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902/904(058) ISSN 0352-1

39(497.6)(058) ISSN 1 1
54/59(058) 0350-0012




Die Herausgabe der Zeitsc hrift "Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen des bosnisch-herze­
gowinischen Landesmuseums" wurde durch die finan zielJe Untersti.iJ:zung folgend e r
Institutionen ermoglicht: Open Society Fund Bosnia-Hercegov ina (Soros Fondation),
Ministerium fur Bildung, Wissenschaft, Kultur und Sport der Fod eration Bosnien­
Herzegowina , Regierung der Foderation Bosnien-Herzeg owina und Landesmuseum
Bosnien-Herzegow inas.

Herausgegeben yom bosnisch-herzegowinischen Landesmuseum, Sarajevo,

Zmaja od Bosne Nr. 3, Bosnien-Herzego wina

Redaktions ko llegium:

Archaologie: Mag. Lidija FekeZa, Chefredakteur, Mag . Mirza Hasan Ceman ,

Margita Gavrilovic

Volkskunde: Prof. Dr. Denana Buturovic, Chefredakteur, Svetlana Bajic, Astrida Bugarski

Naturwissensc haften: Dr. Svjetos lav Obratil, Chefredakteur, Sabaheta Abadzic,

IEsma Kresol

Chefredakteur: Prof. Dr. Denana Buturovic


Introduction ............................. .......... ... ........... ........... ... ............ ... .... ....................... .. 5


The National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina

- Its Emergence and its Fall in the Overall Destruction

of Bosnia and Herzegovina (From April 1992 to the End of 1995) . ... ....... .. ... ... .. ....... 7


Contribution to the Study Of The IlIyrian - Pannonian Tribe of Daesitiates and
its Territory in the Region of Central Bosnia in Pre-Roman and Roman Times ...... 63


Cultural and Historical Survey of the Sepulc hral Monuments From the Roman

Times in the Territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina ... .. ............................ .. ............. 83


The Results of the Trial Excavations at Podastinje,

Visnjica and Gromiljak Near Kiseljak .. .. .......... .. ............... ... ... ...................... ...... 107


Quantitative Analy sis of the Forms of Sepulchral Ceramics

of the Early Middle Ages in the Territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina .......... .. ........ ... 133


Citations of the New Series of Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja

(Archaeology) 1946-1986 ....................... .. ........................... ... .... .. .. .. .. .. .. ...... .. .... ... 149



Albert Bates Lord (1912-1991) et I'heritage de la tradition orale Bosniaque .. ...... 171


Les deplacements miraculeux de sanctuaires dans la tradition orale

de la Bosnie-Herzegovine .. .................................................................. .. ..... 197


Les recents changements dans Ie mode d'habitat de la population rurale

de la Bosnie-Herzegovine ....... ... ......................... ... ........ ............. ... .... ..................... 209


La vie economique a Sarajevo pendant l'annee de guerre 1992

(avec un accent parliculier sur les activites economiques traditionnelles) ..... ........ 229


Sabaheta ABADZIC
Dispersal of the Species Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. & Kit. in the Dinarides .. .... . 247

Sulejman REDZIC, Radomir LAKUSIC,


Phytocoenoses of Sub-Alpine and Alpine Belt of Mt. Crvanj in Herzegovina ...... 255


Phytoceonosis of Beech and Butcher's Broom of North Bosnia ............... ............. 277

Cedomil SILIe

List of Botanical Species (Pteridophyta and Spermatophyta)

for the Red Book of Bosnia and Heu.cgovina .................... .. ....... .... .... ................. .. 287


Fauna Rhopalocera (Lepidoptera) of Ml. Vran (Herzegovina) ........................ .. .... 325


Faunistic Study Of Rhopalocera (Lepidoptera) Of Bosnian Hills ................. ... ...... 343

Svjetoslav OBRATIL

Initial Research of the Ornithofauna of the Hutovo Blato After the Construction
of the Reservoir for the CapUina Hydro-Electric Power Plant .......... .. ................... 355



In Memoriam, Alojz Benac (1914-1992) ................................. ........ .. .... .... ..... .. ..... 379

Zdravko MARIC

In Memoriam, Borivoj Covic (1927-1995) ......................................................... 385


In Memoriam, Krunoslava Topolovac (1930 - 1992) .... ........ ... .................... ........ 391


In Memoriam , Vlajko Palavestra (1927-1993) ............ ...... ........ ... .. ............ ............ 393

Fabijan TRUBELJA, Svjetoslav OBRATIL

In Memoriam, Teofil Sliskovic (1926-1991) .. .... ..... ..... ............ ....... ............ .. ...... 40)

Svjetoslav OBRATIL

In Memoriam, Rizo Sijaric (1937-1993) .................................... ............................ 411



The idea about this issue of\V'issenschaftliche Mitteilungen des Bosnlsch-Herzegowi­

nischen Landesmuseums (\V'MBHL) emerged during our efforts to prepare for publication
the joint war volume of the National Museum Herald (Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja
Bosne i Hercegovine - GZM) in the periodfrom the first thoughts ofit preparation until the
final realisation - from August 1992 to the end of October 1996. 1 In the last war months be­
fore the publication of the joint GZM Volume, the joint Editorial Board for the WMBHL
Volume was set up. It was decided that the basis for the new Volume should be found in the Her­
ald's war volume and in its works.
Writing and editing of works that are presented here in their translations into Engllih, French
and German, respectivelY, took place under unbelievablY difficult conditions of living and working
during the first waryear in the National Museum in Sarajevo. It was the period when a danger
for one S own life was imminent for any employee who kept coming to work in the National Mu­
seum, during their work in the buildings and during their return from work to home. It was also
theyear full of incredible surpnses - a real shock for almost all of us. The surprise was often fol­
lowed by a question: is this what happens to us a realiry, rW twenry of us, or the average offifteen
that came to the Museum every day, to this temple ofmillennia aid civilisation and cultures, whose
existence has been verified and affirmed here for more than a century; do we reallY share the des­
tiny ofthe bygone civillsations, whose remnants we are merelY keeping in the Museum?
In companion to the joint GZM war issue, the content-matter of this nelv joint WMBHL
Volume presents this Introduction instead of a short Foreword by Dr. Cedomil Sili!; a much
rather text The National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Its Emergence and
Fall in the Overall Des truction of Bosnia and Herzegovina (From April 1992 to
the End of 1995) instead of the ear/ier text The National Museum of Bosnia and Her­
zegovina in the war 1992-1993 by Dr. Rizo S fjan'f, with the new illustrations. The new,
third text has been publlshed here: In memoriam to the Academician Bon'voj Covi! with a
Bibliography. Dr. Zdravko Man'f, who also compiled the accompanying Bibliography, wrote the
text. As it can be seen from their contents, these texts have not been wn"tten dun'ng the first war

I Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu (The National Museum Herald of
Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo). New Series:
ArheoJogija (Archaeology) (A) - Volume 47; Etnologija (Ethnology) (E). Volume 47; Pri­
rodne nauke (Natural Sciences) (PN) - Volume 31, Sarajevo 1996. IAlthough the papers for
this Herald's Volume had been submitted in the beginning of 1993, the Editorial Board
accepted them on its meeting on May 14, 1993. The texts were submitted for printing be­
fore the end of August 1993. However, due to the lack of electricity and ,the necessary printing
material, the conditions for the final computer text processing were met only in the beginning
of 1995/.

year. FinallY, the ne)/J order of archaeological texts has been presented here in companion to the
Herald's war imfe. These texts, In Memoriam, no matter to lvhich edition thry belong, are
collected as a whole at the end ofthis edition.
The choice offoreign languages into which the texts have been translated had been conditioned
partD! by the authors and their wishes, and, partlY, by our possibilities to find excellent translators
in the given moment.
The preparations for publication of the LVMBHL Volume lasted rather long, from November
1997 till the moment the texts were submittedfor publication.
UDK 355.01 : 069.013 (497.6 Sarajevo) "1992/1995"

Denana BUTURovrc






All that the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina had been exposed to with the aggression
having been committed both from the inside and outside by the extreme forces of the
Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a part of the Yugoslav
People ' s Army (JNA), heavily supported by the respective regimes of Serbia and Mon­
tenegro, affected the institution that has testified about several millennia long existence
of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its unique and strong cultural imprints.
One can divide the entire period of attacks against the Museum into two stages. The
both stages can be characterised the best by the term destruction.
These stages are as follows:

a) From April 1992 to December 1995 - the period when the Museum was the target
of enemy and when it was hit many times from the heavy and light weaponry ;
b) The period which encompasses the time after the signing of the Dayton Peace
Accords: the years 1996, 1997, and even 1998 - when the conditions were met in
order to begin with the National Museum's reconstruction and its buildings and
collections, and a protection and healing of its exhibits. Since this task was ac­
complished only in a partial manner, particularly in 1996, and later on more and
more slowly, although under the careful eye of a concerned museologist, having
left the Museum in the situation of uncertainty against its final destiny when its
most delicate collections and exhibits, such as textile, herbarium, and insects,
were concerned.

Having written this text, I changed its concept two times. In the end I gave up de­
finitively to write about the period after the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords, ex­
cept for the most general remarks where I pointed out on its problems, the course of its
rehabilitation, and the general trends of its development. There were several reasons for
such an approach. The other important reason can be also seen in the textual limitation
of this work . Besides, there is a danger of becoming more subjective, since this was the
period when I assumed the managing position over the Institution as its Director. And
the most important, third reason: the Muse um's revival was, at the same time, its most
important crossroads.

The need for the new text on the Museum in the war and related to the war is multi­
ple one. The first text - having been written by Dr. Rizo SUaric, and published under the
title »The National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the war 199211993« in the
war joint issue of the Herald of National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina - needs to be
supplemented tOdayI As it has been mentioned by the asterisk on the first page of Sijaric's
paper, the review relates »to the first current year of the war«. The review was very
close to the events themselves in the Museum . so it comes as no surprise that the author
could not see objectively the entire situation in the Museum. It can be also understood
that, as a natural scientist. he was closest and with the most infonnation about what has hap­
pened in the Natural Sciences Department. whereas the other pieces of infonnation were
missing about the situation in other departments. particularly in the Ethnology Department.
The new text would encompass the period mentioned above. One could follow. from
a greater distance nowadays, the events in the Museum and the war destruction. Missing
segments in the overall review of the war destructions in the Museum could be checked
and supplemented. I should try to follow them. as much as possible, also through the
kept records. In this manner. I should try to make the first war year picture as complete
as possible. The time distance and more possibilities to check the data a.l lows this author
of the new review to evaluate at what times this institution has been helped. how much
assistance has been given and who has helped it. And. finally. the position and the status
of this institution. having been seen in such a manner. can serve - not only to the author
of this paper. but also to those who would like to see its improvement and advancement;
and who happen to be of the same opinion that the Museum must survi ve the current
crises - as a material for further analyses. and for finding solutions in which direction
this institution ought to go in the future. The question, perhaps. remains open now ­
should we go the same direction as before?
Within such a text. one should explain what it had been destroyed and devastated in
the National Museum.



The National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established on February 1. 1888.
almost forty years after the first idea about the need to set up a Bosnian Museum had
been publicly announced by the Bosnian Franciscan Ivan Frano lukic. in 1850. The Mu­
seum ' s establishment had been preceded by other positive ideas that supported a foun­
dation of a museum institution. One of them was the one having been expressed by the
famous Austrian politician and historian Alexander von Hel fert, who had suggested
"that a higher scientific institution was to be established in Sarajevo, which would have,
at the same time. the function of a national museum. learned society and a higher edu­
cation institution".2 Beginning with the first years of the Austro-Hungarian occupation,
the interest for Bosnia and Herzegovina increased. especially among the Austrian aca­
demics and scientists. Archaeology and natural sciences came into the focus of attention

I GZM Bosne i Hercegovine (The Herald of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina!
Arheologija (Archaeology) (A). Vol. 47; Etnologija (Ethnology) (E). Vol. 47; Prirodne nauke
(Natural Sciences) (PN), Vol. 31, Sarajevo 1996. - The author of this paper, Dr. Rizo Sijaric
was killed while working as the National Museum Director. on December 6. 1993. by direct
shrapnel hit. With due respect to all the missing things of that paper. it is important to note that
its author had feli the need and obligation as a Director to leave in the scientific publication of
the National Museum his own view about the first war year in the National Museum.
2 Alexander von Helfert. Bosniches. Vienna. 1879. p. 287.

of the world famous archaeologists and natural scientists. The interest for ethnology and
cultural anthropology was considerably smaller among the experts interested in the
field . It is also true that the interest for ethnology and cultural anthropology was not
differentiated enough among the leading public figures from Bosnia in comparison til
the other, similar disciplines. This period corresponded to the time of the most intensl \ ('
pulling out of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian cultural monuments out of the country. The
removal of the Bosnian heritage and treasure made the idea about the Museum estab­
lishment attractive again . Dr. Julije Makanec, from Zagreb, a physician by trade, and a
member of the City Council in Sarajevo, announced to the general public "on behalf of
several persons of different status and trade" that the preparations had been made for the
establishment of the Museum Society, which WOUld, in turn , become the founder of the
Museum in Sarajevo. Everything that followed influenced the Bosnian Provincial Gov­
ernment to set up the Museum as an independent institution . Thus, the Museum was
founded on February I st, 1888 . In the first period, the collections were located in six
rooms on the second floor in the Pension Fund building on the Church Square in Sarajevo
(today it is called the Fra Grgo Martie Square). The Museum collections spread into
other rooms and on other floors later on. It was finally thought that the entire space was
too small and it did not suit the purpose. Under the project of the Civil Engineering Senior
Adviser Mr. Karlo Pariik, the construction of the present National Museum buildings
began in 1908. The Museum consisted of four pavilions. The museum material was
transferred into them in 1913 . (Photo No. I) The museum buildings themselves can be
seen as the important cultural monuments today. They were built in the historical style­
the style of the Italian Renaissance. After the pavilions had been finished , the new archaeo­
logical, ethnological and natural science collections were exhibited. The National Museum
was from its beginning the complex institution. Its buildings were constructed accordingly.
They were based after the disciplines that were studied there, and the results of which
were presented in the museological manner. The three buildings housed the Department
for Archaeology, Department for Ethnology and the Department for Natural Sciences.
The Library with the administrative and other services was located in the fourth pavilion.

Photo No. I - The National Museum in 1913 - old phOiograph


In the first stage of its existence and development, which ought to have been directly
connected to the period of Austro-Hungarian occupation, the Museum was in its full
bloom. It achieved considerable results in the field of scientific research, in gathering
the material, in creating museum collections and in protection of cultural heritage. In
accordance to the courses of scientific movements in Europe, the utmost attention was
paid to archaeology and natural sciences. The most intensive and systematic research
was carried out in a rchaeology . One should single out among them those related to the
pre-hi storic archaeology. This period has been known as the period of research di scov­
eries, both in the area of scientific research, and in the museological activities. This in­
stitution was in the focus of cultural life until the outbreak of World War 1. A great
number of experts of foreign origin gave their contribution to the successful develop­
ment of the National Museum (such as Otmar Reiser, Victor Apfelbeck, Kosta Hor­
mann, Franjo Fiala , Vaclav Radimsky, Friedrich Katzer, and Karlo Maly). Among the
persons mentioned, one should single out a Croat Ciro Truhelka, as an extremely im­
portant pioneer, an expert who has had enormous contributions for setting in motion the
scientific research not only within the Department for Archaeological Research, but also
in the Department for Ethnography . Truhelka was the first curator of the National Mu­
seum. As a matter of fact , he came to Sarajevo in 1886 as the Secretary to the just es­
tablished Museum Society. Once the National Museum had been founded , he took
charge as its first curator over its archaeological, ethnological and numismatic collec­
tions , and, at times, even over the natural sciences collection.
Due to the fact of occupation , it was only normal that the Provincial Government of
Bosnia and Herzegovina became interested for the study and research of natural sci­
ences in the country. It was characteristic for the Government to engage the European
scientists and experts for the work in the fields of geology, botany, etc.
Already in 1889, the Museum initiated issuing of its regular annual publication
Glasnlk Z ema!Jjkog muWa Bosne l H megovine ([he H erald of National Museum of Bosma
and H er:(egovina). The first volume of the H erald was published in 1889 . The National
Museum's publishing activity, above all its H erald, remained continuous until the period
of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, from 1992 to 1995. The Museum had
initi ated the Viennese edition of W issenschaJtliche M itteilungen aus Bosnien und der Her1:.e­
gOIVina (from 1893 to 1916), and , later on, WissenschaJtliche M itteilungen des BosniHh-H er­
zegolVinischen Landesmuseums: Heft (Volume) A (Archdologie - Archaeology) (from 1971
to 1979), Heft B (Volkskunde - Ethnology) (from 1971 to 1980), Heft C (Naturwissen­
schaft - Natural Sciences) (from 1971 to 1976), and a number of other , special editions.
In this period, the Museum took part on a number of exhibition s in the larger urban
centres of Austro-Hungarian Empire (in Vienna, Budapest, Zagreb and Timisoara), and,
notably, on the World Exhibitions in Brussels, in 1897, and in Paris , in 1900. Two
equally important scientific gatherings had been organised in Sarajevo: the Congress of
Archaeologists and Anthropologists, in 1894, and the Congress of Ornithologists, in
1899. When the Museum pavilions in the residential Sarajevo area of Marindvor had
been built, the rather favourable conditions were set up for the modern presentation of
cultural, historical and natural heritage, as well as for the wider educational activities .
At that time and for many years afterwards, until a few decades ago, these facilities
were the only buildings that had been solely constructed for the museum work on the
whole territory of former Yugoslavia .
The period between the World Wars could be seen as the period of stagnation in the
National Museum development. It was the period best characterised by the individual
contributions of a few enthusiasts . Important eve nts seldom took place in the period,
such as the opening of gallery and the collection for the early Middle Ages in 1937 . The
World War II period followed between 1941 and 1945. It was considered to be the

hardest in the National Museum's history. Nevertheless, the fact was that all the sys­
temic and exhibiting collections remained intact, both from the war storms and from the
unwanted visitors. 3
In 1943 , the most valuable exhibits were packed and placed into the vault of the Na­
tional Bank. The largest amount of other movable exhibits was kept in the basement.
One should mention the contribution of the current Director Dr. Jozo Petrovic, who led
the Institution successfully in the difficult period when Sarajevo was the town within
the "Quisling" Independent State of Croatia. However minimal, the fieldwork was
somehow conducted (at Travnik, Mostar, Bugojno , Konjic, and Siroki Brijeg). The Mu­
seum was even open to visitors until the second half of 1943, when it was closed due to
the frequent bombarding.
When we can try to compare this period with the period after the aggression against
Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, and in the course of aggression until 1995 - we realise
that, in fact, one cannot make comparisons. A lot of time should pass in order to ascer­
tain many things, and this text can only hope to predict them.
The picture of enormous destruction that is the topic of this review can be best illus­
trated by the fact that both in the times of World War I and the World War II , the Herald of
National Museum, its primary publication, was issued regularly (Year XXVII1914 - 3
Volumes, double issue 1-2, Numbers 3 and 4; XXVIII1915 - 2 Volumes: double issue I
and 2, and 3 and 4; XXVIIV1916 - 2 Volumes, double issues 1 and 2, 3 and 4 ; XXIX!
11917 - I Volume; LIII/l941, LIV11942, LV 11943 - three years in the course of World
War II). When, during World War II, the Allies bombarded Sarajevo several times, as
the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina which had been annexed to the Independent State
of Croatia, the National Museum suffered smaller damages on the parts of its fa<;:ade.
Therefore, from the whirlpools of the two World Wars that lasted four years each, such
as the most recent and latest one, the National Museum emerged as a victor. It left the
testimony about its work under the most difficult times in its documents and annals. The
end of World War II for Sarajevo took place on April 6, 1945. The Museum had 23 empl­
oyees. It entered into the new stage of its development. After no more than half a year,
the Museum was restored in all its depots, exhibition halls, and preparations workshops to
the pre-war conditions, and all the exhibits were placed back to their original positions.
With its new policy towards the cultural and historical heritage, both the new ("Sec­
ond") Yugoslavia and its constituent part the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in­
fluenced a considerable breakthrough of the wheel of history that set in motion the edu­
cation, science and culture. The initial financial assistance was rather modest. Never­
theless, the institution gained its strength having employed more staff. In this way the
National Museum's traditional course of acti vi ties became richer. In 1947, the National
Museum had the total of 35 employees. Only seven of them were experts in the museum

) One should mention a remark by Vejsi l Curcie, who was the acting Director of the Croatian
State Museum /the name applied to the National Mu seum during World War Ill. Mr. CUf(~ie
explained how he began to work on moving away the Museum collections and on the protec­
tion of the Museum furniture "which remains today, as well as the collections themselves, of
priceless value". Curtie writes further more: "All the windows on collections, glass roofs on
some pavilions, boats and tumuli in the pre-historical mosaic Roman collection, then the
monuments in the Museum Botanical Garden, all that was covered with the armour made of 5
centimetres thick wooden boards. Only the direct shell hits could damage such armoured ob­
jects, whereas neither the largest air pressure from explosions (for instance the explosion from
the Mt. Hum nearby), nor the heavy shrapnels (shrapnels that weighed a few kilograms have
been found in the Museum yard) could cause any damages" - Vejsil Curtie: from the transcript
of giving over the exhibits that had been hidden in 1943, given in May 1945, from the National
Museum Records.

field and worked as curators . The only other two exceptions were the Director and the
Secretary. In 1957, there were 48 employees in the National Museum. Twenty of them
were experts in museum studies; the others were associates and curators. In 1963, there
were 76 employees in the Museum. 37 of them were curators or experts in museology .
The National Museum's concept of development as an extremely important scientific
and cultural and educational institution has been accepted. A due attention has been paid
to the synchronised advancement of scientific and museum work. Considerable funds
have been secured. The scientific projects that had been carried out from the Sixties to
the Eighties, having been conducted by the rather well qualified scientists and experts,
led to some new archaeological discoveries. Some of them, which had been related to
the Middle Ages, had an exceptional importance for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a nation
state. The other projects that had dealt with the pre-historic period did not lag behind
them. The number of projects in the period, about 30 of them, as well as the names in­
volved in them as the key persons, speaks about the Bosnian-Herzegovinian archae­
ology as a strong branch of science. As far as the research in the field of ethnology was
concerned in this period, the experts have been directed to explore the special areas of
ethnological and cultural and anthropological disciplines. It was the time when the
teamwork on ethnological and folkloristic studies of the peoples of Bosnia and Herze­
govina began. The aim was to ascertain the ethnic past and ethnic development of these
peoples . The Department of Ethnology saw these studies and research as its own long­
term task. Their results contributed to a considerable success of the Sarajevo Ethnologi­
cal School in the former Yugoslavia. Apart from the teamwork, many individual topics
were carried out. They were very important for the better insights of various ethnologi­
cal problems. The Department of Natural Sciences decided that its primary task was to
become a centre of research for a determination, classification, description and diffusion
of plants, animals, fossils, rocks and minerals. In the period between the Sixties and
Eighties, there was a breakthrough in this Department in the fieldwork, research, and
scientific and museological work. The conditions were met in the whole Museum for
the preparation of modern exhibitions that have resulted from great achievements in the
fieldwork, research, and scientific and museological work. A number of exhibitions
opened in the period. They included the permanent exhibitions, as well as the mobile,
movable exhibitions. (Photo No.2).
One can single out among the permanent exhibitions:
"The World of geological past of Bosnia and Herzegovina" in the Department for
Natural Sciences (1971), "The Life and Culture of Rural Population in Bosnia and Her­
zegovina" - the Department for Ethnology (1974), "Bosnia and Herzegovina in the
Middle Ages" in the Department for Archaeology (1978), and "Ungulates and Hoofed
Animals in the World" in the Department for Natural Sciences.
There were two prominent mobile exhibitions that went all over the world: "The Art
of Stecaks !Medieval Tombstones/, in the period between 1965 to 1975, and "Embroi­
dery and Jewellery in Bosnia and Herzegovina", in the period between 1973 and 1987.
All the Museum pavilions were rehabilitated in the period between 1975 and 1980.
The rehabilitation included the fitting of central heating and the considerable adapta­
tions of working space, particularly the space for depots, exhibitions and workshops.
The more recent equipment was purchased for the Museum. All this meant the initiative
for the new breakthroughs in all the National Museum's Departments. The period of the
Eighties was mostly spent in the preparations for the National Museum's centenary in
1988. The Museum experts became also involved in a number of programs that had
been supported by the so-called Public Domain Goals Programs (in 1985). Some of
these programs in archaeology, ethnology, ethnomusicology and folklore and natural
sciences began in 1986.

Photo No.2 - Th e Natiol1aL Museum in 1988

The knowledge that had been achieved in the course of work was summed up in the
results that were presented in the form of exhibitions, fieJdwork and research, fieldwork
and scientific evaluation papers and special synthetic studies. The number of exhibitions
opened for public, such as "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Antiquity" and "Bosnia and
Herzegovina in Pre-historic period" in the Department for Archaeology, and "The For­
ests of Bosnia and Herzegovina" and "The Exotic Collection" in the Department for
Natural Sciences. Only the first books from the bubbling publishing activities were is­
sued. One should mention the imposing encyclopaedic "Archaeological Lexicon of
Bosnia and Herzegovina" in seven volumes of large format (1988) and the "Memorial
Book Upon the Centenary of Work of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina
1888 - 1988", to which the number of collaborators gave their contributions. The Na­
tional Museum centenary was marked by the Special issue of the H erald and by scien­
tific gatherings, the proceedings of which were consequently published . Two scientific
projects from the programs aforementioned were also published: Histonjska usmena
predanja (Historical Oral Narratives) by Vlajko Palavestra (1991) , and Bosanskomusliman­
ska usmena epika (The Bosnian Muslim Oral Epics) by Denana Buturovic. The latter study
was taken out from the burnt building of the "Oslobodenje" Publishing House in the
period between September and December I992 . A considerable amount of material that
had been collected for the large project "Popular Instruments and Instrumental Playing in
the A1.usi"ti tradition of Bosnia and H erzegovina" (by the responsible researcher Dunja
Rihtman-Sotric, who now lives in Israel ) was burned down in the author's apartment in
the Sarajevo suburban area of Dobrinja, because the apartment was on the first front line
between the defenders and the Serbian attackers in the course of the aggression in 1992.
Immediately before the aggression, towards the end of 1991, or at the very beginning of
1992, a book under the title Pod kod Bugojna (Pod near Bugojno) , a Settlement of the
Bronze and Iron Age in Central Bosnia, Volume I, by Borivoj Covic was issued. It was
published as a special Museum issue in two languages as the result from a series of re­

search that had been conducted in the period between 1959 and 1983 , for a quarter of
Mature museum and scientific experts can see the example of Pod, and one of its parts,
as just one out of many projects that had been carried out for decades. It is not known
what happened to it, as well as what happened to the second or third parts of the Pod
We should perhaps find out what happened to the other project of our former fellow­
colleagues, who had left Sarajevo somewhat earlier, before the war, or during the war.
In the course of 1996 and 1997, and afterwards until today, a few of our fellow­
colleagues, in particular archaeologists, had got in touch with us and offered their com­
pleted studies, that were based on their research that had been conducted while they
were employed in the National Museum. They would like to see their studies published
in The Herald of National Museum of Bosnia and H erzegovina (Dr. Bosko Marijan, Dr.
Brunislav Marijanovic).
It is true that Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with the sc ientific and academic
programmes from the so-called Public Goals, that had encompassed the research in ar­
chaeology, folklore , ethnomusicology and natural sciences , for the first time, enabled
the National Museum to make plans for the more systemic resolving of the issues con­
cerning the renewal and education of scientists and experts in the respective fields and
disciplines. The National Museum, together with the Academy of Arts and Sciences of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiated the establishment of Chairs for Archaeology, Ethnol­
ogy and History of Arts as the new departments within the University of Sarajevo. In
the time span of 110 years, the National Museum had been carefully cherished, and it
developed towards a profile that remained the same with some minor variants for almost
one hundred years . One could affirm that a certain balance existed in the preference of
its basic activities. Throughout the entire history of its existence, the National Museum
had a slight inclination towards archaeology at the expense of history , particularly of the
Ottoman period. The balance that the Museum maintained successfully in the hundred
year's period was, at the same time, the balance between its two basic lines of activities ,
scientific and museological. The Museum celebrated its great centenary in 1988, and
having faced the difficulties in 1991 , came to 1992. Since the war in 1992 had resulted
from the long-planned aggression as one of the contemporary political moves. that led
towards a di vision of the South Slavic territories and the new "order" in Southeastern
Europe, the National Museum experienced the financial sunset in 1991.


The National Museum entered in 1991 with the plans that corresponded to the scientific
and academic research that had grown out of the so-called Public Goals and other freely
programmed projects that had been conducted for a while. In February 1991 , the Na­
tional Museum requested from the Public Fund for Culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina
the adequate financial means for publishing the first volume of the monograph afore­
mentioned and entitled as "Pod near Bugojno" (Volume I, A Bronze and Iron Age Settle­
ment tn Centra! BOJJ1ia). One should mention the Museum's involvement in the exhibi­
tion "The Helvetian Gold ", which was opened in Zurich, Switzerland, on February IS,
1991 , on the occasion of 700 years of Switzerland. Upon our request , the National
Museum's archaeological material trom Osanjici near Stolac was kept in Switzerland
until 1998".

It was received and returned into the National Museum on January 20, 1998 (The Report on the
receipt and transport of this material - by Mirza Hasan (eman, MA, under No. 03.03 . 1998, in
the Museum records).

