Javanese Mesianic

Javanese Messianic Expectations: Their Origin and Cultural Context
Author(s): Justus M. van der Kroef

Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Jun., 1959), pp. 299-323
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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JAVANESE MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS:
THEIR ORIGIN AND CULTURAL CONTEXT
When a generation ago G. W. J. Drewes brought to a close hi

study of Javanese millenarian concepts he predicted their decline.
ganda device in the arena of modern politics they might perha
value, he believed, but their inherent strength and uniqueness wou
diminish.' Perhaps Drewes' philological pre-occupation led him
the anthropological dynamics of the messianic currents that he stu
Javanese religious records. In any event his prediction seemed t
the efficacy of the millenarian expectations as propaganda could be
of the enduring cultural matrix of which these expectations are an
part. Far from losing their inherent vitality the messianic ideas of
have, as the following pages will argue, remained strong and in
the cultural forms by which they are nowadays expressed hav
this analysis attention will first be paid to the traditional cosm
Javanese as it is reflected in their major cultural motifs. Next
Hindu-Indian, Islamic and Western (both religious and secular)
this cosmology will be considered. Finally, the nature of the
pectations in the Javanese experience will be described, also in
contemporary manifestations.
Fundamental to the Javanese world view is the concept of an unchanging and

balanced world order in which man's task is determined by immutable cosmic
forces which essentially operate through him. As one authority has put it:2
Children and grandchildren have to maintain everything that has been instituted by
the fathers. It is not a matter of their own customs, but of the customs of the fathers,
and thus they would sin as descendants of their ancestors if they did not obey customary
laws. The world does not progress; the best that it can do is to stand still, for the
I G. W. J. Drewes, Drie Javaansche Goeroe's. Hun Leven, Onderricht en Messiasprediking

(Diss., Leyden, 1925), p. 192.
2 N. G. Adriani, cited in W. P. van Dam, Inlandsche Gemeente en Indonesisch Dorp (Wage-
ningen, 1937), p. 6.
300 JUSTUS M. VAN DER KROEF
descendants
descendants areare
not not
required
required
to carryto forward
carry forward
the work the
of the
work
ancestors;
of theall ancestors;
they have all they have
to
to do
doisistoto
preserve
preserve
it, and
it, see
andto see
it that
to it
it does
thatnot
it regress.
does not regress.
The
Theobjective
objectiveof the
of the
socialsocial
order order
is therefore
is therefore
homeostasis
homeostasis
or in the traditional
or in the traditional
Javanese
Javanese phrase
phrase
tatatata
tenteram,
tenteram,
"peace "peace
and order
andin order
harmony".
in harmony".
In its simplest
In its simplest
and
andmost
most general
generalmanifestation
manifestation today this
today
sense
this
of stasis
senseisof best
stasis
expressed
is best
by expressed by
the
theselamatan,
selamatan, thethe
religiously
religiously
grounded
grounded
common common
meal givenmealby a villager
given by to a villager to
his
hismale
maleneighbors
neighbors and and
associates,
associates,
on the occasion
on the of occasion
critical of
or important
critical or important
moments
moments in in
hishis
life:life:
birthbirth
or circumcision
or circumcision
of a son, of
marriage,
a son, moving
marriage,into amoving into a
new
newhome,
home, acquiring
acquiring new new
livestock,
livestock,
going ongoing
a journey,
on a feastdays,
journey,and feastdays,
so on. and so on.
The
Thepurpose
purpose of of
the the
mealmeal
is to maintain
is to maintain
a condition
a condition
of pleasantof equilibrium,
pleasant of equilibrium, of
slamet
slamet(well-being),
(well-being), in thein sense
the sense
that one
that
is "unbothered
one is "unbothered
by either natural
by either natural
difficulties
difficulties or or
supernatural
supernatural annoyances".3
annoyances".3
The homeostasis
The homeostasis
sought via thesought via the
selamatan
selamatan hashas
an animistic
an animistic
background
background
which iswhich
part of is
Javanese
part of cosmology:
Javanese cosmology:
man
manisissurrounded
surrounded by spirits
by spirits
and deities,
and deities,
apparitions
apparitions
and mysterious
and super-
mysterious super-
natural
naturalforces,
forces,
which,
which,
unlessunless
he takes
hethe
takes
proper
theprecautions,
proper precautions,
may disturb may disturb
him
himororeven
evenplunge
plunge
him him
into disaster.4
into disaster.4
JavaneseJavanese
folktales frequently
folktales revolve
frequently revolve
around
aroundhumans
humans possessed
possessed
by the byspirits,5
the spirits,5
and the control
and the of control
"unbalances"
of "unbalances"
caused
causedwithin
withinor among
or among
men bymen theby
unseen
the magical
unseenworld
magicalis the
world
ultimate
is the ultimate
purpose
purposeofofadat
adat
or customary
or customarylaw. Tolaw.
restore
To the
restore
slametthe
condition
slametthecondition
adat the adat
operates
operatesplacatingly
placatingly
and conciliatingly:
and conciliatingly:
a rash word,
a rash
a sudden
word,noisea sudden
or strange
noise or strange
smell,
smell,allall
may
may
upset
upset
the balance
the balance
and theand
inner
theharmony
inner harmony
and require and
the search
require the search
for
fora anew
newequilibrium
equilibrium
between
between
the upsetting
the upsetting
agent andagent
the subject
and along
the subject along
religiously
religiously sanctioned
sanctioned
lines.6
lines.6
Frozen-faced
Frozen-faced
unmovingunmoving
placidity and
placidity
self-control,
and self-control,
called
calledkaprawiran
kaprawiran among
among
the Javanese,
the Javanese,
has become
hasa become
cultural ideal
a cultural
that is ideal that is
equally
equallyrelated
related
to this
to this
animistic
animistic
origin. origin.
In the wayang,
In the i.e.
wayang,
the Javanese
i.e. the
folkJavanese folk
theatre,
theatre,none
none
of the
of the
dramatis
dramatis
personae
personae
excites the
excites
popular
the
imagination
popular imagination
so much so much
as
as the
theheroic
heroicPandji,
Pandji,
who who
in theinmidst
the of
midst
terror
ofand
terror
imminent
and disaster
imminent retains
disaster retains
his
hisstoical
stoicalself-control,
self-control,
in sharp
in sharp
contrast
contrast
to the excitable
to the and
excitable
violent figures
and violent
of figures of
the
thevillains.7
villains.7
The
Thepreservation
preservationof social
of social
balance,
balance,
and theand
compulsion
the compulsion
to restore this
to restore
balance this balance
if
if ititisisinin
any
any
wayway
upset
upset
is, as is,
we as
shall
wesee,
shall
the see,
mainspring
the mainspring
of Javanese messianic
of Javanese messianic
expectations.
expectations. OneOne
cannot
cannot
sufficiently
sufficiently
emphasize
emphasize
how important
how this
important
homeo- this homeo-
static
staticmotif
motifin in
traditional
traditional
Javanese
Javanese
culture culture
is. The Javanese
is. Theconcepts
Javaneseof know-
concepts of know-
88 Clifford
Clifford Geertz,
Geertz,
"Religious
"Religious
Belief Belief
and Economic
and Economic
Behavior inBehavior
a Central in
Javanese
a Central
Town:Javanese Town:
Some
SomePreliminary
PreliminaryConsiderations,"
Considerations,"
Economic
Economic
Development
Development
and Culturaland
Change,
Cultural
vol. 4 (1956),
Change, vol. 4 (1956),
pp. 138-139.
4 On this animistic universe see J. de Jong, Het Geestesleven der Volken van IndonesiM
(Groningen, Batavia, 1948), pp. 5-45.
6 W. Ph. Coolhaas, "Javaansche Volksspelen," in J. Poortenaar and W. Ph. Coolhaas, eds.,
Onder Palmen en Waringins (Naarden, 1946), pp. 227-245.
6 N. W. Lesquillier, Het Adatdelictenrecht in de Magische Wereldbeschouwing (Diss.,
Leyden, 1934), pp. 7-16. See also Justus M. van der Kroef, "The Indonesian Idea of God,"
The Journal of Religious Thought, vol. 14 (1956-1957), pp. 43-54.
7 W. F. Stutterheim, "Iets over de cultuurbasis onzer leerlingen," p. 22, in Publicaties van
het Bureau van den Onderwisraad, no. 12, mededeelingen VI (Batavia, 1931).
JAVANESE MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS 301
ledge or science, for example, are wholly based on it. Knowledge is

ancestrally sanctioned reservoir of techniques for maintaining cosmi
brium; in common with traditional cultures elsewhere in the Orient kno
is not so much gathered by critical understanding as by memorizing
application of prescribed techniques.8 This tradition, it should be n
still operative today. One former Indonesian Minister of Education, contr
American and Indonesian educational philosophies, has pointed out th
in the U.S. "the pioneer mind searches for new facts, traditions and valu
Indonesia there does not exist such a state of mind".9 The Indonesian
he asserted, is more concerned with a rediscovery and streamlining of "a
fact". The need for a static harmony, moreover, leads to a concept of a r
ordered universe, in which every object has its definite place, and
located is capable of being related to man and of being influenced by
accordance with ancient folk magic and therapeutic arts called ngelm
is the origin of the Javanese classification system or system of correspo
in which the four wind directions, held together by an all-influencing c
serve to categorize the days of the five day Javanese week, the differen
metals, animals, occupations, household objects, traits of personality
Though some kind of system of correspondence is latent or fully develop
virtually all the cultures of the Indonesian peoples, the Javanese and
have probably elaborated furthest upon it, especially in their arts and liter
Javanese theatrical plays for example "are, one may say, imbued with th
of classification" and the plays' characters were originally "just parti
the universe and in society, both human and superhuman"." Ag
Javanese kris, so richly endowed with magic and ritualistic beliefs of
origin, is the symbol of an ancient all-encompassing dualistic classific
the cosmos.12
The organization of the traditional Javanese socio-economy similarly re
the concept of planned regularity in an ordered universe. The Javanese v
community is, first of all, a world unto itself, a microcosmos which is b
image of a similarly structured world around it, the macrocosmos of the
realm, of the heavens and stars and of the spirit world. Microcosm
macrocosmos obey the same laws: the affairs of men and the events of t
are both directed by elemental forces that recur over and over aga
8 T. S. G. Moelia, Het Primitieve Denken in de Moderne Wetenschap (Diss., Ams

