find new sources of non-renewable resources in
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u their own country or in nearby friendly countries. China and the USA may
<u
Q be regarded as rivals for acquiring the lion's share of the global resources,
but in an interesting development, the USA is helping China to exploit its
<u
-Q huge shale gas deposits, which are supposed to be the largest in the world
E
<u (Biello 2014). The extraction of shale gas involves enormous environmental
>
o problems. In the United States, there
Z
... is a growing concern about the negative environmental consequences of
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tracking, expressed in growing opposition from local communities and NGOs.
The 2005 Energy Act explicitly excluded tracking from the Environmental
to Protection Agency's (EPA) Clean Water Act, a clause that has become known
O
as the 'Cheney-Halliburton Loophole'. It was known that tracking involved
Z
injecting chemicals, and when companies refused to disclose which chemicals
CM
M" were being used, allegedly for reasons of'commercial confidentiality' The
Loophole also meant that not only were many shale gas operations done with
5 out a proper environmental impact assessment, since they had begun with no
measurement of the 'baseline', but they could not be properly assessed after
the event either. The growing pressure on operators to divulge the chemicals
they are using has resulted in many companies now openly declaring them.
... the Energy Institute (2012) concluded that media coverage in the Bar
nett, Haynesville and Marcellus shale areas was overwhelmingly negative -
about two-thirds of coverage was on the side of the opposition. A further envi
ronmental issue is that water recovered from tracking operations may contain
materials from the surrounding rocks. These can include radioactive materials
and heavy metals and need to be treated or properly disposed of to avoid con
tamination of water supply. This is another example of the need for proper
regulation to minimise damage from tracking. However, a number of morato
ria have been declared pending the outcome of EIAs (Stevens 2012, pp. 5-6).
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
The environment and the people of Northern Canada also face >
3
problems associated with the construction of an oil pipeline across the
M
Mackenzie Valley to deliver oil to the USA. But all the earlier concerns
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shown by the rich nations for ecological concerns have given way to the c
3
greed of their super-rich such as Dick Cheney and his clients who hope to w
accumulate further wealth by exploiting shale oil, shale gas and oil from DO
ft)
bituminous sands. Naturally, the energy industry and the Canadian and US Oft
o
governments cannot rest without tapping this profitable resource and are
busy commissioning studies by business-friendly think-tanks that would
minimise risks and paint unrealistic pictures of regulating the industry in
public interest.
Suppose, however, the global community through democratic resis
tance can discipline the super-rich and the politicians who eat out of their
hand, where do we go from there? We then move towards green growth and
egalitarian and democratic development as signalled in the title of my paper.
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deaths caused by the earthquake and tsunami up to 2012 has been estimated
o
rs by the Japanese Police Agency as 15,883. There was another major calam
s_
V ity: radioactive liquid was released from the tanks of the Fukushima power
XI
E plant of the Tokyo Electric Power Company. Workers died from the radi
<u
u ation fall-out and the chief manager, who was trying heroically to control
QJ
Q the damage, died recently as the result of the same fall-out. It is feared that
L the radio-active liquid may have entered into the underground and coastal
V
XI water. The Fukushima disaster has again proved that there is no such thing
E
<u as safe nuclear energy. This safety will be especially threatened with climate
>
o change since the frequency of unforeseen earthquakes, tsunamis and storms
Z
will increase. It was a welcome sign that two former Prime Ministers of
ts Japan, Koizumi from the side of the ruling party and Hosokawa from the
T opposition were jointly campaigning for a nuclear-free Japan in the recent
mayoral election. But they lost against the candidate of a Prime Minister
10
O who wants speedily to turn Japan again into a military power, with the USA
z backing him. Moreover, in many countries of the world, there is a move
<N to establish nuclear power plants on the fallacious argument that they will
reduce GHG emissions, without considering the time needed to commis
5 sion them or the insoluble problem of disposing of nuclear waste, including
spent fuel rods (Sharma 2014). The real reason for going in this dangerous
direction is the pressure by the nuclear power lobby of the developed coun
tries, and their collaborators in the developing economies.
From mid-September 2008, with the declaration of the bankruptcy of
Lehman Brothers, a global financial crisis took off, although warnings of
such a meltdown of the financial system had been sounded by several ob
servers. The Indian policy-makers claimed that the country was immune to
this crisis. But from 2012, such immunity proved to be an illusion. Officially,
the growth rate is only 4.4 per cent of GDP now. This particular crisis is en
tirely man-made, born out of the financialisation of an inherently unstable
capitalist economy. Ironically, the economic meltdown was accompanied
by a spike rather than a decline in the prices of the most basic commodities,
namely, food grains, vegetables, and all kinds of dairy and marine products.
Food security of the poor was totally trashed by this development, since
food occupies anywhere up to 70 per cent of a poor person's budget. Again,
this crisis was man-made, caused by diversion of land to the production of
fodder for fattening the animals destined for rich households' table, for the
production of agricultural inputs into highly subsidised biofuel in the USA,
decline of public and complementary private investment in agriculture in
all developing countries that have been governed by the neoliberal dogma
that the market knows best, and the grabbing of farmland for mining and
industrial projects of big corporations. All through these years, prices of oil
and natural gas kept rising and added to the profit-hungry futures markets
in commodities, pushed up prices all across the globe.