In March 1991, the financial situation of the National Museum was discussed within
the institution. It was hoped that the Museum would find its rightful place as a scientific
institution within the proposed stipulations of the new Law on Museums. These stipula­
tions should have been adjusted to the Law on Scientific Activities. The Museum's re­
search and scientific functions were supposed to be kept, it was duly emphasised in the
correspondence with the appropriate Ministry. The new clarifications could become the
basis for the suitable chapters in the Museum ' s Statutes. It was stressed out that the
three respective departments within the National Museum served as particular Institutes
in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These departments had a relatively good
structure of employees (the total of 44 persons with University degrees, out of which
nine with Ph .D. and eight with MA degrees). The development of archaeology and eth­
nology continued to be preferred within the Museum as an Institution. It was thought
that this was more rational than to set up the brand new institutions, because of the
overall economic situation in the country. It was also pointed out that all three volumes
of the H erald (the archaeological, ethnological and natural sciences) functioned as inde­
pendent periodicals. They were well presented both at home and abroad (388 Yugoslav
and 646 international exchanges). In such a way, they ensured publication and dissemi­
nation of the research results, and, at the same time, they provided a number of periodi­
cals for the National Museum's Library.4
The lack of financial resources was more and more felt towards the mid-year. Funds
were sought in order to repair the roofs and Museum facilities . Towards the end of
1991, the Museum management discussed the worsening of National Museum's finan­
cial situation. It was noticed that the Museum was losing its staff either because some
people had retired, some died (the Museum lost eight renowned employees in just a few
last years because they had passed away) , and three other scientists notified the man­
agement that they were about to leave. In the course of 1991 , the works had been com­
pleted and the devices against fire and theft were installed. s The decision-makers
thought that these alarm devices "could improve considerably the protection of the ex­
tremely valuable Museum exhibits". The funds for these instruments and their installa­
tion were provided by the Public Fund for Culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The time
proved that the Museum experts, who had advocated a purchase of protection cases
(containers), and not these devices , were right in terms of priority. The alarm devices
were not used . During the war, they were out of use after the electricity was cut off. 6
In 1991, the National Museum was altogether ready neither to adapt itsel f to nor to
prepare itself to begin working iri the eventual war situation. One can see it from the
letter No. 01-23/20 sent by the Museum on October 21, 1991 to the Ministry of Educa­
tion, Science, Culture and Sports. The letter stated that the Museum had spent "about

National Museum Records No . 01 -23/91, dated March 25, 1991

This was mentioned in the Museum report for 1991. However, according to the opinion and
knowledge of the former janitor, who has retired in the meantime, Mr. Mustafa lamakosmano­
vic, the works on the alarm system had not been finished. All the correspondence and commu ­
nication with the contractor from Teslic were in hands of the Director Mr. Almaz Dautbegovic
and his Assistant Mr. Blagoje Milovic. Mr. lamakosmanovic as a janitor and the technical per­
son in the Institution was never trained to use the system. He does not know if the Project has
ever been confirmed as completed. In any case, the devices installed did not provide fire sig­
nals, the entrance into a depot, the access to the exhibition cases, as well as the access into the
majority of offices. The instruments issued signals about moving through the Museum corri ­
dors, so the access through the ground floor windows was unrestricted to any versatile burglar.
6 The people on duty in the Reception Desk of the Archaeology pavilion, before the electricity
was permanently cut off, received the signal twice that the unwanted visitors had broke by
force into the Head Oftice building and the Ethnology pavilion.

ten days" for its preparations to work under the eventual war conditions 7 This was the
answer that the Museum Director sent to the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture
and Sports after the meeting that had taken place somewhat earlier in the same Ministry
with the most responsible representati ves of the institutions in the areas of culture and
science. A question was posed during this meeting about the work under the eventual
war conditions, as well as the issue of securing financial means to support such a work .
The war raged at the time in the neighbouring Republic of Croatia. Since none of the
institutions had received the funds for such purposes, the further development of events
proved that those who could have secured the funds, were not ready to do so, and that
those who could have taken care how to use such funds if they received any of them, did
not know how to use them, with possible minor exceptions. Many directors, who had
managed the Republic institutions in the areas of culture and science, would realise only
later on why the funds had not been available for the purchase of containers, and the other
equipment for the protection and transport of the most valuable artefacts and items,
documents etc. to the safer places. It is known that more or less all the departments asked
in 199 I the Department for Joint Services to have the aluminium containers purchased.
We would just like to quote the request placed by the Department for Natural Sciences
(dated October 17, 1991) - the request for the purchase of 10 pieces of aluminium con­
tainers K-830/0 I type to place 915 selected exhibits (mineral fossils, plants and animal
exhibits, and 33 inventory books, 2 studies, the records of types, etc.).
All the National Museum Departments requested their inventory books to be micro­
filmed . Nevertheless , according to my own estimate, 1991 was not the most favourable
year for securing considerable financial funds. The financial resources must have been
insisted upon already in 1990, and, consequently, redirected towards purchasing of
containers, microfilms, etc.
It is evident that has been the task of the Director. It should be said that there have
been others who had had more intuition and courage to feel and admit to themselves
what was going on, so they procured the appropriate packing material and evacuated the
treasure in their custody .8 One can only think about the lack of readiness in the National

1 Most likely, it refers to the activities in 1991 , and the ones that would follow at the beginning
of 1992. Dr. Rizo Sijaric summarises it, in the letter aforementioned, like this : "It is true that,
immediatel y before the war, in 1991 and at the beginning of 1992, a certain attention was paid
to the protection of Museum material under the war conditions. Consultations and talks were
held on the need to take the museum material outside the Museum, on selecting the important
documents and exhibits, on preparing the material for packing, and the choice of special alu­
minium-made cases - containers for storing the selected material (moisture resistant , dust resis­
tant, etc.) . The appropriate storage rooms in the basements were chosen, cleaned and painted .
The experts were authorised to select and put the most important museum materi al into
these rooms.
At the beginning of April (1992) , the selected material was placed into two special
cases/racks. (Pp. 28-29 of the work alread y cited above ).
R Towards the end of 1991, the directors of institutions in the area of culture requested the funds
from the then current Minster of Culture Mr. Nihad Hasic to procure the appropriate packing
materials (containers) for documents, exhibits and other museum and documentary material.
Since he, as well as all the other directors, had not been given an y kind of answer by the Min­
ister, Mr. Sejdalija Mustafic found his own solution. Mr. Sejdalija Mustafic used the money
that had been earned by the Republic Institute for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and
Natural Heritage for the exhibition "The !Pictures off Stecaks of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The
exhibition took place in Paris, France, on October 15, 1991. The Republic Institute for the
Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage took the decision about the purchase of
containers in January 1992. Mr. Sejdalija Mustafic and his team were rather efficient. In Feb­
ruary 1992, the expert trom the Republic Institute, Mr. Ferhat Mulabegovic, went personally to

Museum and its key people, and even its experts, to lead the Museum under such ex­
traordinary circumstances. It can be seen in the attempt to promote the idea on exhibition
"From the National Museum's Collections" outside the regular schedule of events in the
very year of Bosnia and Nowadays, none of those who
remained in the National Museum can remember who had been the of this
idea. The idea was to present the National Museum's overall and the most
treasure, its rarities, in one

70 containers there. It is to recall how these

containers came into in two lorries, at the time when the roads in Bosnia and
were covered with transports that, more or less openly, transported weapons with
which the aggression Bosnia and was supposed to be executed. It is char­
acteristic that in January! 992 the Director of this Institute forbade all the In this In­
stitution to use holidays, free or any other types of absence. All the employees worked on
a classification and of archives and documents, and other library plans,
photograph library and other materiaJs into the metal containers, Once all the material had been
it was transported in the lorries of the Public Licensed "RAD" into the Na­
tional Museum's basement depots. Mr. Mustafit followed the events, In August J 992, once the
National and University Library was burned down, he re-allocated the entire material in the
lorries of the Ministry of Interior and the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Vault of
the National Bank of Bosnia and The materia! remained there until the end of the
war. What else was in the course of April 1992 in the Republic Institute for the
Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Apart from its own material, it
kept the Ministry of Culture about instructing the departments and institutions what and
how to work, how to mark the monuments, etc. In addition, the Republic Institute kept
information into the world about the course of events, and what could be expected,
kultumog Bosne i (State of the Cultural Treasure of Bosma and
Biblioteka Arabeska, Kongresa bosanskomuslimanskih intelektualaca, 1995.
From the Discussion by Mrs. Mevlida Cf. Stanje kuIturnog Bosne i Herce­
p. 19. Mrs. Dzenana Golos, who was appointed the Director of the of In­
stitute for Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural on 4, 1992, points out
that her Institution had also warned about the dangers of war and aggression, At the beginnmg
of the war they already worked on the creation of information system. They marked all the
monuments with the international Nevertheless, from what has been of­
fered written documents, it is obvious that there was no necessary co-ordination between the
and Institutes for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural re­
spectively. the discussion Dzenana Golo~, in the publication quoted, pp. 34·35). The
same source offers the information by Mr. Matko Kovacevic. He tells us that the experts in the
State Archive of Bosnia and having already seen the experience in Croatia, sent
circular letters in 1991 and ] 992 to 8,000 addresses throughout the of and the
and everywhere else said "that nasty await us, and that we should try to
protect, dislocate etc.", They procured the containers in February
1992. In this way they managed to save the film archives in the same under the fire,
where the Oriental Institute had been located (the publication, pp. 36-38,). The State
Archive's depot in the which housed the State received a direct hit. It
shows the dift1cullles that occurred in the preparation for this war. The actual of the
aggression had been ten years earlier, not only from the outside but also from the in­
side, Never1heless, it was necessary to secure the space before the war in order to avoid what
happened in the depot aforementioned the rats the records saved.
From the beginning of 1993, we in the National Museum faced a dilemma whether or not to
accept or to refuse the space offered for the evacuation and placement of artefacts in the UNIS
basement. Upon the request by our Director, Dr. Rizo Dunja Rihtman and
myself inspected the space, but we refused them eventually, because the space was too small, It
also had rats, and the chance for our people to be in the contact with the space itself and the
exhibits was rather limited.

It is difficult not to attribute the idea about this exhibition with the political naivete,
to say the least. On December 18, 1991, the Museum's Director, Mr. Alma z Dautbego­
vic, met with all the Heads of Departments and collections. During the meeting, it was
concluded that the exhibition would be opened on May 18, 1992, on the National Mu­
seum's day. The project was to be prepared in a month 's time. The space proposed was
to be inspected together and finally chosen. The premises of the Collegium Artisticum
Gallery were selected as the exhibition place. The Museum experts received its ground
plan in order to begin the preparations.
The Plan of Activities for 1992 was prepared at that time. It was sent to the Minister
of Culture with the accompanying letter of the Museum's Director. The letter was full
of Director's concerns. It is characteristic of this Plan that it contained anything which
could indicate the preparation of staff and museum material for the work under war



The month of April 1992, nice and sunny, was the last month in the National Museum
when the employees could have been stopped from taking holidays and days on leave . It
was the time when the nice weather could have been used to prepare the necessary
packing material, or its replacement, for the museum exhibits. The Museum basements
could have been prepared to store the exhibits, as well as the sandbags, metal containers
for the woodwork in the Department for Ethnology. The adequate shields for the sLOne
monuments that could not be moved could have been made. The specially designed
wooden skeletons for the medieval tombstones in the Botanical garden could have been
prepared. Once they were in place, the sandbags could be put on them in appropriate
intervals. The food and fuel for the people on duty in the Museum could have been pro­
cured, etc. It was the very last month when it was possible to convene the most promi­
nent Museum experts, who could work out the plan for the alternative and timely
evacuation. The aggression against the monuments in Dubrovnik in Croatia, was the
ultimate signal for warning.
Could this be achieved in the National Museum?
The last thing mentioned, the plan for the alternative and timely evacuation, implied
the evaluation of the political situation. It requested the clear stand against the attackers,
the attackers against Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the National Museum.
The ethnic composition of the employees in the Museum before the aggression
showed the staff where the Serbs were in full majority.l0 Although they were the people

Y I would like to quote the Director's text as characteristic in full: "In relation to the great uncer­
tainties with which we enter into the new 1992; and, among other things, in view of the fi­
nancing the areas in which we happen to work (culture and science), the plan should be under­
stood and accepted as a strict orientation what we intend to do in the coming year. It relates to
all the segments within the National Mu seum of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One can expect that
we shall know with the necessary certainty in due time with what kind of funding our institu­
tion can dispose of, so we can be in a position to assess more realistically what will be our pri­
orities in 1992."
\0 According to the pay list, in January 1992 there were 29 Bosniaks, 16 Croats, and 48 Serbs in

the Museum out of 95 employees. In the category of people with the University degree , there
were 12 Bosniaks (two of them with Ph.D. and other two with MA degrees); II Croats with the
University degrees (out of them, three with Ph.D . and three with MA degrees); whereas there
were 21 Serbs with the University degrees (out of them , three Ph.D. holders and one with MA) .

of different political views, the majority of them did not show fear from the imminent
danger, either by the extremist wing of the Serbian Democratic party (SDS), and , espe­
cially, from the members of the Yugoslav People's Army, the executor of the aggres­
sion against Bosnia and Herzegovina after the country became internationally recog­
nised as the independent Republic. It is possible that some of the employees were sym­
pathetic to the ideas promoted by the Serbian Democratic Party. While I write this, I am
unaware if some of the Bosniaks or Croats, employed in the Museum, belonged to any
particular political organisations. The Basic Organisation of National Museum's League
of Communists ceased to exist long time before the war. Under such conditions, there
were no attempts to reach the highly professional conclusions about the common approach
towards the institution and its treasure. One can even speak about the di vision along the
ethnic lines among the experts, and, very likely , among other employees . From the out­
set of 1992, the employees continued to leave the Museum without any contro1.

Such an employment policy before the war was characteristic for the areas of humanities and
culture, with the exception of the Oriental Institute, where the majority of employees were
Bosniaks. The number of staff in the Museum Services was as follows: 38 people in the Joint
Services, including the Library; 21 persons in the Department for Archaeology; 18 ones in the
Department for Natural Sciences; and 17 employees in the Department for Ethnology.
II In March 1992, Mirko Babic from the Department for Archaeology went on holidays. He never

returned to the Museum. Nebojsa Bjelovitic took the leave of absence to USA. A number of the
Museum employees spent these months in the reserve corps. - The pay list for April 1992 indi­
cates that 68 persons out of 93 employees took their salaries personally, five people authorised
the others to collect their pays, whereas 20 persons never claimed their salaries. They are as
follows: Mirko Babic, NebojSa Bjelovitic, Neboj~a Ludajic, Momir Cerovic, Mira Cerovic,
Milica Kosoric, BoSko Marijan, Ivan Fogl, Mirza Hasan Ceman - all from the Department of
Archaeology; Irena Fileki , Miroslav Niskanovic, Dragica Panic, Siobodanka Markovic i Sadko
Had zi hasanovic - from the Department for Ethnology; Ranko Pandurevic, Jana Draganovic ­
from the Department for Natural Sciences; Vesna Anu~ic , Jasmin Kahrica, Strahinja Vaskovic,
Ziatana Petrovic, Stanojka Vukovie - from the Joint Services. Dragica Perc collected the salary
for Mara Tabakovic, Slavisa Peric for Radivoje Savie, Azra Hilcisin for Ranka Krco , and Petra
Raden for Milica Petkovie. Out of all of them, only Mirza Hasan Ceman is in the Museum to­
day. This shows that more than 25% of employees left the Museum in the course of April and
at the beginning of May 1992. As I have already said, a decrease of employees present in the
Museum had started in the previous two months (holidays, days off, paid or unpaid leaves of
absence) and it would continue in the months to come. One can mention the opposite exam­
ples. Svetlana Bajic, the senior curator, who was on leave in order to complete her doctoral dis­
sertation, cancelled her leave of absence. She was worried about her collections. She came to
the Museum on April 6, and continued to come until April 30 when the aggressor sealed down
Dobrinja, her residential suburb.
If we take the pay list as the proper indicator in the Museum's fluctuation, then the list
shows that the employees left their work in large numbers throughout May 1992. There were
62 persons on the pay list. 10 of them did not collect their salaries. The months of May and
June were the periods when the smallest number of employees came to the Museum buildings.
The li st of persons on the compulsory work obligation - 49 of them - included some prominent
Museum experts, even those in senior positions (Dr. Vlajko Palavestra, and Dr. Veljko
Paskvalin who remained in Sarajevo all the time, whereas Dr. Borivoj Covie was in Bihac, as
well as some others).
The number of 19 people who were laid off, we included those who had used paid or un­
paid leaves of absence, which did not expire, the ladies who had small children , and those who
could not come to work, because of the "City's fragmentation" (Dobrinja suburb). Director Mr.
Almaz Dautbegovie included until August 1992 on these lists, either the compulsory work ob­
ligations or those who were laid off, even the persons that had been known to reside in the sec­
tions of the City under the effective Serbian Democratic Party control - such as Blagoje

The necessary discipline was lacking to prevent the employees of this Institution,
particularly its experts, from fleeing "into safety". Deputy section heads, department
heads and the other experts vanished without uttering goodbye. 12 The Institution leader­
ship did not follow the legal decree, dated April 9, 1992, on the making the work obli­
gation compulsory. Such an obligation came from the Decree on the Pronouncement of
the Immediate War Danger.13 It can be seen in April and May that the topmost Museum
leaders lacked a clear determination to define a decision on the manner for protecting
the museum treasure from the attackers, either in the Museum buildings, or outside the
Museum by having searched for more suitable places. Perhaps the reason Wa.') in the
situation that not everybody could "recognise" the attackers in the first months of ag­
gression, in April and May 1992. The same persons did not know how long the defence
could hold on, so they opted not to define the attacker, or to speak about the "confronta­
tion lines". One can relate such circumstances in the Museum with the action about
which we have the written trace by one of its participants, Prof. Dr. Enver Imamovic, at
the time a Professor at the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo. The action was meant to
take the Museum archaeological values , rarities, among them the Sarajevo Haggadah,
out of the National Museum and put them into the safer place. It took place on Sunday,
June 6, 1992. It is interesting to note that the action took place without consultations
with the then current National Museum's Director, Mr. Almaz Dautbegovic. Mr. Hamo
KarkeJja, in charge of preparation works in the National Museum's Department for Ar­
chaeology, took part in the action. The group was received in the Museum by Esad Vesko­
vic and Borivoje Zuza. According to the report submitted by Prof. Imamovic, one could
not see who was the instigator of this activity, but it can be discerned that it had been
prepared after the consultations with the responsible persons in the City Hall in charge
of culture. After the consultations, the help was requested and granted from the Centre
for Security Services (CSB) Sarajevo. This assistance guaranteed the action's success.
The first sentence in Prof. Dr. ImamoviC's report can be understood as the most interesting
one. It points out that the immediate reason for the action was the evaluation about the
National Museum's critical lack of readiness to operate under the war conditions .

Milovic (listed under the compulsory work obligation), Rajko P~tar (partly compulsory work
obligation, and partly laid off), Slavi~a Peric, and others. Blagoje Milovic was deleted from the
compulsory work obligation only in August 1992. When Dr. Vlajko Palavestra and Dr. Veljko
Paskvalin retired in September 1992, the compulsory work obligation list included 36 persons,
and 22 ones on the laid off list. The number of persons remained the same in October on the
compulsory work list in October 1992, whereas the following names were deleted from the laid
off list: Slavi~a Perie, Rajko P~tar, Mico Kulina, lovanka To~ie, Stana Divcic, Stanojka
Vukovic, Amela Kuc, etc. The laid off list had only 8 persons. In November 1992, Nevenka
Burica is mentioned again on the laid off list (Svetlana Bajic picks up her salary). In December
\992, Ljudmila Kovacevic went to the Czech Republic, and , therefore was deleted from the
compulsory work list, whereas Nevenka Burica was omitted from the laid off list. Dr. Svje­
toslav Obratil, the head of department for Natural Sciences "before the war and throughout the
war" points out: "Not a single employee requested permission to leave the City from e as the
head of Department". !From the National Museum's Archives, 668/4, September 30, 1996/.
12 Only in the later war months, the second director, Dr. Rizo Sijarie, issued a decree on October
22, 1992, to prevent taking out the research documentation or the material that still needed to
be dealt with. He did it for the sake of "Protection of material that must be secured within the
Museum or the appropriate place".
13 The first acts on the compulsory work obligations, within the war distribution of duties in the
National Museum, were issued after the Main Board - the National Museum Crisis Headquar­
ters had been set up (lune 23 , 1992) , but the Municipal Secretariat for People's Defence issued
the first statement about the compulsory work obligation on lune 30, 1992.

That sentence reads as follows:

"In view to the fact that the National Museum entered into the war without any
proper preparations, and that even the most basic measures for the protection of treasure
it had held in its depots were not undertaken, the situation occurred that the same treas­
ure was absolutely not protected either from bombing, fire or destruction, or from the
theft and devastation by the individuals and groups that went into the Museum without
control, and took over the Museum buildings.,,14
It is indispensable to mention here that the first organised hiding of the Haggadah in
the Museum, which took place on April 29, 1992. The Museum's Director Almaz Daut­
begovic and his Deputies Blagoje Milovic and Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil deposited the
Haggadah into a separate safe box. It was taken into the basement. It was not endan­
gered there either by water or moisture there, until it was deposited again into the new
place .
In my opinion, Prof. Dr. Enver lmamovic undertook the action exactly at the mo­
ment when the Haggadah was really in danger.
The situation Prof. Dr. Imamovic speaks about in his report can be connected to the
inaccessibility, or rather, to the absence of any documentation about the Security Serv­
ice in the Museum before April 9, 1992. To say that the National Museum was not pre­
pared to operate under the war conditions can be best seen by the state of its Security
Guard Service in April and May. In April 1992, the Security Service and the Museum
guards operated as if in the peaceful circumstances. All the movements in the City, the
unrest, barriers on the streets that pointed out particularly to the extremists, did not in­
fluence any measures to re-organise this service. Even the stay of the "White Eagles"
(the extremist paramilitary organisation from Serbia) in the Museum did not ring the
bell about the need to reorganise the Security Guard Service. The circumstances of the
"White Eagles" breaking into the Museum have never been clarified to the people in the
Museum, or the general public in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It all happened in the rather
critical period for the security of this institution, before April 4, 1992. There were no
written traces, Museum documents or reports about the events on that day, and the night
that had preceded it. IS All we have now are the memories about the testimony by the
guard on duty that day, Mr. Rade Savic. A handler from the Department of Archae­
ology, Marica Todorovic, at the time also served as a guard, who came to the duty in the
Museum the next day, remembers vividly a meeting with fifteen young men in combat
uniforms. A few of them wore the stockings over their faces in order to mask them­
selves. According to the documentation available, the Security Guard Service's activi­
ties can be followed, unfortunately, only from April 9 to July 13, 1992. 16 The Security

14 This report did not have a proper protocol number in the National Museum's Records.
The report stated that the treasure saved "was mostly consisting of golden and silver things
that belonged to the pre-historical period, the age of antiquity and the Middle Ages". - "The
things saved were mostly rings, bracelets, necklaces, earrings, fibulae, numismatic specimens
from different epochs, moul.ds for manufacturing of jewellery from the ancient, Hellenistic times,
etc. These were unique things of priceless cultural and artistic value. In addition to these arte­
facts, a unique manuscript was also saved - a masterpiece of illuminating art from 14'h century.
The action also managed to protect the remnants of the Bosnian Kings and Queens, etc."
IS Director Almaz Dautbegovic had been infonned by phone from the person on duty, and he,
consequently passed by phone the infonnation received . The Director never asked for the
written report about the events that took place in the Museum.
16 A Duty book was kept as a journal of inordinate duty hours. This book, or, in fact, the note­
book on duty that covered the period between April 9 to July 13, 1992. was "lost". It was dis­
covered on September 30. 1996. when Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil had found it in the office desk of
the late Dr. Rizo Sijaric. Dr. Sijaric was the National Museum Director from October I, 1992

Guard Service underwent a few stages in this period . The first stage lasted from April 9
to May 2, 1992. This stage is characterised by the dissolution of previous, peaceful time
security guard service. The so-called "mass duty service" was established. The "Head
Office", or rather, the actual Museum Director Almaz Dautbegovic and his Deputy Bla­
goje Milovic took the decision on the new organisation without the proper system and
without the consent of the Museum's Council. The new system ordered almost all the
employees, with the exception of a few senior scientific advisors, to become involved
with watchman duties from time to time. The list of persons on duty in the morning af­
ternoon and night hours was made in advance. About forty employees took part in these
activities. 18 A large number of employees who had taken party in these services sud­
denly left Sarajevo towards the end of April 1992. Most of them were men. 19
May 2, 1992 marks the end of this stage in the duty shifts in the National Museum.
It is indicative by the behaviour of many persons on duty. The person supposed to be in
the night shift on May 2 was the gardener Rajko Pastar. He always came on time to his
shift in the previous period. That night he did not appear on his duty. From that day he
left the National Museum. He went to the attackers' side. He was followed by: Borde
Cucilo, Jasmin Kahrica, Nenad Tadic and Rade Savic. Strahinja Vaskovic, who was in
charge of the heating system, had already lived on the territory under the SDS control.
He remained there for good. Miroslav Ni~kanovic, ethnologist, and Slavisa Peric, ar­
chaeologist, also on the list of persons on duty, left the National Museum. Miroslav
Niskanovic suddenly flew in the military plane with his family to Belgrade. He did not
report to work since April 1, 1992. Slavisa Peric, who used to live in Visoko, came sev­
eral times to the Museum in April. He spent some time afterwards in Banja Luka and
then in Belgrade. 2o
May 2, 1992 was known as the beginning of a fierce attack against Sarajevo. These
attacks did not lose their intensity in the three and a half years long period. (Photo No.3).
Such a situation "found" a group of people in the Museum on that day,21 and the male
part of the group remained in the Museum for an indefinite period of time. From the
male persons present in the building, an ad ho<, Security Guards Service was set up. This
service was not confirmed by any legal document for a long time, and, consequently,
their real duties were not specified. From May 2 to May 9, 1992, this highly important

until he was murdered in the Sarajevo Didikovac Street. on December 6, 1993 . The notebook
was damaged, some sheets were torn from it, which can be seen at the beginning or the end
(four pages are missing).
17 The night watchmen in this period were Radivoje Savic and Borde Cul::ilo; the daylight
watchmen were Nenad Tadic, Jasmin Kahrica and HamdUa Basic.
IS The biggest number of duty hours in this period (April 9 - May 2, 1992) was carried out by
Rajko [gnjatovic (seven times), Borivoje Zuza (seven times), Srdan Perunil::ic (five times),
Rajko Pa~tar (three times) and Esad Veskovic (three times). None of them was from the regular
National Museum's Security Guard Service.
19 This "emptying" of the Museum was reflected not only in daily but also in the night shifts.
Two persons were on duty several times, although the night shifts, as a rule, should have con­
sisted of three persons. Borivoje Zuza and Rajko [gnjatovic were listed as the persons on duty
in the night shift on April 9, 1992, Rade Savic and Rajko Ignjatovic on April 13, 1992, Rajko
Pastar and Borivoje Zuza on April 14, 1992, Rajko Ignjatovic and Miodrag Radovanovic on
April 21 , 1992. Several times there was only one person on the night duty : Rajko Ignjatovic on
19 and 20 April 1992. and Borivoje Zuza on April 26, 1992.
20 A large number of the Museum employees, particularly of Serb ethnic background, left Sara­
jevo a few days before.
21 On that critical day the following people were in the Museum : Srdan Perunil::ic, Borivoje Zuza,
Hanifa Dzidic and Olga Lalevic. Olga Lalevic remained in the Museum the following day.
Hanifa Dzidic remained to help voluntarily to the team on duty until May 18, 1992.

duty in the Museum was carried out by Srdan Perunicic and Borivoje Zuza, taxidermists
in the Natural Sciences Department. According to the oral order by the Director Daut­
begovic, Esad Veskovic, a conservator in the Archaeology Department joined the group
from May 10. They continued to remain permanently within the Museum premises until
mid-April 1993. This Security Guard Service carried out the duties of protecting the
Museum exhibits. From the middle of April 1993, the Headquarters for Protection of
Cultural Goods assumed the complete security service in the Museum. This Security
Service remained in the Museum until the end of hostilities.