1933), p. 82.
9 Sarino Manganpranoto (Education Minister in the Sastroamijojo cabinet) in Th
Student, February 18, 1958, p. 5.
10 See Justus M. van der Kroef, "Dualism and Symbolic Antithesis in Indonesian
American Anthropologist, vol. 56 (1954), pp. 847-862, and the literature there cited.
11 Th. Pigeaud, "The Romance of Amir Hamza in Java," pp. 236-237, in Bingkis
Een Bundel Opstellen aan Dr. Philippus Samuel van Ronkel door Vrienden en Le
Aangeboden (Leyden, 1950).
12 W. H. Rassers, "On the Javanese Kris," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenk
Nederlandsch-lndie (Hereafter BKI), vol. 99 (1940), esp. p. 558.
passing of time is then not marked by novelty or social change but by cyclical
repetition of meta-historical events, all of which have some eschatological im-
plication:13 birth, marriage, death, sowing, harvesting, the coming of flood
volcanic eruptions, the building of a new house - all are of the same etern
stream of existence. Even in its outward structures the community of me
conforms to cosmic precept: the partitions of the traditional Javanese hou
no less than the architectural plan of kraton (court) or urban square, or t
concentric structure of temple shrine and monument, show the existence
the ancient classification system, the divisions according to the wind direction
each indicating an appropriate human function or ritualistic obligation, he
together always by the highest principle of cosmic unity, the mandala o
symbolism of "the circle squared", the Jungian archetype of cosmic order par
excellence. It is this very same principle which underlies the unique reciprocal
relationship of some villages in Central and East Java in which the community
heads of one stand in a sacred and cosmically balancing position toward th
leaders of four surrounding villages (the "outer four" or montjapat); the fi
represent the four wind directions and segments of the universal round, he
together by the center.14 In view of similar sacred reciprocal arrangemen
elsewhere in Indonesia, it seems not unlikely that the montjapat is a cultur
derivative of original Javanese tribal organization,15 although later Hind
symbolism and social organization in Java was undoubtedly congenial to it
In the traditional village the spot where the microcosmos and the macrocosmos
interact is clearly marked: this is the shrine of the village spirit or deity who
is the protector of the human group. The economic process itself is fused with
ritualistic and religious obligation. Mutual assistance in the fields, common
clearing and weeding, maintenance of irrigation dikes, the ceremonies o
sowing and harvesting, the care of livestock - all are viewed as serving som
thing more than the material needs of man. What Korn has remarked of t
old Balinese village also applies without alteration to the traditional Javane
rural social order: the villages "are in the first instance offering communities,
in which the members look upon the acquisition of material goods only as
means to a higher end".'6 Even with the impact of foreign cultural influen
and advancing secularization and decommunalization this aspect of the Jav
nese village is not wholly gone today. In socalled perdikan or free village
(free from taxes), where the community has charge of the maintenance of som
shrine or other sacred edifice, the element of religious obligation in the human
community may be as strong as ever.
13 Compare Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return (New York, 1954), p. 141.
14 F. D. van Ossenbruggen, De Oorsprong van het Javaansche Begrip Montjapat in verba
met Primitieve Classificaties (Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie v
Wetenschappen, Afdeling Letterkunde, 5e reeks, 3rde deel, Iste stuk, Amsterdam, 1917
15 N. D. Ploegsma, Oorspronkelijkheid en Oeconomisch Aspect van het Dorp op Java e
Madoera (Diss., Leyden, 1936), p. 19.
16 V. E. Krom, Het Adatrecht van Bali (The Hague, 1932), vol. 2, p. 542.
The
The"good
"goodlife"
life"
as Javanese
as Javanese
gurus (teachers)
gurus (teachers)
and mystics have
and viewed
mystics
it have
through
through thethe
ages,ages,
and asand
theyas
have
they
instructed
have instructed
king and peasant,
king is the
andprogressive
peasant, is the
dissolution
dissolution of the
of barriers
the barriers
to unityto
between
unityman
between
and cosmos.
man Knowledge
and cosmos.
and Kn
the
thedrive
drivebehind
behind
its acquisition
its acquisition
is directed
istoward
directed
the satisfaction
toward the of the
satisfaction
sense of
of
ofsocial
socialandand
cosmic
cosmic
solidarity;
solidarity;
knowledge
knowledge
distinct from
distinct
or even in
from
opposition
or even in o
to
tothis
thissense
senseis a is
much
a much
later phenomenon.7
later phenomenon.7
It is not an inner
It is conviction
not an inner
or co
private
private good
good
intent
intent
which which
in the first
in the
instance
firstdetermines
instance man's
determines
future con-man's
dition,
dition, "but
"but
a cosmic
a cosmic
measure
measure
stick rather
stick
than
rather
a purelythan
ethical
a one
purely
is applied"
ethical one
in
inassessing
assessing
individual
individual
worth.l8
worth.l8
AscendingAscending
awareness ofawareness
the identity of
between
the ident
microcosmic
microcosmic manman
and macrocosmic
and macrocosmic
universe, inuniverse,
which the in
plurality
which andthe plur
diversity
diversity of experience
of experience
is reduced
is reduced
to a highertosynthesis
a higherof cosmic
synthesis
regularity,
of cosmi
finds
findsinin
Indonesian
Indonesian
mysticism,
mysticism,
as indeed as
in other
indeedOriental
in other
religio-philosophical
Oriental religio-ph
systems,
systems, continuous
continuous
application.
application.
Just as the
Just
Zen Buddhist
as the Zen
employs
Buddhist
his koanemplo
riddle
riddle in in
order
order
to enter
to enter
more fully
more intofully
the timeless
into the
order
timeless
of the universe,
order soof the u
the
theJavanese
Javanese mystic
mystic
delights
delights
in paradoxical
in paradoxical
sayings (e.g., sayings
the scabbard
(e.g.,
which
the sca
enters
enters the
the
kris,
kris,
blackblack
that is that
white,isthe
white,
ship that
the carries
shipthethatsea carries
as its cargo)
the sea
to
toexpress
expressthe the
perfect
perfect
unity ofunity
the divine
of the
order
divine
in which
order
all "contradictions"
in which all "con
are
areresolved.19
resolved.19A thorough
A thorough
understanding
understanding
of the antithetical
of the elements
antithetical
surround-
elemen
ing
ingman
man is regarded
is regarded
as the as
path
the
to spiritual
path tostasis,
spiritual
the slamet
stasis,
condition
the slamet
of mindcondit
(called semadi among the Javanese). In all phases of Javanese culture we see
this tendency recurring. The wayang purwa, the ancient Javanese folk play,
frequently reveals semadi to be the true objective of the hero.20 The play, in
one form or another, reflects not only the interaction of the well defined elements
of the Javanese tribal organization and thereby the concept of a highly stylized
cosmic order to which man stands in an immutable relationship,21 but also
emphasizes the mystic symbol of man taking a supernatural journey. During
this journey he progressively overcomes bodily and earthly attractions and
threats, to reach at last a stage of utter spiritual bliss based on awareness of
the purpose of the universe. Again, in contemporary Javanese theories of
psychotherapy (e.g., those of R. Sumarto Mertowardojo) personality fulfill-
ment is directed toward the center of "immaterial life" in man, a concept
roughly similar to Jung's collective unconscious, and "the development curve
17 Th. Pigeaud, "Javaansche Wichelarij en Klassificatie," in Feestbundel Uitgegeven door het

Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen bij gelegenheid van zUn
150 jarig bestaan, 1778-1928 (Weltevreden, 1929), vol. 2, p. 290.
18 K. A. H. Hidding, Gebruiken en Godsdienst der Soendaneezen (Batavia, 1935), p. 35.
19 See on this topic by P. J. Zoetmulder, Pantheisme en Monisme in de Javaansche Soeloek
Literatuur (Diss., Nijmegen, 1935), chaps. X-XI; "Javaans Pantheisme en Monisme," Kolo-
niale Studien, vol. 21 (1937), pp. 227-236, 662-669; and Cultuur Oost en West (Amsterdam
1951), pp. 126-130, 141-142, 152.
20 K. G. P. A. A. Mangkunagara VII of Surakarta, On the Wayang Kulit (Purwa) and its
Symbolic and Mystical Elements (Data paper, no. 27, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell
University, Ithaca, N. Y., 1957), pp. 12-18.
21 Justus M. van der Kroef, "The Roots of the Javanese Drama," Journal of Aesthetics and
Art Criticism, vol. 12 (1954), pp. 318-327. This essay has been reprinted in my Indonesia in
the Modern World (Bandung, Indonesia, 1954-1956), vol. 2, pp. 162-181.
of man and mankind is thought to progress from the biological to th

i.e. to an appetiteless awareness of the cosmic plan.22
The world then "does not progress" - man's duty is to maintain it a
to the precept of universal order. Some men have a heavier duty in t
than others: the village leaders, the feudal aristocracy and the king a
to the heart of the concentric circles that comprise micro- and m
As the ancient appellation of the Sultan of Djokjakarta in Central
indicates, they are collectively "the nail from which the universe dep
the traditional village society the so-called "nucleus" villagers (called w
or kuli kentjeng) constitute a local elite, own both house and co
well as a share in the communal fields, and as elsewhere in Indo
thought of as direct descendants of the first settlers of the communit
days.23 They alone, when they become too old, bequeath their p
their heirs and take a seat in the "council of ancients", the living emb
of ancestral wisdom and adat, the keepers of the sacred bonds betwee
and macrocosmos. With the development of the first Javanese kin
which Hindu-Indian cultural influences undoubtedly gave added im
concept that the ruler was the incarnation of the supreme deity i
manifestation of Vishnu became generally accepted; the Javanese
was viewed "not only as the protector of the realm, but also the s
the universe, of the cosmic order".24 As a system of feudal appanage
from the courts took hold on society, a developing aristocracy, a
arts of war and administration, became the structural support of
Javanese realm, uniting king and peasant in the same highly stratified
elaborated social order.25 But the bond is always cosmologica
according to one student, both at the courts and among the mass
struck by the complete absence of any state-forming element:
common folk no national consciousness, no sense of collective un
court and among the rulers no awareness of responsibility".26 This pi
be somewhat overdrawn, particularly for the later Javanese kingd
remains essentially true to say that the relationship between ruler an
is not understood in terms of a particularized regional or national com
or geographically determined society, but rather in terms of cosmic
that transcend any locality, class, ethnic or sub-ethnic group. In the d
court literature we note that the Javanese rulers are always legitimiz
22 Sumantri Hardjoprakoso, Indonesisch Mensbeeld als Basis ener Psycho-Th

Leyden, 1956), p. 223 and passim.
23 C. van Vollenhoven, Het Adatrecht van Nederlandsch-Indie, Part I (Leyde
512-513, 524-533, 538-541, 604-612.
24 Indonesian Sociological Studies. Selected Writings of B. Schrieke. Part Two
Realm in Early Java (The Hague, Bandung, 1957), pp. 76-77.
25 See generally on this topic also R. Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and
Southeast Asia (Ithaca, N.Y., 1956).
26 A. L. van der Linden, De Europeaan in de Maleische Literatuur (Diss. Utre
1937), p. 24.
context
contextofof
the
the
all-pervading
all-pervading
supernatural
supernatural
forces. forces.
In the myths
In theofmyths
the common
of the
folk
folkboth
boththe
the
supernatural
supernatural
and the
andsocial
the social
order are
order
made
are
to made
interlock,
to interlo
so that
service
servicetotothe
the
king
king
implies
implies
obedience
obedience
to theto
sacred
the laws
sacred
of the
lawsuniverse
of theasunivers
well,
and
and myth
myth and
and
dutiful
dutiful
obedience
obedience
to prescribed
to prescribed
behavior
behavior
become, in
become,
fact,
extensions of one another.27
It remains to note that the exact nature of the condition of stasis as the
purpose of the traditional Javanese social process is not defined, except in
essentially mystical and religious terms. In the daily round such stasis, given
the character of an undeveloped peasant economy, is continuously threatened
by the caprices of man and nature. The realization of the slamet condition,
the sense of physical well being best described by the word senang, or of
spiritual ease called semadi is therefore fleeting at best (except for the mystic),
so that of necessity man seems vastly more familiar with social norms and
cultural incentives urging the re-establishment of the slamet condition and
providing the means thereto, than with the condition itself. In short, the
Javanese cosmology, expressed in recurring cultural motifs, demands of man a
ceaseless pursuit of an El Dorado, attainment of which appears to lie just
beyond the horizon; it conditions him to perceive his surroundings in terms of
any unusual phenomenon that may indicate the need to act in order to help
in the restoration of cosmic equilibrium. It is this that leads to the heightened
sense of expectancy which since ancient times could persuade the Javanese
villager to participate in all manner of social movements, based on an alleged
supernatural reckoning immediately forthcoming; it is this that could even in
recent years cause testy Dutch colonial officials in Java to ask themselves
whence came this periodic inclination in their native charges "to live in a
fantastic world".28 It is this too which, as Drewes noted, creates the latent
agitation over and sensitivity to even the smallest changes in the Javanese social
environment (e.g., the levelling and clearing of a few houses by the government,
the construction of a new road, or the introduction of a new coin in the currency)
and at once interprets them as signs of the apocalypse, after which the slamet
condition of a new balanced cosmic order will prevail.29
II
While among contemporary students of Indonesian history and society the

vogue is to place new emphasis on the strength of autochthonous culture and
social institutions and to minimize the relative importance of foreign cultural
influences, it is well not to exaggerate this newly discovered uniqueness of the
indigenous Indonesian world, especially in Java.30 "There are sufficient data
27 Compare C. T. Bertling, "Notes on Myth and Ritual in Southeast Asia," Bijdragen tot
de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, vol. 114 (1958), p. 23.
28 M. B. van der Jagt, Memoires (The Hague, 1955), p. 191.
29 Drewes, Drie Javaansche Goeroe's, pp. 189-190.
30 Cf in this connection Justus M. van der Kroef, "On the Writing of Indonesian History,"
Pasific Affairs, vol. 31 (1958), pp. 352-371.
available," writes Pigeaud, "... to be able to decide on good ground

is a mistake to regard the forms and content of contemporary J
civilization as having been passed onward from very ancient times
by external influences or by internal growth."31 This remark is especi
in the analysis of Hindu-Indian, Islamic and Western influences as they
Javanese messianic expectations.
This is not the place to review the controversy over the Hinduization
in Indonesia;32 suffice it to say that Javanese society reacted to th
penetration of Hindu-Indian culture traits brought by Brahmins, c
visiting Hindu traders by means of its age-old balancing mechanism, w
the first instance meant a gradual absorption of the many Hindu-India
forms, from religion and sacerdotalism to literature and the arts, that
accord with the existing autochthonous civilization. Although the Hind
process was not free from certain social conflicts,33 and exhibited
regional variations in the depth of its influence, in general it can be sa
the process strengthened traditional Javanese cosmology, solidified
of Javanese kingship and its sacred place in the stratified social order, c
the magico-religious features of peasant communalism and greatly
mythology and the service of the supernatural.34 With amazing e
both court and village accepted the Hindu accretions to their origin
life, producing a homeostatic mixture, the Hindu-Javanese cultu
kedjawen by the Javanese) that has retained much of its strength unti
A typical example of this eclecticism is the process whereby Qiva a
were made into brothers and thus fitted into the all-pervading sym
social dualism of the Javanese cosmic classification system.35 Th
process is, of course, a manifestation of the stasis mechanism in al
social organization, and is perhaps best expressed by the manner
visiting Brahmins from India, doubtless assisted by autochthonous
clerics, falsified the genealogical tables of Indonesian rulers so as to ma
descendants of Hindu-Indian kings and thereby of the Hindu Godh
the writing of court histories and descriptions sought to make a
"legitimizing" connection.36
This mythologizing function of the Hindu-Javanese priesthood is
importance in the understanding of Javanese messianic expectation
Berg has shown, it had a creative objective that was inherent in the po
31 Th. Pigeaud, Javaanse Volksvertoningen (Batavia, 1938), p. 6.