28 The Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific for the year 2009
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
correctly identified a triple threat to the livelihood of Asia and by extension >
3
of the whole world, namely, food insecurity, deregulated finance and unaf x
0)
fordable energy prices (UNESCAP 2009). In other reports succeeding that,
the UNESCAP has sounded warnings that the current pattern of growth ?
is unsustainable for both social and ecological reasons. Many other public i
intellectuals and UN bodies such as the FAO and IPCC (Gillis 2014) have 03
W
sounded similar warnings. (râ
n
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Social Scientist
of oil in the world, could run out of oil to export by 2030, raising fears
o
CS that oil prices may rise significantly in coming years.2
<U • This resource-intensity of output is one of the main reasons why
-Q
E imperialist powers such as Britain and the USA wanted to control all
<u
u countries producing oil and natural gas, from Venezuela to Nigeria,
<D
Û
the Arabian Peninsula, Iran, Indonesia and Pacific islands, where oil
L may be found on or off shore. The twenty-plus- year long spate of wars
<u
-Q from 1991 inflicted by the NATO forces on Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya
E have been termed oil wars.
(U
>
o • The resource-intensity promotes inequality between and within na
Z
tions. Those who can control the corporations controlling large re
<N
sources thrive on that control.
• Intensive use of non-renewable resources has generated a cumulative
layer of greenhouse gases in the earth's atmosphere, led to global
warming, already flooded many low-lying areas in tropical and sub
tropical regions, melted the North Pole ice cap, raising the water levels
CS of oceans around the globe, and led to more intense and more unpre
dictable climatic turbulence in the form of typhoons, hurricanes and
tsunamis.
£
Moving towards Green, Egalitarian Growth
under a Democratic Global Order
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
tors have served in many countries in the world, the most notable example 00
n
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Social Scientist
cells in lung cancer (Cuba VPM 2003; Cuba VLC 2011; Maclean 2013).
0
CS By 2008, at its Centre for Molecular Immunology, Cuba had developed
s
V eight anti-cancer drugs and registered them after taking them through all
_G
£ the stages of development, including two steps of clinical trials and was
eu
u researching and developing another 13 anti-cancer drugs (Silva Rodriguez
0)
Q 2009). At the Centro de Neurosciencias de Cuba, research and develop
1 ment was conducted on neuroimaging, cognitive neuroscience, neuroge
a)
xi netics, development of medical equipment relating to them, and treatment
E
of disabilities of neural origin. At the Centre for Genetic Engineering and
5!
o Biotechnology (CIGB), leading products included Ree. Hepatitis B vaccine.
CIGB alone had registered 79 patents in several countries of the world, and
(S more than 980 patent applications were pending. Cuba had also developed
T vaccines and medicines for animals and fish. The total number of Cuban
patents registered globally by 2008 exceeded 230 (Silva Rodriguez 2009).
ut
o While the stress on public health care and development of vaccines and
Z preventive care generally predated the crisis caused by the fall of the Soviet
rs Union, the latter was responsible for the turn of Cuban agriculture from
S"
dependence on chemical fertilizers and pesticides to bio-fertilizers and bio
3 pesticides was induced by that crisis (Hernândez Pedraza 2014).
When gasoline for farm tractors became scarce, Cuban agriculture
turned to 100,000 oxen. Since then, by a nationwide breeding campaign,
the number of oxen working the Cuban land has risen to 400,000. This also
implied the production of a whole line of cultivators, seeders and harvester
suitable for ox power.
Additionally, Cuban scientists developed more than 230 locally con
trolled and operated Centres for the Reproduction of Entomophages and En
tomopathogens (CREE) that create nontoxic pest controls. One such CREE
is located at an Agricultural High School where students scout the fields to
determine infestations, raise the bugs, do the releases and monitor the results.
Another centre known as Pasture and Fodder Research Institute, is
guided by the principle that diversity leads to stability. Instead of trying to
concentrate the maximum number of cows in a factory type of operation,
they study the best ratio of livestock to horticulture per hectare.
Cuba has emerged as a genuine knowledge economy, minimising its
dependence on non-renewable sources of energy and materials, and has
been able to raise most indices of human development such as nutrition,
health, education and gender parity far above those of most other devel
oping countries. All countries of the world have their own specificity and
complexity, and will not be able to follow a 'Cuban model' in detail. But
just as West European continental economies had learned from England to
follow their own path to industrialisation, and later the East Asian econ
omies had learned from the West Europeans to carve their own trajectory
of development, other countries of the world can learn from Cuba, and
32
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Recovering Policy Autonomy
Ts
Conclusion c
3
For all who are interested in saving the world from the greed andta inhuman
ity of the super-rich and their client states, the following measures
CO cry out
-ff
for agenda-setting and movements based on that agenda. CTO
n
Notes
There had been another 9/11 twenty-eight years back, in Chile. On that day,
Salvador Allende, the democratically elected President of Chile, had been killed
by the soldiers at the command of the army chief, General Pinochet, who then
initiated a 17-year long reign of terror in Chile.
Available at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/energy/oilandgas
/9523903/Saudis-may-run-out-of-oil-to-export-by-2030.html
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