Photo No.3 - The National Museum in 1992 - Photo by M. Radovanovic

The level of readiness to work under the war conditions has been determined by the
Museum strategic location, its strategic position where it has been located. The National
Museum buildings are located next to the most important state institutions, the Govern ­
ment and Parliament buildings. When the aggression began, the Museum became an
important strategic point both for the attackers and the defenders. The main entrance,
the entrance for the staff and the visitors is on the north side, from the former Vojvode
Putnika Street No.7 (nowadays this street is called Zmaja od Bosne No.3). The main
entrance passes through the building, which housed the Archaeology Department. This
side of the Museum Complex, the whole north side of the "Archaeology" Building, had
been , from the beginning of the aggression, under the fierce fire from the main barracks
by the Yugoslav People's Army, across the entrance into the Museum, and by sniper
shots from the Military Hospital, and, occasionally, from the high rise buildings on the
other side of the street. The Museum staff, that mostly entered the Museum from that
side, was often the target from the Military Hospital and Marshall Tito barracks until
these buildings were emptied by the JNA forces. A number of snipers fired their shots
from the left bank of the Miljacka River, which had been held by the Serbs who sup­
ported their nationalist leader Dr. Karadzic. The other entrance is from Franjo Racki

Street. It is the street that separated the Faculty of Philosophy from the National Mu­
seum. This entrance passes through the Botanical garden that overlooks the southern
side of the Museum. It was only 50 meters away from the front lines . There was a latent
danger from diversions from this side. It was clear to all of us who took care of the Mu­
seum that the defence had to follow closely all the indications about the terrorist groups,
not only from the enemy but also from the individuals and paramilitary groups that re­
belled against the newly recognised Bosnian State. Around May 5, 1992 the Territorial
Defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its forces came into the Museum and the area
around it. These units organised the protection of this strategically important territory.
In this way they prevented the breakthroughs of the enemy troops. Later on, these units
have been transformed into the Amy of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
Ministry of Interior. These units remained in the area in larger or smaller numbers, de­
pending on the situation. From November 1992 to April 1993, the aforementioned
Headquarters for the Protection of Cultural Goods gave a considerable protection to the
National Museum. The members of this Headquarters' units helped in dislocating the
Library coIlections and in fitting of plastic sheets on about 300 windows. The Head­
quarters assumed the responsibility for the actual physical protection of the Museum in
mid-April 1993. One can suppose that there has been Territorial Defence members
without proper control, as well as among the members of the Police Force. The same is
applicable to the people who had belonged to the Headquarters for the Protection of
Cultural Goods. Later on, the Museum Director Dr. Rizo Sijari6 decided to ask the
Headquarters' guards to leave the premises of the National Museum.
There were no military units in the Museum buildings until March 1993. These
troops carried out their duties outside the Museum pavilions in accordance to the mili­
tary strategy. However, in March 1993, some units of Croatian Defence Council (HVO)
were partly placed in the Natural Sciences Department, whereas the members of the
Special Police Force were stationed in the Head Office building. There were some thefts
and breaking into the Museum at the time. Fortunately, only some technical equipment
that can be bought again was stolen.
The Croatian Defence Council fortified rather visibly the main entrance from the
Vojvode Putnika Street. These fortifications left the impression that the buildings had
been transformed into a military compound. In this way, the UNESCO flag at the Mu­
seum entrance left its original meaning. When the Special Police Force members began
to enter into the Library collections in the Head Office buildings, there was a serious
row between the Director Rizo Sijaric and the responsible person in the Ministry of De­
fence and the Supreme Command . The improvement of overaU situation in the Museum
took place after this incident.
As it has been already pointed elsewhere, at the beginning of the aggression the Mu­
seum leadership became dispersed. Those who had been supposed to lead the institution
in its days of hardship were: the Director Almaz Dautbegovic, who performed his duty
during the first six months of the war. He became ill, and after the hospital treatment in
Sarajevo, he retired on October I, 1992. He left the country afterwards to continue his
recovery . The Museum Council fell apart, since the majority of its members had left
both the Museum and Sarajevo. The Assistant Director, Blagoje Milovi6, remained in
his apartment in the residential area of Grbavica (a part of Sarajevo that was in the
hands of Karadzi6's military and police units throughout the war. He came to the Mu­
seum for the last time on May 22, 1992). (He came to visit the Museum occasionally in
1997 and 1998). The Head of the Archaeology Department, Mr. Tihomir Glavas, MA,
was conducting a fieldwork in Herzegovina when the war broke off. His replacement
for 20 days in March and April 1992 was Mr. Mirza Hasan Ceman, MA. Afterwards
neither one of them came to the Museum . Mr. Mirza Hasan Ceman left for Croatia,

whereas Mr. Glava§ remained permanently in Herzegovina (Mr. Ceman came back to
Sarajevo in 1996).
The Head of the Natural Sciences Department, Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil, the most de­
voted Head in the war times and one of the most conscientious persons in the Museum,
retained the speed of his skiing times. He was lucky enough to apply his skill while
riding on a daily basis a bicycle to and from the Museum. The Head of the Ethnology
Department, Mrs. Astrida Bugarski, the Museum Adviser (she had been appointed to
the duty on March I, 1992), tried very hard, despite her weak health, a sudden loss of
weight and a considerable distance from her place of living to the Museum, to come
more often to the Museum and co-ordinate the protection work. When she resigned
from her position , she was replaced by Ms . Mersida Bakovljev (from April I, 1993),
who had not been ready to do this duty , since she had begun to work only a few months
before the war (since January 15, 1992). Dr. Denana Buturovic assumed this position on
March 4, 1994, upon the insistence of the new Director Prof. Dr. Enver Imamovic.
When Dr. Buturovic took a sick leave, she was replaced by Mrs. Svetlana Bajic, Senior
Curator (on December 5, 1994). Mrs . Bajic was appointed the Head on December 26,
1994 , and she continued to perform her duty after signing of the Dayton Peace Accords.
Sometimes in the fall of 1992 Ms. Lidija Fekeza, MA, had been appointed the Head for
the Archaeology Department. She was replaced later on by Ms. Margita Gavrilovic,
Senior Curator (on December 15, 1995). The issue of leadership became even more
prominent with the death of the second war Director, Dr. Rizo Sijaric. He was killed on
December 6, 1993 by shrapnel from the shell that had been fired from the Serbian posi­
tion while he was trying to secure plastic sheets for the damaged Museum roof. The
Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina appointed Prof. Dr. Enver
lmamovic as his replacement on Januray 7, 1994. When Prof. Imamovic resigned from
this position, he was replaced by Dr. Denana Buturovic (on July 5,1996).
The first six months of the National Museum history under the war conditions gave
a direction to this Institution not only during the war situation, but also much longer
after the war ended.
According to the Decree by the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Proc­
lamation of War in the Republic (on June 20, 1992 22 ), the Director Dautbegovic took a
decision to set up a temporary Board of Directors - the Crisis Headquarters of the National
Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina on June 23 , 1992. The members of the Board of
Directors - the Crisis Headquarters were: Mr. Almaz Dautbegovic, Dr. Svjetoslav
Obratil, Mrs. Lidija Fekeza, MA, Mr. Esad Veskovic, Mr. Srdan Peruni~ic, Mrs. Astrida
Bugarski, Dr. Vlajko Palavestra, Mrs. Hanifa Dzidic and Mr. Kemal Bakar§ic, MA .23

22 'The Official Gazette of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina", No . 7, pp. 234-235.
23 Only Dr. Vlajko Palavestra did not appear at any meeting of the Board of Directors. His ab­
sence was duly recorded. - According to the existing archives in the National Museum the de­
cisions about the assignment to work and the working duties had been made by the Director
Almaz Dautbegovic and his own judgement: Kemal BakarSic, MA /June 26, 1992/, Srdan
Perunicic, Lidija Fekeza, MA, Hanifa Dzidic, Astrida Bugarski /June 29, 1992/, and all but
Kemal BakarSic were the members of the Board of Directors - The National Museum Crisis
Headquarters. Except for the assignment issued for Srdan Perunicic, all the other decisions in
the National Museum records, do not have the proper stamp on them.
In addition to those assignments, five more assignments had been issued : for Milica
Petkovic, a cleaning person, Margita Gavrilovic Ipedagogue in the Archaeology Department!,
Rukija Bjelak IOffice Clerk!, Ljudmila Kovacevic and Zdenko Kovacevic ITaxidermists in the
Natural Sciences Department!, and they all had the date July 24, 1992. All 10 assignment de­
crees were internal, the Museum decrees. A remark by Esad Veskovic, a witness of all the Mu­
seum events at the time, the person who spent the whole war in the Museum, can be taken as a

characteristic one: " I. as the participant of these times, who happened to stay in the Museum
almost permanently, and was, among other things, the Vice Chairperson of the Board of Di­
rectors - the Crisis Headquarters Ifrom June 26, 19921 am not altogether aware how many as­
signment decrees had been issued, and why some of them had been verified with the stamp,
whereas the others had no stamp on them IMr. Veskovic referred to the official Museum stamp
for the documents with the Museum memo/".
The first Decrees on the compulsory working obligations by the Municipal Secretariat for
People's Defence dated June 30, 1992, upon the request submitted by the National Museum
Director, were issued to four Museum men employees: Esad Veskovic, Borivoje Zuza, Srdan
Peruni~ie, and Mustafa Jamakosmanovic. Yet another two persons received the assignment de­
crees although they have never been employed by the National Museum, but they used to be
the tenants in the National Museum. They were Damir Jamakosmanovie, the son of the janitor
Mustafa Jamakosmanovic, and Meho Mulie, the husband of the daughter of our deceased em­
ployee, who also used to be the tenant in the Museum. According to the statement by Mr. Esad
Veskovic, the first one helped for a fortnight to his father Mustafa Jamakosmanovie in the
evacuation of museum exhibits, museum furniture and equipment to the safer places during the
first shelling of the national Museum. The second one also helped in carrying the things, but,
occasionally, he would give his own vehicle to the Institution, and brought the necessary pro­
tection and other material to the Museum throughout the war years. Esad Veskovic points out
Meho Mulic and his correct attitude towards the Museum property and his readiness to help the
persons on duty whenever he had gasoline in his car. He would always assist the team on duty,
particularly when he would go and bring the food, such as bread, which, in the first war year,
could be obtained only in the City Bakery. The persons on duty in the Museum always remem­
bered Meho Mulic and his readiness to share the last cigarette with them. Naturally, the people
on duty reciprocated. Veskovic, Zuza and Peruni~ic were permanent Museum Guards at the
time, and they also acted an ad hoc evacuation team, since they moved the most endangered
museum exhibits. Apart from his janitor duties , Mustafa Jamakosmanovie was responsible to
be their replacement if anyone of them was unable to attend his guard duty.
These six work assignments expired after a month long period . The decree about the war
assignment within the compulsory working assignment was issued to Hamdija Basic from the
Municipal Secretariat for People's Defence - Stari Grad Municipality (July 23, 1992) . The
same decrees by the Municipal Secretariat for People's Defence - Novo Sarajevo Municipality,
were issued on September 9, 1992 to: Miodrag Radovanovie, Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil and Kemal
Bakar~i(\ MA. Kemal Bakar~ic became engaged in the Ministry of Defence from November
1992. The Municipal Secretariat for People's Defence - Novo Grad Municipality issued the
same decrees later on to Zdenko Kova~evic and Jusuf Gadzo. The first working assignment to
men in 1993 was issued to the new Director of the National Museum Dr. Rizo Sijarie. The first
working assignments for women were issued by the Municipal Secretariats for People ' s De­
fence on July 6, 1993 to the following persons: Rukija Bjelak, Sabaheta AbadZic, Hamida
Karaman, Marica Todorovic, Rasema Salaka, Svetlana Bajie /Novi Grad Municipality/. Dr.
Dzenana Buturovic was issued her working assignment somewhat later /Centar Municipality,
July 29, 1993/ . A month later, or to be precise, on August 31,1993, the Municipal Secretariat
for People ' s Defence - Novo Sarajevo Municipality issued the same decrees to Jasminka SiSic,
lIizabeta Cvijetic, and Petra Raden.
The final working assignments in 1993 were issued to: Lidija Fekeza. MA, Olga Lalevic,
Astrida Bugarski, Smilja Ljubi~ie, Hanifa Dzidi6, Zilka Kujundzic, Mersida Bakov!jev, Dunja
Rihtman-Sotrie, MA Esma Kreso, Margita Gavrilovic and Dr. Cedomil Silie on September 6,
1993 by the Municipal Secretariat for People's Defence - Centar Municipality.
One can conclude that both the internal and official working assignment decrees came
rather later to the National Museum in comparison to the legal obligations. Onl y 10 employees,
all of them men, had the compulsory working obligations as their war duty in 1992, as had
been proclaimed by the relevant Municipal Secretariat for People' s Defence. However, all
these decrees were issued for a shon period of time, and they did not cover the whole 1992. ln
1993,21 employees in the Museum received the compulsory working obligations as their war

The Crisis Headquarters' basic tasks were: 1. The organisation of work of the Institution
under the war co~ditions, 2. The organisation of the Museum buildings, the protection
and dislocation to the safer places of the most valuable exhibits, publications, docu­

duties. Only two of them were men, whereas 19 others were women. So, the point is on the
work assignments which had been issued by the Muncipal Secretariats for People's Defence (in
the corresponding municipality).
When the compulsory working obligations which had been issued in 1992 expired. a few
employees, mostly men, could not obtain the appropriate consent by the relevant Municipal Secr­
etariat for People's Defence. Four colleagues of ours joined the ranks of defenders of Sarajevo:
Hamo Karkelja - mobilised on November 10, 1992. He returned to the Museum after he
was demobilised on May 2. 1996.
Borivoje Zuza - he was the member of the special unit that protected cultural and historical
monuments in Sarajevo from August I. 1992 to February 28. 1994. He was mobilised in the
Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina on July 19. 1994 where he remained until
November 24 , 1995. He came back to the Museum in January 1996.
Zdenko Kovacevic - He was mobilised into the Croatian Defence Council in December
1992. He came back to the Museum on March I. 1996.
Srdan Perunicic - He was mobilised on December 9, 1993. He was demobilised on March
2, 1995. He came back to the Museum on March I, 1996.
In the course of 1994 the war duty as the compulsory working assignments were issued to
the following persons in the National Museum: Lejla Sulejmanovic /Office Clerk!, Aisa Softic,
MA Icurator in the Ethnology Department!. Merdina Tekac and Enisa Causevic Iwho came back
from the layoff status! had their compulsory working obligations in 1995, as well as Fadi! Cano,
Mirsada Muskic, BA Law, and Subhija Hamzic, as the newly employed ones in the Museum.
During the aggression, in addition to Dunja Rihtman-Sotric, MA, and Hanifa Dzidic, Zilka
Kujundzic-Vejzagic also left the National Museum in 1992. Since October 1992 Zilka Ku­
jundzi6 used the paid leave of absence outside Sarajevo land Bosnia and Herzegovina! for the
four months period in order to complete her Ph.D. dissertation. From March I, 1993 Zilka
Kujundzic used the unpaid leave of absence. Since Zilka Kujundzic did not report back to her
duties after the legal period expired, she was fired on February 28, 1993. Zilka Kujundzic came
back to Sarajevo and the National Museum on May 18, 1998.
One should include the payroll lists as the supplementary documents for the verification of
real presence of the employees in the National Museum, who happened to be its real saviours
and where every day should have counted towards the verification process. The payroll list for
June 1992 was at the same time the typed list of people on compulsory working obligation . We
had 49 persons on compulsory working obligations, whereas 19 persons were laid off. It means
that the layoff status had already been introduced as early as June 1992 in the National Mu­
seum. These numbers could not be taken as real and accurate, as much as the people on the
compulsory working obligations according to the payroll lists throughout 1992 could not be
taken as real evidence. These lists can be considered only as auxiliary means. The real data can
be seen in the payroll book, which kept records about the employees who personally collected
their salaries in the Museum. This payroll book shows which people were really on the com­
pulsory working obligations. It could be verified by the first document that dealt with the Or­
ganisation of work and assignments from July 1992. However, this document has never been
found in the Museum records. The Board of Directors - the Crisis Headquarters concluded on
July 6, 1992 that 45 persons had been under compulsory working obligations, 17 employees were
laid off with the minimal wages, and 5 persons were listed under the heading "about to retire".
Only on June 2, 1992, during the meeting of the Board of Directors - the Crisis Headquar­
ters, the issue was raised about the employees' obligations towards the National Museum. The
issue of salaries was also raised. It was suggested that the employees who were outside Sara­
jevo should lose their jobs with the right to file complaints about such decisions later on. 24
persons were suggested to be fired. Appropriate written decisions should have followed such a
decision. The women with small children up to seven years of age were exempted. They kept
the layoff status with the minimal wages.

mentation and the records, 3. To reach the decisions important for the Museum func­
tioning under the war conditions. The Chairperson of the Board of Directors - the Crisis
Headquarters was the Director Mr. Almaz Dautbegovic, and his Deputies with the full
authority both in reaching and in implementing the decisions for the work of the Insti­
tution were a conservator Mr. Esad Veskovic and the Head of the Natural Sciences De­
partment Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil. 24 In the period between the mid-1992 until 1994 there
were larger problems when the more permanent distribution of duties was concerned,
and in accordance with the real needs to assign work to the Museum staff under the war
conditions. It had a direct consequence on the issue of resolving the compulsory work
obligations by the Municipal Secretariats for Defence, especially because of the men fit
for a military service. On October 12, 1992 the new Board of Directors was set up under
the legal stipulations by the Decree of the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The Chairperson of the new Board had to be someone outside the Museum.
Mrs . Azra Begic, MA, from the National Arts Gallery of Bosnia and Herzegovina was
appointed the new Chairperson. Next to the Chairperson, there were four (V " '~rnembers:
Prof. Dr. Radomir Lakusic, Prof. Dr. Enver Imamovic, Mr. AleksandaI ~inkovic, B. Sc.
Eng. The members of the Board of Directors from the Museum were: r. Cedomil Silic,
Scientific Adviser, Mrs. Astrida Bugarski, Museum Adviser, Zilka Kl Jndzic, Curator.
During the first meeting of the new Board of Directors it was mcluded that Dr.
Rizo Sijaric, who had already been short-listed for the function, bee ne the Acting Di­
rector of the National Museum. His Assistant Director became Dr. :vjetoslav ObratiL
When Dr. Rizo Sijaric became the National Museum Director, I als accepted the offer
to become the member of the Board of Directors.
May and June of 1992 were rather important months in the war fe of the National
Museum. These were the two months when the most devoted Muse n staff, those who
have never abandon it to the end of the war, managed with utmost fficulties to reach
the Museum, which had been under the multiple attacks of the agg >sor. In these two
months the Museum was without its staff for fourteen days, excer those on duty, or
those who kept coming to the Museum on their own and who chos this place as their
home throughout the war. These were mostly the people whose far lies left Sarajevo,
or who were single. Whatever the reasons for their stay in the Mm 1m, they played a
decisive role in having saved and kept the Museum treasure and the iluseum buildings
even they joined the group on their own (Mrs. Lidija FekeZa, M) from August 26,
1992 to June 1993 - with the oral consent by the Director Dr. Ri2 Sijaric), or when
there was a need to remove some artefacts or other items (Dr. Rizo S lric, a few days in
the second half of 1992).
The presence of the Museum lodgers, Mr. Mustafa Jamakosm. ovic and his wife
Vasilija-Vaska Jamakosmanovic, and, for a while, their son Damir, well as the Mulic
family, Meho and Mira, with two small children, in the Natural S ~nces Department
building, also had positive effects on keeping the Museum. Accordil to the Duty Book
Log where they inscribed their names, but not always those who h 'pened to come to
the Museum,25 nobody, except themselves, came to the Museum, th Director included,

24 The documents from the Museum Archives No. 01-124/1 dated June 3C .992, and 01-1/23-[
dated June 30, 1992. During the 4lh meeting of the Board of Directors - tl Crisis Headquarters
on July 2, 1992, the Board of Directors was told that many mistakes had :en made during the
process of appointment and establishment of the Board of Directors - tl Crisis Headquarters
due to the lack of knowledge about the legal stipulations that did not al N the Director to be
the full member of the Board of Directors ("Official Gazette" No . 6, date lune 15, 1992)
25 I was surprised to note that neither Hanifa D:tidic nor Borivoje Zufu, wh lad been in the team
on duty in May 1992 and kept a small diary, did not make a note about n visit to the Museum
in the second half of May, and in the first half of June 1992, when I brc ~ht them my humble

in May 1992 on those days: from 16-21 May, from 23-26 May, and from 28-31 May;
whereas in June, 1992, none came to the Museum from June 1-5, from June 7-9, from
June 12-14, and on 17,21 and 26 June respectively . The Director Mr. Almaz Dautbegovic
and his Deputy Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil came most often to the Museum in this period
(twelve times). According to the entry by the persons on duty made on May 27 , 1992
(entry made by Mr. Esad Veskovic), th~ City Hall asked to establish a contact with the
Director Dautbegovic, since they were unaware on the conditions in the National Museum?6


The direct attacks against the Museum began in the first day of May 1992. The team on
duty kept a small diary, and one can find in it one of the first observations about the
direct hits against this edifice of culture and arts. Mrs. Hanifa Dzidi6 wrote under the
item 3 on May 4, 1992 the following. "Once again shots were fired from the direction of
the Marshall Tito barracks on the main Museum entrance door, which can be seen ." This
means that there have been more shots before these ones in the previous days. On May
5, the persons on duty inspected all the buildings but the Ethnology Department. This
building was inaccessible due to the strong and frequent shots from the Vrbanja Bridge
nearby . Both doors on the Head Office building were open, as well as the door of an
"office". The strong shell shrapnels broke the windows and demolished the curtains.
Everything was in good order on the first floor. It can be assumed that this was the first
visit by the Territorial Defence through the main entrance door. The janitor removed the
glass remnants later on and re-established the telephone extensions in the building. The
Natural Sciences Department building could show the first bullets on its door. The bul­
lets came through the window of the so-called Small Hall and through the glass door.
Three holes made by bullets could be seen to the right on the wall in the collection "The
Living World of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The canvass on the ceiling was torn apart.
The majority of windows had their glass broken. The intact collection "Minerals, rocks,
ores and meteorites" must have appeared surrealistic. A bullet broke the drawing on the
wall in the Invertebrata collection on the floor. A part of the Botanical garden within the
building complex was still without any damages. Except for the door, the Archaeology
Department building, which is also the main entrance into the Museum, was still not the
target of the fierce attacks. 27 There was a characteristic entry for that day, May 5, 1992:

contribution in food. Both Srdan Perunici6 and Borivoje Zuza remembered my visits. Upon my
request they made an additional statement about the visits on January 28, 1997.
26 According ton the aforementioned data, Mr. Dautbegovi6 came to the Museum two times in
May 1992 (on May 13 and IS, respectively), and dr. ObratiJ once (on May 15). Dunja Rihtman­
-Sotri6, MA, came once to the Museum on May 15, Blagoje Milovi6 and Mersida Bakovljev on
May 22, and Hamdija B~i6 and Rukija Bjelak on May 27. Olga Lalevi6 was in the Museum on
May 2 and 3, 1992. She carne five times to the Museum in the course of June 1992. Zelenko
Kovacevi6 was six times in the Museum in June, whereas Kemal Bakar~i6, Hanifa Dzidi6 and
Lidija Fekeza were five times in the Museum in June 1992. I did not include the employees
who had come to the Museum five times, including the author of this text, except for those who
visited the Museum in May 1992.
27 Hanifa Dzidi6 kept a small diary as one of the persons on permanent duty in all three shifts in
the period between May 2 to May 18, 1992. She left the Museum in order to join her family
abroad. Hanifa Dzidi6 managed to leave Sarajevo on June 15, 1994. She requested a one-year
leave of absence in order to spend a year in the Natural Science Museum of Houston, Texas,
USA, and again to meet her family. Once the requested period expired (on June 15, 1995),
Mrs. Dzidi6 requested again the unpaid leave of absence until December 3 I, 1995, but after the
second period expired, Mrs. Dzidi6 did not come back to the Museum.

"Since nobody else could reach the Museum, the same team on duty will continue to
function": Borivoje Zuza, Srdan Peruni ~ ic and Hanifa Dzidic - the morning, afternoon
and night shifts. The situation remained the same until May 10, when Esad Veskovic
joined them. The presence of the team on duty in these first days meant an important
help to the Territorial Defence. The people there were happy to know that the National
Museum had its people on duty throughout the month of May , and the month after. The
Head Office building was of particular importance, as well as the Natural Sciences De­
partment building, because of the proximity of the enemy lines. Our team often pleaded
with the Territorial Defence to announce their arrival , and wanted to secure the tele­
phone line for the Museum. The frequent visitors from the Territorial Defence to the
Head Office building could attract some unwanted people to the Museum . Both the
Territorial Defence and the Ministry of Police warned our team about thi s possibility. That
is why our three persons team, together with the janitor Mustafa Jamakosmanovic, began
to dislocate any items that could become the object of their attention. The audio and video
equipment was removed from that building, from the AV room of the Ethnology Depart­
ment, into Mustafa Jamakosmanovic's workshop in the Archaeology Department building.
Some valuable arts items have been dislocated from the Director' s office into the
Deputy Director's office (a large stylish mirror, and a painting, most likely the portrait
of Marshall Tito by Safet Zec, a copy of mosaic and a small stylish table, a large Aus­
trian vase with the coat of arms of all the Austro-Hungarian lands, a small vase, brass
ornaments, etc.) The Head Office building and the Natural Sciences Department were
targets during that night. The next morning, on May 8, 1992, the new damages were
discovered on the floor in the Head Office building, in the Library. There were no new
damages in the Natural Sciences Department. The team on duty found that all the doors
were open and all the lights were on. It is very likely that this was the signal for the en­
emy that this attractive line for sabotage was not accessible. The Territorial Defence did
not enter into the Ethnology Department building, since this line for the enemy sabotage
units had been covered from other points. Nevertheless, our team moved put three ex­
tremely valuable paintings from the corridor. They added a special touch to the overall
impression of the interior of this edifice, which had been built as the Bosnian house
from inside . From May 9. 1992 until the retreat of JNA units from the Marshall Tito
barracks (June 5,1992), the team on duty in the National Museum had an additional respon­
sibility and efforts in executing their job. The regular control from the Ministry of Interior
warned them about the possible members of defence who happened to be out of control.
The Territorial Defence demanded to increase the number of their members on the Mu­
seum outskirts, since it had been expected that the enemy saboteurs from Grbavica could
attempt a breakthrough towards the Marshall Tito barracks from their military compound.
Our Botanical garden began to die on May 10. A shell fired from the Marshall Tito
barracks fell near the Natural Sciences Department building. The well-known Pan~ic
spruce was broken down (the younger tree); an Aucubajaponica was damaged, as well as
a few tags . The windows on the right side of the Natural Sciences Department were
broken down. The team on duty followed the situation in the accessible depots (of the
Natural Sciences Department and, partly, the Archaeology Department). Our people on
duty also found the drawers of office tables broken into. It made their responsibility
even more difficult, since this was the time when they had no written authorisation for
their duty. On May 13, bullets damaged the windows in the Ornithology depot and in
the collection "The Living World of ~f;/"'ater and Slvamp Habitats". The next day, on May
14, the Museum was the target from very early hours, from 2:30 AM . The fire lasted the Zuza continued to write entries in the Diary since May 19. 1992. The last entry
was made on Jul y 13 , 1992. Esad Veskovic also made a few entries in the diary.

whole day, so our team on duty was unable to leave the Archaeology Department
building. Four shells hit directly the Archaeology building around 9 AM . It was the
building where our people on duty usually stayed throughout their shifts. The bullet hit
the window in the collection "Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Middle Agef'. The wall was
damaged, but, fortunately, the exhibits stayed out of reach. The Museum was also shot
from the Marshall Tito barracks in the afternoon. The windows on the ground floors in
the Archaeology Department and in the Main Reception Desk were shattered, so the
team on duty had to retreat from them to other place. The team on duty was able to as­
sess the damages only the next day. Their evaluation was that all the previous damages
appeared as "trifles" in comparison to the shelling and firing on that day.
It was the day when the Museum lost the majority of its windows . The remaining
glass in windows meant enormous danger both for the people and for the exhibit cases.
The exhibit case was damaged in the hall with eagles in the Natural Sciences Depart­
ment. A removal of glass was a considerable and constant effort for our team. It would
follow them throughout the war period. The attack left a lot of damages in the Botanical
garden. 28 Since there were heavy fighting going on during May 16 around the Museum,
the shots fired from the Tito barracks towards the Museum were incessant. The Mu­
seum was also in great danger from fire. The team on duty split into two groups.
Borivoje Zuza and Esad Veskovic went into the Joint Services building, the so called
Head Office , where the Library was located , in order to be near the books in case offire.
Srdan Perunitic and Hanifa Dzidic remained in the building near the main entrance - in
the Archaeology Department building. The Natural Sciences Department was shelled
from the Woodrow Wilson's Promenade, from the line directly exposed to the at­
tacker. 29 The number of damages grew up rapidly. The exhibit cases in the Birds collec­
tion were damaged. There were new damages in the collection that housed a skeleton of
a whale. New damages were found in the small exhibition hall. On May 18, our team on
duty was particularly concerned. An extremely large number of shells was sent to the
Museum (most likely because of the defence lines), and in particular near the Head Of­
fice building. It was the day when the air danger was called in Sarajevo. The Botanical
garden was more and more damaged. One of the Garden's beauties , a Japanese cherry
tree, lost its treetop, after the explosion of an infantry mine that could have been sent
either from the enemy lines on the Vraca Hill , or from the Marshall Tito barracks . Dur­
ing this stage of the Museum's destruction it was easier to make the list of existing win­
dows , than those that had been broken down 3o When Mrs. Hanifa Dzidic left home, the
team on duty was reduced to three persons only31 The team on duty still took care about

28 Our team on duty faced many difficulties. In the middle of shelling, together with the report on
damages , there was an entry: "We are rather hungry. We don't have any bread. We have been
eating dry bread for a few days now that Zelenko had been collecting once for fishing purpose"
Ithe dry bread was kept in the Natural Sciences Department workshop by Zdenko Kovacevic ­
remark by f)enana ButuroviC!. Since Hanifa D zidic was a botanist, they could use well the edi­
blepJants from the Botanical garden.
29 The situation in the Museum as well as in the whole City of Sarajevo was rather tense and full
of expectations. The team on duty wrote in their diary: "The situations is quite tense, because
" they" ought to leave the barracks. Single shots were fired early in the morning from the bar­
racks . God may only know what happens in there!"
30 Borivoje Zuza continued to keep the diary. He wrote that on this rather difficult day the Terri­
torial Defence from Marindvor brought a lot of food supplies to our team on duty.
31 A theft of drill from Borivoje Zuza's vertebrate taxidermist workshop, where he had worked,
was reported on that day. The room was inspected together with the janitor Mustafa Jamakos­
manovic. The trace of real theft was observed. Our men tried to clarify this thing with the peo­
ple from the Territorial Defence, but the special team for "observation" was in the room on th at
night, so it was highly likely that someone among them stole the drill.

the greenhouse behind the Natural Sciences Department building. The Museum Diary
recorded that on May 22 the new shells fell in the immediate vicinity of the Museum.
They broke the remaining glass on windows. On May 26, the team on duty noted that
22-mm shell fell directly on a medieval tombstone Istecakl ("on its upper flat surface").
The shrapnel damages could be seen on the other tombstones in the vicinity, as well as
on the fa~ade of the Ethnology building. During the night on May 28, between 22 PM to
2 AM the next day, the whole City of Sarajevo was under severe shelling attack . The
Museum buildings resisted a number of shells . Borivoje ZuZa wrote in the Diary: "The
large destruction shells fell around the Museum and onto the Museum itself." One or
two fell in the central part of the "Archaeology" building. (Photo No.4) One entered
into the working space on the pre-history collection floor, right above the full archaeo­
logical depot. It was 120-mm shell, which, fortunately, hit a reinforced beam. A 155­
mm shell reached the Botanical garden. It uprooted one side of the metal construction
near the ancient stone throne.

Pharo No.4 - The damaged roof on Ihe Archaeology building - Photo by M. Radovanovic

The first photos of the wounded National Museum were made on Sunday , May 3 J,
1992. A photographer Alija Aksamija came into the Museum accompanied by a police­
man, who was on guard near the Vrbanja Bridge. Having described that day , Borivoje
ZuZa wrote down his impression: - as if taking of pictures meant even the harder Mu­
seum's destruction. The shots fired from the Lenin Street at Grbavica hit the Natural
Sciences Department building from the Miljacka River side. The hit was made on the
support wall over the collection "Ungulates and Hoofed Animals". The inside of the col­
lection remained undamaged, except for the glass over the whale skeleton. 32 The first de­
struction in June damaged the central heating facilities in the Head Office and the Library.

• It is the tombstone from Vladevina near Rogatica.

32 Our team on duty tried very hard to have a telephone line. After the pipe burst out between the
Faculty of Philosophy and the National Museum, our people had only a small intlux of water in
the Archaeology depot.