32 See generally Justus M. van der Kroef, "The Hinduization of Indonesia Reco
Far Eastern Quarterly, vol. 12 (1951), pp. 17-30, and the literature cited there.
33 F. H. van Naerssen, Cultuurcontacten en Sociale Conflicten in Indonesii (Am
1946), pp. 4-10.
34 See generally by N. J. Krom, Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis (2nd. ed., The H
and Het Oude Java en Zin Kunst (2nd. ed., Haarlem, 1943).
35 W. H. Rassers, "Ciwa en Boeddha in den Archipel" (Djawa, 1927).
36 J. C. van Leur, Eenige Beschouwingen betreffende den ouden Aziatischen h
Leyden, Middelburg, 1934), pp. 121, 123.
the
theclerics.37
clerics.37As priests
As priests
the mythologizers
the mythologizers
were believed
were
to be
believed
able to create
to be ab
reality
reality retroactively
retroactively
so to so
speak;
to speak;
their genealogical
their genealogical
accounts andaccounts
court records
and cour
linking
linking the
the
Javanese
Javanese
ruler ruler
to distant
to distant
Hindu-Indian
Hindu-Indian
royal forebears
royal
and forebear
to the
Godhead,
Godhead, areare
by way
by way
of being
of being
ritualistic
ritualistic
devices which
devices
in popular
which belief
in popular
created bel
the
thelink
link
in in
fact,
fact,
and thus
and brought
thus brought
the Javanese
the ruler
Javanese
into the
ruler
sameinto
central
the s
position
position as as
pivot
pivot
of micro-
of micro-
and macrocosmic
and macrocosmic
order which order
he occupied
which inhe
theoccu
imported
imported Hindu
Hinduworld
world
view. view.
It is this
It mythologizing
is this mythologizing
process whichprocess
made w
kedjawen
kedjawen possible:
possible:
on the
onnodal
the points
nodal of points
man's interaction
of man's interaction
with the universe
with t
no essential differences remained between traditional Javanese culture and the
pattern of Hindu-Indian influence. At the same time the stasis-seeking dynamic
in traditional Javanese culture was confirmed by the Hindu-Indian messianic
concepts and made the Hindu-Javanese kings the restorers par excellence of
whatever disturbances might occur in the social order.
It is in this Hinduization period that the figure of the Javanese messiah,
called Erucakra (the name itself shows the Hindu influence), was probably
first conceived, but he does not appear in the records until later and his position
and role is as yet obscure. Certain it is, however, that in the Hinduization era
the doctrine of the four so-called yuga or periods of the world, came to be fused
into Javanese cosmology. The doctrine of the four yuga holds that at the end
of the fourth period in world history, the kaliyuga, will come the total destruc-
tion of the world and then the establishment of a new, perfect world and social
order.38 Given the Javanese proclivity, touched upon above, to see the times
as being out of joint, to take continuous measures in order to re-establish the
equilibrium of the cosmos, and in view of the fact that various social disturb-
ances occurred in the Hindu-Javanese period which cannot be detailed here,
it was likely that from time to time the belief would spread that man was now
living in the kaliyuga. In due course this apocalyptic belief became inseparable
from the concept of the Javanese ruler in his role as agent de reconstruction of
the universe, and in that fashion and under the name Ratu Adil ("The Just
King") began to attract the common man's hopes for a new day.39
The penetration of Islam into Indonesia from the fifteenth century followed
the same pattern as the Hinduization process. There is some ground for
believing that it came about largely because of the political interests of Indone-
sian rulers, who were anxious to find support in foreign Muslim courts overseas
against the accelerating inroads of the first Westerners, especially the Portuguese,
in the Indonesian archipelago. Islam, then, may have been seized on by
Indonesian rulers as a political counter-balancing mechanism in Asian foreign
37 C. C. Berg, "Gedachtenwisseling over Javaanse Geschiedschrijving," Indonesie, vol. 9