Water leaked into the basement, and it endangered the library holdings . The janitor,
Mustafa Jamakosmanovic, together with the team on duty, shut the main valves in the
basement. On June 5, the JNA finally left the Tito barracks. After a quiet day, there
were severe explosions throughout the night that finished the remaining window glass.
The exhibit case was broken down on that night. It was the case that belonged to the
pre-historical collection. The famous boat from Donja Dolina, about 2,500 years old,
was kept in that case. The gable tip over the Museum entrance was also hit. June 6 was
the day when the archaeological gold and the "Haggadah" were dislocated to a safer
place. (Photo No.5). It was the right move in the right time , indeed. Several days

Photo No. 5 - A page from the S ara;evo H aggadah

withfighting fo:'owed. They brought new damages to the Museum. The Museum was
left without waler and electricity. It was on June 9, 1992. Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil joined
the team on d,~ty on June 10. They all tried to protect the broken exhibit cases of all
collections wjeh plastic covers and adhesive tapes. It was also the day when several
shells feU iii front of the Museum. They ruined completely the fayade in the part of the
Archaeology building where the archaeological workshop was. The new shells contin­

ued to destroy the Botanical garden and its tarmac walks. The new damages broke off
the telephone extensions among the Museum pavilions. The roof was also damaged
over the central Museum exhibition collection of the Middle Ages. The Director Almaz
Dautbegovic came into the Museum on June 15 with the Damages Assessment Com­
mittee. In relation to the severity of attacks, it was noted that the exhibition collections
and depots had suffered minimal damages (the Botanical garden was excluded from
such an assessment) The team on duty was given orders to continue with the removal of
exhibits to the safer places. The exhibits from the exhibition " Bosnia and Herzegovina
in [he Middle Ages" were transferred on that day. The exhibits from the exhibit case
No. 33 , 39, 40 and 41 were dislocated to the archaeological depot No.3. On June 16 ,
1992 the Director made the report together with Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil on the state of
collections, as well as the whole Museum complex. The decision was also reached on
the same day to keep moving the exhibits into safer places. However, neither these two
experts, nor anybody else could approach the Museum due to the attack on the Territo­
rial Defence positions around the Museum and near the Vrbanja Bridge. In this way, the
team on duty had to continue on their own to remove the exhibits from the cases into the
depots and safer places. The exhibits from six more cases that had belonged to the exhi­
bition "Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Middle Ages" were evacuated to the more pro­
tected office space. Since not all the keys of certain safer rooms and depots were avail­
able, the team had to stop with the evacuation on June 18. However, Mr. Zdenko Ko­
vacevic, a taxidermist for minerals, came into the Museum on June 18, so the team re­
oriented its activities to the Natural Sciences Department and focused its attention to
removing semi-precious stones. The team continued to remove and protect the exhibits
the next day. Mustafa Jamakosmanovic, together with Damir Jamakosmanovic, pro­
tected the boat from Donja Dolina in the "Pre-History" Section. They placed big panel
boards over the top of exhibit case. The team on duty began to move the exhibits from
the cases on the "pre-History" Section floor. They managed to take away the contents of
three cases when the new shelling in the afternoon prevented them from further work.
Yet another enemy, rather powerful and strong, turned against the Museum on the
same day, June 18, 1992. The weather, and in particular, the rain having brought a
moisture and enormous dangers to the Museum exhibits, began to pour on that day. It
was a heavy rain. The roof that had already been hit many times began to leak. A lot of
water began to reach the exhibition halls, notably the Archaeology Department and the
Natural Sciences Department (the exhibition halls where the Middle Ages had been
presented, on the floor and in the entrance hall on the ground floor in the "Archaeology"
building, as well as into the hall where the swamp birds had been exhibited, and into the
floor hall in the Natural Sciences Department building). (Photo No.6).
The team on duty removed a computer from the Library and the typewriters into the
Joint Services building. The struggle with water continued the next day. The archae­
ology-exhibited material from the "Middle Ages" exhibition cases continued to be
evacuated. The material from five cases was put into safety. The same thing would con­
tinue for the next few days. The visits of Zdenko Kovacevic and Svjetoslav Obrati I were
used in order to remove minerals and meteorites from the cases. Next to Almaz Daut­
begovic and Svjetoslav Obratil, who had already been coming to the Museum and its
respective Departments several times, also Dr. Cedomil Silic on June, 23 went into
the Botanical garden whereas Mr. Kemal Bakarsic, MA, inspected the Library. The
team on deputy continued with shifting the exhibits from the upper floors. The same did
Kemal Bakarsic with valuable books in the Library. On June 24 , the enemy [lfed towards
the Museum from the machine gun. One bullet damaged a platform in the medieval col­
lection in the "Archaeology" building. On the same day, the team on duty began to remove
the archaeological documentation. Svjetoslav Obratil and Zdenko Kovacevic continued
to move the minerals, and Mustafa Jamakosmanovic persevered in protecting the boat.

Photo No.6 - Damages in {he Invertebrata exhibition collection in {he

Na{ural Sciences Depar{men{ - Photo by M. Radovanovic
It was on June 25 when a large group of people from the Museum managed to come
into the Museum (Olga Lalevic, KemaJ Bakarsic, Zdenko Kovatevic, Lidija Fekeza,

Photo No.7 - Damages on Ihe paillied ceiling in Ihe exhibilion

co l/eClion of Ihe Archaeology Deparlmenl - Pho to by M. Radov anovic

Svjetoslav Obratil , Smilja Ljubitic, and the Director Almaz Dautbegovic). Together
with the team on duty it was agreed to open the safe box by force and to take the neces­

sary seal. Borivoje ZuZa wrote down that all the things from the safe box were brought
to the safe place. Mrs. Lidija Fekeza, MA, joined the team in moving the archaeology
exhibits onto the safer places. Esad Veskovic continued to do the same in the afternoon.
Svjetoslav Obratil and Zdenko Kovacevic proceeded to move the minerals. They also
succeeded in removing the most expensive equipment on the safer places (microscopes,
spectrophotometer, and other things). (Photo No.7).
Apart from the care about the exhibits, with a rare assistance in receiving the piece
of advice from the Department Heads and the Director, the team on duty had to fight the
water all the time. After a heavy downpour of rain, there was a flood. From the Archae­
ology hall 25 large buckets of water were taken out. On June 25, the temporary accredita­
tion cards were issued for all the Museum staff. All the people in the Museum, who
happened to come more frequentl y to the Museum, gradually re ceived these identifi ca­
tion docume nts. The next day salaries were provided for all employees who had stayed in
Sarajevo. The day after, June 28, brought new shells and new damages to the Museum.
In just about one hour, from 9 AM to 10 AM , more then twenty shells fell around the
Museum or on it. They all came from the Vraca and Trebevic Hill. A hard shelling took
place on that morning. The targets were the Museum and the neighbouring residential
blocks. Our person on duty, Borivoje Zuza, wrote down that the shells had been fallin g
over the roofs of the Natura l Sciences Department and the Ethnology Department. They
als o hit the Botanical gard e n. The reinforced gl ass roof o ver the Mine ral s collecti o n was
broken down . One she ll fell on the roof over the room where taxidermists for insects
usuall y worked. The Ethnology Department roof received man y s hells , which increased
the danger o f leak ing and the damages for its wood-carved things. (Photo No. 8) This
time the Botanical garden wi thin the pavilions and the medieval tombstones did no t
suffer fro m considerable damages. The da nger from shelling from the e nemy side was

Photo No.8 - Damages all the pail1led ceiling ilt the exhibitioll col/eclioll Urban Culttlre" ,
- Photo by A Hodovic

so great, that the damages in the Botanical garden next to the Miljacka River and the
facades from that side could not be assessed.
From June 29 1992 on, the Museum staff came to work more frequently. The small
diary kept by our permanent team on duty was beginning to lose its original purpose. It
finally came to the end. However, the team on duty helped the experts and other Mu­
seum staff from the Ethnology Department to take the exhibits away.
The Museum was finally connected to the electricity on July 2, 1992. The work in
the buildings became somewhat easier, since the depots could be reached in a normal
way now. Our permanent team on duty helped in carrying the books from the offices
into the library. Mrs. Olga Lalevi6 and Mr. Kemal Bakarsi6, MA, were giving the lead
in this activity. The shells that fell on July 7 brought the new damages to the Botanical
garden and the "Ethnology" building. Due to the sniper fire and enormous risks on July
9, only the people who used to live closest to the Museum managed to reach it. The
team on duty had still to help in the evacuation. The archaeological exhibits were being
removed from their collection cases. The protection of cases was being accomplished in
the Natural Sciences Department. The exhibits were being taken away in larger numbers
from the Ethnology Department towards the ground floor. Mr. Vlatko Filipovi6 with a
TV crew came into the Museum on July II, 1992. They took a few shots of the dam­
aged slecaks. On July 13, the American TV crew from CBS came to the Museum. This
was the last entry from an interesting yet mostly spontaneous diary that had been kept
by the Museum war team on duty.
The institution that had been seriously shattered by the aggression and the destruc­
tion of the overall system began to operate in the more normal and intensive manner
from mid-June 1992, or, as a mater of fact, from early July 1992. The Museum staff
began to file their monthly reports, as it had been the practice before. This period corre­
sponded with the newly established book that kept record on the people on duty (June
The first systematic distribution of work and other responsibilities in the National
Museum had been made and applied from the mid-July 1992. Actually, this document
defined the organisation of work in the National Museum under the war conditions. We
could not locate it in the Museum records. Nevertheless, the stipulations from this
document were in effect throughout 1992 and until mid-1993?3 The new organisation of
work was adopted at that time. The document that had preceded the first draft on the
organisation under the war conditions was the List of people on the compulsory work
obligation in the National Museum - the payroll for the month of June 1992. The list
showed 49 persons on the compulsory work obligations whereas 19 persons were in a
layoff status. The same situation was present in JUly. The payroll list for August 1992
showed 38 people on the compulsory work obligations and 22 persons were laid off.
The Director Mr. Almaz Dautbegovi6 retired in October 1992. Mrs Svetlana Baj i6 filled
in his space on the list. The number of really laid off persons was now 8. In November
1992 there were 34 persons on the payroll list, and 12 persons were laid off. At the end
of the first war year, in December 1992, there were 31 persons on the compulsory work
obligation list, whereas 11 persons were in layoff status.

33 In my opinion, one cannot find the very first document on the war organisation, because it
reflected the real visits of the National Museum employees to the Institution. This document
encompassed all the people who had working assignments, and not those who appeared in a
formal way on these lists. It is highly likely that someone removed this document away. In the
Ethnology Department Archives we found a part of this document entitled as "A Temporary
redistribution of assignment for the experts engaged on the protection of material in the Eth­
nology D-::partment". The document had a date of July 12, 1992. Six experts assumed other
temporary duties together with their regular duties (Svetlana Bajic, Mersida Bakovljev, Astrida
Bugarski, Dr. Denana Buturovic, Radmila Fabijanic, and Dunja Rihtman-Sotric, MA).

The following persons were on the compulsory work obligation list:

1. Dr. Denana Buturovi6 Ethnologist

2. Dr. Cedomil Sili6 Biologist
3. Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil Biologist
4. Dr. Rizo Sijari6 Biologist
Lidija Fekeza, MA
Dunja Rihtman-Sotri6, MA
7. Esma Kreso Biologist
8. Hanifa Dzidi6 Biologist
9. Sabaheta Abadzi6 Biologist
10. Margita Gavrilovi6 Archaeologist
11. Astrida Bugarski Ethnologist
12. Mersida Bakovljev Ethnologist
13. SvetJana Baj i6 Ethnologist
14. Kemal Bakarsic, MA Librarian
15. Smilja Ljubi~i6 Librarian
16. Andrea Dautovi6 Librarian
17. Olga Lalevi6 Librarian
18. Esad Veskovi6 Conservator -Res torer
19. Jasminka Sisi6 Taxidermist
20. Borivoje Zuza Taxidermist
21. Zdenko Kova~evi6 Taxidermist
22. Srdan Peruni~i6 Taxidermist
23. Rukija Bjelak Office Clerk
24. Jusuf Gadzo Cashier
25 . Hamida Karaman Stationery Clerk
26. Mustafa Jamakosmanovi6 Janitor
27 . Hamdija Basi6 Guard
28 . Miodrag Radovanovi6 Photographer
29 . Rasema Salaka Cleaning person
30. Marica Todorovic Cleaning person
31. Petra Raden Cleaning person

Among the persons from this list, 19 of them had University degree , 9 persons fin­
ished secondary, whereas 3 persons finished primary education.
The National Museum had been pronounced an institution of the importance for the
defence of the Republic by the Decree of the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina 34 in the first year of the aggression and the war in 1992. In January 1993,
the Government reissued the Decree and pronounced the Museum an institution of spe­
cial importance. 35
The Regional Secretariat of People's Defence gave its consent on the National Mu­
seum Organisation of Work under the War Circumstances in the middle of 1993 3 6

• Dunja Rihtman-Sotri6 MA requested in written to be relieved from her duties on December 3 I,

1993 , in order to go to Israel and join her family that had already been there .
34 Strictly confidential No.1 05/92 dated October 24 , 1992.
35 The Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina No. 02-61-64 from January 25,
1993 .
36 No . 15-04.263/93 from June 3, 1993. - The Museum was given consent to its annual pro­
gramme of work for 1993 from the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sports (No.
02-62-35 from January 20, 1993)

This text, as it would be shown in its final words, does nor encompass the scientific
activities during the war, as well as other activities that has not been closely related to
the saving of the Museum throughout the war. However, I would like to point out the
event 'The Days of the National Museum", which took place in the spring of 1994, in
the midst of attacks against Sarajevo. This event was the expression of the National Mu­
seum staff's desire to resist the hardships of war and the destruction. It had been wished
- and we succeeded in it, despite all the dangers - to draw a considerable number of
people eager to help the National Museum and who attended beautiful small thematic
exhibitions and the lectures by the most competent museum experts in the National Mu ­
seum, who spoke about the Museum's treasures, collections and exhibitions. The Eth­
nology Department experts, curators, taxidermists and the others, managed to exhibit in
a single day the luxurious and beautiful artefacts from our collections. The exhibition
took place in the Archaeology entrance hall. Once the exhibition was over, all the items
were brought back to their war depots . This event was supplemented by the lectures
from ethnology and archaeology in the accessible places in the City Centre. The event
also included a Round table "The Issues in Geology of Bosnia and Herzegovina in light
of fundamental research , exploitation, education of experts and the state 0 the Geologi­
cal Collection in the National Museum" .
The photo exhibition prepared by Cedomil Sili6 "Sufferings of the National Mu­
seum in the War 1992-1994" was also part of this event.
The National Theatre gave its contribution to this event having performed a classic
music concert entitled "To the Wounded National Museum".
In these days, the Founding Assembly of "The Society of Friends of the National
Museum " was also held.



1. Tbe (~4rthaeoiog)l" Pavilion

The "Arc haeology " Pavilion had been severely damaged during the aggression
against Bosnia and Herzegovina and the defensive war. Tens of various calibre shells,
as well as a large number of shots from light weapons, hit this building. All the roofs
were damaged, all the glass and metal sheet parts, windows and facades . The glass parts
of windows were utterly destroyed . As the consequence from direct hits , the interior
space was damaged , including the exhibition cases, and the office furniture. The level of
damages on the roof and the total destruction of all glass surfaces, including the glass
roofs, added to the accelerated ruin of the whole building. For a considerable period of
time one could not speak about the influx of moisture into the building, but, rather,
about the uninhibited flow of water into the building. (Photo No.9)
Such a situation would influence the whole building. All the construction segments
in this building (including the interior walls, mortared surfaces, painted surfaces, office
furniture, metal cases and racks, the overall inventory) began to deteriorate rapidly .
Having seen it from distance and after a partial rehabilitation of roof, replacement of
glass roofs, and the new glass in the windows, together with the Implementation reha­
bilitation project that has been completed in the meantime, we can say that the eastern
wing of the Archaeology Pavilion suffered more than the western wing, especially when
one bear in mind that some surfaces in this part of the "Archaeology" building (the pre­

Photo No.9 - Damaged glass roof in the Archaeology building

- Photo by M. Radovanovic
history Exhibition halls), the total ceiling surfaces and some walls had been at times
painted in a rather valuable Classicist manner. (Photo No. 10)

Photo No. 10- Damages of painted ceiling on the gal/ery in the Pre-History exhibition of the

Archaeology Department- Photo by M. Radovanovic


The working space for conservation in this building has also been quite damaged, as
well as a photo laboratory.
Long and unfavourable weather conditions and the long fierce attacks against Sara­
jevo and our buildings influenced the level of destruction and this pavilion. The entire
infrastructure in the building (water supply, electrical installations, telephone lines and
the central heating) were out of order throughout the war. The same destructive conse­
quences are characteristic of other three buildings.

2. The ''Ethnolo!!) Pavilion


Although much smaller than the "Archaeology" building, the "Ethnology" pavilion
also suffered serious damages since the first attacks against Sarajevo.

Photo No. 11 - Damages in the Coloured Room in the exhibition collection Urban Culttlre... of
the Ethnology Department - Photo by A. Hodovic

The roofs and facades were the first to receive the blows, in particular the south side
that overlooked directly the attackers and the Miljacka River. At the beginning of the war
all the glass in windows was completely destroyed. Metal sheets on roof and gutters were
so damaged that the entire facades and interior parts suffered a great deal. The consequences
are quite visible on the wooden interior parts in the exhibition space on the floor (the original
rooms of the Bosnian style with wood-carved parts) . (Photo No. 11 , Photo No. 12)

3. The "N atural Sciences" Pavilion

Because of its location where this building had been situated, and it was on the front
line during the war, as well as its military and strategic importance, this pavilion had the
biggest level of damages from the very outset of aggression. The metal sheet roof sur­
face suffered the most, as well as the wooden roof segments. The glass roofs were

completely devastated. Facades also suffered from damages, notably on the south side.
Decorative plastic elements (relief and figures) were considerably damaged . Their level
of damages on this building surpassed those on the "Archaeology" building. All the glass

Photo No. 12 - Pro!ec!ion of !he exhibi!ion space in the Ei/mology Departmenl- Photo by A. Hodovic

in windows was broken. Just to give a better picture, it would suffice to mention that this
building had 158 windows. It could serve best as the iliustration of the level of damages

Photo No. ) 3 - A detail from !he destroyed col/ec!ion TiJe IP'orld olGeological Pas! ... il7 tbe 1\Tatu­
ral S,iences DejJartment - Photo by Dr. C Silic

and the total surface of windows that enabled further deterioration of this large building.
As a matter of fact, this is the largest building of all four in the Museum. (Photo No . 13)
There were drastic damages on the metal and glass parts of the exhibition cases, nota­
bly on the south and southwestern sides . One could mention as an example the huge dam­
ages by the tank shell that had been fired from the Serb side on February 16, 1993 on the
exhibition space of the "Living World of Water and Swamp Habitats". (Photo No. 14)

Photo No. 14 - The exhibirion collecrion Living World 0/ Water and Swamp Habitats
(a derail/rom rhe broken case) - Photo by Dr. C. Silic

Since the building was rather close to the enemy lines, nothing could be done in
terms of the more stable rehabilitation of roofs. This applied to all other pavilions. The
moisture and water increased the level of damages, which had been created by the direct
hits . The damages were particularly drastic on the ceilings and on the mortared walls in
the upper floors.
The attacks against the National Museum and their consequences were quite unpre­
dictable. We should just mention the situation when the basement space was burned down
where the apartment used by the family of Meho and Mira Mulie had been situated.

4. The "Head Office" and the "Library " Pavilion

This building resembles from the outside the "Ethnology" building. The damages are
more or less similar to those in the other buildings (roofs, facades and glass surfaces) It
should be mentioned that this side was directly exposed to attacks, and that is why it
was damaged the most. The office space in the Head Office was considerably damaged
in comparison to other floors and basements that had been dedicated as depots ..
Having observed it from the distance, one had to conclude that it was rather fortu­
nate that this building, with all its easily combustible items of paper and wood, had not
caught fire, and that the treasure that it had kept remained entirely out of danger until
the end of 1994.



1. The Anhaeolo!JI Department

This Department is comprised of three sections. The Numismatic collection makes a
separate entity . The sections are as follows : The Section Jar Pre-History with 62,260 re­
corded items; The Section Jor Antiquiry with 25,335 recorded items; and The Section Jor
Middle Ages with the total of 12,544 recorded items . The total number of recorded items
in this department amount to 100,439. The number of items that had not been recorded
is rather large. The National Museum archaeologists think that it was not possible to
give even an approximate number. It is thought that there are some items that have been
dug out 50 years ago, and are still not being properly recorded in the Museum invento­
ries . The problem lies in the character of archaeological excavations and findings with a
large number of fragments that belonged to certain items. Any fragment that does not fit
into a whole has been considered a separate thing . The other problem was in the lack of
experts, and their multiple engagement in museum, research, scientific and educational
activities. However, I mention these problems here mostly in relation to the increased
possibilities to steal unrecorded items in times of crises.

Photo No. 15 - A photo through the broken glass roof with a view on th e case
with the boat from Donja Dolina in the Pre-History exhibition
of the Archaeology Department - Photo by M. Radovanov i6

The exhibition space in this Department, including the interior space where the col­
lection had been exhibited, were damaged a great deal. The exhibition cases and plat­
forms were devastated. Fortunately enough, the exhibits were removed on time. The
exceptions are the exhibits in the pre-history cases : the boat from Donja Dolina and the
four graves because of their size and the manner of exhibiting - they created huge
problems for evacuation, so their protection during the war was mostly improvised.
(Photo No. IS). The more complex preparation for their protection before the war had

not taken place on the spot, so the team on duty had to worry constantly over them, and
in particular the conservator Esad Veskovic. It is a real wonder that the Donja Dolina
boats, which had occupied the central position in the pre-history exhibition collection
since the opening of the Museum in 1913, in the glass exhibition case 13 meters long,
1.5 meters wide and 2.10 meters high (the larger boat is 12.5 meters long) - managed to
endure all the physical attacks and the disastrous museum conditions . (Photo No. 16).
Even half of the case glass remained intact. The boat was not directly hit. It was covered
with panel boards , and the damaged glass was several times replaced with plastic sheets
during the war period. One should add that the glass roof over the total length of the
boat had been totally broken in the first war year, so the survival of this marvellous ar­
chaeological rarity had to be considered as a small miracle.

Photo No. 16 - Th e case wi I/] llie boat from Donja Dolina ill lhe P,?-Hislory exliibition of the Ar­
chaeology Departmel!l - Pho to made in 1988 by M. Radov anovic

There was a similar situation with the other two archaeological collections. Smaller
and easily movable ex hibits were removed before they really became endangered. The
most valuable ones among them, and those made of gold were put into the safer spots in
April 1992. Howeve r, this did not mean the end of search for their ultimate protection.
The exhibits that were difficult to move, and particularly stone monuments of antiqui!J
and medieval collections had not been moved away. They were partially and temporarily
protected by available panel boards and metal boards, and not at all by the proper means

of protection. Two monuments among them in the Antiquity collection were directly hit
through the windows, since they were just covered with wooden boards. The dislocated
archaeological material from the Museum stands as an exception, but it makes a minimal
number in comparison to the remaining archaeological collection. Next to this segment
of archaeological collections, in the course of April 1992, in the first war year, all the
inventory books and the complete documentation of the Archaeology department was
brought into the basements. The graves of medieval Bosnian kings were also dislocated
to the safer places in that period. The Numismatic collection was properly recorded and
moved away in the fall of 1992. 23,507 pieces of coins were transported in 27 boxes
outside the Museum, whereas 5,878 pieces remained in the Museum depot. The remain­
der of the systematic museum collections was not moved until the end of 1994. However,
metal sheets and sandbags had protected the windows . The material was under the expert
supervision, notably the conservators. Towards the end of 1994 and in the beginning of
1995, when the more fierce attacks had been expected against the Museum , the total
evacuation of the Museum collections took place. They were moved under the street
level, since it was thought to be the safest space in the physical sense. The Museum Di­
rector made the decision. The Board of Directors supported such a decision. Together
with the Museum staff, the evacuation was made possible with the support of the mem­
bers of the Patriotic League and the Civil Protection units from Marindvor Township.
During the entire period of evacuation and storing the exhibits in the more adequate
space, the Department's task and care focused on the improvement of conditions in the
rooms where the evacuated exhibits were deposited. The items that had been physically
protected from the war destruction were not immune against the climate conditions. It
primarily refers to the increased presence of moisture, since the water and wetness hav­
ing come from the roofs had enormous influence on the artefacts. The timing and effect
of water can never have been predicted with certainty. It had caused an improvised
protection of roofs, and the team on duty put plastic sheets on roofs for the first time in
the second half of 1992 on the "Archaeology" and "Natural Sciences" buildings, re­
spectively. Due to the high risk to attempt any improvised protection works on visible
surface, and especially on all the pavilions' roofs, the improvised protection was carried
out mostly under the roofs and over the exhibition halls. (Photo No. 17). Because of

Photo No . 17 - Temp orary protection oj rooJ sUlfaces oillhe Archaeology building

- Photo by M. Radovanovic

such improvisations, the water from the roofs was accumulated and directed practically
outside the buildings. Since after the evacuation of a large number of archaeological items
and documentation, these artefacts were brought into the physically more secure space,
but not so adequate in terms of museum protection, the museum archaeologists paid their
attention completely towards the observation of the state of endangerment of museum
exhibits under the new conditions. The strict regulations related to the nature and sensi­
tivity of such material were observed after the material had been placed in depots. The
preventive protection was applied in order to reduced the level of moisture. Whenever the
external conditions allowed it, the depots were ventilated. Other means of preventive pro­
tection were also applied, such as deratisation, disinfection and disinsectisation. Sometimes
conservator' s intervention was necessary whenever the change of conditions demanded it.
The first means for the conservator protection and the protection of exhibits in the
"Archaeology" came from the reserve stock in the Conservator workshop. The stock was
small, and already in the second half of 1992, the lack of protection means was badly felt.
According to the abilities of various donors, different types began to reach the Mu­
seum from 1993 till the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords. They were mostly the
means for the protection and keeping of exhibits in the widest sense, that could alleviate
the intervention of experts, and notably of conservators.

Photo No. 18 - Protection ofthe "stecak 's ", 1994. The tombstone exhibition in the Botanical
garden - Photo by Dr. Marian Wenzel, 1995

When the archaeological stone monuments were concerned, we could say that the
collection of stdaks /medieval monuments/ in the Botanical garden and in the space
around the Museum had been the first that received direct hits from various types of
ammunition and shells. The largest number of stecaks suffered from the shell shrapnels.
(Photo No. 18) . As it has been observed by experts, there where the tombstones had
been damaged in this manner, an accelerated process of peeling and destruction oc­
curred. One can say that these exhibits had not been treated under the conservator pro­
tection. On the other hand, the tombstones were placed in the open air. They were ex­
posed to different atmospheric agents, and physical and chemical influences, which

caused their rapid deterioration. As far as I know the first expert visitor to the Museum
during the war was Mrs. Marian Wenzel. In May 1993, as an expert for stecaks, and
having known their value, she suggested their physical protection. In particular, she was
interested in the steeak from Zgosca. Very soon, this stecak and a few others that had.
been considered as the most valuable ones, were covered with wooden skeletons and
sand bags. The second stage of protection followed in 1994, when a few most valuable
tombstones inside the pavilions and two outside were covered in the identical manner.

2. The Ethnology Department

This department consists of two sections: The Section for material Culture and the S ee­
tion for Spin/ual Culture, together with the National Museum Folklore Archive (FAZM).
The Department disposes with 15,599 items made of textile, wood, metal, leather, glass
and other materials. FAZM keeps 16,214 oral and 7,468 dance inscribed records . The
entire ethnographic material was subdivided into the collections. The most numerous
one is the collection of individual pieces of garments and footwear, jewellery, textile
items in households and weaving tools. There were important collections such as the
complete sets of national costumes, an exceptional collection of artisanat and its prod­
ucts, and the collection of arms, etc .

Photo No. 19 - Systematic collection ofjewellel)'. The Ethnology Department - paftas /melai
buckles on ladies' belt/ - Photo by A. Hodovic

Photo No. 20 - Systematic collection o/jewellery. The Ethnology Department - paftas Imetal
buckles on ladies' beltl - Photo by A. Hodovic

As it has been already said, the "Ethnology" building was exposed to larger war
destruction in early May 1992. The first summer rains endangered the exhibition halls.
The first ones to be hit were the Bosnian style rooms on the first floor, or the exhibition
space "The Life and Culture of Urban Population in Bosnia and Herzegovina".
During the period April-May 1992, the Ethnology Department did not undertake the
necessary measures of protection and evacuation. The items were protected and evacu­
ated in a sporadic manner, from case to case. The first evacuation and protection steps
had led to the more organised evacuation and protection that took place in June and July
1992. At the same time the preventive works against moisture under the roof were car­
ried out. On the other hand, the exhibits were moved from the exhibition halls on the
floor to the safer space. As a matter of fact the exhibits from the exhibition rooms were
transferred to the ground floor, to the hall left from the entrance, which was the least
endangered from the enemy attacks, according to our estimates. The actual removal pro­
cess went comp.1ratively faster and with the necessary assistance whenever necessary.
As it has b':en already mentioned in relation to the archaeological collections and
exhibits, the iarge evacuation of museum ethnographic exhibits, documentation and
Archives to,jK place during 1994. Since the war raged for a long time, the evacuated
space could not be used any more, so the exhibits had to be removed to other space once
again. In the course of the late fall 1994 and at the beginning of 1995, this Department

undertook almost the total evacuation, with the exception of the already mentioned
woodcarvings , to the physically safer space.

Photo No . 21 - Systematic collection ofje wellery. The Ethn olog y Department - belts with paftas
Il11etal buckles on ladies' beltl - Photo by A. Hodo vic

The Department experts observed and followed the conditions of evacuated exhibits
throughout the war. (Photo No. 19, Photo No. 20, Photo No. 21, Photo No. 22). At certain

Photo No. 22 - Systel11aric collectiol1 ofjewelry. The Ethnology Depalll11enr

- {/ detail with belt - Ph oto by A. Hodovic

moments , conservator interventions were applied. The minimal preve nti ve space pro­
tec tion continued ,

Photo No. 23 - Damaged painted glass

in the exhibition collection Urban Cul­
ture. .. of the Ethnology Depa rtmen t ­
Photo by A. Hod ovic

Photo No. 24 - Damaged painted glass in

the exhibition collection Urban Culture .. .
of the Ethnology Departm ent - Photo by
A. Hodovic

The biggest problem was the protection of the wooden carvings in the mentioned col­
lection. This collection, and its carvings, can be taken as an evident indicator how the Na­
tional Museum had not been ready for the war. (Photo No. 23, Photo No. 24). The unique
and beautiful rooms in this collection and its stained glass windows had been protected
with improvised and inadequate metal shields. It was not sufficient to protect them from
direct hits. According to the available means, other physical measures of protection not
only against the direct hits but also from the rain and moisture were applied. (Photo No. 25).
We can say that we had more success in the second attempt. It was essential to have the
constant physical presence of staff. The moisture was stopped in an improvised way under
the roof. Water was redirected through the drain beds outside the building, so the water
never directly reached the wooden carvings. As a matter of fact, the moisture was also largely
prevented from these carvings. Nevertheless, the constant attacks and the coming weather
conditions demanded the total evacuation from the upper collections. This was accomplished
towards the end of June and in early July. The jewellery collection was evacuated at that
time to the safer place outside the Museum. The important documentation and the archive
records from offices were removed and placed in the FAZM rooms in the Museum Head
Office pavilion. The preparations for a possible alternative location for the Archives were
considered at that time. A large number of inventory books was also placed in the FAZM.

Photo No. 25 - Sandbags that protect the ethnographic exhibitions - Photo by A. Hodovic

After the flIst evacuations, the employees in the department followed the conditions
of the exhibits in the new conditions and in the new premises. The protection measures
were applied accordingly, such as ventilation of space, deratisation, disinfection and
disinsectisation. Having borne in mind the lack of means, these measures were supple­
mented with the traditional protection means (tobacco against insects, etc.).

3. The Natural Scienm Department

This Department consists of three sections: The Ceolo.f!J Section, the Bota,!), Section and
the Zoology Section, whereas the Botanil'Cllgarden makes a separate whole. It belongs to the
Botany sector together with the Botany section. Its surface is 14,000 m The total num­
ber of museum exhibits in the exhibition collections, depots and the scientific collection
Herbarium amount to 800,000 items. The number of plant species in the Botanical gar­
den before it was devastated in the course of aggression and war was 12,000. The num­
ber of factors influenced the overall state and the protection of exhibited and systematic
collections and their exhibits in this department. We can start with a mere fact that the
building itself was located on the confrontation line, and that the part of the Botanical
garden, outside the pavilion rectangle, was, in fact, part of the separation line. The over-

Photo No. 26 - Preventive prOiection of a shark and the skeleton of whale which had been re­
movedfrom the exhibition collection Living If/odd of Water and Srvamp HabitatJ in the Natural
Sciences Department - Photo by Dr. C. Silic

all glass surface in this building exceeds all the other buildings taken separately, and in
particular, it was the feature of its roofs. In addition, all the exhibition collections were
direc tly exposed to the attackers' lines. All these elements influenced the level of en­
dangerment of these collections and exhibits, since they are mostly placed in rather
large and heavy cases. Quite often they need to recreate the spec ific ambience, so the
case are made in combination of metal and glass. In the second half of 1991 the impor­
tant preparations were undertaken in this department. The basements were cleaned up
and the various material removed from them. They were duly painted and certain repa­
rations and fittings on windows and on the doors in both wings accomplished . The Sec­
tion Heads selected extremely valuable and rare exhibits and museum documentation .
The documentation was deposited in two metal racks where the inflammable material
had been kept be fore. In the first war days these racks were moved to the basements.

The department also suffered from water and moisture caused by the war damages, in
particular on the first floor. The museum staff tried ve ry hard to prevent water and
moisture into the pavili on and its exhibition collections . They applied more and less the
same procedure as in the other pavilions. O f course, the number of improvi sCltio ns was
biggest in this department. The whole exhib iti o n cases and e xhib its were simultaneo usly
moved to the space less ex posed to d irect hits. M ovable cases and exhibits were sen t to
the pav ilio n corridors. In this way the li ghte r manipulati ve cases and exhi bits were
moved to othcr p laces. whic h de pended on the a vaibble capac ity of the evacuated
space . N alUra ll y. the baSIC museum prinCiples were taken into c nsideration about th l:
manner of de posi ting such items . They l:ould not be neglected under the c ircumstan 'es .
The rem ainder of cases and exhibits tn the collections was protected un the ' pOl by cov ­
eri ng them with the ava ila ble nu mber of wooden boards. ,Ph oto No . 26). T he entire
m u:e um material in th G"o logy Section was moved to the earlier prepared (a ls o before
the war) base me nts, as we ll as the cnto mo log ic<I sc ienti fic collectio ns anll Ihe ex­
tre mely valu able co llection of In vertebrata in the menani n space.

LiVlIZ~ rVor/d 0/ JI/'a/er and Swamp Habila/J

Photo No . 27 - A derail /roll1 fhe exhibition collection
ill the Natural Sciences Deparfment- Photo by Dr. C. Silic

Despite all the measures that had been undertaken in order to protect the collections
and exhibits, there were numerous damages. One should discern between the damages
caused by the direct hits and those caused by moisture. For example, two glass cases were
totally destroyed in the collection "The Living World of Water and Swamp habitats".
The whale skeleton and several bird exhibits were heavily damaged. (Photo No. 27, Photo
No. 28). A certain number of exhibits from the entomological collection was either damaged
or destroyed because of incendiary bullets and the fire cause by them. The bullets had been
flred from the attackers' lines against Sarajevo. Fortunately, the fire was soon extinguished.
Due to the forceful detonation , there were cracks in some minerals in the geological collection.
Because of the war activities and imp oss ibility to attain normal maintenance, the
Botanical garden with 3,000 botanical species and 12,000 plants lost about 70% of its

lllventory, accord ing to the estimate by our experts. It has aL 0 been esti mated that
about 400 she ll s fell on the Botanica l gard en, and in its cenlra l pari about 50 ones in
the first yea r of war. 1n the first war year almost all the inventory of dendro-species
(trees and bushe ) had been ei ther totally or partia lly destroyed. Some of the species
destroyed were real rari ties in these parts. The olh r species were al so endangered.
O ur experts listed amon g those that had been des tro yed ra re and end emic herba­
CeOUS plants. In the course of the fi rs t war year some trees outside the enclosed mu­
'eum space were chopped down, but, nevenheless, th is space had b en considered to be
an integral part of the Mu eUIil . T he trees destroyed included SOllle ra re species o f den­
dro-nora fro m Bosnia and Herzegovina and some di Lant cQul1lries (the Ca ucaslis Re­
gion, USA, etc.).

Photo 1\0. 28 - A detail ji-om the JI11'ert&brata exhibition collection in the Natura! Sciences De­
partment -- Photo by M. Radovanovic

A greenhouse. which had been situated behind the Natural Sciences department's
enclosure towards the Miljacka River where different types of plants had been grown
for scientific purpose, and where exotic plants were placed during winters, with its 500
cactuses and other succulent species and other pot plants, was directly exposed to hits. It
was heavily damaged and all the plants were destroyed.
Daily inspection of the entire department and its space made a significant con­
tribution to a decrease of consequences caused by the attacks and all other means of
destruction. One should point once more the importance of protection measures, above
all against the influence of water and moisture. The preventive protection with plas­
tic sheets on windows in order to reduce the moisture effects, ventilation of space
and deratisation, disinsectisation and. disinfection continued until the end of war and

4. Joint Services Department and the Library

This pavilion is the most diversified according to the activities carried out in it. The
ethnological depots are located there, the FAZM, a part of ethnological documentation,
the Ethnology Department audio and visual equipment, and a considerable number of of­
fices that belonged to this Department. The Joint Services Department with its archives
and other documentation was situated in this building before the aggression. The Li­
brary with its offices , reading room and depots occupies the largest part of this building.
From the first days of aggression the Director and other people from administration
went from this pavilion into the "Archaeology building, whereas the ethnologists and
the people from the Library remained in the building. The Head Office and its rooms
had been badly damaged from the very outset of war, which, most likely, influenced the
decision to move this service into another building. Since the announced revision of
documentation and records from the Head Office could not be accomplished in 1998,
we still work with difficulties, particularly when we need find certain documents. In the
course of 1996, the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina moved into this building
having previously rehabilitated the entire Head Office space for the purpose. This fact
made our work even more difficult in the post-war period.
This pavilion does not have exhibition halls, but the Library depots occupy a larger
part of the building.
The Library has been in use ever since the National Museum had been founded . Its
collections amount to 200,000 books, journals, manuscripts and maps. The largest part
of the collection belongs to the disciplines necessary for the work of the Museum ex­
perts (archaeology, history, ethnology, folklore, botany, zoology, geology, etc.). The
Library holdings keep certain rarities, such as two incunabula, about 200 old and rare
th th
books having been written in the period between 15 and 18 century. In the manuscript
holdings, the most important ones are the Sarajevo "Haggadah" and the copy of the
"Collection of Coat of Arms from Fojnica".
The main factors that influenced the endangerment of the library holdings were, as it
had been the case with other systematic collections, direct consequences caused by the
war destruction, fire danger and the increased of moisture. The Library experts removed
all the Museum publications from the respective experts' offices in order to protect
them. (Photo No. 29).
At the same time, the Library staff, together with other people from the Museum ,
moved the most valuable copies of books (the First, Second and Third category of
value) to the mezzanine, which had been the safest place in the first period of attacks
against the Museum, according to the estimates of our experts. The war conditions de­
manded the safer space. The Library holdings were moved once more. The Headquar­
ters for the Protection of Cultural Goods offered their help in this activity towards the
end of 1992.
The largest part of Library was evacuated till the end of 1992. In 1993, the activities
focused on supervision and the preventive measures against the increased presence of
moisture, against the fire and theft. In December 1994 , after the deci sion had been taken
by the Director and the Board of Directors, the books were transferred from the mezza­
nine into basements. The Patriotic League members helped the Museum staff to do the
necessary work.
Because of the lack of adequate means and having in mind the inappropriate space,
the Library staff used various kinds of improvisations in order to maintain properly the
Library holdings. Plastic sheets were placed where window glass used to be , sandbags
were put on the depots' windows, and the preventive work was carried out inside the
depots. The deratisation , disinsectisation and disinfection of space were duly applied.

When the books showed the signs of biological endangenuent, they were cleaned and
tbe danger was neutralised.

Photo No. 29 - Evacuated Library material - Photo by M. Radovanovi6

The overall Library holdings were saved. This applies to all the Museum holdings
with inventories. However, only the revision of entire holdings can show if certain
books and exhibits had been stolen or not.


The assistance to the Museum began from the first days of aggression. One should dis­
cern between the assistance to the Museum staff from the assistance to the Museum as
an institution. We should also mention the assistance in human power, material, money
and equipment. We should not neglect the assistance that had been offered by certain
individuals, who helped the Museum with their own efforts and reputation.
During the first two years of aggression, in 1992 and 1993, the biggest assistance
came from the Sarajevo City Hall (plastic sheets, panel boards, boards, nails, etc). The
Headquarters for the Protection of Cultural Goods offered the same type of assistance.
Tbe first offered help from the Territorial Defence in the Marindvor township in the
begilming of 1992 and in 1993 can be pointed out by its importance. The Patriotic League

of B os ni a and He rze govina and the Civilian P rotec ti on in the Marind vor LOwns hip
help ed the Museu m towards the end of 1994 and in the begi nning of 1995 to evac uate
the Muse um collections to safer spots. The He ad Office fo r the reco ns u'uct ion of tht:
C ity of Sarajevo had supplied us with so me bui ldi ng matc ri als.
We ough t to men tio n once more the Headq uarle rs fo r the ProtecriOIl of ul tula l
G oods, alt hough we have sa id a lot about their efforts el sewhere in this te l.
The Institute for the Pro tectio n of Cultu ral , H istorical a nd Natural Heritage of Bos­
nia and H rlegoV!na and U ESCO as the b iggest d ono r hel ped the M useum in o rder
cover the ro o f rehabilitatio n, nd p uttin g the g lass in the windows in the second ha lf o r
1991). These were the fund ame nta l steps to wards the improve ment of co nditIOns 111 the
M u s~ u m in its e ffort to save the ex.hi bits from a furthe r de teriorat ion . U ESCO al ()
supporte d the pu b lication and ex.change costs of the j o int issue of all three volumes of
the J'Jatiol/a/ MI/JelltIl [-Jerald (Sarajevo, 1996). T h pu blicatio n was a lso made possihle
by the aid fro m the Federal M in islr y of Education, Sc ience, Cu lture and Sports a nd the
In '.ernati o na l Peace Centre in SaraJe o.
Tn a di tion to UNESCO, the Insti tute for the C onstruc tion of City of SarajcvlJ also
financed the new glass in the Windo ws .
T he first do nation in mo ney w' rec ived from Mr . Maria F. Wars inska . Me Ibr<l ­
him Spahic fro m the Inte rnational Peace Centre in Sarajevo was kind to bring the sum
of 4,400 OEM LO the M useum on April 18, 1994.
The o ther do nat ions incl uded the sum tha t had bee n sent by the Swiss Yiuseums, the
Swiss [COM a nd the S wiss Nationa Museum in Zurich . The sum rece ived was more
tha n 88,000 OEM , Th is donati o n was received in Jnsta lmen ts fro m 1995 until these
d ays, both in cash and in equ ipme nt. The Swis National Muse u m Director visited the
National M use um in Saraj e vo in 1995. Th amount of d o na tion cou ld have been influ­
enced b y the National useum participa tio n in the cx.h ibit ion "The Hel vctian Gold" ,
which had had o ur case with some va luab le findi ngs from Osanjici near Stolae .
T he Bosnia and Herzego vina Heritage Rescue (BHHR ) and Its d irector Dr Marian
We nzel k pt se ndin g us [he asslstance fro m 1994 until tod ay in eq uipmen t. material a nd
mo ney. On sho uld s ingle out the de vices for reduci ng the leve l of mOIs ture. as well as
the devi s for a perma ne nt observa tio n o f moisture in the museu m space .
Ite ms for mUSCUlll matcrial conserva tio n thal kep t co rni ng through the BHHR had
not been accessible 10 us . The ICOM d onations ca me some what later. For the fi r:.t ti me
the Natio nal Museum received an in strume nt {'o r de ionisa ti on, control thermostats and
other specialised equip ment and the ma terial for preservation of museu m exh ibits. T o­
wards the end of 1995 and in J 996 , the Norks Folkesm useu m from Osl o ( orway) be­
gan to se nd us the equipment and material , no tably for the Ethno logy Departme nt. The
collaboratio n continued with the N ational M useulll Director 's vi si t to Oslo in win ter
1997, and the Oslo experts visited to the National M useum in the spring of 1998 .
The experts from the Foundation for C ultural Heritage without Bord ers a nd the Mu­
seu m of Natural Hi story, together with the represen tati ves o f the E th nogra phic Museum,
the Is la mic Arts Museum and other muse ums fr om Swede n gave the Nati onal Museum
a particu larly valuable assistance. They invited the Nati onal Muse um Director and the
Natural Sciences Department Head Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil , as well as the UNESCO repre­
sentative for Bo snia and Herzegovina Dr. C o lin Kaiser, to visit Stock holm in the fall o f
1996. On that occasion the man ner of assistance hav ing been o ffered by the Foundation
for Cultural Heritage without Borders and other Swedish museums was agreed upon .
Some funds were used towards a re habilitati on and improvement of ex.hibiti on collections
in the Natural Sciences Departmen t. All the three departments received a specialised
equipment and materials for conservatio n and preservation of museum exhibits. The mu­
seum experts fr om S weden helped us not onl y with their vis it, but also in having given us

directions how to continue our collaboration. Two young experts from the National Mu­
seum, an archaeologist and a botanist, spent two months in Sweden in 1998 as their
study and education trip.
The Dutch Embassy donation was used towards the rehabilitation of central heating
in the Museum. The other donations from foreign embassies came in 1996 and 1997.
We had offered the Botanical garden and its space for the celebration of national holi­
days for the embassies of France, United Kingdom and USA, and recei ved valuable
donation for specific purposes from them.
One must not neglect the donm-s that have kept assisting the Museum during both
the war and peace, such as the Open Society Fund of Bosnia and Herzegovina (The "So­
ros" Foundation) , and the Council for Culture of the Democratic Action Party (SDA).
Other organisations that has helped us with donations and contributions in money
were: the City of Berlin, the International Peace Centre from Sarajevo, the Bosniak In­
stitute from Zurich, Prof. Dr. Werner Lehfeldt from Germany, the "Svjetlost" Publish­
ing Company, The Tobacco Factory from Sarajevo, Sarajevo Great Bakery and the
Sarajevo Milk Company, as well as any other local and international humanitarian or­
ganisations . During the war, and while the Museum exhibits were in the process of
evacuation, the Rais-u l-ulamma Dr. Mustafa ef Cerie visited the Museum and gave the
employees who had worked on this tiring job his financial support.
The National Museum employees have been grateful to all those who had helped
them in any way in their struggle to overcome the destruction . The struggle also in­
cluded finding the means to preserve the exhibits and the Institution , but also to recruit
the new experts. Having shown its interest and understanding for the lack of qualified
personnel , UNESCO offered its pieces of advice and a number of its own experts. They
tried to provide certain guidelines to the National Museum in the new post-war condi­
tions that became closer to the free market economy.
Thanks to the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Relations of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, we are in possession of the Implementation Project for the Rehabilitation
of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the estimates of costs. The
project was designed in the "Projekt" Company in Sarajevo. The project covers the Mu­
seum rehabilitation, but it also offers some novelties, such as new electrical appliances
and improvements in telephone lines, computer network, and the construction of physi­
cally protected space Ivaultsl.
Even before the war there was a high fluctuation of people within the National Mu­
seum. The number of the most dedicated ones among them did not leave the Museum
even under the most difficult circumstances should be mentioned here as those who
remained in the Museum from the outbreak of war, in April 1992, until the Dayton
Peace Accords in 1995.

We should list them in alphabetical order (of surnames):

1. Sabaheta Abadzie
2. Svetlana Bajie
3. Astrida Bugarski
4. Dr. Denana Buturovie
5. Lidija FekeZa, MA
6. JusufGadzo
7. Margita Gavrilovic
8. Hamida Karaman
9. Esma Kreso
10. Olga Lalevic

11. Dr. Svjetoslav Obratil

12. Miodrag Radovanovic
13. Petra Raden
14. Rasema Salaka

15.Dr. Cedomil Silic

16. Jasminka Si~ic

17. Marica Todorovic
18. Esad Veskovic

The list must be supplemented by the name of the Director Dr. Rizo Silane, who
had been killed while working for the Museum, then our fellow-colleague Mrs. Rukjja
Bjelak, who had been killed by a shell shrapnel on January 8, 1994. Dr. Cedomil Sili6
was active throughout the war as an indispensable expert for the National Museum . The
circumstances forced him to retire on May 9, 1995, but he managed to finish all his du­
ties, including his tasks as the editor-in-chief, layout designer and editor and corrector
of the National Museum Herald (the war Volume) . Mrs. Mersida Bakovljev, a mother of
a small child should be also mentioned here. She came to work diligently until March 22,
1994 as much as the conditions allowed having often left her small child alone while her
husband was defending the City of Sarajevo. On the day mentioned she began to use the law
stipulations that allowed mothers with small children to remain at home in a "layoff' status.
The four defenders from the National Museum (H. Karkelja, B. Zuza, Z. Kovacevic
and S. Perunicic) gave their contribution not only for the defence of Sarajevo, but also
in having given their help to the National Museum .37
The scientific work in the National Museum under the war and post-war circum­
stances ought to have been the topic of a separate paper, as well as publishing activities,
and, above all, the status of the National Museum and the clear directions the disciplines
that have been exclusively cherished here should have taken in the future.
Almost all the people employed in the National Museum, and particularly those who
had remained in the Museum throughout the period that was described in this work,
from April 1992 until today, gave me valuable pieces of information during the research
I have conducted in order to write this paper. The most valuable source of information
and the biggest assistance offered in the actual process of text writing came from Mr.
Esad Veskovic, conservator special ist.

I would like to express my particular gratitude to the authors of photographs , Dr.

Cedomil Silic, Miodrag Radovanovic, AcifHodovic and Dr. Marian Wenzel.

Translated by
Srebren DIZDAR

37 The staff that maintained the overall hygienic conditions - cleaning persons - although with the
assistance of all employees had a heavy burden on their backs. They were rather important in
the process of establishing the normal order in the National Museum. A certain number of them
joined the Museum during the war although they could not become the full employees with
wages. One should mention Subha Hamzic, ESefa TeSanovie and Kima Sehovic, who worked
for more than a year without pay (to be precise: 15 months). When Prof. Dr. Enver Imamovie
assumed his position as the Director, he called a number of people who had the layoff status to
join the Museum again. These colleagues waited a long time to be fulJy approved and receive
their salaries. Merdina Tekac and AiSa Softie, MA, could have used the exemption from work
having had small children, but they did not use this possibility. Fadil Cano volunteered as a re­
ceptionist since the spring of 1994. He was fully employed on July I. 1995. The Museum legal
expert Mirsada MuSkie came to the Museum on April I, 1994. She became fully employed 16
months later, first as the Museum Secretary, and later on as the Assistant to the Director.
UDK: 902/904(058) ISSN 0352-1990



UDK 903(497.15) "652"






In this paper the author discusses the archeological locations where, in the last twenty
years, he has done systematic or protective excavations, giving the most basic outlines for
the results obtained. The paper is about the manner of burning (incineration) and burying
in the tribe of Daesitiates in the pre-Roman occupation period (the Younger Iron Age) and
the acceptance of the new way of burning and burying in time of the Roman occupation
(continuously from 3rd century B. C. to 3rd century A. D.) The affirmed stronger influence
of Celts on the Daesitiates territory is quite important. but. however, it still does not re­
solve the issue of the Pannonian origin of the Daesitiates (Strabo, VII , 5, 3). It is obvious
that longer research ought to be undertaken. The results also raise the issue of urbanisa­
tion and romanisation of this tribe on the more profound level, particularly a poorly ex­
amined period of the late antique and its defence during the attacks of Barbarians between
3rd and 6 th century A. D.

The areas along the upper course of the Bosnia river with today 's settlements around
Sarajevo, Kiseljak, Breza and Visoko , and partly the middle course of the river with the
settlements around Kakanj and Zenica, as well as those at the very edge of this area,
Bugojno, G. Vakuf and D. Vakuf, then the upper course of the Vrbas river, are all con­
sidered as parts either of proper or greater central Bosnia. / See the map/
This is a territory where in the last twenty years a number of ample archaeological
protective and systematic excavations have been carried out, providing significant data
for better cultural and historical consideration of these areas in the early Iron age, Roman
age and [ate antiquity. Among the finds explored the following locations are especially
prominent: Kamenjaca (Breza), Ograja (Zenica), Mlincici (Zenica), Gromile (Kakanj)
and Grudine (Bugojno) . The outcomes of these excavations were published in Arheo­
loski pregled (ArchaeDlogical Review), Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja, Sarajevo. (National
Museum Journal) and in some other archaeolDgical magazines and publications . I Some
Df those finds , e.g., pre-Roman and RDman necropDlises at Kamenjaca in Breza, are im-

I PaskvaJin V. 1975,57-62; Paskvalin V . 1990,35-92; Trajkovic D. 1969,183-185: Trajkovic D.

1971, 18-20; Paskvalin V. 1986, 151-162; Paskvalin V. 1991; Paskvalin V. 1959,98-99;
Paskvalin V. 1961,89-92; Paskvalin V. 1966,146-148; Paskvalin V. 1968, 159-162; Paskvalin
V. 1970, 131-132; PaSkvalin V. 1990,32-52; P1Z 1987. Breza -Kamenjata, 483 , 517,527 , 528 ,
and 905;
-o- MURSA 'l

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I>l CI><
0­ ;0::
0' <
~ ._--­
/ .~
-<1 ::::===::--=
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4f --~"." ~ -.J " .>.

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. , ~

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portant in the view of cultural and historical period of the turn of the eras; and those ob­
tained in excavations at Ograja in PutoviCi (Zenica) are of interest for study of the period
of Romanisation and urbanisation in these areas as back as to the Flavian age; while the
location of Gromile near Kakanj is of interest for research on the period oflate antiquity.2
On the basis of historical facts or archaeological and epigraphic sources, it can be
stated that this region prior to Roman occupation was populated by Illyrian - Pannonian
tribe of Daesitiates. This statement can be corroborated by three archaeological - epi­
graphic finds. One of them is found among four starting signposts with inscriptions
from the time of construction of the Roman roads in the territory of the newly formed
province of Dalmatia, whose then administrator was P. Cornelius Dolabella, the em­
peror's regent. !P. Cornelius Dolabella legatus Augusti propraetore/ The name of the
castel or the city of Hedum is but partially preserved ( .... a Salonis ad He[ dum(?)]
[c]astel[lum] Daesitiatium per milia passum CLVI munitl ClL III 3201=10159+3198,
b= I 0 l56,b = M. Abramic 1928, 151/, in the land of Daesitiates, somewhere in vicinity
of today's Breza, Kiseljak or Vares. 4 Unfortunately, this find has not been archeologi­
cally confirmed. The next evidence is also, a well-known epigraphic sepulchral monu­
ment - a cippus found in Breza, which has proved with certainty that the Daesitiates
once lived in the upper course of the Bosna river. There is distinctly preserved the name
of the Daesitiates prince (princeps) or the leader T(itus) F(lavius) Valens Varronis
f(ilius) princeps Daesitaiti(um)5 This inscription, or just one of its onomastic segment
with its supplement is very important for studies of Romanisation and urbanisation of
this tribe. Namely, the initials T and F were supplemented (read) by D. Sergejevski as
T(itulum) F(ecit) Valens Varronis, etc., whilst by Rendic-Miotevic, this rightfully and
logically read (complemented) as T(itus) F(lavius), ie., praenomen and nomen gentile of
the imperial Flavian family, which would, according to a such complement, mean that
Roman citizenship was granted either by afore-mentioned family or directly by the em­
peror Vespasian . (69 -79) (T.Il, Fig. 1).6 Beside the evidence of the beginning of Ro­
manisation, this historical fact indicates a very beginning of urbanisation in the Da­
esitiates areas. In addition to these two archaeological - epigraphic elements, and at the
same time historical documents identifying the Daesitiates territory, a third archaeologi­
cal - epigraphic proof should be also presented, the one which implicite indicates the
area of the Daesitiates tribe and their center. This is a titulus, the sepulchral monument
of major historic importance , since according to its autochthonous onomastics and loca­
tion (Zupta near Breza) it belonged to the family of Baton, whose descendant was a
famous army commander Baton, organiser of Illyrian resistance against the Romans
(Bellum Batonianum) at the beginning of the New era 7 Because of its historical and
onomastic values the whole text as read by A. Mayer is presented below: 8

Cf. PIZ Y, 1987,483,517,527,528, and 905; Paskva1in Y. 1990,35-92; Paskvalin Y. 1980,

55-84; Paskva1in Y. 1986, 151-162;
3 Abramic M. 1928, 31-44; Mayer A. 1930-1934 (1940), 125-156; Ballif Ph.-Patsch K. 1891 ,
395-404 ; Ballif Ph. 1893 , 70; Pasa1ic E. 1960, 118; Bojanovski 1. 1974, 227 ; Bojanovski 1.
1984,49-99; A.J. Evans 1883 , 105; Patsch C. 1906, 151-181 ; Bojanovski 1.,1988,52, 53,146,
Lit. about Hedum, see ( cf.) note 3;
Cremosnik G. - Sergejevski D. 1930; Rendic-Miocevic D. 1948,67; Sergejevski D. 1940, 141 ;
Bojanovski I. 1988. 144-168;
Rendic-Miocevic D. 1948. 67 ; Sergejevski D. 1930, 8-9; 1940, 141 No. 10. Fig. 11; Bojanov­
ski I. 1988 . 167 ; with note 21 within the text; Paskvalin Y. 1990,65-66;
Bojanovski I. 1988.48 etc.. 50 etc.;
Yulic N . 1934, 40; RendLc-Miocevic D. 1948,15,32, 49; Mayer A. 1957.81-82; Bojanovski 1.
1974. 184. Fig. 17 ; A1fOldy G. 1969, S.v. ; Bojanovski I. 1988. 146/ note 151;

Batoni Liccai f(ilio) ffeuta Vietis.l

Sceno Batonis f(ilius)1 Maxime natusl

IS/cenocalo Batoni/sl f(ilio)

IS/caevae ae Batonis f(ilio). ICalloni Batonis f(ilio)1

fPlrorado Batonis f(ilio)1

IS/cens Batonis f(ilio)1

Imi/nime natus ex eis sil

bi et III lsI uis de sua

pecunia fieri i/ussitl . (T.Il, Fig .2).