(1956), pp. 186-190.
38 Indonesian Sociological Studies. Selected Writings of B. Schrieke. Part Two, p. 77.
39 Ibid., pp. 308-309. In another essay ("De Javaansche Messias voor en tijdens den Islam",
pp. 77-79 in Oostersch Instituut Leiden. Jaarboek 1941, Leiden, 1942) Schrieke points out
that it is particularly in the period of transition from one century to the next that Messianic
expectations appear to become lively in the Javanese historic experience.
relations,
relations, a view
a view
of the
of new
the faith
new in
faith
keeping
in keeping
with the stasis-seeking
with the stasis-seeking
dynamics d
of
of the
theJavanese
Javanese
cosmology.
cosmology.
At anyAtrate
any
therate
Islamization
the Islamization
of Java mustof
beJava
seen mu
in
in the
thecontext
context
of indigenous
of indigenous
eclecticism,
eclecticism,
which soonwhich
managed
soonto managed
weave the to w
new
newstrands
strandsof of
eschatology
eschatology
into the
into
older
thetapestry
older of
tapestry
kedjawen.40
of kedjawen.40
Even today Eve
the
theaverage
averageIndonesian
Indonesian
Muslim
Muslim
may inmay
good in
faith
good
ascribe
faith
matters
ascribe
to Islam
matter
which
whichare
are
wholly
wholly
alienalien
to it,4l
to and
it,4l
which
andcome
which
in fact
comefrom
in the
factolder
fromcosmology.
the older c
Though
Though inin
other
other
parts
parts
of Indonesia
of Indonesia
Muslim Muslim
orthodoxyorthodoxy
could make considerable
could make cons
headway,
headway, even
even
transplanting
transplanting
the traditional
the traditional
cultural framework,
cultural framework,
in Java this in
has
hasgenerally
generallynotnot
beenbeen
the case.
theIndeed,
case. Indeed,
as early as
asthe
early
seventeenth
as the seventeenth
century
Javanese
Javanese rulers
rulers
persecuted
persecuted
orthodox
orthodox
MuslimsMuslims
because ofbecause
their agitation
of their
against
agitation
the
theprevailing
prevailingheterodoxy
heterodoxy
and eclecticism,
and eclecticism,
and even and
at later
even
dates
at resistance
later dates
to resis
Islamic
Islamicorthodoxy
orthodoxy
was was
in evidence
in evidence
among the
among
Central
the Javanese
Central nobility.42
Javanese n
Quite
Quiteapart
apart
from
from
the the
formal
formal
acceptance
acceptance
of Islam of
for Islam
political
forreasons
political
at some
reaso
of
of the
thesixteenth
sixteenth
and and
seventeenth
seventeenth
centurycentury
Javanese Javanese
courts, it may
courts,
be said
itthat
may be s
in
in Java
Javaa sort
a sort
of folk
of folk
IslamIslam
came into
camebeing,
intomixed
being,
with
mixed
all manner
withof
allanimistic
manner of
and
andHindu-Javanese
Hindu-Javanesebeliefs
beliefs
and essentially
and essentially
opposed to
opposed
any orthodoxy,
to any and
orthod
later
latertoto
the
the
puritanism
puritanism
of Modern
of Modern
Islamic and
Islamic
Reform
andMuslim
Reformcurrents
Muslim
coming
current
from the Middle East.43
Yet Islam influenced the cultural context of Javanese messianic expectations
in two ways. First it was added to the mythological repertoire of court literature,
and Islam and the Islamized Javanese rulers of such later kingdoms as Mataram
were fitted into the historical apologias of the clerics at the courts, apologias
which were designed to legitimize the Islamized Javanese kings in terms of the
new faith and to demonstrate the sacred continuity of previous Hindu-Javanese
kingdoms in the new Islamized kingdoms. New court histories and royal
genealogical tables were devised, which wedded the Hindu-Javanese past to
the Islamized Javanese present and perpetuated the position of the king as the
pivot of the cosmic order.44 Thus Islam was made part of the equilibrium-
seeking dynamic of Javanese culture, and so, quite naturally, became an
acceptable aspect of that dynamic in terms of the popular messianic expectations
which had begun to assume clearer outlines in the Hinduization period. The
second Islamic contribution to Javanese millenarian beliefs followed from this:
the idea of the Mahdi or Saviour as he appears in the Muslim eschatology
40 See Justus M. van der Kroef, "Folklore and Tradition in Javanese Society," The Journal
of American Folklore, vol. 68 (1955), pp. 25-33.
41 C. A. 0. van Nieuwenhuijze, "Geloven - en doen. Over de Islam in Indonesia," p. 85, in
G. H. van der Kolff ed., Sticusa Jaarboek 1951 (Amsterdam, 1951).
42 Indonesian Sociological Studies. Selected Writings of B. Schrieke. Part One (The Hague,
Bandung, 1955), p. 77, and W. F. Wertheim, Effects of Western Civilization on Indonesian
Society (New York, 1950), p. 56.
43 See on this point by J. M. van der Kroef, "Islam in Indonesia: Conservatism and Reform,"
Current History, June, 1957, pp. 357-363; "Some Social and Political Aspects of Islam in
Indonesia," The Islamic Review, July, 1957, pp. 33-39; and "The Role of Islam in Indonesian
Nationalism and Politics," Western Political Quarterly, vol. 11 (1958), pp. 33-54.
44 C. C. Berg, "Babad en Babad-studie," Indonesie, vol. 10 (1957), pp. 68-84.
itself.
itself.Muslim
Muslimschoolmen
schoolmen
and preachers
and preachers
undoubtedly
undoubtedly
gave this gave
concept
this
greater
concep
popularity
popularity in in
Java,
Java,
for for
soon soon
we find
we the
find
indigenous
the indigenous
notion of notion
the RatuofAdil
th
beginning
beginning totoblend
blend
withwith
the concept
the concept
of the of
Mahdi.
the For
Mahdi.
example,
For in
example
some
Javanese
Javanese Messianic
Messianicrecords,
records,
as Drewes
as Drewes
has noted,
has the
noted,
Ratu the
Adil Ratu
has become
Adil
an
an administrative
administrative lieutenant
lieutenant
of theof Mahdi
the Mahdi
and governs
and ingoverns
Mataram, in in
Mataram
other
versions
versionsthetheRatu
Ratu
AdilAdil
is made
is made
out toout
be of
tothe
be same
of thefamily
same as family
the Prophet
as t
Mohammed.45
Mohammed.45 Gradually
Graduallya cultural
a cultural
synthesis
synthesis
is achieved
is achieved
in a single in
Messianic
a sing
complex:
complex: Erufakra,
Erufakra, RatuRatu
Adil Adil
and Mahdi
and Mahdi
become become
coterminous
coterminous
concepts and co
in
in the
theso-called
so-calledJavaJava
WarWar(1825-1830),
(1825-1830),
the lastthe
desperate
last desperate
attempt ofattempt
the tradi-o
tional
tionalJavanese
Javanese aristocracy
aristocracyto restore
to restore
the oldthe
orderold
against
order theagainst
severely
thedis-
s
organizing
organizing onrush
onrush of Western
of Western colonial
colonial
control,control,
the leader the
of leader
the Javanese
of th
rebels,
rebels,Prince
Prince Diponegoro,
Diponegoro, appears
appears
in factin
both
factas both
Mahdi asandMahdi
as EruVakra,
and asas E
well
wellasasbeing
beingthethe
personification
personification
of Ratu
ofAdil
Ratuexpectations.
Adil expectations.
As
As was
wasnoted
notedabove,
above,
Islamic
Islamic
and Western
and Western
influences
influences
appeared inappeared
the Indo-in
nesian
nesianworld
worldalmost
almost
simultaneously.
simultaneously.
When it
When
became
it clear
became
that clear
the Europeans
that th
could
couldnot
notbebe
easily
easily
dislodged
dislodged
from from
their gradually
their gradually
spreadingspreading
commercialcommer
posts
and
andmilitary
militaryforts
forts
in the
in archipelago,
the archipelago,
not even
not
byeven
bringing
by bringing
the political-cultural
the polit
weight
weightofofIslam
Islam
to bear
to bear
uponupon
them,them,
the process
the process
of eclecticism
of eclecticism
and micro- a
macrocosmic equilibrium-seeking again came into motion. The clerical
mythologizers conceived of a new sacred tripartite alliance between the Javanese
empire of Mataram, Islam, and the Dutch with their East India Company.
There had been a similar cultural-political tripos of the Hindu-Javanese empire
of Madjapahit, and the Buddhist-Hinduized states of Champa and Malayu on
Southeast Asia's mainland in earlier centuries.46 We see here the remarkable
preoccupation with historic continuity and cosmic regularity in official inter-
pretation of historical events. This tendency reaches its apogee in the well-
known legend that the Dutch were really the supernatural descendants of a
princess of the West Javanese Padjajaran empire,47 and in the tale of the
capture of Baron Sak6nd6r (Alexander the Great) by the "King of Java", in
which Sak6nder's mythical brother Sukmul ultimately fathers Djangkung (Jan
P. Coen, the founder of Dutch commercial power on Java in the early seven-
teenth century).48 But both the Sak6nd&r story, as well as other Javanese tales
of the same period, show a latent but significant hostility toward the Dutch.
Djankung is made out to be the descendant of an older and impure dynasty,
which will pass away in favor of a younger, pure and definitive lineage of
46 C. C. Berg, "De Zin der Tweede Babad-Tanah-Djawi," Indonesie, vol. 8 (1955), pp. 361-
400.
47 Husein Djajadiningrat, Critische Beschouwing van de Sadjarah Banten (Diss., Leyden,
1913), p. 285. For other examples of Javanese mythological attempts to legitimize the Dutch
conquest see also W. H. Rassers, De Pandji Roman (Diss. Leyden, Antwerp, 1922), p. 335.
See generally also D. H. Burger, "Structuurveranderingen in de Javaanse Samenleving,"
Indonesie, vol. 3 (1949-1950), p. 120.
48 P. J. van Leeuwen, De Maleische Alexanderroman (Diss. Leyden, Meppel, 1937); Th.
Pigeaud, "Alexander, Sakender en Senapati," Djawa, vol. 7 (1927), p. 332 ff.
Mataram.49
Mataram.49 TheThe
Dutch
Dutch
and their
and works
theirthus
works
bring
thus
closer
bring
the inevitable
closer the in
apocalypse
apocalypse andand
the the
re-emergence
re-emergence
of a pristine
of a autochthonous
pristine autochthonous
orthodoxy. or
Unlike
Unlikethe
the
Hinduization
Hinduization
and Islamization
and Islamization
processes processes
the Westernthe
impact
Western
fails imp
to
to strike
strikea balance
a balance
withwith
the traditional
the traditional
Javanese Javanese
cosmology. cosmology.
This was not so
This
apparent
apparent in in
thethe
early
early
centuries
centuries
of Dutch-Javanese
of Dutch-Javanese
contacts butcontacts
by the nine-
but by
teenth
teenthcentury
century
the the
capitalistic
capitalistic
economy
economy
of Dutch estate
of Dutch
and mining
estateenterprises
and mining e
and
andthe
thepenetration
penetration
of other
of other
Western
Western
culture patterns
culturebypatterns
means of by
the means
colonial of t
administrative
administrative apparatus
apparatus
in all phases
in all of
phases
Indonesian
of Indonesian
life, introduced
life,alien
introduce
and
disorganizing
disorganizing forces
forces
of such
of magnitude
such magnitude
that the traditional
that the cosmology
traditional wascosm
unable
unabletotoabsorb
absorbthem.50
them.50
The progressive
The progressive
disruptiondisruption
of the social of
fabric
thewas
social
accompanied
accompanied by by
all manner
all manner
of popular
of popular
frustration
frustration
symptoms,5'symptoms,5'
including
heightened
heightened messianic
messianic
fervor
fervor
and theand
preaching
the preaching
of a comingof
apocalypse
a coming by apo
Muslim
Muslim teachers
teachers
and and
folk prophets,
folk prophets,
of whichof
thewhich
"Saminthe
movement",
"Samin described
movement",
below,
below,is is
a late
a late
19th19th
century
century
manifestation.
manifestation.
By that time
By an
that
ideological
time an revolu-
ideologic
tion
tionwas
wasoccurring,
occurring,
the depth
the depth
and scope
andof scope
which of
stillwhich
await analysis.
still await analysis.
This
Thisrevolution
revolutionlay in
lay the
inidea
theofidea
speeding
of speeding
acceptanceacceptance
of Western technolo-
of Western
gical
gicalandand
organizational
organizationalsupremacy
supremacy
as a way as
of arecapturing,
way of recapturing,
under the banner
under
of
of modern
modern nationalism,
nationalism,
the historic
the historic
identity identity
and greatness
andofgreatness
Javanese life.
of It
Javane
cannot
cannotbebe
emphasized
emphasized
enough
enough
that the
that
firstthe
manifestations
first manifestations
of this nationalism
of this na
had
hada adistinct
distinct
regional
regional
and ethnic
and ethnic
basis andbasis
only and
later only
movedlater
in themoved
direction
in th
of an "all Indonesian" national concept.52 At first the slowly growing number
of Javanese graduates of Western schools, products of the educational systems
of Java as well as of Europe, thought that the modernization of their culture
along Western lines could restore equilibrium with its own traditions.53 Yet,
as Sutan Sjahrir has noted,54 they retained an inner reserve toward the essence
of Western modernization; they accepted it positivistically, as a "gimmick" to
restore the balance between their own world and that of the Dutch, but under-
standing of, let alone inner commitment to, the "why" of Western culture was
often lacking. As in the case of millenarian expectations in the Melanesian
49 C. C. Berg, Nederland en Indonesia. Cutlturele Betrekkingen (Utrecht, 1952), pp. 2-3.

50 See on this point also Justus M. van der Kroef, "The Colonial Deviation in Indonesian
History," East and West (Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Rome), vol. 7
(1956), pp. 251-261.
5' Berg, "De Zin der Tweede Babad-Tanah-Djawi," p. 395.
53 Cf. Justus M. van der Kroef, "Adat and Islam in Indonesian Nationalism," United Asia
(Bombay), vol. 4 (1952), pp. 315-320; for a striking example of this regional sentiment see
also Paul W. van der Veur in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 17 (1958), p. 552.
53 An example of this tendency in modern Javanese intellectual life was the proto-nationalist
Javanese organization Btudi Utomo (Noble Endeavor) founded in 1908 and largely composed
of Javanese aristocrats with Western schooling, whose principal aim was to work for the
modernization of their country along the lines of a broad social welfare program. Originally
the organizations's objective was "to collaborate in the harmonious development of the land
and the people of Java and Madoera", but later it became broader in scope and more radical
in tone. J. T. Petrus Blumberger, De Nationalistische Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie (Haar-
lem, 1931), pp. 19-37.
54 Sutan Sjahrir, "Our Nationalism and its Substance", The Voice of Free Indonesia, May 4,
1946.
JAVANESE MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS 31i
world
worldininthe
theso-called
so-called
"cargo
"cargo
cults",
cults",
the Indonesian
the Indonesian
conceptconcept
of a "new
ofdeal"
a "new
after
afterthe
thedemise
demiseof of
colonial
colonial
authority
authority
beganbegan
to include
to include
automatic
automatic
prosperity
pro
complete
completewith
withthe
the
techniques
techniques
of modern
of modern
industry,
industry,
a "package"
a "package"
or "cargo"
orthat
"cargo"
would
wouldmagically
magicallyensure
ensure
its its
owners
owners
the means
the means
to equality
to equality
with the
with
West.55
the It
West.5
is
because of this curious schism between the traditional inclination toward
stasis, and acceptance of modern Western technique as the new means towa
reaching that stasis, that Indonesian nationalist movements have so often
continued to present themselves in messianic terms. For example, propagandists
of such early Indonesian nationalist organizations as the Sarekat Islam (Muslim
Association) could include in their program among the Javanese the prom
that the Ratu Adil was about to return,56 and Diponegoro, the symbol p
excellence of nineteenth century Javanese messianic beliefs, could come to
venerated as a major forerunner of contemporary Indonesian nationalism.57
To some extent Western religious influence deepened Javanese millenarianism
through the propagation of the concept of Christ the Savior. A Eurasian
evangelist in Eastern Java, as well as Muslims converted to Christianity, w
some followers among the Javanese by preaching that Christ was the expected
Ratu Adil.58
Summarizing the effect of the principal foreign cultural influences on Javanese
millenarian beliefs we may say that each of these influences strengthened the
fundamental, autochthonously Javanese stasis-seeking mechanism. The alien
culture traits were fused into the traditional cosmology and made to serve the
principle of cosmic balance as the highest good. In addition, each of the
foreign influences added a particular dimension to the existing millenarian
tendency: Hinduism with its doctrine of the four historical periods, its apoca-
lypse and the restoration of the old order, Islam with its Mahdi concept, the
West by projecting its technological-organizational genius into the expected
golden age of the future, and by introducing the belief of the Savior Christ.
The interplay of these and other influences in specific manifestations of Javanese
messianic beliefs can now be considered.
III
It would be impossible to review all expressions of millenarian expectations in