The find of the above epitaph was the reason for undertaking trial archaeological ex­
plorations on this hill, in hope to provide the answer as to whether Vina was a Roman
location or even a castle HE/dum?1 CASTELLVM DAESITIATIUM. The trial excava­
tions, unfortunately, did not confirm this assumption, but on the other hand the plateau
on the Vina hill nonetheless proved to be an archaeological find , but dated to the Middle
ages. On that occasion, a necropolis of Ktitlach group was identified which is contem­
poraneous to the group of Bijelo brdo in the 10 th _12th centuries AD, less known in these
Archaeological excavations at Vina in Zupca (Breza) did not confirm Daesitiates'
castle He/dum?l. but they did uncover the native land, or more precisely the native
place of Baton, a great Daesitiates' leader in rebellion against the Romans, fighting for
independence of Daesitiates i.e., the Illyrians . 1O After the Roman victory over the Illyri­
ans, the Roman commander Tiberius and later emperor took Baton captive to Rome
where he died soon after. II And another, above mentioned significant find concerning
our inheritance, uncovered in these excavations, a necropolis of the Medieval Kotlach
group from 10 th _12th centuries AD, which is, due to lack of exploration less known in
these areas - has initiated new consideration on cultural and historical features of this
region in Middle ages. 12
Thus based on this archaeological-epigraphic and historical evidence, archaeological
science dealing with Roman times, finally has solved the problem concerning the areas
in which the tribe/people of Daesitiates lived during the I11yrian independence as well as
during the Roman occupation . Now we know with certainty that it was the upper and
partially middle course of the river Bosna (see the map T. I), as opposed to previous
ubiquity of this tribe. 13

9 Bojanovski I. 1984,52,53, 146. etc., 152, 155; Bojanovski 1. 1988, ALBiH, vol. HEldum?l,
158; Miletic N. 1975. 93-11 L N. Miletic 1984, 375-434; Pa ~ kvalin V. Report on recogni sing
learned from the manuscript V. Mikolji, p. 15 as dictated by Friar Rasko Drljic "Locally Desi­
tiyates have been identified in the region of iron production in central Bosnia. It has been de­
tected with help of inscriptions on the stone monuments in Breza, while in 1933 the author of
thi s book revealed in the same region in Zupta upon Vina , a marble family cenotaph of a great
Daesitiates leader." I Dio Cassius, LVI. 17; Veil. Pat. II, 1 101. It should be made known who
was the one who identified the monument of the great Baton. Trial excavations were conducted
by the archeologist Veljko Paskvalin together with 1. Susnik and S. Kudra. A poorly preserved
Kbtlach ear-ring from Vina, found during the excavations, has been less quoted than some
other finds , those from north-western Bosnia for example, the same goes for the location.
III Bojanovski I. 1988, 48-54;

II Bojanovski I. 1988,53; author does not directly mention Tiberius ' s triumph and Baton'S par­

ticipation in it;
12 Miletic N. 1975, 93-111; Miletic N. 1984,375-434;
13 In the Pre-Roman times: Covic B. 1976. 187 -237; Covic B. in PlZ 1987; In the Roman times,
according to Bojanovski, they spread to the upper course of the Vrbas river in the West, and to

Thus when the antique science has with certainty identified the Daesitiates territory,
according to ancient historian Strabon, there remains to be scientifically confirmed
whether the Daesitiates was one of the Pannonian tribes. 14 The answer to this question
can be provided only by archaeology based on excavations and study of material and
spiritual culture of the finds (locations) within the Daesitiates territory. (See the map)
On this basis further research will try to find archaeological evidence, which would ini­
tiate this course of exploration to greater Daesitiates territory and in this way contribute
to clarification of the Strabon's statement about the Daesitiates' Pannonian origin . One
of these newly explored finds is a necropolis at Kamenjaca in Breza. ls
The excavation on this necropolis did not prove existence of any larger tumulus ei­
ther from the Bronze Age or late Iron Age ; but just the archaeological fact with only one
grave of inhumed woman indicating a necropolis with flat graves and incineration rite
(TIl, Fig.3).16 The outcomes obtained through exploration of this necropolis will be
considered in descriptions of the ways of burying, archaeological finds and offerings
(T. III, Fig.1; T IV, Fig.2).
As to burying, it has been noticed that it comprised the very manner of incineration,
laying or disposal of scorched bones and ashes on the rectangular grave constructions
made of stone pebbles and plaques (TIll, Fig.2,3; TIV, Fig.I). In this view two chrono­
logical phases can be observed. They are the early and the late phase, and based on the
ways of burying, there should be recognised one of the elements relevant for determina­
tion of chronology of transitional period between early La Tene period and Roman times .
Thus in this context the earlier modes of burying of incinerated bodies was charac­
terised by rectangular grave constructions over which, together with funerary offerings,
the scorched remains of the deceased were laid . Among the offerings most frequently
are noted iron lances, knives, a handful of late La Tene-type fibulae and fragments of
rather rough ceramics. However, the subsequent way of burying or laying the scorched
bodies, differed from the earlier one by formation of groups or small piles of stone peb­
bles covering the grave pits. The ashes of the incinerated bodies were stored into the pits
together with remains of soot and small fragments of both fine and rough ceramics ,
while offerings in the form of iron stales or knives and other were laid on stone piles or
beside them.
In contrast to the earlier period when incineration was rare or partial , with bigger
fragments of bones, during the later cultural and historical period there appeared a more
intensive way of incineration, thus this technique corresponded more to Roman meth­
ods, or just the Roman times.
On the basis of archaeological material collected from excavation (finds), especially of
fibulae, it can be concluded that the earlier way of burying (incineration) had appeared
at this necropolis at the turn of the 3rd to 4th century BC and was practised until the end of the
old Era and beginning of the Christian era, or until full Roman occupation of Illiyrian lands, 17

Rogatica in the east; cf. ALBiH 1988, 70, vol. Daesitiates; cf. PIZ vol. V, 1987 , 282 , 744, 795,
796-798 , 800-802;
14 Geographi Graeci Minores, id. 213; Strabonis Geographica III, c. 315, ed. A. Meineke, Lipsiae
apud Teubneri 1907; cf. PIZ vol. V, 1987,759,797, 798;
15 Paskvalin V. 1975, 57-62; The find has not been published yet. The report on exploration of
this location is in Archaeological documentation of the Archaeological department of National
Museum Sarajevo , and in National Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo; cf. Breza­
Kamenja~a in PIZ vol. V, 1987, 483, 517, 527, 528, 905;
16 Breza-Kamenja~a ; Pa~kvalin V. 1975, 57-62; cf PIZ vol. V, 1987, 483,517, 527-528; Vrat­
nica (Visoko), 483, 484, 511,517, 797;
17 Covie B. 1984, 37-48; Pa~kvalin V. 1975,57-62; PIZ, vol.. V 1987,517,483; B. Covic 1963,
55 ; Z. Marie 1968, 55 ; M. Baum-D. Srejovie 1959,22; M. Baum-Srejovie D. 1959,40;

when Roman way of incineration with burying the deceased into pits was adopted
3; T IV, 2).18
Based on the outcomes of excavations at Kamenjaca, it is to a third
or transitional phase of burying the dead. This namely, as the methods of
burying within burial historical of Romanisation and urbanisation
of Daesitiates, is characterised laying the dead into grave with their ashes cov­
ered stone
It seems that with the above mentioned transitional way of at
started a new cultural historical in which Romanisation and urbanisation of the
Daesitiates began, and then the Daesitiates' leader (princeps) Vaiens,
son of Varrona, received Roman i.e., became a Roman citizen with
the Roman rule 20 This historical period was reflected on the in Breza in
burial parcels, and in one of them a place ought to have been found for the Daesitiates'
leader with his full name and surname T(ims) F(lavius) Valens Varonnis
f(ilius) princeps Daesitiatium, either himself or together with his (T Fig.
However, differently from the family members of the princeps Valens Varrona, it
seems that the great commander Baton'S family did not enjoy the right of Roman citi­
(civilet), which is clearly indicated by their onomastics lacking imperial gentile
name on the well known epitaph of the Baton's family in .zupce ( Breza).22 Therefore,
this epigraphic and onomastic fact, indicate that the mentioned titulum is older than the
cippus in Breza dated to the first half of 2 nd century AD 23 ; which also indicates how
cruel consequences the Baton's family presumably underwent immediately after the
war. Unfortunately, for either of these sepulchral monuments, placed exclusively at
it was not possible to determine their respective burial parcels, which would
certainly represent a significant scientific result (TIl, J; T.lV, 1,2).25
Thus, this period of the Roman rule is characterised in the necropolis at
by smaller or square stone sites, or with a grave pit filled with in­
tensively burnt almost to the very ashes - human bones, and soot, funerary offerings,
by which this necropolis, or one of its greater time period, would be dated to Vespasian
(69-79) by the end of the century AD. 26 Therefore in the light of burials at

18 Baum M. D. 40-41; Baum M. - D. 1961, 22; Baum M. "- Srejovic D.

1959, 38-40; G. Brusin 1929, pp. 60-61; Cermanovic - Kuzmanovic A- Srejovic D. Velimi­
rovie 0.1975,31-33;
19 Cremosnik G. - D. 1930,8-9; G. 1930,221 etc.; D. 1940,
10 and II; See note 18;
1. 1988,65-74, J47, 167;
Cf. PIZ vol. V 1987,528,759,797; Brusin G. 1929,60,61:
22 Bojanovski L 1988,146; Vulic N. 1934, 16,40; D. Rendic-Miocevic 1948, 15,32,49; Mayer
A 1957, 81-82; cf. Bojanovski L 1974, 184, Fig. 17; cf. AlfOldy. 1969, 55, \IV;
Epitaph of the Baton's in does not contain civitet, they are all np"pu,-;m" and in
respect to Valens Varrona who was granted civilet the Flavii it comes out
that the Baton's tomb-stone was older than that of Valens Varrone i.e. ,
Ulpiae T(iti) f(liiae) Procul{a)e.
24 It is in the "Guilt is yours. To your flocks you have been wolfs as watchers. but not
the dogs or shepherds, " (Part LVI, 16, 3), I L J988, 53; cf. also note 74 in the text
L Bojanovski/; where might be hiding what was the worst that could have happened to his family;
25 to author's a of silver fibulae, finely decorated (fine produc­
tion) of "anchor" type, dated to Ihe of the century AD, corre­
to the mentioned of Breza i.e .. these fibulae - buckles might to the men­
tioned Ulpi (Ulpiae) and their find is located within the burial and the cippus itself
26 Cf G. Brusin 1934, 183, G. Brusin, 1929,60·61; A. Cermanovic D . O . Velimirovic
1975, 66, 68, graves: 52, 54, p. 60, graves: 61, 62 id. and sepulchral monuments from Breza

Kamenja/::a, the above noted transitional period between the old and new era, would
represent a time distance until the emperor Vespasian, the initiator of Romanisation and
urbanisation in the Daesitiates areas.27
Tomb constructions in the form of the mentioned burial parcels, formed within Ro­
man graveyards, as is the case with necropolis at Kamenja/::a in Breza, are called areae
sepulcrorum or locus religiosus. These burial parcels, their existence, are also con­
firmed on sepulchral epigraphic monuments in the following formula: "in Jronte pedum
.... ( length), in agro pedum .. ." (width).28 It was at Kamenja/::a in Breza that they were
for the first time archeologically confirmed among Daesitiates in Bosnia and Herzego­
vina, so that in relation to other necropolises they represent a significant scientific re­
sult. A necropolis with a burial parcel, was not identified in Salona.29 In the above ne­
cropolis also was identified a space where ritual acts were performed during incinera­
tion of the deceased . This space is called ustrinum and performer of incineration ustor 30
The cultural material, fibulae finds of the middle La Tene scheme belonging to Gla­
sinac cultural circle and other similar finds in Bosnia and Herzegovina emerging in Be
350-250, then analogies in the ways of partial incineration and burying in the tumuli at
Glasinac, the cultural chronology of the necropolis at Kamenja/::a, indicate that this ne­
cropolis belonged to later phase of the early Iron Age, and so transition from the 4th to
3 rd century Be can be observed; which shows that the necropolis at Kamenja/::a was
formed as early as in the 3 rd century BC. 31 In addition, again based on the fibulae from
the 2 nd and 151 centuries Be, there are indications of continuity of burials at Kamenjaca
in Breza well to the beginning of the Roman rule, when a new era of burying rituals
began.32 The necropolis in Breza indicates a long continuity in burying, first of non­
romanised and later of romanised Daesitiates, or on the other hand autochthonous tradi­
tion of funeral rite of incineration and burying, which gradually decreased with the Ro­
mans' arrival already from the times of the emperor Vespasian in the I sl century AD.,
until the 3 rd century AD., when gradually inhumation rite prevailed, which, apart from
one woman's grave, was not confirmed at Kamenja/::a. 33 Thus, according to the above,
in the Roman period, all sepulchral monuments found in Breza or its vicinity (epitaph to
Baton of Vina , etc.) would belong to this part of the necropolis. All of them stood in the
necropolis sub divo above the grave pits, identifying in this way inside the burial parcel
a sepulchral or resting place of the deceased.
Also, one of the important archaeological finds in this region is location of Ograja in
Putovici (Zenica). Archaeological excavation uncovered foundations of an architectural

and its surrounding also indicate that the necropolises at Kamenjaca in Breza may be dated not
before the end of the 3rd century AD; cf. D. Sergejevski 1943, 14-) 9 , Fig. ) 1, ) 2 and 13.
27 Transitional period from AD 9, has been also noted on the location of Ograja in Putoviei. It is
also characterised by the finds of fibulae etc., cf. Paskvalin V. 1980, 73-83 ; V. PaskvaJin 1990,
68 ; V. Paskvalin 1990, 65-70;
28 Cf. Note 26; F. Bulie Bull. Dalm. XXXVII, 58-59, Bull. Dalm. XXV (1902), 24, Bull. Dalm.
VI (1883) , 47;
29 Cambi N. , 1988
30 Cult area of incineration was the same in pre-Roman and Roman times . It has been only noted
to be somewhat expanded . B. Covic 1963,55;
31 B. Covic 1963,55; cr. P1Z V 1987,482-483,517, V. PaSkvalin 1975,57-62;
32 B. Covic 1963,55; V. PaSkvalin 1980,68-71, Fig. 21, 22, 23 and 24, 81-83 ; R. Bizic 1951,
291; A. Benac-B. Covic 1957, G1asinac II; Z. Maric 1968, 55; Z Maric 1963, 45-49; 1. To­
dorovic 1968, 83-91; R. Bizic 1951,291;
33 Cf. authors under note 26; The grave of inhumed woman at the necropolis in Breza represents
the end of inhumation period and beginning of incineration, which lasted as long as until the 4th
century AD, when under gradual stronger Oriental influences on these areas inhumation was
introduced again.; Cf. N. Cambi 1988,5-12; P1Z V 1987,511;

object of thermae (public bath).34 It should be noted that the thermae issue is not under
consideration here, but we shall only use these facts for determination of chronology for
their appearance . Therefore, in this respect, it should be pointed out that the thermae
construction at Ograja indicates urbanisation or an urban community to which also be­
longed architectural objects identified on location of Mlincici at Ti~ina (Zenica), not far
from the thermae; forming in this way a particular type of urban settlement. 35 It seems
that to this urban community also belonged the objects identified on the location of
Bilimisce in Zenica, which judging from an ancient-Christian basilica on the same loca­
tion, probably constituted the same urban entity or the city (urbs) already in the early
Christian period, the name of which we have not yet uncovered, unless it was one of
Bistues municipii (T .V, Fig. I )36 In addition to identification of the urban entity or urbs
(city) in this area, which certainly indicates the initial phase of Roman urbanisation in
these parts of Daesitiates land, beside the mentioned thermae, stands another archaeo­
logical find, the remains of a mosaic floor in black and white, with fragmentary mytho­
logical representation of hypocamp and human foot in Roman sandal (slipper) which
undoubtedly indicates the period of thermae's origin, and relating to this the very begin­
nings of Daesitiates' urbanisation .
On the other hand, among the prime arguments or evidence, indicating simultaneity
of Romanisation and urbanisation in Daesitiates areas, epigraphically reliable evidence
is gentile royal name of Flavius (T.Il, Fig. I), identified in nomenclature of the Daesiti­
ates princeps Valans, son of Varron, which means that Val ens son of Varron was
granted the Roman citizenship (civitet) during the rule of the above famil y 3? The find­
ings of the money from the emperor Vespasian age ( 69-79) at location of Ograja, also
represents archaeological evidence of simultaneous activ ities conducted by emperor
Vespasian within Daesitiates region and greater area in the provinces of Dalmatia and
Pannonia. 38 Thus emperor Vespasian granted Sirmium the status of colony , as well as to
numerous other municipii , which might be also referred to Municipium Bistuensium
(Bistues =Nova et Vetus)39 of which one or both were Flavians, but not yet urbanised 40
Thus together with Romanisation started urbanisation, which brings to conclusion that
in these areas they followed each other (T. V, Fig. 2).
Simultaneous implementation of the emperor Vespasian's policy of Romanisation
and urbanisation among the Daesitiates is also illustrated by the technique of the above
mentioned mosaic in the thermae at Ograja. Namely , the technique of black and white
mosaic was known in Italy and at the Adriatic in the 151 and early 2 century AD, which
period corresponds to Vespasian's actions. The nomen gentile of emperor Trajan UI­
pius was also known in these areas, which indicates that he resumed the same policy
among Daesitiates, which was probably in connection with his preparations to conquer
the Dacians. Therefore, based on the above, a conclusion can be made that Vespasian

34 V. Paskvalin 1980,55-83 ; V. Paskvalin 1990, 35-90;

35 D. Trajkovic - C. Trajkovic 1969, 183-185; D. Trajkovic 1971,70-72; I. Bojanovski 1988,

168 ; V. Paskvalin 1980, 83; V. Paskvalin 1990,66-69 ;

36 Cf. notes 35 and 34; I. Bojanovski 1988 , 157-159;
37 D. Sergejevski 1930,8-9; D. Sergejevski 1940, 141, no . 10, Fig. 11 ; D. Rendic - Mio~evic
1948 , 67; I. Bojanovski 1988,147;
38 I. Bojanovski 1988,167-168;
39 K. Patsch 1906, 156; D. Sergejevski 1932, 37; E. Pa~alic 1960, 40; G. Alfcildy 1965, 156; 1.1.
Wilkes 1969,274; I. Bojanovski 1988,167;
40 I. Bojanovski 1988, 155-167; Here is the issue fully presented;
41 V. Paskvalin 1990,53-54, 66-70; I. Bojanovski 1988. 157-167 ;
42 I. Bojanovski 1988, 70; This is indicated by a great number of monuments with this genteel
name, so granting of civitet presumably had that meaning;

was the first Roman emperor from the early Principatus period who made the steps to­
wards Romanisation and urbanisation of the Daesitiates tribe, which was continued, as
is logical, in the centre of social and spiritual power of this tribe, i.e., in the area of up­
per and middle course of the Bosna river (Breza, Zenica, Putovici and Ti~ina).43 (See
the map)
After Vespasian, the same policy was resumed by the emperors from his family,
Trajan and others. 44To this historical framework also are dated architectural objects of
thermae at Ograja and that one at Mlin~ici.45 (T. V, Fig. 2)
When within a small area of a plateau, at a small distance among them are found the
architectural objects of thermae, the nimpha temple (Nimfeum), villa rustica at Bilimisce,
architectural constructions and an early Christian basilica, they only prove that before
the Roman times, an autochthonous Daesitiates settlement had existed in this small
area,46 and the one from the Roman times was not but its continuation. Therefore the
Romans only took over the location of the existing settlement, without giving it urban
characteristics of a Roman city, so that this city, municipium, could be an prototype of
new settlements (municipii) which were developing in a similar way in these areas .47
In addition to foregoing facts about beginnings of urbanisation and Romanisation , it
is also necessary to consider the ways (methods) used by the Romans in the process of
Romanisation of population. This was a well tested method consisting of population
dispersion, and recruiting all those capable for labour or army, and taking them outside
the II1yrian areas. 48 Besides, considerable privileges were granted, at first to the nota­
bles, especially the tribes leaders. Archaeology and epigraphic monuments of these ar­
eas offer many examples, a most illustrative one being princeps Daesitiates T(itus}
F(lavius) Valens Varronis f(ilius}, who by the Flavius gentile name in nomenclature was
a Roman citizen, and was granted civitet either by Vespasian or some of his succes­
sors. 49 The Daesitiates followed their leaders and most distinguished citizens in obtain­
ing all the rights provided by civitet. In this way Romanisation was carried out much
faster and easier, attracting the autochthonous elements. That this class was privileged
can be seen also by the fact that after the Caracalla' s constitution in 2 I 2 AD, local tra­
ditions began to return, expelling from onomastics even imperial gentile names, as a
visible sign of Roman citizenship. The reason to this was that by this constitution all
citizens of the Empire became the Roman citizens, and thus all previously existing
privileges According to epigraphic data, as was mentioned above, it can be
stated with considerable certainty that Valens, son of Varron, the Daesitiates leader was
the first or among the first ones who was granted Roman civitet, being followed by the
others. Still this was not the case with the family members of Daesitiates leader Baton,
whose monument is certainly older as is visible from its onomastics lacking the imperial
gentile name in the above mentioned epitaph. sl Thus in the light of presented argumen­
tation about the beginnings of Romanisation, it can be concluded that Romanisation of

43 Cf P1Z V 1987,527-528,797, 798;

44 I. Bojanovski 1988, 147 (see note 22),165;

45 V. Paskvalin 1990, 62-66, see note 71;

46 V. Paskvalin 1980,67-83; V. Paskvalin 1990,65-69;

47 Cf. I. Bojanovski 1988,373-382, the names of municipii from the Daesitiates region ;

48 I. Bojanovski 1988, 53-54;

4Y r. Bojanovski 1988,161;

50 G. Alfbldy 1969, 147, 183; A. Moscsy 1959, 148, dd ; Cf. I Bojanovski 1988,70; ibid, 146,60,

51 A most illustrative example for of this postulate certainly is s sepulchral monument of the Ba­
ton's family from Zupta. Cf. with I. Bojanovski 1988, 146 ( note 15), 60 etc., I. Bojanovski
1988,65, etc.

the Daesitiates was conducted simultaneously with urbanisation, or establishment of

administrative centres. To conclude, all this shows the emperor Vespasian's policy to­
wards inner area of Dalmatia province, which in essence had an economic goal
Another archaeological fact , concerning the study of the Daesitiates tribe during the
period of their independence, is provided by a pottery furnace. identified immediately
under the foundations of the Roman thermae at Ograja 5 3 The furnace found at such
location, clearly demonstrates its belonging to the autochthonous Daesitiates population
who had had its settlement somewhere around. before the Roman thermae were erected. 54
This statement at least indirectly is confirmed by the finds of a lance fibulae, a fibulae in
the shape of an ivy leaf, and the one of late La Tene scheme, indicating that this settle­
nd 55
ment had already existed in the period of Early Iron Age in the 2 -1" centuries BC
A number of finds also confirm the above, such as fragments of ceramics found be­
side the ceramic furnace. These fragments of clay pots of various shapes and sizes, are
also interesting as indications of local pottery production, which was based upon late La
Tene tradition, recognisable by products in colour as well as by other techniques of that
period. 56 Therefore, these arguments lead to conclusion that the potters and other craftsmen
of these areas were in close contacts, in the first place by trading with inhabitants of
Pannonia, i.e., with the Celtic tribe Skordisci or more precisely with the potters (mer­
chants) of Gomolava. However, this archaeological fact. indicating economic and cul­
tural relations with Pannonian population, is not in itself a sufficient argument to judge
about the well-known Strabon's statement that the Daesitiates were Pannonians 58 In
terms of archaeological research we are only at the very beginning , but exploration of
this issue should not be stopped at this level. 59
So far there has not been any intensive exploration of the late antiquity in this part of
central Bosnia. More attention has been paid to attacks of barbarians (Goths and others)
on the Roman empire's borders (limes) on the Danube river, between the 3 rd and early
4th centuries AD. 60 In this sense, some new clues are provided by architectural finds of a
construction at Gromile near Kakanj .61 This late antique construction of the castron
type, similar to another, larger one at Mogorjelo, could not be thoroughly archeologi­
cally explored because of the layers of earth from the strip mine over its foundations .

52 I. Bojanovski 1988, 167.60,65, etc. , 65 elc.;

53 V. Paskvalin 1990,43-44, 68;

54 V. Paskvalin 1980.70-71. Fig. 21. 22. 23,24, 67-71. 82-83; V. Paskvalin 1990, 45-50;

55 V. Paskvalin 1980.81-83; V. Paskvalin 1990.67;

56 Dating of pre-Roman settlement at Ograja in Putovici ( Zenica) is based on the find of a fur­

nace and pottery products. and prehistoric buckles . Cf. V. Paskvalin 1980. 68-72. 81-83; ibid.
41-45; T. IV. 1; T. VI. 1,2.3; T. XII. 1-6; T. XV. la, b. 2a, b; T. XI. 1-4;
57 Cf. PIZ V 1987,801; V. Paskvalin 1990.44. etc.. 50-53; V. Paskvalin 1980,67-70, Fig. 18;
B.M. Jovanovic 1988.92-100; V. Paskva1in 1990, 67;
58 For this issue see PJZ V, 1987,759, where basic references are briefly presented;
59 As it has already been mentioned this investigation should not be stopped. However, it seems
that Daesitiates necropolis in Breza dating from late Iron Age, and the beginning of the New
Era ( 3 century BC - AD 3 rd cenrury ) will not say much more about the Daesitiates as Pan­
nonians. but only about a great influence on them, especially after the Celts return to Panno­
nian area, more precisely their tribe Skordisci / cf. Z. Marie 1963, and all his works dealing
with this issue!; P JZ V, 1987, Bibliography under Z. Marie; see also the works by R. Kati~ic
and other authors dealing with this topic.
60 N. A. Maskin 1951,472 and 477 . For other Barbarian tribes see the same author; V. Paskvalin
1986, J53- J 61 ;
61 V. PaSkvalin 1986, 156-157. Tables XXV, XXVI; M. Suic 1976,235-240. Fig. 161, 162; I.
Bojanovski 1978, 155- 160;
62 Cf. note 6 J ;

Nevertheless, on the basis on conducted archeological protective works, we have

learned something about historical and cultural circumstances in these areas during the
late antique times.
One of the important results of these explorations is a rump design (foundations) of
the construction, illustrating that this object, apart from agricultural function, also
served for defense, since at one of its corners was identified a square tower. 63 Other
archaeological finds, especially ceramics and in a special way the money of emperors
Constans (337-350) and Constantius (337-361), indicate a period in which the construc­
tion served for the purpose of the Roman empire's defence. The remains of these foun­
dations, together Mogorjelo, is but additional evidence on how the Romans organised
defence within deep inner areas, against possible incursions of Barbarians and their
conquests. 64 Since this construction, as well as that one at Mogorjelo, was erected for
defence, this indicates its dating to the reign of emperor Diocletian (284-305), when
defence of the Roman empire was a top state interest. 65
From the same historical period is also a late antique castle in Gradac. Taking into
account topographic distance between these two locations, it seems that they belonged
to the same settlement. That one at Gromile is in a plain, while the one in Gradac is on a
hill, the latter probably intended for defence and a refuge for population, and they both
constituted part of defensive system of the Empire in Dalmatia region. 66 Chronologi­
cally it is contemporaneous with the defensive construction at Gromile from Diocletian
age (284-305), or a few years older. According to this, as to historical period of late
antiquity, a special attention should be drawn to these and similar archaeological finds
from the times of great and frequent wars in the historical period between the 3 _6 lh
century, when the early Middle ages began for European peoples. 67


Since based on archaeological and historical - epigraphic monuments from the period of
the Roman occupation, the central area of Daesitiates tribe 68 has been undoubtedly
identified, there remains for future research to try to establish their greater area of living
during the period of Illyrian independence, which would probably be confronted to their
areas during the Roman occupation.
If Breza had been an administrative centre of the Daesitiates, then the necropolis at
Kamenjaca certainly belonged to them already in late Iron Age, from the 3rd century BC
to AD 3 century, during the Roman period (Romanised Daesitiates). It should be also
noted that archaeological science has accepted this as an accomplished fact. This ne­
cropolis is certainly one with a long cultural and historical continuity of six centuries.69
During the period of Illyrian independence, the ways of burying ( incineration rite)
of the deceased at Kamenjaca in Breza, indicate at times closer cultural relations with
the popUlation of Glasinac,70,71) , while the fibulae of the late La Tene scheme indicate

63 Cf. note 61 ;

64 V. Paskva1in 1986;

65 I. Bojanovski 1988,289,125,71; V. Paskvalin 1986;

66 V. PaskvaJin 1986, 157-158;

67 V. Paskvalin 1988, 36-40/ a concise survey of developments during the late antiquity, ALBiH

vol. I, /;
6R I. Bojanovski 1988, vol. Daesitiates, 367; P1Z V, 1987, 797;
69 V. Paskvalin 1975,57-62;
70 I. Bojanovski 1988, ALBiH, vol 1,70, " Desitijati";
7 1 B. Covic 1963, 55;

relations with adjacent Pannonia or more precisely with the Celt culture The men­
tioned inter-relations within the Daesitiates areas are also illustrated by archaeological
finds at Ograja in Putovici by a pottery furnace and pottery products. 73
The time is needed to find out the ans-wer how much, in ethnic sense it was related to
Strabon 's statement about Pannonian origin of the Daesitiates, since the mentioned cul­
tural-historical contacts might have been a result of trading. Indication to this is also
Hellenistic ceramics from the same period found at the necropolis in Breza. These
relations are demonstrated by many other finds, especially ceramics, which reveals the
mentioned influences in these areas. 75 Therefore we are still facing with a dilemma how
much the Daesitiates are Pannonians.
It is important to point out that after the Daesitiates decay Romanisation and urbani­
sation of their areas began. This is proved by archaeological and historical -epigraphic
evidence in sepulchral monuments. Romanisation and urbanisation were simultane­
ously initiated by emperor Vespasian (68-79), by his extending civitet to Daesitiates'
leader Valens Varron, and status of municipiums to the local settlements. 77
With Romanisation and urbanisation, Daesitiates began to adopt new ways of bury­
ing the dead (burial lots and grave pits), but still retaining some of their own customs
and tradition. Necropolis at Kamenja~a is notable for the mentioned burial lots and
pits. However, as to the Daesitiates, it should be emphasised that they were familiar
with incineration rite as back as in the 3'd century Bc. 79
A significant outcome of protective excavations at Gromile in Karaula (Kakanj) is
identification of the late antique building of castron type. It is very similar to a well­
known building from 4th century AD, located at Mogorjelo. 8o This defensive object
shows how deep inner area of the Roman empire was defended in the period of late an­
tiquity. It is dated in the same period as the castron at Mogorjelo.
The presented considerations, based on archaeological outcomes obtained by exca­
vations at referred locations, indicate how much has remained to be explored with re­
gard to the issue of the Daesitiates' origin, their culture and everything else relating to
their way of life in these areas, in the course of all cultural periods, and particularly in
the period when they began to create their ethnic corpus ( a people, tribe).

Translated by
Ferida DUCIC

72 Z. Maric 1963, 45-49;

73 V. Paskvalin 1990,43, etc.;
74 Z. Rapanic 1967,37, T. Y, Fig. 40-42;
75 1. Todorovic 1968,83-90,86, Fig. 19; V. P~kvalin 1990,43-53;

76 I. Bojanovski, 1988,65-74; V. Paskvalin 1980,62-66,72-78; V. Paskvalin 1990,65-66;

77 I. Bojanovski 1988,65-66;

78 G. Brusin 1929,60-61; Ibid., 1934, 183; N. Cambi 1988,5-13;

79 cr. the text on incinerationand inhumation or about their alternate appearance during the cul­

tural and historical periods / N. Cambi 1988/

so V. Paskvalin, 1986, 157-159.


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vine, GZM (A), NS XVIII, 1963.
Maric Z., 1968 Japodske nekropole u dolini Une. GZM (A), NS XXIII, 1968.
Maskin N.A., 1951 Istorija starog Rima, Beograd, 1951 .
Mayer A., 1940 Doprinos poznavanju rimskih cesta u Dalmaciji. VAHD LI
Mayer A., J957 Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, Wien, 1957.
Miletic N., 1975 Elementi della di Koettlach in Bosnia e Herzegovina, Balca­
noslavica 4, 1975.
MileticN., 1984 Kulturna istorija Bosne i Hercegovine od najstarijih vremena
do pada ovih zemalja pod osmansku vlast 12. izdanje Veselin
Maslesa, Sarajevo, 1984.
PaSalic E. ,
1960 Anti~ka naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Sara­
jevo, Zemaljski muzej. 1960.
Paskvalin V.,
1959 Anti~ka istraZivanja u selu Cipuljicu kod Bugojna, AP,
Beograd, 1959.
Paskvalin V. ,
1961 CipuljiCi, Bugojno - Kasnoanti~ke gradevine, AP 3, 1961.
Paskvalin V.,
1966 Grudine, Cipuljici. Bugojno - starokrScanska bazilika, AP 8,
PaSkvalin V.,
1968 Grudine, Cipuljici kod Bugojna - Nastavak istraZivanja staro­
krScanske bazilike, AP 10, 1968.
Paskvalin V.,
1970 Grudine, Bugojno - starokrScanska bazilika, AP 12, 1970.
PaSkvalin V.,
1975 "Kamenja~a" , ul. 6. aprila, Breza kod Sarajeva - mladdeljez­
nodobska i rimska desitijatska nekropola, AP Beograd, 17,
Paskvalin V.,
1980 Anti~ki nimfej u PutoviCima kod Zenice, GZM NS (A) XXXIV,
1979. (1980.).
Paskvalin V. ,
1990 ArheoloSko nalaziSte Ograje u Putovicima kod Zen ice, GZM
(A) NS 4511990.
Paskvalin V.,
1991 ZaStitna iskopavanja na anti~kom lokalitetu "Gromile" u Ka­
rauli kod Kaknja, GZM (A) NS 4611991.
Patsch K.,
1906 ArheoloSko-epigrafska istraZivanja povijesti rimske provin­
cije Dalmacije. VII dio, GZM XVIII, 1906.
Rapanic t .,
1967 Helenisti~ki grobovi s prilozima u Visu, VAHD LXVII (1960.),
Split 1967.
Rendic-Mio~evic D.,
1948 Ilirska onomastika na latinskim natpisima Dalmacije, VAHD
LII, 1935-1939, Prilog 3, Split 1948.
Moscy A. , 1959 Die Bevolkerung von Panonnien bis zu den Markomannen­
krigen , Budapest 1959.
Sergejevski D., 1932 Spatantike aus Zenica, GZM XLIV, sV. 2, 1932.
Sergejevski D., 1940 Rimski natpisi iz Bosne, Uzi~kog kraja i Sandzaka, Spomenik
XCIII, 1940.
Sergejevski D., 1943 Nekoliko neizdatih anti~kih reljefa, GZM LV , 1943.
Suic M., 1976 Anti~ki grad na isto~nom Jadranu, Zagreb, 1976.
Todorovic J., 1968 Kelti u jugoisto~noj Evropi, Beograd, 1968.
Trajkovic D., 1969 Mlin~ici , TiSina, Zenica-rimsko naselje, AP 13 , 1969.
Trajkovic C.,
Trajkovic D., 1971 Podmo~ilo, TiSina, Zenica-villa rustica, AP 13, 1971.
VulicN. , 1934 Anti~kispomenici naSe zemlje, Sporn. 77, Beograd, 1934.
Wilkes 1.1. , 1969 Dalmatia, London 1969.