Java, but the majority of them, including the most important ones, can be
brought together under the following principal headings:
1. The prophecies of Djayabaya. Djayabaya ruled over Kediri in East Java
in the twelfth century, a time when the Hinduization of Javanese life had
probably reached its greatest cultural intensity. After he had conquered his
55 Justus M. van der Kroef, "The Messiah in Indonesia and Melanesia," The Scientific
Monthly, vol. 75 (1952), pp. 161-165.
56 Van der Jagt, Memoires, p. 262.
57 Justus M. van der Kroef, "Prince Diponegoro: Progenitor of Indonesian Nationalism,"
Far Eastern Quarterly, vol. 8 (1949), pp. 424-450.
brother's neighboring
neighboring realm
realm of
of Djanggala,
Djanggala, one
one of
of his
his clerical
clericalchronicle
chronicl
"interpreted"
"interpreted" (i.e.,
(i.e., legitimized)
legitimized) the
the conquest
conquest by
by means
meansof
ofaacourt
courthistory
historybase
ba
on an episode
episode of
of struggle
struggle between
between brothers
brothers from
from the
theHindu
Hinduepic
epicMahabharat
Mahabhara
This new court
court history
history became
became the
the source
source of
of all
all manner
mannerof
offolk
folksayings
saying
prophecies, called
called pralambang,
pralambang, distinctly
distinctly apocalyptic
apocalyptic in
intone
toneand
andconferring
conferring
Djayabaya, their
their alleged
alleged author,
author, the
the wisdom
wisdom of
of aa visionary.
visionary.ItItisisalmost
almostcerta
cert
that Djayabaya
Djayabaya did
did not
not himself
himself utter
utter these
these pralambang
pralambangbut
butthat
thatthey
theywere
wereth
t
product of gurus,
gurus, clerics,
clerics, and
and folk
folk soothsayers
soothsayers who
who in
inturn
turn"legitimized"
"legitimized"the
th
predictions by
by an
an appeal
appeal to
to the
the great
great and
and mystical
mystical king
kingof ofaaHindu-Java
Hindu-Jav
realm. They
They probably
probably entered
entered the
the Javanese
Javanese cleric-soothsayer's
cleric-soothsayer'sstock-in-t
stock-in-
in the eighteenth
eighteenth century.
century. Later
Later they
they became
became the
the basis
basisof
ofeven
evenmore
moremom
and topical prophecies
prophecies which
which found
found eager
eager listeners
listeners in
inthe
theJavanese
Javanesecountrysi
countrys
In the Djayabaya
Djayabaya pralambang
pralambang the
the Hindu,
Hindu, as
as well
well as
as the
theIslamic,
Islamic,influenc
influen
unmistakable.
unmistakable. In
In the
the version
version recorded
recorded by
by Wiselius
Wiselius forforexample,
example,there
there
prediction of
of several
several successive
successive kingdoms,
kingdoms, ruled
ruled over
overby
bytwo
twodynasties,
dynasties,whic
whi
will confront
confront the
the Dutch
Dutch when
when they
they set
set foot
foot on
on Java
Java and
andproceed
proceedwith
wit
destruction
destruction of
of Mataram.
Mataram. After
After sixty
sixty years
years there
there will
willbe
beaagreat
greatapocalypse
apocalypsean
a
total destruction;
destruction; then
then Si
Si Tandjung
Tandjung Putih
Putih ("He
("He of
of the
the White
WhiteCape"?)
Cape"?)will
willc
from Mecca to be the Ratu Adil. After Putih's death the confusion will
continue until Eruqakra inaugurates a new era of tranquillity, to be follo
in turn by further upheavals.59 This cycle of order followed by chaos ha
end; the battle on behalf of cosmic equilibrium must - in keeping with tradi
nal Javanese cosmology - be waged over and over. In other versions th
cyclical element is lacking. There is teleological purpose in the rapid successio
of the "seven empires", the "four kingdoms", the rule of "the two broth
the apocalypse and, at last, the definitive Ratu Adil who will rule forever.
In recent times many political crises or other unusual events have been int
preted on the basis of the Djayabaya pralambang. Sometimes the predict
fails rather spectacularly, as in the pronouncement attributed to Djayabaya t
in 1939 the kraton (court) of the Central Javanese principality of Surak
would be moved. In 1939, on the contrary, the 200th anniversary of the krat
was celebrated with a feast at the same location.60 In the 1920's and ea
1930's, a time of extreme Marxist and nationalist agitation in Indonesi
Djayabaya prophecies were associated with the Communist insurrection
1926-27. Shortly before 1941 and the outbreak of the Second World War
the Pacific, Japan and her march in Asia began to figure prominently
pralambang attributed to Djayabaya. The most common prediction I hear
Java at the time in this connection was one attributed to the king of Ke
According to this Java would first be ruled by the whites. Then the apocalyp
would set in, characterized by the "rule of the yellow skinned ones", w
would govern Java until the padi (rice) had ripened on the fields seven ti
59 J. A. B. Wiselius, "Djajabaja, zijn leven en profetien," BKI, vol. 7 (1873), pp. 172-2
60 H. J. de Graaf, Geschiedenis van Indonesie (The Hague, Bandung, 1949), p. 53.
The
Thewhites
whiteswouldwould
then return
thenfor
return
three rainy
formonsoons,
three rainy
after which
monsoons,
Java after whic
would
would be be
free.free.
These These
prophecies
prophecies
were repeatedwere
even among
repeated
some Dutch.
even among some
Today,
Today, Djayabaya
Djayabaya
predictions
predictions
appear to beappear
closely attuned
to be to
closely
Indonesia's
attuned to Indo
internal
internal difficulties,
difficulties,
especiallyespecially
the recent civil
thewar,
recent
to the civil
rising war,
influence
toof
the rising influenc
Red
RedChina
China(another
(another
nation ofnation
"yellow ofskinned
"yellow
ones"),skinned
and to a newones"),
cult of and to a new c
symbolism
symbolism and numbers.
and numbers.
This last isThis
occasionally
last isencountered
occasionallyin Javanese
encountered in Ja
villages,
villages,wherewhere
folk prophets
folk prophets
and soothsayers
andlecture
soothsayers
on the apocalyptic
lecture on the apocaly
qualities
qualitiesinherent
inherent
in such in
symbols
suchassymbols
that of an erupting
as thatvolcano
of anwith
erupting
three volcano with
jets
jetsofof
smoke
smoke
comingcoming
from its from
peak, orits
thatpeak,
of a horse,
or that
standing
ofina ahorse,
leaky standing in
stable
stable at night
at night
with rain
withpouring
raininpouring
upon it from
in four
upon different
it fromplaces
four
in thedifferent places in
roof.61
The enduring popularity of Djayabaya and of the prophecies attributed to
him illustrates ad oculos that the stasis-seeking mechanism of Javanese cosmo-
logy and culture is as strong as ever, continuing to sensitize the individual to
the unusual in his environment and keeping alive apocalyptic and messianic
expectations also in the context of contemporary political events.
2. The Balinese paswara. Strictly speaking the paswara (decrees) issued by
Balinese rulers in comparatively recent times fall outside the scope of a paper
concerned exclusively with Javanese messianic beliefs. Their mention here is
justified, however, by the fact that the Balinese paswara are part of the same
Hinduization process as occurred in Java, and that the East-Javanese Hindu
culture complex has been a principal source for the Hinduization of neighboring
Bali.
The significance of the paswara lies in their direct expression of the Hindu
concepts of the four yuga or historical periods, ending in an apocalypse, and
of the role of the ruler as the promotor and preserver of cosmic balance. Issued
with some regularity, they are in the nature of exhortations, in which the king
attempts to warn his people that prevailing calamities and world events presage
the end of all things. In this age of kaliyuga, the fourth period of stress, the
old order is depicted as having been completely upset. Rank and status are
eclipsed: "in the whole world everything becomes the same." The life span
progressively diminishes, men are principally concerned with gathering material
riches, instead of offering their property to the Brahmins, dietary laws are
ignored, and "all strive after great popularity". The sacred writings have lost
their importance, people who were not entitled to study having gathered know-
ledge of them. Children no longer obey their fathers, and even the Brahmins
are corrupt. Yet, some paswara indicate, a golden age may still come if the
present generation purifies itself, if the Brahmins - the sons of the Godhead -
regenerate themselves, and if men will reestablish the ancient order and its
laws.62
The message of the paswara is indicative of the Hindu apocalyptic experience
61 am indebted to Tjalie Robinson, presently of Amsterdam, for information on this point.