ALBiH Arheoloski leks ikon Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo.

AP Arheoloski pregled, Beograd.
Bull.dalm Bulletino di archeologia e storia dalmata, Split.
CBr Centar za balkanoloska ispitivanja ANUBiH, Sarajevo.
CGT Cianci i grada za kultumu istoriju isto~ne Bosne, Tuzla.
GCBI - Godisnjak Centra za balkanoloska ispitivanja ANUBiH, Sarajevo.
GZM Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, Sarajevo.
GZM(A)NS Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine, Arheologija, Nova se­
rija, Sarajevo.
PIZ Praistorija jugosJavenskih zemaJja tom V, "Svjetlost" i ANUBiH CBI,
Sarajevo, 1987.
Starinar - Starinar. Organ Arheoloskog instituta SANU, Beograd.
VAHD - Vijesnik za arheologiju i historiju daJmatinsku, Split.
WMBH - Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegovina, Wien .

Table II

Fig. 1 - Cippusfrom Breza (Valens Varronis Fig. 2 - Titulus of the Baton family
f(ilius) princeps Daesitiatium) (Zupca - Breza)

Fig. 3 - The grave ofinhumed woman, "Kamenjaca ", Breza


Table III

Fig. I -A woman's skeleton

("Kamenjaca'), Breza

Fig. 2 - Tomb construction with pits

"Kamery'aca ", Breza

Table IV

Fig. J - Tomb conslruc­

lions "Kamenjaca " Breza
- slone parcels

Fig. 2 - One ofthe modes ofburying al "Kamenjaca" in Breza


Table V

Fig. I - Tombstone from Zenica / Bilimisce/ with the

name of Bistue municipium

Fig. 2 - Founda­
tions of the
"Ograja" Ther­
mae, PutoviCi
UDK 903.5 (497.15) "652"





The paper on the cultural and historical consideration of the sepulchral monuments from
the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Roman time tries to offer, in a brief survey,
a larger discussion on the issues which impose themselves in the examination of these
monuments in the chronological series from 151 to 4th century A. D.
The author refers to their typology (ABCDEFGH), origin (from Asia Minor, Italy,
Pannonia etc.) and their diffusion in the parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same
time the paper discusses their visual art and decorative contents, notably portraits on the
monuments (stelae, cippi, urns and sarcophagi). It refers particularly to the study of cult
symbols which reveal the religious affiliation of the deceased. It also refers to other issues
which are also relevant for the examination of these parts in the Roman time. They are the
course of romanisation (Iulli, Claudii, Flavii etc.), the influence of Orient and its art in the
period of Domination (4 th century), the emergence of sarcophagi, and, related to it, the ap­
pearance of inhumation etc. Some other issues related to the cultural history of Bosnia and
Herzegovina were also raised, but not mentioned here. The consideration is particularly
and significant. In the text see the footnote N° 1.

The objective of this paper is to give a concise survey of basic cultural and historical
aspects of the sepulchral monuments from the Roman times in the territory of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.' Those are stone monuments produced in different forms and sizes.

I Hereby is presented in brief, the issue of sepulchral monuments of the Roman times in our
areas; only some problems have been pointed out, and in this respect, some new issues have
been raised relating to the history and culture during the period of the Roman occupation of our
region. The paper represents a summary on the issue, based on 277 sepulchral monuments ex­
ploration, those of all types, or categories as well as their variants. Another, more comprehen­
sive work, the doctoral thesis, deals with cultural-historicalissues in wider sense, with help of
22 archaeological - topographical maps, one of them representing the territory of Bosnia and
Herzegovina within the Roman provinces Dalmatia and Pannonia, and its position within the
Roman Empire. The other maps, 20 of them, represent finds, distribution and types (categories)
of sepulchral monuments, which makes possible manifold analyses concerning studies of nu­
merous issues of cultural and historical nature. Out of all these maps hereby are attached two,
one of them showing our region within the borders of the Roman provinces Dalmatia and Pan­
nonia, during the Roman occupation; and the other showing the position of our Republic within
the Roman empire, so thaI we can better realise and understand cultural and historical influ­
ences arriving to Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e., those existing in these areas in ancient times.

Here also belong sepulchral architectural monuments such as: mausoleums, memorials,
and domed tombs. This includes examination of their typology, ornamental and decora­
tive representations, their origin, cultural influences and distribution within our territory.


Fig. I - Types 0/ sepulchral monuments in

Bosnia and Herzegovina/rom the Roman period

The sepulchral monuments from the Roman times encompass: stelae, Cippl, grave
ossuaris, urns, sarcophagi, mausoleums and tituli. Most of them reflect incineration rite
(ritus incineratiae), whereas the others reflect skeleton burials or ritus inhumatiae. The
first group includes stelae, ossuaries (ara ossuaria), cippi and urns. However, it has been
noted that tituli may represent both ways of burying, i.e. rites. It depends on whether a
titulus is free-standing (sub divo) or constructively linked to sepulchral architectural
object, mausoleum or memorial. Together with sarcophagi this type of sepulchral
monuments reflect inhumation rites.

Not all mentioned sepulchral monuments are considered here. They, individually, or as types
and variants, make a separate question and a separate segment within these monuments, but all
belong to a common issue of sepulchral monuments consideration. Hopefully the above men­
tioned thesis is going to say much more about the foregoing.

Cultural and historical aspects of these monuments cover a period of several centu­
ries including the age of Christianity.
Herewith is attached a map of sepulchral finds within the territory of Bosnia and


Examination of the stelae typology, as a most numerous category of sepulchral monu­

ments, has been performed on the principle that a type of a monument is determined by
its external form, which is inseparable from its structural elements and ornamental con­
tents. In this way typological classification has been determined, and different types
with specific characteristics label.led by letters.
In this view, we have: rypeA (A Betz 1938,66. No ..58, A. Betz 1946.67. No.1.)
which is characterised by architectural element of gables in the form of aediculla or
naiskos (a tiny temple or chapel); rype B (K. Patsch 1894, 345-346; K. Patsch 1902,323­
324) in rectangular form with inscribed gabble in the form of aediculla; rype C (K.
Patsch 1894,717) a semi - circled domed niche, also in the form of aediculla ; rype D
(D. Sergejevski 1942, 129, Fig. 6) a free-standing vault in the form of aediculla; rype E
(I. Cremosnik 1954,219, T.V, Fig. 2, K. Patsch 1907,465-466, Fig. 92); in the form of
rectangle with an additional part, so called battlements (Aufsatze) (K. Patsch, 1902,
316, Fig. 12); type F(D. Rendic-Miocevic 1967, p. 339, T. II, Ill, 1,2) characterised by
a domeless niche without architectural elements; type G (D. Sergejevski, 1934a, N° 13) a
depicted motif of medallion, and the rype H (1. Cremosnik 1970, 50-52, Tab. V) in the
form of cippus. Thus following the above mentioned principle eight (8) basic types i.e.
categories of stelae have been grouped, but without quoting their variants developed
under various cultural and historical influences of the milieus in which they emerged.
When considering stelae in the light of ornamental and epigraphic analysis it has
been shown that the stela with free gabble, in the form of aediculla is the oldest type of
stelae (TYPe A) in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Roman time. They appeared in this
form as early as in the 4th century BC, during the period of Hellenism, or even earlier in
the 5 th century BC, and developed upon the belief into the life after death (domus ae­
terna).2 This type of stelae, whose dead retainer are soldiers and veterans of the Roman
army, originated from Asia Minor (Pessinunt), and the same as in other regions of the
Roman empire, underwent many changes, which in the first four centuries AD reflected
unto typology and ornamental contents. 3
The changes occurring in the first four centuries AD came from the process of popu­
lating these areas by Oriental, Italic as well as other settlers from the provinces of Pan­
nonia, Noricum and Moesia . During the period of Roman occupation of our territories,
the settlers were bringing with them the religions and customs of their peoples, which
was reflected in creation of sepulchral monuments with cult attributes of their religions.
These attributes are visible in the symbols of Magnae Matris (Great mother), Isis,
Dionisius, and in representations of Hellenistic funeral feast. 5 These decorative, cultural

2 G.A.Mansuelli 1956,372-373, etc.; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971, 115; M. Nikolanci 1969.81; G. A.

Mansuelli 1956,375; N. Cambi 1975,226,227, etc.; 1. 1. Wilkes 1969, Tab. 33; M. Nikolanci
1969, 8, 66, 69, Fig. 7a, 7b, etc. ; A. Schober 1923, 189; G. Brusin 1929, 57; D. Rendic-Miocevic
3 A. Schober 1923, 192; G.A. Mansuelli 1956, 374, etc. ; H. Gabelmann 1972, 67; A. Schober
1923,220, especially S. 181,209;
4 H. Gabelmann 1972,67, etc.;
5 A. Schober 1923,204, etc.;

and historical manifestations made the aforementioned influences on artistic contents on

the stelae dating from the late 3rd and early 4th century AD, in the territory of central
Bosnia (Zenica, Kiseljak) and are also ascribed to Orient (Palmyra).6
Regarding chronology of the stelae types, it is necessary to comment and identify
the time period of particular types emerging in these areas. Thus for the type A it can be
indisputably stated that it appeared immediately after Dalmatia-Pannonia war, in the
year AD 9, and with some structural changes existed until the 4th century AD, character­
ised by artistic architectural element porta inferi as an evidence of Hellenistic provenance.
Tjpe B with inscribed gabble in the form of aediculla, made appearance in the 2 nd
century AD and lasted as long as until the 4th century AD 8 Tjpe C with architectural
element of a domed niche, in the form of aediculla, also appeared in the 2 century and
was present in the 3 century AD as well, whilst type D (Jess spread)characterised by a
free-standing vaulted niche - a vault in the form of a temple, may not be older than from
the 2 century AD.9 Thus type E, known by its characteristic annex - battlements (Auf­
satze), made appearance in the 2 nd century AD, and can be found in the 3 century as
well. 10 However, the stelae of type F, characterised by a non-domed niche or absence of
architectural elements, emerged in the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries AD. II Also type G, with or­
namental motifs of medallion as its characteristic element, was created in the 2 century
and was used also in 3 century AD. 12 The same is with type H, in the form of cippUS.13
On the basis of presented chronology, it can be seen that types A and B existed in the 1st
to 4th centuries AD, whilst all other types of stelae appeared in the 2 nd century and could
be found in 3 century AD as well.
Regarding distribution of these types of stelae, it can be stated that type A is most
frequent in the region of Ljubuski (Humac-castrum), wherefrom it spread inland, along
the Neretva river valley, whilst the type B remained dominant in the areas of Konjic and
Kiseljak, and so connected to the territory of Northern Bosnia (Japra). Tjpe C, however,
is mostly present in Eastern Bosnia, and to minor extent in the area of Konjic, while type D,
interestingly, is present exclusively in the region of the south-east Bosnia. Tjpe E can be
found in Podrinje, Konjic, and sporadically in Jajce. Tjpe F is also most numerous in
eastern parts of Bosnia, type G in eastern and north-western parts, while type H is mostly
spread in the region of Podrinje. (Fig. I)


Based on the studies of the sepulchral monuments of the cippi type (category), the fol­
lowing has been concluded:

6 A. Schober 1923,204,212 (influence of the Orient, etc.); D. Sergejevski 1965, 132, etc.; D.
Rendic-Miotevic 1954/ 1957, 56, etc.;
7 M. Suic 1955,20; M. Suic 1970, 120; M. Zaninovic 1967,64,65; D. Rendic-Miotevic 1948,
50; N. Cambi 1975, 232; dating is mostly based on epigraphic and historical facts found in se­
pulchral inscriptions. For the elements conceming the dating of sepulchral monuments the fol­
lowing references should be consulted: G Alfdldy 1969; D. Rendic-Miotevic 1948; P. Petrovic
1975; Epigraphic elements for dating are sepulchral formulae from D(is) M(anibus) until the
final formulae such as is the oldest one h(ic) s(itus) e(st) etc. In particular those are nomen
gentile (gentilitium) or emperors' names, as well as other omamental elements.
8 See references under note 7;
9 See references under note 7;
III See references under note 7;
II See references under note 7;
12 See references under note 7;
13 See references under note 7;
14 See Fig. I showing distribution of various types of monuments, and stelae as such;

Concerning the types (forms), cippi can be classified into two categories. One type
comprises the monuments in the form of protruded pillar (K. Patsch 1904,352-353, Fig.
78; K. Patsch 1894,353; K. Patschl908, 114-115, Fig. 36), i.e. pilaster, whilst the other
includes the monuments with the following elements: a base, middle part in the shape of
a cube, and the upper part in the shape of pyramid or some other element such as pinus
(cone) (D. Sergejevski 1948, 167-169, T. J, Fig. 1,2; G. Cremo~nik- D. Sergejevski
1930, No.9, T III; D. Sergejevski 1940, No. 10, Fig. 10).
Regarding their decorative contents, cippi are abundant in depictive, floral and other
representations (D. Sergejevski 1948, 167-169, T. 1, Fig. 1,2; Sergejevski D. 1936, 12,
T IV, Fig. 18,19; D. Sergejevski 1927,258-259, T. IV, 6, K. Patsch 1907,463-464, Fig.
86, 87; D. Sergejevski 1935, 19-20, T. IV, Fig. 2). Artistic representations on these
monuments are mostly found on their sides, whilst some representations or motifs make
decorative edging, adorning the front side with inscriptions.
The cippi in the form of a protruded pillar or pilaster do not contain as many orna­
mental or other images of decorative nature, as seen on other more complex types. Among
most notable is representation of Eros (D. Sergejevski 1934,21-22, TVIII, 31; 1. Boja­
novski 1968,241,2; D. Sergejevski 1938, 17.), Atis (D. Sergejevski 1936, 12, T. IV, 18
and 19; I. Bojanovski 1967, 42, 2; C. Truhelka 1891, 242, 2 and 3), Ampeleus (D. Ser­
gejevski 1934 , 22, no. 24,7.), Hellenistic funeral feast (K. Patsch 1907, 452-453,6; D.
Sergejevski 1934, 12,17, T V and VI, 24-26) and a horse rider of Thracia (K. Patsch
1907,463-464,87; D. Sergejevski 1935, 19-20, T. IV, 2.) as well as a representation
of grapevine and ivy (D. Sergejevski 1930, 160, no. 6. T VII, Fig. 5 and T VIII, 6
and 7; K. Patsch 1907,463-464,86 and 87; D. Sergejevski XLVII (1935), 19-20, T.
IV, 2).
Among Erotes representations on these cippi, two types can be noted. One is so
called Pompey type (1-2 years of age)15, whilst the other is Traian-Hadrian type, 3-4 years
01d. 16 The latter is attired, and in these monuments represent personification of the sea­
sons, autumn, summer et. al. 17 The presence of Erotes on the cippi in deep inner area
reveals the Salona's influence. 18
Atis is similar but not identical figure with Mitra's dadophores. (D. Sergejevski,
1936, 12, T. IV, 18 and 19.) It is most frequent on the cippi in Podrinje where it appears
as cult attributes of Magna Matris, indicating religion affiliation of the deceased. 19 On
the cippi in Podrinje these attributes appear together with some other cult representa­
tions,20 revealing in this way the deceased's belief in life after death.
Interesting is representation of Ampeleus, which in a very illustrative way represents
appearance of grapevine. (D. Sergejevski 1934, 22, 24, 7 ). Ornamental composition
actually reveals the myth of Dionisius, father of wine (grapevine), and also his follow­
ers, wherever these symbols are found?1
On the cippi, especially those in Podrinje, in architectural compositions of aediculla
a representation of a Hellenistic funeral feast appears together with the deceased.

15 N. Cambi 1960,67;

16 N. Cambi 1967,77;

17 N. Cambi 1960,67; N. Cambi 1969,99, etc.;

18 About ornamental representation of Atis on cippi see N.Cambi 1960,55, etc., and p. 67, and

also about cultural and historical influence of Narona and Salona on their inland;
19 About ornamental expressions of Eros appearing in cippi we can find in : A. Schober 1923,
164, 215, for Noricum and Pannonia; for Dacia Gr. Florescu 1930, 136, 53, 54, 66, 67; S. Kojic
1965,225, etc.; R. Maric 1933,73, etc.; K. Patsch 1907,438, Fig. 16; V. P~kvalin 1963, 147;
Lj. Zotovic 1970,431, etc.; E. Imamovic 1977,273, etc; and I. Bojanovski 1967, 155, 16;
20 See note 19;
21 D. Sergejevski 1934,22-23, etc.; V. Paskvalin 1963, 137; V. Paskvalin 1985/1986,61-69;

(D. Sergejevski 1936, 17, no. 12, T. V and VI, 24 -26). It should be also noted that by
reduction (or elimination) of particular parts and by arranging their elements, a new
representation of funeral feast is obtained. This is so called Pannonian funeral feast, the
one mostly spread in Pannonia 22 The presence of the Hellenistic funeral feast in our
areas, shows the influence of Hellenistic civilisation, spread by hellenised settlers.23 As
to Podrinje, that influential Hellenistic province might be Thracia which is also sug­
gested by the monuments with so called horse rider of Thracia. (K .. Patsch 1907, 452­
453, 6; D. Sergejevski 1934, l7, 12, T.V and VI, 24-26; 1935, 19-20, T. IV, 2). How­
ever, as to so called Pannonian funeral feast (D. Sergejevski 1936, 7, no. 7, T. I, 10, 11)
influence of Pannonia should be taken into consideration. 24
A few notes should be presented about sepulchral monuments of cippi type, which
arrived to Bosnia and Herzegovina via Salona and Narona. Namely, these are pilaster
type cippi or those in the form of a cube. The latter are especially characterised by de­
piction of seasons 25 , as opposed to those in Podrinje and central Bosnia with representa­
tions of Atis, Ampeleus, Hellenistic or Pannonian funeral feast, which emerged under a
strong cultural influence from Hellenised provinces (Thracia, et. al.), especially from
Pannonia with Pannonian funeral feast (Sirmium).26 Furthermore, it should be pointed
out that appearance of these two types of cippi in some parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina
can be traced back to late I $I - 3rd centuries AD.27
It should be added that among the ancient Delmatae this type of sepulchral
monument was not popular, as it can be found only in Livno, Boreani, Grkovci and
Even less it was known (used) by the Iapodes (Pritoka) and Daesitiates (Breza)29
Neither was it favoured in the area of Narrona, as it was known only in Stolac, Grabo­
vica and Hardomilje. 30
On the other hand this category was to some extent more notable in Podrinje. It
seems the reason lies in the ancient cults spread in these areas by Roman veterans and
soldiers of the VII Claud ian legion, leg(io) VII Cl(audia) p(ia) f(idelis) residing in (cas­
trum Viminacium) Kostolac. 31


The urns in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina are hereby dealt with according to
groups of urns from the territories of the Iapodes, Delmatae or other areas, since they
differ among themselves both as to typological and artistic view, representing separate
enti ties. (Fig. 1)

22 D. Sergejevski 1934, 29; I. Cremosnik 1959, 211; H. Gabelmann 1972,70; G. Y. Kieseritzky

H .C. Watzinger 1909; K. Patsch 1914, 186, Fig. 70 and 71 : V. Paskvalin 1961,203, etc .
Fig. 2;
23 D. Sergejevski 1934,29, etc.,T. III , Fig. 20, T IV , Fig. 22, and I. Cremo~nik, 1959,220, etc.;
24 See note 23;
25 N. Cambi 1960, 60;
2~ See note 19; and note 22;
27 N. Cambi 1960, 67; S. Kojic 1965,225; D. Sergejevski 1938, 235; D. Sergejevski 1948, 167;
D. Sergejevski 1934, 22, Fig. 8; N. Cambi 1975 , 229; A. Schober 1923,6-12;
28 See Fig. 1; In this figure / map, is shown this type distribution throughout Bosnia and Herzego­
29 See the above map;
30 See the above map; K. Patsch 1894,353; C. Patsch 1908, 114-115, Fig. 36; D. Sergejevski
1948,167-169, T 1,1 and 2;
31 M. Zaninovic 1967,64; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971, 160; M. Suie 1970, 121 ;

Exploration of the urns from the lapodes area in terms of typological aspect has re­
sulted in determination of three types or variants: one type (variant) is characterised by
outlet and aediculla (Pritoka) (D . Sergejevski 1950, 57-59, Fig. 6, T.VII, 2, T. VIII, 1,2,
ibid ., T XII, Fig. 1,63; 1950,60, Fig. 7, No. 10, T. X and XI) , the other type with shal­
low antas or outlets - the urns from Cavki6i (K .. Patsch 1898, 354, 33; .352, Fig. 31. ),
and the third type without outlet or antas (K. Patsch. 1895, 579, Fig. 8; 1898,. 353-354 ,
Fig. 32) also from Cavki6i.
On the basis of the presented typology it can be stated that the urns of the lapodes
with the architectural element of gabble, outlet, and without semi-pillars, chronologi­
cally approach to the urns of Ribi6 (D. Sergejevski 1950,. 51 , 4, T. III-IV), which have
been differently dated by some archaeologists. 32 Apart from Hellenistic influence (artis­
tic contents), they are chronologically close in the first place by the same form of burial,
the incineration rite, and particularly by similar type of urns. 33
Regarding ornamental representations and other motifs on the urns from the lapodes
area, two rites of libation can be noted . The one is found on the urns from Ribic, (D.
Sergejevski 1950, 51, No. 4, T. III -IV) and together with other elements indicates al­
ready mentioned Hellenistic influence, while the other, also on the urns in Ribi6 (D. Ser­
gejevski 1950,.50, No.3 , T. 1,2) and Pritoka (D. Sergejevskil950. 57/59, Fig 6. T. VII,
2) indicates an autochthonous lapodes custom of libation within the cult of the death.
The urns of Ribi6 , due to their ornamental features of Hellenism cannot be with
certainty dated to the 4th century BC, since this is the influence to which only the East­
ern Adriatic coast was exposed during the Augustan age. 34 At that time only two very
important locations could play this role, Senia port and Nezakcij fmd near Pula . Via
them could come the influence on ornamental content of the urns in Ribic in the late
Hellenistic time, since something similar appeared on stelae from late Hellenism (151
century BC) at the Black sea. 36 Therefore due to the same reasons it is possible that the
urn of Ribic dates from the Augustan age.
On the coffin urns there are motifs of rosettes either in concentric circles or in a
garland (D. Sergejevski 1950, 63, T. XII, 1; 60, Fig. 7, no . 10, T. X and XI, etc .), which
bespeak the influence of Pannonia in the lapodes area.
It is also important to point out that representations 37 on the urns indicate that they
were not imported, but made by local craftsmen, the most reliable evidence for this be­
ing tools and the woodcutters (D. Sergejevski 1950,. 57-59, Fig. 6 , T . VII, Fig. 2, T.
VIII, Fig. 1,2). The evidence of the type of lapodes house seems to be the urn in the
form of a temple with outlets. 38
The foregoing assumption about the type of the lapodes house is corroborated by
numerous lids of the two cant urns. (W. Radimsky 1893,247-248,50, tomb 119 , etc.),
and also onomastics on the lids and coffins which reflect local lapodes element, but not
at all symbiosis of the lapodes and Celts. 39

32 D. Sergejevski 1950, 79-82 ; Z. Marie 1968,28, 35,37,38, 47, 57; A. Stipcevic 1963;
33 W. Altman 1905 , 20, Fig. 12, 13; S.Rinaldi Tufi 1971, 115; D. Sergejevski 1950,79-82; D.
Rendic-Miocevic 1960, 117;
34 I. Degmedzic 1952,251 , etc.; M. Suic 1976, 13, etc.; P. Lisicar 1951 , 7, etc.;
35 G. von Kieseritzky in C. Watzinger 1909, T. XII , etc.;
)6 I. Degmedzic 1952, 252, 251, etc.; G. von Kieseritzky in C. Watzinger 1909, T. XII, etc. ; Z.

Marie 1968, 28 ;
37 I. Degmedzic 1952,251, etc.; Z. Marie 1968,28, 31-32, 37, 50, 59, etc.;
) 8 D. Sergejevski 1950, 79-82; Z. Marie 1968,28, 35, 37, 38, 47,57 ;

)~ D. Rendic- Miocevic 1948,50; R. Weynand 1902, 108-9, 192, etc.; G. Alf61dy 1969,28: S.
Schober 1923, Ill; D. Sergejevski 1950,65;

As it was already mentioned the form of the Iapodes urn was influenced by the
house shape (with consoles), in the form of a temple, Italic mode of burying (incinera­
tion) and Hellenistic civilisation. This corresponds to well known opinions of D. Serge­
jevski and Z. Marie that the urns from Ribic and the like, appeared in the 1st century Be
and 1st century AD , retaining the same form until the 3rrl century AD.4o However, the
urns with low antas (Jezerine and Cavkici) from the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries AD, whose
inscriptions do not contain the following formula D(is) M(anibus) may be also dated to
the 1st century AD,4\ which cannot be claimed for the others.
The finds of a greater number of urns and their lids (Ribi6, Pritoka (Jezerine), Golu­
bi6i, Doljani and Cavkic) indicate large Iapodes settlements or dwellings. Furthemore,
some lids of the coffins and urns indicate subterranean and the others surface character
of the urns. Namely, the lids with inscriptions show that they were used for covering the
stone urns, cylindrical or others, which were placed into the soil, whilst those with in­
scriptions on the coffin show that they were placed on necropolis sub divo, in the open
The urns in the Delmatae land (south-western Bosnia) (Fig. I ) are of different kind
and could not be claimed to belong to Delmatae urns (autochthonous ones), but they
belong to the well-known type of urns imitating a mausoleum or temple without archi­
tectural elements as antas or outlets are in Iapodes urns (K.. Patsch 1897,. 241-242, Fig.
19; K Patsch 1906, 177, Fig. 30; 1897,.238, Fig.13).They are closer to sepulchral
monument of sarcophagus type. This type of urns, regarding the representation of the
entrance (K. Patsch 1897,. 241-242, Fig. 19) represents rather Hellenistic influence (tra­
dition) than Italic forms .
On the urn coffins from south-western Bosnia are also found representations of the
deceased (K .. Patsch 1906, 171-172, Fig. 21 ; 1897, 239-240, Fig. 14a), Eros with gar­
lands (K. Patsch 1906, 177, Fig. 30); which is a frequent example on sarcophagi. Also,
not rare are plant motifs, such as grapevine (Ballif- Patsch 1893, 24, T. VII, 14), acan­
thus (K. Patsch 1904, 318, Fig. 11); complex leaves (a palm) (K. Patsch 1894, 348, Fig. 9);
and tabulae ansatae (D. Sergejevski 1948 170, Fig. I, T. II 2 ; D. Sergejevski 1934a, No.
24, etc.), which are otherwise more common with sarcophagi. (W. Radimsky 1892,335­
336, Fig. 3,4, etc.). In some representations and motifs one should observe rather a
decorative aspect than symbolism. However, in the samples of lids with four cants (lnv.
no. 254, kept with National Museum Sarajevo) and those with two cants (K. Patsch
1897,. 239-240, Fig.14) there are ornamental compositions (K. Patsch 1897,. 238, Fig.
13, etc.) in which one should observe attributes or symbols of the cult to which the de­
ceased belonged . In this view, acroterial representations of the lions on the front side of
urns, are complemented by a pot in the shape of cantharos (Jnv. no. 1828 (Duvno), Na­
tional Museum), which would refer to the followers of Magnae Matris (religion) cult

It seems that Magnae Matris believers are also confirmed by Magnae Matris fragmen­

tary relief from Vasarovina. In this area also the cult of the god Dionisius was re­

spected , which can be seen from the cult attributes on the lids of the urns found in Du­

vno and Livno (Fig. 1). In this respect, it is possible to identify two groups. As to the

first group of lids, inside a naiskos, there is an amphora and all that between two dol­

40 D. Sergejevski 1950, 65; G. AlfOldy 1969,28, etc.;

4\ See note 39; 1. C. Limentani 1973, 176;

42 V. PaSkvalin 1983,792-793; G. Susini 1960, T. XVII ; W. Altman 1905, 20, Fig. 12, 13; M.

Nikolanci 1969,64 ; 81, etc., Fig. 2. etc .. Tab. VI ; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971.115; N. Cambi 1975,
43 V. Pa~kvalin 1983,777-780; V. Paskvalin 1983, 171-176, T. II, Fig. 5; G. A. Mansuelli 1967,
83; A. Schober 1923,213; M. Suic 1965, 103,104 ; R. Marie 1933, 75 ;
44 V. Pa~kvalin 1983. 171-176;

phins (fishes) (K . Patsch 1906, 175, Fig. 26: 1897, 235-236, Fig. 9, etc .), while in the
other example (group) there is a rosette between two dolphins (K. Patsch 1906, 176,
Fig. 27; D. Sergejevski 1938, No. 28 ; K. Patsch 1906, 176, Fig. 28) . According to this,
in representations of the amphorae in naiskos between the dolphins, in acroterial lions
and cantharos, one should exclusively observe, as mentioned above, the cult attributes
of the God Dionisius. The best evidence to this is an amphora, as a vine pot, which be­
side the bunch of grapes (grapevine) represents most direct attribute or symbol of that
cult, which was most directly interpreted on the Greek money of the Hiyanes .45 Our
postulate about these symbols and worship of Dionisius by the Delmatae, can be also
corroborated by fragments of a relief representing the Dionisius ' s head, and two sacrifi­
cial altars devoted to this deity .46
According to widely spread opinion, these urns appeared in our areas under the in­
fluence of the sarcophagi of Orient, were used for incineration rites in the West, and
resumed to influence the sarcophagi development in the period of inhumation. In this
view the urns in Delmatae area, as to the form of architectural composition (entrance ),
chronologically are in line with those in Salona from the late 151 century BC, and the
beginning of the 2 nd century AD.48 However, the urns with acroterial lions would also
go with the ones in Salona, whereas those with amphorae in the naiskos would date
back from the 2 century AD and can be connected with the reign of Hadrian. 49 There­

fore they cannot be considered as Christian monuments, as C. Truhelka had once

c1aimed. 50 It comes out that the urns from the south-western Bosnia (Duvno, Livno)
served for incineration rites in the 151 to 3 rd centuries AD. A great number of urns and
their distribution in Delmatae territory (Livno, Duvno and G1amo~) indicate that, si­
multaneously with incineration rite, the Delmatae accepted this kind of sepulchral
monument (the urn-coffin) , in the form of naiskos, (a tiny temple) with lids of two or
four cants, for storing their deceased ashes. However this was not the case in Glamo~
area, where a cippus prevailed among sepulchral monuments. Within these considera­
tions, it should be noted that throughout this entire area, interestingly, stelae, a prevail­
ing monument of the Roman times, was not accepted by the Delmatae population.