as
asititmanifests
manifestsitselfitself
also in the
alsoJavanese
in theprimbon
Javanese
(sacred
primbon
chronicles).
(sacred
For thechronicles). For t
Javanese
Javanese literatus,
literatus,
and for
and
his soothsaying
for his soothsaying
successor in the
successor
Javanese peasant
in the Javanese pe
society
society of of
today,
today,
a familiarity,
a familiarity,
however inadequate,
howeverwith
inadequate,
the Hindu and
with
Hindu-
the Hindu and Hin
Javanese
Javanesemystical
mystical
texts was
texts
and was
is theand
mostiscommonly
the most accepted
commonly
and most accepted and
immediately
immediately demonstrable
demonstrable
characteristic
characteristic
of his calling.of
It ishis
in this
calling.
way that
It is in this way
the
theJavanese
Javanesemasses
masses
absorbed
absorbed
the Hindutheapocalyptic
Hindurationale
apocalyptic
into their
rationale into th
cosmology,
cosmology, and and
continue
continue
to adapt to
it, like
adaptthe it,
Djayabaya
like the
prophecies,
Djayabaya
to changing
prophecies, to chang
circumstances.
3. The EruVakra-Ratu Adil-Mahdi complex. By this complex is meant the
syncretism of autochthonous Javanese, Hindu and Muslim concepts of the
Savior or Restorer, in particular in his role as king. The fusion of these three
distinct culture patterns into Javanese cosmology was, of course, facilitated
by the fact that much of both Hinduism and Islam was essentially congenial
to the indigenous Javanese way of life, and also by the relative absence of a
proselytizing intensity in the spread of the two world religions. In the case of
Hinduism and its social-structural and political-ideological ancillaries, the
similarities with the ancient, highly stratified, Javanese social order and peasant
economy were very great; for these reasons the Hinduization process went
smoothly.
It is often forgotten, however, how the Islamization process too was eased
by eclecticism and near identity on nodal issues. In its spread through South-
east Asia and Indonesia, for example, "Islam made large concessions to
Hinduized elements also, as is shown by the fact that the Islamic word for
Mohammedan fasts is the Sanskrit puwasai upavasa, for teacher is guru, and
for disciple is sisya."63 While it cannot be denied that folk custom and Islamic
law often collided, creating patterns of social unrest, it is also true that despite
its disruptive effect on the religious life of a community, Islam provided a new
sense of cohesion through its mysticism,64 the sphere precisely of apocalyptic
and millenarian expectations. It is useful to note here the important similarity
on at least one fundamental point between pre-Islamic Javanese Messianic
beliefs and the Muslim concept of the Mahdi. In the Usuzl aldin, the body of
Muslim dogmatics, the Mahdi is held to be inseparable from the Day of
Resurrection, the approach of which is characterized by a period of grave
disorder, unbelief and war (comparable to the Hindu kaliyuga). At the proper
time the Mahdi will appear in order to restore tradition and the true faith, but
a false Savior figure, called Dadjdjdl, will subsequently undo his work, and the
disorder will increase until 'Isd (Jesus) descends from the heavens, kills Dadjdjal,
and with a trumpet blast the angel Israfil announces the Last Judgement.65
63 Kenneth P. Landon, Southeast Asia. Crossroad of Religions (Chicago, 1947), p. 136.
64 C. A. 0. van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia (The Hague,
Bandung, 1958), p. 39.
65 W. F. Stutterheim, De Islam En Zijn Komst In De Archipel. Cultuurgeschiedenis Van
Indonesii. Part III (Groningen, Djakarta, 1952), p. 93. Over the years a number of different
versions of the appearance of the Mahdi and of the "determinants of the hour" (i.e., the
The
Thepoint
pointto to
be be
made
made
herehere
is that
is the
that
Mahdi's
the Mahdi's
victory isvictory
not an enduring
is not an
one;
end
his
his work
workis is
destroyed,
destroyed,
and the
andbattle
the battle
against against
unbelief unbelief
and chaos goes
and on
chaos
till the
goes o
Latter
LatterDay.
Day.This,
This,
we have
we have
seen, seen,
is in close
is inconformity
close conformity
with Javanese
withcosmology.
Javanese c
The
Theequilibrium
equilibriumof the
of the
universe
universe
is chronically
is chronically
upset. In upset.
the work
Inof
the
restoring
work of re
the
thebalance,
balance,thethe
tasktask
of the
of common
the common
man and
man
the king's
and thetaskking's
are alike
task
unceasing.
are alike
It
It is
isevident
evidentthat
that
the the
notion
notion
of a recurring
of a recurring
apocalypse
apocalypse
in the concept
in the
of the
conc
Mahdi
Mahdiwas was
quite
quite
in accord
in accord
with with
the idea
theof idea
continuous
of continuous
stasis-seeking
stasis-seeki
in the
traditional Javanese world view.
It is also interesting to see how Islam, which after all creates its own ideo-
logical elite of mosque officials and scholars of the writ, was made to serve the
interests of the Javanese aristocracy which continued to regard itself as part of
the royal pivot of the social order, and the traditional structural support of
micro- and macrocosmos. The renowned Islam scholar C. Snouck Hurgronje,
warned the Dutch colonial government that in Java the aristocracy as members
of the civil service were arrogating unto themselves extensive control and
direction over Islamic organization, finances, ritual and even belief. Although,
as he pointed out, much of this was taking place with the evident approval of
the local populace, Snouck took exception to the aristocrats' apparently
excessive interest in the contributions of the faithful and to their practice of
"legitimizing" their control by means of spurious or garbled Arabic texts and
interpretations provided as often as not by local kiajihs (Muslim legal scholars)
or gurus.66 Snouck's concern over the purity of application of the religion he
had studied so deeply is understandable. Yet his objection to these practices,
in view of the aristocracy's traditional position in sacred matters, was not very
well taken. One noble justified his actions by styling himself "the representative
of the ruler". The falsification of scripture, and the power derived from this
"mythologizing" is, as we have seen, an important aspect of the stasis mecha-
nism in the Javanese cosmology. It is inherent in the ruler's rights and in that
of his aristocracy.
All this may serve to point up the nature and extent of the syncretism of
different culture traits that made it possible for representative figures in all
layers of Javanese society to think of a Savior figure not as the product of an
alien belief, but as a monolithic element in their cosmology. This apocalyptic
fusion was moreover greatly facilitated by the relatively undefined character of
the messianic aftermath. Thus, to put it concretely, the idea of the Mahdi was
and remained more meaningful than the end of the apocalyptic period of
which the Mahdi was after all but a part. What would come after the kaliyuga,
and just what would follow the victory of Erufakra other than some state of
apocalypse) appear to have been developed in Muslim eschatology, generally. A good, brief
description of the Mahdi concept appears in A. S. Tritton, Islam. BeliefandPractices (London,
1951), pp. 50-53.
66 E. Gob6e and C. Adriaanse, eds., Ambtelike Adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje 1889-1936
(The Hague, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 742-761.
bliss
bliss is
is rarely,
rarely,ififever,
ever,speculated
speculated
upon.
upon.
TheThe
emphasis,
emphasis,
in short,
in short,
falls falls
upon upon
the the
technique
technique in
inthe
theestablishment
establishmentof of
thethe
golden
golden
age,age,
not not
uponupon
the nature
the nature
of the
of t
golden
golden age
ageitself.
itself.This
Thistendency
tendency
is in
is in
lineline
with
with
the the
repetitive,
repetitive,
cyclical,
cyclical,
and and
meta-historical
meta-historicalequilibrium-seeking
equilibrium-seeking process
process
in the
in the
Javanese
Javanese
cosmology,
cosmology,
and itand
probably
probably enabled
enabledthe
theJavanese
Javaneseto to
keep
keep
thethe
faith
faith
in ainforthcoming
a forthcoming
Ratu Ratu
Adil Ad
alive,
alive, even
evenafter
aftera anumber
number ofof
claimants
claimants
to the
to the
titletitle
might
might
havehave
failed
failed
within
with
the
the memory
memoryof ofone
onegeneration.
generation.This
This
mechanistic
mechanistic
viewviewof the
of apocalyptic
the apocalyptic
process
process perhaps
perhapsalso
alsoexplains
explainswhy
why thethe
Savior
Savior
figure
figure
itself
itself
remains
remains
relatively
relative
abstract.
abstract. He
Heisisviewed
viewedalmost
almostas as
a cosmic
a cosmicprinciple,
principle,
without
without
any any
singular
singular
personal
personal characterisitcs.
characterisitcs. InIn
the
the
case
case
of of
Erucakra,
Erucakra,
we know
we knowlittlelittle
moremore
fromfrom
the
the written
writtenrecords
recordsthan
thanthat
that
this
this
is the
is the
appellation
appellation
of the
of saving
the saving
mechanism
mechanism
in
in human
human form,
form,and
andthat
thata number
a number
of of
rulers
rulers
andand
nobles
nobles
in Javanese
in Javanese
history
histor
have so called themselves.
Indeed, the principles of kingship and government in Javanese history seem
inseparable from certain messianic implications. Virtually all the principal
Hindu-Javanese kings, from Erlangga, who ruled from 1019 to 1049 over much
of East and Central Java, to Kertaradjasa (Widjaja), one of the first to rule
over the Madjapahit Empire (1294-1309), saw themselves as predestined by
the gods to end the shameful era of the kaliyuga; Kertaradjasa styled himself
"the protector of the world, who fell from heaven".67 The continuity of this
principle in the rulers of the later Islamized empire of Mataram has already
been mentioned. In 1825 there occurred the first outbreak of a bloody resistance
which had its origin at the court of the Sultanate of Djokjakarta (an inglorious
remnant of Mataram) in Java, led by a disaffected prince, Diponegoro. Among
the principal reasons of Diponegoro's rebellion, amplified by his strangely
tortured personality,68 was the loathing he and his followers developed for the
steady Westernization and secularization of Javanese life. From the start he
regarded himself as a purifier of both adat and of Islam. A century before
another Diponegoro had assumed the title erucakra.69 The later Diponegoro
not only followed this precedent but by virtue of special visions in which Njai
Ratu Loro Kidul, the mystical Queen of the South Seas, had pledged him her
support, he became in popular expectation the Ratu Adil as well. He also
declared that as head of (a purified) religion he should be head of the state
(panatagama), thus utilizing the same principle as had originally supported the
structure of the Muslim Caliphate. In Diponegoro the fusion of the various
elements in the Javanese Savior idea reached its natural culmination. Though
67 Indonesian Sociological Studies. Selected Writings of B. Schrieke. Part Two. Ruler and
Realm in Early Java, pp. 83-87.
68 See Justus M. van der Kroef, Indonesian Social Evolution. Some Psychological Consider-
ations (Amsterdam, 1958), pp. 116-141.
69 J. Brandes, "Iets over een ouderen Dipanegara in verband met een prototype van de voor-
spellingen van Jayabaya," Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, uitgegeven
door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, vol. 32 (1888), pp. 368-430,
and G. W. J. Drewes, "Over Werkelijke en Vermeende Geschiedschrijving in de Nieuw
Javaansche Literatuur," Djawa, vol. 19 (1939), pp. 247-248.
his
hisrebellion
rebellion
failedfailed
and he and
was destined
he was to destined
spend the remainder
to spend of the
his days
remainder
in of his
ignominious
ignominious exile,exile,
his popular
his veneration
popular veneration
continued for acontinued
long time, finding
for aa long time, find
new
newecho
echo
in the
in attempt
the attempt
today to establish
today to himestablish
as an early him
nationalist
as an hero.
early nationali
It
Itisisunder
under
thesethese
circumstances
circumstances
understandable
understandable
why the millenarian
why expecta-
the millenarian exp
tions
tions centering
centering
aroundaround
the Ruler-Savior
the Ruler-Savior
concept have continued
concept to have
find con-
continued to fi
temporary
temporary application
application
and whyand
the term
whyRatu
theAdil,
termstanding
Ratu forAdil,
the entire
standing for th
complex
complex of Hinduized,
of Hinduized,
Islamic and
Islamic
even Christian
and even messianic
Christian
beliefs, has
messianic belie
remained
remained in the
in Javanese
the Javanese
political vocabulary.
political Recent
vocabulary.
instances Recent
of the usage
instances of th
of
ofthethe
term
termtrulytruly
abound.abound.
For example,Foras example,
late as 1930 the
as late
Dutchascolonial
1930 the Dutch c
government
government had tohad
arrest
to and
arrest
exile A.
andC. Diets,
exilealias
A. Tan
C. Diets,
Tjoen Goan,
aliasalias
Tan Tjoen Goan
Sajid
Sajid Hasim
Hasim
bin Jahja,
bin Jahja,
who had who
stirredhad
up the
stirred
area about
up Semarang
the area in about
North Semarang i
Central
Central Java
Java
by announcing
by announcing
himself as himself
the Ratu Adil.70
as the In January,
Ratu Adil.70
1950, shortly
In January, 1950,
after
after thethe
closeclose
of theof
Indonesian
the Indonesian
revolution, arevolution,
Dutch army officer
a Dutch
namedarmy officer
R.
R.P.P."Turk"
"Turk"Westerling,
Westerling,
attemptedattempted
to capitalize on
tothe
capitalize
messianic expectations
on the messianic expe
current
current in the
in Javanese
the Javanese
countryside.
countryside.
With a "LegionWith
of theaRatu
"Legion
Adil" composed
of the Ratu Adil" co
largely
largely of Javanese
of Javanese
followers,
followers,
he made an he
unsuccessful
made an assault
unsuccessful
on the city of
assault on the
Bandung
Bandung in West
in West
Java.71Java.71
For President
For Sukarno,
President
well versed
Sukarno,in the well
mystique
versed in the m
of
ofJavanese
Javanesemillenarianism,
millenarianism,
the term Ratu
the Adil
termrepresents
Ratu Adilthe Indonesian
represents the Ind
people's
people's concept
concept
of "social
of justice",
"socialwhich
justice",
includes
which
prosperity
includes
and equality.
prosperity and e
Sukarno's
Sukarno's viewview
that the
thatIndonesian
the Indonesian
people "wish people
to create "wish
a new world
to create
... a new wo
under
under thethe
leadership
leadership
of Ratu of
Adil"72
Ratu is, Adil"72
as will be indicated,
is, as will
onlybe
oneindicated,
instance only one ins
of
ofthe the
messianic
messianic
aspect aspect
in modern
inIndonesian
modernnationalism.
Indonesian nationalism.
4.
4.The
TheSamin
Saminand Samat
and movements.
Samat movements.
There are a few
There
instances
areofa pseudo-
few instances of p
messianic
messianic upheavals
upheavals
in Java in
which,
Java farwhich,
from exhibiting
far fromthe traditional
exhibitingmecha-
the traditional m
nism
nism of of
eclectic
eclectic
absorption
absorption
of alien cultural
of alien
elements
cultural
into the
elements
old order, are
into the old ord
characterized
characterized by a total
by arepudiation
total repudiation
of the alien, and
of by
the
thealien,
effortand
to establish
by the effort to est
aa native
nativesocial
social
orderorder
of austerity
of austerity
and great simplicity.
and great Somesimplicity.
such tendencySome
was such tendenc
probably
probably present
present
in Diponegoro's
in Diponegoro's
uprising, butuprising,
its clearest manifestation
but its clearest
was manifestat
not
nottoto
come
come
untiluntil
the close
theof close
the nineteenth
of thecentury,
nineteenth
in the upheavals
century, associated
in the upheavals ass
with
with a simple
a simple
peasant
peasant
of Rembang
of Rembang
(North-Central
(North-Central
Java), called SaminJava),
(or called Sam
Surontiko).73
Surontiko).73 SaminSamin
initiallyinitially
gained fame
gained
in the 1890's
famewith
in athe
tolerant
1890's
ideology
with a tolerant ide
that
thatresembled
resembled
Christianity
Christianity
in teachingin
theteaching
return of good
the for
return
evil, and
ofurged
good for evil, and
meek
meek acceptance
acceptance
of disaster.
of disaster.
In 1905 hisIn
approach
1905 changed.
his approach
Anarchical-
changed. Anar
communistic
communistic tendencies
tendencies
appeared appeared
in his teachings:
in his
all public
teachings:
authorityall
waspublic author
wrong,
wrong, all fields
all fields
should should
be ownedbe
in common,
owned ineveryone
common,
should have
everyone
free access
should have free
to
tothe
the
wood
wood
in the
ingovernment's
the government's
forest reserves,
forest
marriages
reserves,
should be
marriages
freely should be
concluded
concluded without
without
benefitbenefit
of Muslimof
or other
Muslimclergy,
or no
other
taxes of
clergy,
any kindno taxes of an
70
70Petrus
PetrusBlumberger,
Blumberger,
De Nationalistische
De Nationalistische
Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie
Beweging in (Haarlem,
Nederlandsch-Indie
1931), (Haarlem
p. 9, note 2.
71 R. P. P. Westerling, Miun Memoires (Antwerp, Amsterdam, n.d.), pp. 199-262.
72 "Lahirnja Pantjasila" (The Birth of Pantjasila). An Outline of the Five Principles of the
Indonesian State (Ministry of Information, Republic of Indonesia, Djakarta, 1952), p. 27.
73 On the Samin movement see Mededeelingen Omtrent Enkele Onderwerpen van Algemeen
Belang (Batavia, 1919), pp. 9 ff.
should
should be be
paid,
paid,
etc. The
etc.movement
The movement
apparently apparently
caused considerable
caused
concern
considerable
in concern
the
theDutch
Dutch community.
community.FirearmsFirearms
were purchased,
were andpurchased,
as one gadfly and
colonial
as one gadfly coloni
official
official andand
author
author
put it:put
"the it:
controleur
"the controleur
(a junior civil (a
servant)
juniorassumed
civil aservant) assumed
grave
grave airair
andand
the anxiety
the anxiety
increased."74
increased."74
In 1907 Samin Inwas
1907 arrested
Saminand was
exiledarrested and exi
and
andhis
hisown
own
movement
movement
quickly quickly
collapsed. Some
collapsed.
of the ideology
Some of behind
the itideology
lived behind it lived
on,
on,however,
however,in more
in more
pronounced
pronounced
messianic fashion
messianic
in thefashion
teachings in
of Samat
the teachings of Samat
of
ofPati,
Pati,
alsoalso
in the
inNorth-Central
the North-Central
Javanese plain.
Javanese
Betweenplain.
1914 and
Between
1920 1914 and 1920
Samat
Samat propagated
propagateda kindaofkind
primitive
of primitive
communalism, communalism,
based on the magical
based on the magic
veneration
veneration of the
of land
theinland
its traditional
in its traditional
Javanese eschatological
Javanesesetting.
eschatological
He setting.
held
heldout
out
thethe
promise
promise
that allthat
the land
all now
thecontrolled
land now by controlled
the government
bywould
the government woul
be
begiven
givenback
back
to the
toJavanese
the Javanese
with the coming
with the
of twin
coming
kings, of
one twin
from the
kings,
East one from the Ea
and
andone
onefrom
from
the West,
the West,
who would
who establish
would a new
establish
and perfect
a newkingdom
and on
perfect
the kingdom on th
basis
basisofof
sama
sama
rata rata
sama rasa
sama (equality
rasa (equality
and unanimity),
and while
unanimity),
after a fierce
while
battleafter a fierce battl
all
allDutch
Dutchandand
Indonesian
Indonesian
civil servants
civil would
servants
disappear.75
wouldSamatism
disappear.75
as a Samatism as a
movement
movement did did
not survive
not survive
the deaththe
of its
death
founder,
of but
its was
founder,
absorbedbut
in the
was absorbed in t
broad
broad stream
streamof messianic
of messianic
expectation
expectation
that continues
thatto run
continues
through the
to run through th
Javanese
Javanese cultural
cultural
landscape.
landscape.
In
Inboth
both Saminism
Saminismand Samatism
and Samatism
there is anthere
emphasis
is on
anthe
emphasis
old communal
on the old commun
order as the ideal to which man should return. The resistance to all innovation
suggests the exaltation of a mystique of primitivism, and arose, particularly in
the case of the Samin movement, as a result of excessive interference by the
colonial authorities in the life of the average villager. Though this interference
reflected the ethics of modern social welfare policy toward the Indonesian, the
peasant was often left bewildered and frustrated in the midst of it. When
popular attempts to find an understanding with the authorities failed (as
occurred also just before the disturbances in the Tjilegon area of West Java in
1887), the community could not but arise in wrath and rebellion against in-
comprehensible forces that were upsetting the ancient order; with one sweep
it sought to bring about the lost stasis condition. Not the least tragic aspect
of the Samin and Samat movements was that they were focused on the return
to a social pattern that had long since lost favor in the ranks of the Westernized
Indonesian nationalists who were destined to take the lead in the overthrow
of the colonial regime.
5. Messianic currents in free Indonesia. The culmination of Indonesian
political nationalism was reached in the revolution against the Dutch (1945-
1949). During the revolution the popular messianic beliefs of the Javanese
were greatly amplified and given a widely understood and immediate objective:
freedom from the Dutch. Due to Marxist influence the new national objective
of mystical and messianic expectations was also given a broader scope: belief
74 Brieven van Opheffer aan de Redactie van het Bataviaasch Handelsblad (3rd. ed., Maas-
tricht, 1944), p. 333.
75 On Samatism see Petrus Blumberger, De Nationalistische Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie,
pp. 9-10.
in
in aa world
worldwide
widerevolutionary
revolutionarychange,
change,
directed
directed
under Communist
under Communist
auspices aus
against
againstimperialism,
imperialism,crept
crept
occasionally
occasionally
into the
intomillenarian
the millenarian
longing.76longing.76
These T
new
new developments
developments have
have
not not
as yet
as crystallized,
yet crystallized,
but it isbut
clear
it that
is clear
sincethat
the sinc
attainment
attainment ofof
Indonesian
Indonesian
independence
independence
the mystical
the mystical
setting ofsetting
Javanese
of Javan
messianic
messianicideas
ideas
has,
has,
if anything,
if anything,
become
become
even more
evenpronounced,
more pronounced,
and has taken
and has tak
on
on new
neworganizational
organizational
and and
ideological
ideological
aspects
aspects
which must
which be must
brieflybereviewed.
briefly rev
For
For one
onething
thing
there
there
is now
is now
an unabashed
an unabashed
recognition
recognition
of traditional
of traditional
mystical mysti
practices
practicesasas
anan
important
important
partpart
of national
of national
life, tolife,
a farto
greater
a far extent
greater
than
extent
the than
Dutch
Dutchcolonial
colonialauthority
authority
would
would
have have
allowed.
allowed.
The following
The following
newspapernewspaper
report r
is
is indicative:77
indicative:77
The
The Indonesian
IndonesianMysticism
MysticismCongress
Congress
Body Body
(BKKI) (BKKI)
will convene
will convene
its third congress
its thirdincongre
Djakarta
Djakartafrom
fromJuly
July
17 to
1720,
to it
20,
was
it learned
was learned
today. today.
The
The agenda
agendawill
will
include:
include:
1.
1. Reconstruction
Reconstruction of of
the the
Indonesian
Indonesian
nation's
nation's
identity.
identity.
2.
2. The
Thesituation
situationof of
thethe
Indonesian
Indonesian
nation's
nation's
capital,capital,
viewed from
viewed
thefrom
standpoint
the standpo
of
mysticism.
3. The activities of "black" and "white" magic.
4. Simplification of the BKKI organization.
A committee, headed by Ali Marsabah, has been formed to prepare the holding of
the congress. About 200 mystic and philosophic organizations in Indonesia are
affiliated with the BKKI.
Cabalistic notions are given free play. On the twelfth anniversary of the
founding of a revolutionary army division, an editorial in one Djakarta news-
paper observed that "The number 12, which is 1? times 8 is sacred to Indo-
nesians, and 8th, 12th and 16th anniversary commemorations are therefore
made very much of."78 The reasons why one windu (a timespan of 8 years) is
"sacred" to the Javanese (by no means to other Indonesians), lie buried in the
animistic-pantheistic traditions of kedjawen and are known to few modern
Indonesians, but the mystique associated with this, as well as with other
numbers, has become an accepted part of the developing national image and
character. This is particularly true for Java where, as a result of the new
prominence of the traditional Javanese aristocracy in the national bureaucracy
and politics, a streamlined version of the ancient ethnicism (referred to as
"Javanism") has made its appearance, centering around a revival of Hindu-
Javanese beliefs, of traditional dress (worn especially on solemn occasions such
as marriage or during attendance at diplomatic ceremonies abroad), and not
the least on a new vision of the historical grandeur of ancient Javanese empires
76 Compare G. W. Locher, "Myth in a Changing World," Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en

Volkenkunde, vol. 112 (1956), p. 190.
77 Times of Indonesia (Djakarta), April 29,1958, p. 4. See also Indonesian Observer (Djakarta),
January 19, 1959, p. 3 for a report on the new mystical "Pangestu" movement in Central and
East Java, which is based on allegedly divine revelations received by one R. Sunarto in Sura-
karta since 1932.
78 Indonesian Observor (Djakarta), May 21, 1958, p. 2.
as
asprecursors
precursorsof the
ofpresent
the present
united Indonesian
united Indonesian
Republic.79 Resentment
Republic.79
of this
Resentmen
new
newJavanism
Javanism in other
in other
non-Javanese
non-Javanese
Indonesian political
Indonesian and intellectual
political and in
circles
circles hashas
already
already
been described
been described
elsewhere.80
elsewhere.80
Typically regional
Typically
Javaneseregion
political
political parties
parties
showshow
the new
the
avowed
newacceptance
avowed ofacceptance
mysticism quite
of mysticism
clearly. qu
An
Anexample
example is the
is Persatuan
the Persatuan
Rakjat Marhaen
RakjatIndonesia
Marhaen ("Proletarian
Indonesia People's
("Proletari
Party
Party ofofIndonesia"
Indonesia"
- PERMAI),
- PERMAI),
which combines
whichsome
combines
Marxismsomewith kedjawen
Marxism wit
(and
(andanti-Muslim)
anti-Muslim)
beliefs,
beliefs,
a concept
a of
concept
the magico-religious
of the magico-religious
importance of land
importanc
and
andagriculture,
agriculture,an advocacy
an advocacy
of parliamentary
of parliamentary
democracy, mysticism,
democracy,and a mysti
curing
curing cult
cult
with
with
cabalistic
cabalistic
formulas.81
formulas.81
The
Therealm
realmof national
of national
Indonesian
Indonesian
politics today
politics
offerstoday
continuous
offers
proofcontinuous
that pr
the
themystical
mystical and and
messianic
messianic
traditions
traditions
are very much
are alive.
veryThere
muchis, for
alive. Ther
example,
example, thethe
seemingly
seemingly
unendingunending
belief in panaceas,
belief inin some
panaceas,
single forth-
in some sin
coming
coming miraculous
miraculous
event,event,
gathering
gathering
or public figure,
or public
by means
figure,
of which
by all
means
the of wh
present
present confusion,
confusion,
political
political
unrest and
unrest
economic
andretrogression
economic willretrogression
be ended w
and
andthe
thenew
new
golden
golden
age ofage
freedom
of freedom
will yet bewill
realized.
yetOnce
be realized.
it was believed
Once it w
that
thatthe
the
holding
holding
of the
offirst
thenational
first election
national
would
election
bring the
would
desired
bring
change;
the desire
then
thenthis
this
hope
hope
centered
centered
on the acquisition
on the acquisition
of West Newof Guinea
West(still
New heldGuinea
by (st
the
theDutch),
Dutch),
again,
again,
on theon
abrupt
the severing
abrupt of severing
financial and
of financial
economic relations
and econom
with
withthe
the
Dutch,
Dutch,
and later
and on
later
the expulsion
on the expulsion
of all Dutch from
of allIndonesia.
Dutch When
from Indones
these
thesefailed
failed
hopehope
shifted
shifted
to the idea
to the
of "guided
idea of
democracy",
"guidedthe
democracy",
staging of the
new
newnational
nationalconferences,
conferences,
the establishment
the establishment
of a new national
of aplanning
new national
board, plannin
the
thereturn
returnof former
of former
Vice President
Vice President
Hatta to power,
Hattaandtosopower,
on. As each
andpanacea
so on. As ea
failed,
failed, popular
popular
anxiety
anxiety
to findto
thefind
true means
the true
to the
means
longed-for
to the
stasislonged-for
condition stasi
has
hasincreased
increasedin proportion.
in proportion.
DifferentDifferent
ideologies from
ideologies
Islamic orthodoxy
from Islamic
to or
Communism
Communism are now
are pitted
now pitted
against each
against
other each
in growing
other vehemence
in growing
and vehe
abandon
abandon in in
a climate
a climate
of dangerous
of dangerous
polarizationpolarization
of extremes. of extremes.
The
Thepreoccupation
preoccupationwith all-saving
with all-saving
political stasis
political
techniques
stasis
is perhaps
techniques
best is pe
exemplified
exemplified by what
by what
might might
be calledbe
thecalled
"five-fold
thecult"
"five-fold
invented and
cult"
propagated
invented and
by
byPresident
PresidentSukarno,
Sukarno,
Indonesia's
Indonesia's
leading popular
leading
mystagogue.
popularWe mystagogue.
have seen W
earlier
earlier how
how
the the
number
number
five, representing
five, representing
the four wind
the
directions
four wind
together
directio
with the center of the universal round is an ancient cabalistic and cosmic
classification device among the Javanese. On the basis of it Sukarno has
formulated a group of popular slogans and philosophies, in all of which the
number five appears. There is, for example, the pantjasila ("Five Pillars"), the
official national philosophy of Indonesia, "dug by me", as Sukarno has said,
"out of Indonesian soil", and including the belief in God, nationalism, demo-
79 See on this point J. M. van der Kroef, "Indonesia's First National Election: A Sociological
Analysis," The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, vol. 16 (1957), pp. 237-249, and
"Regional Conflict and Economic Development in Indonesia," in James Wiggens and Helmut
Schoeck, eds., Foreign Aid Re-Examined (Washington, D. C., 1958).
80 Van der Kroef, "Regional Conflict and Economic Development," op. cit., passim and the
literature there cited.
81 Clifford Geertz, "Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example," American Anthropo-
logist, vol. 59 (1957), p. 39. On the PERMAI's program see also Kepartaian dan Parlementaria
Indonesia (Kementerian Penerangan, Djakarta, 1954), pp. 87-135.
cracy,
cracy, social
social
justice,justice,
and humanism.
and humanism.
There is Sukarno's
There
Pantjasetia,
is Sukarno's
or the Pantjase
Five
Five Loyalties
Loyalties
incumbentincumbent
on every Indonesian,
on every including
Indonesian,
loyalty to God,
including loyalt
parents,
parents, country,
country,
one's teachers,
one'sand
teachers,
one's own group
and (in
one's
that own
order).group
A (in that
variant
variant on the
onPantjasetia
the Pantjasetia
is the Pantjadarma,
is theorPantjadarma,
"Five Duties" to God,
or parents,
"Five Duties" to God
etc.,
etc., held
held
up especially
up especially
to veteransto
andveterans
youth groups.
and Foryouth
the Military
groups.
Police For the Mil
Corps
Corps Sukarno
Sukarno
has recently
has recently
devised the five
devised
fold Sang
thePrabu
five
(code
fold
of conduct)
Sang Prabu (code of
attributed
attributed by Sukarno
by Sukarno
to Gadja Mahda,
to Gadja
the famed
Mahda,
and half
thelegendary
famed 14th
and half lege
century
century vizier
vizier
of the of
Hindu-Javanese
the Hindu-Javanese
kingdom of Madjapahit.
kingdom The code
of Madjapahi
includes
includesloyalty
loyalty
to country,
to country,
avoidance of enmity,
avoidance
a strong
of sense
enmity,
of duty aand
strong sense
of
ofwork,
work,and "to
and refrain
"to from
refrain
inclining
fromtowards
inclining
one or other
towards
trend".82one
Then or other trend"
there
there is the
is mystique
the mystique
of the "five
ofgenerations"
the "five which
generations"
have made Indonesia
which free,
have made Ind
designated
designated respectively
respectively
as perintis as
(generation
perintisof "trailblazers"),
(generation penegas
of "trailblazers")
(generation
(generation of "definers"),
of "definers"),
pentjoba ("attempters"),
pentjoba pendobrak
("attempters"),
("those who pendobrak (
broke
broke through"),
through"),
and pelaksana
and ("fulfillers"),
pelaksana affording
("fulfillers"),
each Indonesian
affording
now each Indo
living
living with
with
an opportunity
an opportunity
to find himself
to in
find
the new
himself
national in
ideology
the of
new national
independence.
It cannot be emphasized enough that the slogans of the "five fold" cult are
viewed as the pseudo-sacred mechanics of cosmic stasis, as "saving" devices in
the period of present troubles. As symbols with little or no real defined content
they invite usage primarily as obiter dicta and cultural categories around which
Indonesian public life, in the current turmoil, can orient itself.83 Their elevation
to the status of a "national philosophy" has meant, as Sukarno again has put
it on many occasions, that they are "the golden bridge to the future", or "the
bowl which we need to fill with our bounty". However, when the various
ethnic, religious or ideological groups attempt to define the meaning of each
Pantja doctrine bitter clashes result, and the inherent contradictions, not only
between the elements in each doctrine, but between their alleged Indonesian
origin and their usage in a Westernized parliamentary form of government
spring glaringly into view.84 Yet precisely because of their evident inadequacy,
doctrinaire and uncritical adhesion to them has tended to become stronger,
and each Pantja doctrine, individually or collectively, becomes the new objective
of old messianic longings: with Pantjasila the nation will reach its destiny, with
the Sang Prabu it will become invincible, with the generation of pelaksana the
golden age will be realized, and so on. Hence also the popular notion that the
revolution is not yet finished, that one must perdjoang terus ("fight on!").85
82 Times of Indonesia, June 24, 1958, p. 4. On other occasions Sukarno has urged application
of "spiritualist" principles to political life (cf. Indonesian Spectator, Djakarta, August 1,
1958, p. 10). For related examples of mystic charismatic exhortations by such figures as
Muhammad Yamin (a prominent politician) and A. N. Nasution (Army Chief of Staff) see
Indonesian Spectator, October 15, 1958, p. 14, and November 15, 1958, pp. 10-13.
83 Justus M. van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World, vol. 1, pp. 124-132.
84 Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 198-261.
85 For an analysis of what I have termed the "perdjoang terus compulsion" in modem
Indonesia see my Indonesian Social Evolution. Some Psychological Considerations, pp. 144-146.
For an example of the role of Djojobojo (Djayabaya) prophecies in the political crisis in
The
Theword
wordRatu
Ratu
AdilAdil
may not
mayappear
not in
appear
these slogans
in these
but slogans
the expectations
but the that
expectati
sustained
sustained belief
belief
in the
in Savior
the Savior
Ruler inRuler
the past
inhave
theremained
past have
as strong
remained
as ever,
as stron
and
andnow
nowsupport
support
the eschatology
the eschatology
of modern
ofIndonesian
modern nationalism.
Indonesian nationalis
IV
IV
For
Forpossible
possiblecomparative
comparative
purposes,86
purposes,86
and by way
andof by
summary,
way ofthesummary,
following th
propositions
propositions maymay
be offered
be offered
in conclusion:
in conclusion:
1.
1. The
Theprimary
primary source
source
of Javanese
of Javanese
messianicmessianic
expectationsexpectations
is the stasis is th
mechanism
mechanism in the
in the
Javanese
Javanese
world-view.
world-view.
Hindu-Indian,
Hindu-Indian,
Islamic and Christian
Islamic and
influences
influences have
have
not altered
not altered
this mechanism
this mechanism
but rather but
have rather
personalized
haveit in
person
the
theform
form of of
eschatological
eschatological
(the Mahdi,
(the orMahdi,
Christ),or
or Christ),
political (the
or Hindu
political
Ruler)
(the Hin
figures.
figures. Western
Westernsecular
secular
influences
influences
in Javanesein life,
Javanese
findinglife,
expression
findingin ex
modern
modern nationalism,
nationalism,
have onhave
the on
whole
thealso
whole
been adapted
also beento theadapted
same end.
to the s
2.
2. The
Thecustomary
customary reaction
reaction
of autochthonous
of autochthonous
Javanese culture
Javanese
to foreign
culture
culture
culture traits
traits
has has
been been
one ofoneeclecticism
of eclecticism
and the reaching
and the of areaching
new cultural
of a ne
homeostasis.
homeostasis. Hence,
Hence,
these these
foreignforeign
traits didtraits
not in did
and of
notthemselves
in and of unleash
themsel
violent
violent nationalistic
nationalistic
reactions
reactions
with a messianic
with a messianic
connotation.connotation.
Total repudiation
Total
of
ofthe
thealien
alien
element
element
(e.g. Saminism
(e.g. Saminism
and Samatism)
and Samatism)
has been a relatively
has been isolated
a relativel
and
andatypical
atypical
occurrence.
occurrence.
Along Along
with this
with
it may
this
be said
it may
that be
generally
said that
the ge
Javanese
Javanese messianic
messianic
reaction
reaction
has been
has
directed
been "inwardly",
directed "inwardly",
in terms of a re-
in term
capturing
capturing or or
further
further
definition
definition
of the sought
of theafter
sought
stasis condition;
after stasis
this,condition;
together th
with
withthe
thesyncretism
syncretism
of foreign
of foreign
cultural cultural
elements in
elements
Javanese life,
in Javanese
invites com-
life, in
parison
parison ofof
thethe
Javanese
Javanese
messianic
messianic
movements
movements
with the equally
with"ethnocentric"
the equally "et
millenarian
millenarian movements
movementsof West
ofNew
West
Guinea,
Newdescribed
Guinea,elsewhere.87
described elsewhere.8
3.
3. No
Nosingle
single
social
social
class class
or group
or seems
group especially
seems especially
sensitive to the
sensitive
cluster of
to the
messianic
messianic beliefs
beliefs
and usages.
and usages.
The "emotional
The "emotional
impact of theimpact
messianic
of the
view-mess
point"
point" is is
therefore
therefore
a general
a general
one. Javanese
one. Javanese
court chroniclers,
court chroniclers,
as well as villageas well a
soothsayers,
soothsayers, Hinduized
Hinduized
literati
literati
and Muslim
andlegal
Muslim
scholars,
legal
peasant
scholars,
or noble,
peasant
the
thetradition-centered
tradition-centeredor theorWesternized
the Westernized
Javanese, all
Javanese,
participateall
equally
participat
in
the
theformulation,
formulation,further
further
elaboration
elaboration
and appreciation
and appreciation
of messianism.of The
messia
particular
particular form
form
of millenarian
of millenarian
expectation
expectation
to which men
to which
respond men
may however
respond may
differ
differ from
fromone one
group
group
to another.
to another.
The untutored
The untutored
villager is more
villager
susceptible
is more
to
to aaRatu
RatuAdil
Adil
manifestation;
manifestation;
the Westernized
the Westernized
nationalist ideologue
nationalist
findsideologu
the
messianic
messianic qualities
qualities
of the
ofsemi-mystical
the semi-mystical
Pantjasila doctrine
Pantjasila
more
doctrine
vivid. more vivid
4.
4. There
Thereis no
is no
clearclear
concept
concept
of the goal
of the
of messianic
goal of ideals.
messianic
The "golden
ideals. Th
age"
age"will
willseesee
the the
end of
enddisorder,
of disorder,
but therebut
is no
there
indication
is noofindication
the exact social
of the exa
structure of the millennium. The reason for this lies in the nature of the stasis
Indonesia in 1952 see Herbert Feith, The Wilopo Cabinet; A Turning Point inPost-Revolutionary
Indonesia (Modern Indonesia Project, Monograph Series, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y.,
1958), p. 129, n. 43.
86 The following points seek to answer some of the relevant questions raised in Bulletin no.
2, April, 1958 of this journal (mimeographed).
87 Justus M. van der Kroef, "Patterns of Cultural Change in Three Primitive Societies,"
Social Research, Winter, 1957, pp. 427-456.
mechanism in the Javanese world view: all that is wanted, i

dition of peace and adjustment. Messianic beliefs emphas
reaching the stasis. The result of this tendency is appare
been called the perdjoang terus compulsion, and in the h
political and ideological arenas, to give decisive content t
society for which one strives.
5. The religious and eschatological character of Javanese m
whelmingly strong. Given the acknowledged animistic-p
of the whole Javanese cosmology, in which no substanti
were brought about by the Hindu-Indian and Islamic im
to what extent the Javanese millennial vision was "secu
meaningless. The possibility of secularization arises only in
in the modern nationalist notion of industrial expansion
but even this has remained largely undefined.
JUSTUS M. VAN DER KROEF
University of Bridgeport

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Javanese Messianic Expectations: Their Origin and Cultural Context

Author(s): Justus M. van der Kroef

THEIR ORIGIN AND CULTURAL CONTEXT

When a generation ago G. W. J. Drewes brought to a close hi

Fundamental to the Javanese world view is the concept of an unchanging and

I G. W. J. Drewes, Drie Javaansche Goeroe's. Hun Leven, Onderricht en Messiasprediking

ledge or science, for example, are wholly based on it. Knowledge is

8 T. S. G. Moelia, Het Primitieve Denken in de Moderne Wetenschap (Diss., Ams

17 Th. Pigeaud, "Javaansche Wichelarij en Klassificatie," in Feestbundel Uitgegeven door het

of man and mankind is thought to progress from the biological to th

22 Sumantri Hardjoprakoso, Indonesisch Mensbeeld als Basis ener Psycho-Th

While among contemporary students of Indonesian history and society the

available," writes Pigeaud, "... to be able to decide on good ground

31 Th. Pigeaud, Javaanse Volksvertoningen (Batavia, 1938), p. 6.

37 C. C. Berg, "Gedachtenwisseling over Javaanse Geschiedschrijving," Indonesie, vol. 9

49 C. C. Berg, Nederland en Indonesia. Cutlturele Betrekkingen (Utrecht, 1952), pp. 2-3.

It would be impossible to review all expressions of millenarian expectations in

The message of the paswara is indicative of the Hindu apocalyptic experience

61 am indebted to Tjalie Robinson, presently of Amsterdam, for information on this point.

76 Compare G. W. Locher, "Myth in a Changing World," Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en

mechanism in the Javanese world view: all that is wanted, i

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