Within the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, sarcophagi , as a category of sepulchral

monuments from the Roman times, in the view of scientific research represent signifi­
cant cultural and historic objects regarding clarification of the transitional historical
period from the end of Empire to late antiquity . The truth is that the monuments of this
category are thin on the ground, but based on their preservation one can observe and
define their typological characteristics. In essence the following two can be distin­
guished: pre-Christian type (National Museum, Inv. no. 397; D. Sergejevski 1934a, 23­
24, No.36; W . Radimsky 1892,334-336, Fig. 3,4) and Christian sarcophagi (Dj. Basler,

45 M. Hoemes 1880, 39; K. Patsch 1897.231-232. Fig. 8; M. Zaninovic \976, 268,261; I. Cre­
mosnik 1957,227;
46 V. P~kvalin 1986,61-69; K. Patsch 1897,232, Fig. 18; D. Rendic-Miotevic 1955, 16; V.
Paskvalin 1983, 167 etc.; D. Sergejevski 1930, 16; ibid 1927,258-259;
47 G. Susini 1960, T. XVII; W. Altmann 1905,20, Fig. 12, 13; M. Nikolanci 1969,64,81, T.
XVII; N. Cambi 1975, 13, 16,229,393,394; Rinaldi Tufi 1971 , 115, 131, 139; D. Rendic­
Miotevic 1948,44, 47 ; M. Zaninovic 1967, 31 ;
48 G. Alfbldy 1969,30; V. Paskvalin 1983,793,794-798;
49 M. Zaninovic 1967, 31;
511 C. Truhelka 1931,23, Fig. 3;

1972,146; Nikolic V., 1961,329-330, I; O. Sergejevskil938a, . 58-59, Fig. 12,13). In

addition, it should be noted that appearance of the sarcophagi in our areas was at the
same time an indication of inauguration of inhumation rites for which cannot be claimed
to belong only to Christianity, but also to other religions or cults both in the Orient and
the West of the pre-Christian times.
Pre-Christian past also had its own type of sarcophagi. From this period is architec­
tural type, represented in a sarcophagus fragment with representation of Eros within the
architectural element of a pillar (without provenience, now kept in National Museum in
Sarajevo, inv. No. 397), a fragment of a sarcophagus without architectural elements,
from Prenj (Stolac) (D. Sergejevski, 1934a, 23 -24, No. 36), a fragment of the sarcopha­
gus with representation of a medallion, and Eros supporting the medallion by the side
(Museum of Bosanska Krajina, in Banja Luka). and so called a Salonitan type of sar­
cophagus from Bacevici (Mostar), recognisable by representation of tabulae ansatae (W.
Radimsky 1892, 334-336, Fig. 3 and 4).51 Thus, based on the observed artistic repre­
sentations and characteristics of sarcophagi fragments of the pre-Christian times , we can
observe four types or variants of sarcophagus sepulchral monuments.
In addition, some other sepulchral monuments fragments ought to be mentioned,
those belonging to pre-Christian type of sarcophagi. These are three acroterials. One of
them from Halapici (D. Sergejevski 1932, 52, T. XX, 8; 1933, 9, T. IV,7) with four rep­
resentations of busts of the deceased . This composition indicates cultural relations with
Salona, where similar representations can be found on sarcophagi acroterials. 52 On an­
other sarcophagus acroterial found in Zenica (D. Sergejevski 1932, 43. Fig.6) there is
also a representation of a death mask or human figure. This detail from our cultural in­
heritance is especially notable, since Zenica (urbs or municipium Bistue?) in Roman
times most likely had cultural relations via Salona with the Roman empire's capital, the
city of Rome. It is the above mentioned acroterial with a death mask that brings us to
such a conclusion, since sarcophagi with those representations were produced in stone­
mason workshops in Rome. 53 On the third acroterial on the sarcophagus from Crvenica
(Museum of Herzegovina, Mostar) near Tomislavgrad there is a representation of Hora,
holding in her hand a saucer with a caught bird. This ornamental detail shows that on
acroterial of the sarcophagi from Crvenica were represented four seasons (personifica­
tion), the above image indicating the autumn, which also points to cultural relations
with Salona where similar ornamental representations are also found.
The foregoing statement about cultural and historical influences of Salona on its
backwater is also illustrated by a sarcophagus find in Sipovo. which confirms relations
between stonemason workshops of Salona with this region, and in this view. consider­
ing the medallions on sarcophagi (a sarcophagus fragment kept in Museum of Bosanska
Krajina, in Banja Luka), one can speak about the Pannonian influence on this region, as
the medallion motif was best known and spread in that province. 55
Emerging of sarcophagi throughout our areas should be considered in relation to
their appearance in Salona and Narona. There still remains a question whether they ap­
peared simultaneously with those in Salona. since there is no reliable evidence, except

51 N. Cambi 1988. 69-76; H. Gabe1mann 1973.40-41 ; N. Cambi 1960. 178; D. Sergejevski 1935,
17 etc., N. Cambi 1975, 186. 253-254. 392,374,; D. Rendic-Miocevic 1967.339; K. Patsch
1907,79, etc. ; N. Cambi 1960.69;
52 D. Sergejevski 1965. 128; D. Rendic-Miocevic 1954-1957, 156, etc.; Fig. 1; N. Cambi 1975,
53 D. Sergejevski 1952,56, Fig. 15; N. Cambi 1975 . 186; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971. 133 . etc.; N.
Cambi 1982,94. 102, Fig. 3;
54 N. Cambi 1960. 55. 56. 64. 68. 70.73, 74;
55 D. Sergejevski 1952.55. etc.; N. Cambi 1982,102 etc.;

the inscription on a fragment of a sarcophagus from Prenj, which according to some

epigraphic elements may be dated to the 2 nd or the very beginning of 3 rd century AD 56
Should not it been proved differently, it could be stated that sarcophagi, together with
inhumation, appeared on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina either in mid 2 nd or at
the beginning of 3'd century AD, which means that they could not be concurrent with
their emerging in Salona at the beginning of the 2 nd century AD. The pre-Christian sar­
cophagus was also an indication of inhumation in this region which. in the sense of
spreading made influence on emergence of early Christian sarcophagi as well.
State of these not numerous sarcophagi and their fragments finds in our region, do
not provide a firm proof of their placing in open sky (sub divo) or mausoleums, which is
otherwise their characteristic and intention. 57
Early Christian sarcophagi in our region are not numerous either (D. Basler 1972,
146; V. Nikolic, 1961,329-330, Fig. I; D. Sergejevski 1938a, 58-59, Fig. 12, 13), with
one exception, that one with a cross in a plastic circle, (D. Basler 1972, 147, Fig. 160)
all the others are without any decoration or inscription.
They are larger in size, with four or two cant- lids, whilst one has a flat slab as the
lid (D. Sergejevski 1938a, 58-59, 12, 13) which is rare with these monuments. As to
their size and form, a corresponding analogy can be found mostly in the necropolises of
the Christian Salona in the 5 th and 6 th centuries 58


It should be noted that, beside sarcophagi, which are also placed in mausoleums, there
are some scant finds giving evidence of existence of mausoleums as sepulchral archi­
tectural monuments in our areas. In this regard, we should mention a gable of the mau­
soleum from Sipovo. (C. Truhelka, 1892, 319, Fig. 5) with representation of the de­
ceased's torso in a medallion. In addition to the gabble from Sipovo, it should be also
pointed to a fragment of a gable with representation of a medusa, from Pritoka (D. Ser­
gejevski 1939, 10, No.8, T. V, Fig. 6), a fragment of a gable with representation of a
woman in a medallion supported by Eros (D . Sergejevski 1943, ISO, 152, Fig.21) and a
lintel in the form of a vault, at one side supported by Eros holding a basket full of
grapes, and at the other side by Triton (D. Sergejevski 1943, 1-5, Fig. I, 2, 3, 4,) and
the lintel of a frieze fragment (D. Sergejevskil928, 83-84, Fig. 4) with a ornamental
composition of a sea monster riding by Nereid. For the above mentioned items of ar­
chitecture that are probably of sepulchral nature, with one exception- the gable of
Sipovo that undoubtedly belongs to a mausoleum, we cannot be certain whether they
belong to mausoleums as monuments of sepulchral architecture. According to the sepul­
chral monuments of Sempetar, some modest analogies indicate that this type of monu­
ment could have appeared as early as in the 2 nd century AD. 59
However, for such an assumption, apart from a vaulted lintel from Trbusic (2 cen­
tury AD), we do not have any reliable evidence; these monuments are rare and might
belong to the rite of incineration. Therefore the absence of sarcophagi could be addi­
tional evidence either on a poor spreading of inhumation rite and mausoleums in the 2 nd
century AD, or just insufficient investigation. Among the mentioned gables, architraves

56 H. Gabelmann 1973,40-41; N. Gambi 1975, 13, 16, 18, 19, 178,392;

57 N. Cambi 1988,73-76;

5R V. Pa~kvalin 1970,667; D. Basler 1972,9, etc.; E. Oyggve 1951,71, Fig. IV, 7, 9; V. Paskva­

lin 1959, 149;

59 1. Klemenc - V. KolSek - P. Petru 1972, 14;

and friezes, only the gable of the mausoleum from Sipovo could certainly belong to the
sepulchral architectural monuments from the end of the of 3 and beginning of 4th cen­
fd 60
tury AD, while the others are probably dated to the 3 century AD. This uncertainty
regarding appearance of sepulchral architectural monuments can be only clarified and
resolved by future research.
As inhumation rite is closely related to sarcophagi and sepulchral architectural
monuments, it is necessary to draw attention to the inscription on the mausoleum in
Sipovo. Namely, inside the tabulae ansatae the deceased are mentioned by their nomen
gentile Flavius (FI(aviis)), at that time, better known in the Orient, so the settlers of
Dalmatia province, with this gentile name were also bringing inhumation rite and sar­
cophagi and sepulchral architectural monuments - mausoleums.
Early Christian mausoleums and memorials are also rare as sepulchral monuments
(D. Sergejevski 1951, 135, Fig. I) . The only one well-known and explored is a mauso­
leum with hypogeum, in Turbe near Travnik. Apart from the mentioned architectural
type of tomb, in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a widely known and more spread type of
the vaulted tomb 6 2 The first analogy and the centre wherefrom these architectural se­
pulchral monuments were spreading was Salona i.e. , its old Christian necropolises, (Ma­
rusinac, Kapljuc), having its origin in Syria by way of the first Christian settlers (4
We assume, also, that free-standing tituli belonged to sepulchral architectural
monuments, but we do not find their archaeological traces , except from the above men­
tioned tituli which belonged them as a structural part. 64 This is another issue to be clari­
fied by future archaeological excavations, which will provide a better view of the mau­
soleum types, a reliable chronology and their diffusion starting from appearance of in­
humation until Christianity, which adopted and further supported this type of sepulchral
monuments. 65


The presented survey of sepulchral issue in Bosnia and Herzegovina region during the
Roman times , has provided some new clues about chronology of the types (variants)
emerging during four centuries: 151 and 2 nd cent. AD - types A and B, and in 2 nd to 4lh
centuries - types C, D, E, F, G, H; and also about other issues related to life and culture
of the Romanised Illyrian population (Delmatae, Daorsons, Daesitiates, Iapodes, et. at.)
and the settlers (Italics, Orientals and other peoples) / see Fig. 1/. Typology of these
monuments includes a most numerous types: stelae, tituli, cippi, urns and sarcophagi.
Sepulchral monuments are explored from various aspects. One of them is artistic and
decorative contents on the monuments, most significant and most valuable among them
being portraits of the deceased, which can be found on stelae as weJl as on some other
monuments. This makes possible examination of the Roman portrait back to Iulio­
Claudian time, when realistic portrait developed and prevailed in the Roman art. It was

60 D, Sergejevski 1951, 135 etc. ; D, Sergejevski 1952,41, erc.:

61 N. Cambi 1988,5-12;
62 V. Paskvalin 1959, 158-160: D. Sergejevski 1951. 137: V. Paskvalin 1970,687; I. Bojanovski
63 D. Sergejevski 1951, E. Dyggve 1951, 101, etc., Fig. V, 10: A. Sz. Burger 1966, T. LXXXIII,
4, LXXXIV, 3, LXXXVI, 1-4:
64 G. Florescu 1930, 78-79: J. Klemenc 1959, 132-139: V. Koisek 1959, Fig. 4; D. Sergejevski
1934, 1-5, Fig. 1,2,3,4: G. Brusin - V. de Grassi 1956,7, etc., Fig. 2, 3;
65 See the previous note:

based on the Etruscian portrait and Hellenistic understanding of art. 66 Its basic charac­
teristic lies in individuality of the persons and it refers to transitional period between age
of Republic to that of the Empire. In contrast to the portrait from the 3rd and 4th centu­
ries AD, adopting new artistic expressions (low relief, lack of proportion, linearity, etc .)
it loses, under the Oriental art (Syria) influence, the feature of individuality.68 This por­
trait was more expressed in late antiquity , especially in Diocletian age. It means that in
our areas, the Roman provincial art was created with participation of realistic Roman
portrait, domestic painting tradition and Oriental art, especially in pre-Christian period
of the 3 and 4th centuries. 69 This is where one should look for reasons why Romanised

IIlyrian population could not develop an autochthonous sepulchral monument. In this

view, the art of the Iapodes tribes seems to be closest to it, with their monuments in the
form of urns, where was expressed their spiritual tradition motivated by late Hellenism,
which was not the case with other tribes in our areas.70
Sepulchral monuments have an indirect significance for study of cult i~<;ues. Very
often they bear representations (symbols or attributes) reflecting religious affiliation of
the deceased. The best known among the cult symbols are those of Magnae Matris
(Atis, lion) or Dionisius (Ampeleus), the wine maker (grapevine) et. al. 71 which can be
considered as Oriental custom or tradition.
Such a large number of sepulchral monuments indicate existence of stonemason
workshops and, craftsmen either skilled ones or naive. Among the skilled ones is
Maximinus Sculpet, as undersigned on the Lupae monument. 73 There were also crafts­
men and workshops in the late ancient times. 74 The workshops of Salona supplied adja­
cent areas, as well as for Sirmium and Narona. In Roman times and late antique pe­
riod, stonemason workshops undoubtedly existed in urban areas toO . (Bistue, Del­
minium, Domavia, etc.)
Sepulchral monuments with their epigraphs provide possibilities for examination
of IlIyrian names (onomastics) and the process of Romanisation of this population in
the sense of its course and intensity. This process started in our areas through east Adri­
atic coast in the reign of Augustus (lulii), continued during Claudius (Claudii), Vespa­
sian (Flavii), Traian (Ulpii), Hadrian (Aelii) to be ended during the reign of Caracalla
(Aurelii), with his issuing a well known Constitution (in 212), under which all in­
habitants of the Roman Empire became its citizens. This constitution abolished all

66 K. Prijatelj 1952, 137-138; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971, ISO, etc. ; D. Rendic-Miotevic 1960, 107, etc. ;
D. Sergejevski 1965, 127 , Fig. 10;
67 See the previous note:
68 D. Sergejevski 1965,127, Fig.IO:
69 See notes 67 and 68:
7 () D. Sergejevski 1950, j I, Fig. I: D. Sergejevski 1954, 197:

71 R. Maric 1933,73; A. Schober 1923, 164; S. Kojic 1965,225, etc.; S. Rinaldi Tufi 1971, 142;
K. Patsch 1907,434; Lj. Zotovic 1970, 431 etc. ; E. Imamovic 1977,273; I. Bojanovski , 1967;
V. Pa~kvalin 1989; D. Sergejevski 1934a. 22, No. 24, Fig. 7; Antitki teatar na tlu Jugoslavije,
Catalogue of the Exhibition. Novi Sad 1979, 13-18; M. Zaninovic 1976, 261, etc. ; v .
Paskvalin 1986, 61-69;
72 C. Truhelka 1931 , 24-27 ; N. Cambi 1977. Sveti Kriz;

73 D. Rendic-Miotevic 1967,349; M. Vego 1964,36, Fig. 17;

74 A. Schober 1923,224-225; D. Rendic- Miotevic 1967, 339; N. Cambi 1982, 103 ; D. Sergejev­

ski 1965, 126, etc.; I. Bojanovski 1974,67; V. Paskvalin 1980,55; N. Cambi 1975,227; M.
Kosoric 1965, 5 I;
75 See the previous note;
76 See note 74;
77 D. Rendic-Miotevic 1948,45, etc. ; M. Zaninovic 1967,62, etc.; M. Suic 1960, 147; M. Suic
1950, II; M. Suic 1967,34-35; I. Bojanovski 1974,41, etc. ; K. Patsch 1924,229-232; K.

privileges enjoyed by those who had become Roman citizens prior to adoption of this
act. 78
The explored necropolis at Kamenja~a in Breza is the only one so far in the territory
of Bosnia and Herzegovina which reveals how the Daesitiates buried their dead in early
Iron age and in the period of Roman occupation, covering a continuous span of 6 centu­
ries. Here should be especially noted why this necropolis is so important for science
dealing with the Roman times. These are burial lots with pits. It is interesting they
were not confirmed in Salona . A site is enclosed by stones in rectangle form inside of
which is a pit with a gravestone above (cippus or stela). Within the necropolis is revealed
a spot (ustrinum) for incineration. Not even with Iapodes were such burial sites found.
This necropolis makes possible research both of modes of burying and all other
events related to incineration rites in these areas. It illustrates how sepulchral monu­
ments were erected, either stelae or others, over the pits sub divo within the site. Having
a long continuity this necropolis is very convenient for research on the modes of bury­
ing at turn of the New era, and particularly during the transitional period before Ro­
manisation of Daesitiates started.
Exploration of the sepulchral monuments of all types existing in these areas in Ro­
man times indicates that incineration rite existed back to the year 9 to the 4th century, i.e.,
until arrival of Christianitl 2 , since all types of monuments, except sarcophagi, mauso­
leums and the like, belong to inhumation burial tradition. For the reasons of clarity, in­
cineration and inhumation rites have been studied with regard to types of sepulchral
monuments, but not relating to their presence in the period of Illyrian independence.
Herewith are presented only some basic questions (a number of others still remain­
ing) which upon research of these monuments have revealed the history and culture of
the Roman times in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially the life of the peoples or
tribes living in these areas. It should be noted that stelae, cippi, tituli and urns chrono­
logically belong to the age of Principate whereas sarcophagi, mausoleums, etc., belong
to the period of Domination 83

Translated by
Ferida DUCIC

Patsch 1914, 162; M. Abramic 1924, 221 ; 1.1. Wilkes 1969,85, etc.; G. Alf61dy 1962; G. AJ­
foldy 1969; M. Mirkovic 1971,91, etc.;
7R D. Rendic-Mio15evic 1948; G. Alf61dy 1969;
79 V. Paskvalin 1975,80; G. Brusin 1928. 61 ;
811 N. Cambi 1985;
81 Z. Marie 1968. 47; V. Pa~kvalin 1975. N. Cambi 1988, II. Since in the region of Aquilea are
found the so-called burial lots, it is most likely that they also existed in the necropolises in Sa­
lona. but as in earlier years we did not care much about the finds it happened that this fact was
missed by the explorers. N. Cambi 1985, II. See G. Brusin 1929;
X2 N. Cambi 1988.13-16.8,12;

83 N. Cambi 1988,5-13. For Bosn ia and Herzegovina region it can be generally stated that incin­
eration, according to the monument types . mainly belonged to the period of Pmcipatus. and in­
humation, with some scarce cases of sarcophagi. belonged to the period of Domination.

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AAASH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest.

AEM Archaologisch - epigraphische Mitteillungen aus Osterreich - Ungam,
AI Archaeologia Iugoslavica, Beograd.
AISANU Arheoloski institut srpske akademije nauka i umjetnosti , Beograd.
AP Arheoloski pregled, Beograd.
ARR Arheoloski radovi i rasprave lugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjet­
nosti, Zagreb.
B1RL Bonner lahrbiicher der Rheinischen Landes - museum in Bonn.
BMNA Biblioteca muzeului national de antichiti in Bucuresti , Bucuresti.
CGT - CIanci i grada za kultumu istoriju isto~ne Bosne, Tuzla.
ED Ephemeris dacoromana, Roma.
GeBI Godisnjak Centra za balkanoloska ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjet­
nosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo.
GZM, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, Sarajevo.
GZM(A) n. s. - Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine, Arheologija, Nova seri­
ja, Sarajevo.
HDl Hrvatsko drustvo sv. leremima, Zagreb .
ISK Institutet for samenlingende kulturforskning, Oslo.
lOAI - lahreshefte des Osterreichische Archaol. Ins!., Wien.
lA - lahrbuch fUr Altertumskunde, Wien.
KDAI Das Kaiserlich Deutschen Archaologischen Institut, Berlin.
LZ Leskova~ki Zbornik, Leskovac .
NMS Novitates
RB Revue beIge de Philologie et d'Histoire, Bruxelles.
RFFZ Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Zadar.
SBAA Schriften der Balkankomission, Antiquarische Abteilung, Wien.
SOAl Sonderschriften des Osterreichischen Archaologischen Institutes in Wien ,
Wien .
SSKA Spomenik Srpske kraljevske akademije nauka, Beograd.
YAHD Yjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Split.
YAMD Yjesnik Arheoloskog muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb.
- Ziva antika . Izdaje Filozofski fakultet u Skopju, Skopje.

Table I

Type: Stelae

Fig. 1 - Humac Fig. 2 - Borasi Fig. 3 - PazariCiI

(Ljubuski) ( Vitina) Sarajevo

Type: Cippus

Fig. 4 - 510lac

Table II

Type: Urns

Fig. I - Ribic (Bihac)

Fig. 2 - Pri/aka (Bihac)

Fig. 3 - Duvno

Table III

Fig. 1 - Mausoleum (?) • Trbusce (Foca)

Fig. 2 - Type: Sarcophagus. BaceviCi (Mostar)

Fig. 3 - Necropolis with grave pits within masonry con­

structions (sites) .. Kamenjaca" . Breza
UDK 903 (497 15 Kiseljak) "636/637/65"





The testing excavations results on a few locations near Ki seljak are presented. Its aim was
to establish th eir contents from the Roman time. At Podastinje a hill-fort Stijena was ex­
amined, and the traces of life fro m the Aeneo lithic Age till the late Middle Ages were
found there. The Roman time includes ceramics fragments, pans of sarcophagus, a built
crypt with suppleme nts, several finely dressed ston e tablets, and the re mnants of the late
antique fortress (refugium).
On the locati on "Bijele vode" at Visnjica the fo undati ons of a larger Roman building
were uncovered, together with the remnants of the heating system (hypocau st and s moke
duct channels). On the " 8egovica guvno" location th e foundations of the Roman building
with nume rou s remnants of burial were esta blished . We also discovered a larger built
cryp t with a vault (hypogeum). On the " Begovica njive" location an old Christian basilica
with a round built-in bapti stery was un covered . The found fragments of stones showed
that it had been equipped with a stone furniture. On the "Studenac" location at Gromiljak
the remnants of the larger Roman building were found, and the "Ciglane" location the
Roman ceramics fragments and the foundation s of a smaller building.

Within a project for syste matic field research into the ancient sites in the Kiseljak Mu­
nicipa lity, excavations were carried out at a number of sites . In the autumn of 1987, the
di gging was d one at Podastinj e (Stijena), in the spring of 1988 at Visnjica (Bijele vode
and Begov ica njive) and at Gromiljak (Studenac and Ciglana), in the autumn of 1989
again at Podastinje and Visnjica, and in the spring of 1990 at Visnjica (Guvno).

Stijen a, i.e. Crkvina , is a karst peak loca ted on the so utheast edge of Podastinje,
noticea ble from afar with its high, steep crags running down to the Fojnica river bed.
On its east side , below th e steep hills ides is the brook Paros, so that the peak plateau
is accessible only from its north and west sides. Nevertheles s, the plateau is rather
high even on these sides compared to the surrounding ground, some 7-8 meters on aver­
age, with steep s ides. So, the hill -fort, actually, can be reached only up the narrow
northwest side that has the slightest decline, which might ha ve always been used as the
main access.
Stijena has a remarkable strategic position . It lies at the entrance into the canyon
where th e river Fojnica cuts its way towards Visoko and the B os na river bed . It is there

that a segment of the known prehistoric communication ran, connecting the Neretva
river with the river Bosna Valley. I This fact emphasized the strategic importance of
Stijena for the broader Kiseljak environs.
From this hill-fort, the horizon breaks over the whole Kiseljak plain with its deep
hilly hinterland , and then over the lowlands near the river Fojnica, via Visnjica, Gro­
miljak and Scitovo all the way up to Zahor, and from there toward the hills and moun­
tains in the direction of Fojnica.




SCALE I : 5000


Scheme I

From this hill-fort, it is possible to have visual communication with a number of

identical peaks sticking out in a wide circle. On some of them, like on nearby Kraljin for
instance, then on Humac in the direction of Gromiljak, on Gradac above Visnjica, etc.,
the remains of hill-fort settlements were found, which also adds to the importance of
this hill-fort.
The surface of the peak is relatively flat , with the overall area of one hectare. A
rather wide but a little narrower mountain-ridge lies against the north side of the peak

A. Benac, Sirenje neolitskih i eneolitskih kultura u dolini Neretve, DoIina Neretve od prethisto­
rije do ranog srednjeg vijeka, Hrvatsko arheolosko drustvo, Split 1980, pp 17-18.

ending in a less observable hillock. The hillock itself runs down steeply on the east and
north sides into the brooks around, so that the peak together with this appendix forms a
separate geological ensemble, which is easily observable from the northeast side, as
seen from the village.
The immediate countryside of Stvena, except the east side, is arable land. Just be­
low, on the south side is the river, on the east side is the brook Paros , and at a distance
of some 300 metres northward is an abundant water-spring which is still supplying the
village with water. In the nearby Kiseljak field, there are several mineral springs. The
surrounding hills have always been covered with woods with a lot of game, rich in ores,
so that there were all preconditions for man to settle in this hill-fort very early. Owing to
such favourable circumstances, life continued uninterruptedly from prehistory until the
Middle Ages.
Although excavations have never been carried out here, there were some indications
pointing to a rich site. The first finds were recorded in 1882, when the first lieutenant
Dumicie, among different tablets and "other dressed stones" still scattered around,
found a Roman tombstone, on which libertus Honesimus was mentioned? According to
a legend , the cippus, now in the Sli§kovie family's courtyard in a nearby village, on
which also mentioned are Nava and Litinius Aurelius,} also comes from Stijena.
On Crkvina in 190 I , Patsch saw some dry stone masonry and a trimmed cippus,
while on the slopes he noticed a multitude of pottery fragments. Later writers also
mentioned different remains here. According to them, on the very top there were the
foundations of a larger fortification, with quite strongly built walls . According to
Mandie, those were ruins dating from the Middle Ages 5, and according to Basler from
the ancient times. 6 Pavo Andelie was of the opinion that the remains dated from the late
antiquity and that they had been a refugium. 7
But, today no building remains can be traced at the place although they should be
there, as just over thirty years have elapsed since they were last reported on. A mention
should be made that the hill-fort was a village pasture until recently, it was fenced off,
partly by dry stone masonry, which superficially might have looked like some 'a ncient
structure foundations. Such a wall was mentioned by Patsch in his 190 I report, de­
scribing it expressly as recent 8 However, it is obvious that here there must exis~ some
building remains, as here, among other things, there was a church as well. The locality
was named "Crkvine" after it.
The past reports only mentioned the finds of prehistoric pottery both at Crkvine it­
self and at the lower slopes, especially on the hill-sides sloping down to the brook
Paros, and on the south side toward the meadows of Ukucevci. 9 Nevertheless, the most
important find at this site is an IlIyrian bronze headpiece, found in 1908 on a slope on
the south side of Crkvina, in Luka CvitkoviC's field, at Ukueevci. Roman roofing-tiles,
bits of glass, coins, and a large amount of slag are often found in the plain at the root of
Crkvina. 11 Prehistoric and Roman finds are found in large numbers all about in the im­

2 elL III, 8379 = Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, XIV, (1902), P 393; cf. E. Imamovic, Fojnica,
Kiseljak i Kresevo u rimsko doba, Nase starine, XIII, Sarajevo 1972, p 200.
3 D. Sergejevski, Spomenik SKA, LXXXVIII, drugi razred, 69, Beograd 1938, pIli, No. 15.
4 K. Patsch, J902, p 394.
5 M. Mandie, Starine kod fojni~kog Ki seljaka, GZM.XXVII (1925), P 65.
Ii D. Basler, Kre~evo-Kiseljak-Fojnica, GZM.n.s.IX (1954), P 302.
7 P. AndeJie, in monograph "Lepenica", Sarajevo 1963, p 170.
x K. Patsch , 1902, p 393.
Y P. Andelie, o.c., p 156.
10 M. Mandie, o.c. , p 62.
II P. Andelie, o.C., p 170.

mediate vicinity , which tells of Podastinje as an exceptionally rich archaeological site .

Taking this into account, we decided to carry out trial excavations to get a clearer in­
sight into the cultural content of this important site.
As today the major part of the Crkvina surface is covered with woods and thicket,
digging without preliminary preparations was possible only in the scattered clearings.
Our plan was to dig only a few probes, which would gi ve us a clearer picture of the
content of the site, with an emphasis on the remains from ancient times.

Probe I

The first probe was dug in the middle of the north plateau, 5x2 m. At a depth of only
20 em, we could see prehistoric pottery articles, and the deeper we dug the more of
them there were. The majority of fragments belong to the Bronze Age, and some of
them to its oldest phase. (T. I, figs. 1 and 2). They are analogue to the finds from the
nearby sites of Debelo Brdo near Sarajevo, 12 and Gradina at Vrelo Rame. Besides pot­
tery, other items were also found. At a depth of 50 em, a few stones of oblong shape
were dug out (dimensions 13x19; 15x6; 29xl3 em (T. I, fig. 3) , as well as several peb­
bles the size 0 f a fist.
Along with these finds, also excavated were two fragments of a stone tablet of
coarse sand (dimensions: 19x5x6; 20x 12x4 em), whose surfaces were concave on one
side. In fact, they were the fragments of grindstones on which grains were ground with
the mentioned oblong stones. After long use , rather a large hollow was made, which is
more noticeable in the bigger fragment (T.I figA). In the oblong stones we can also no­
tice the traces of wear, i.e. of use.
Of stone objects, we should mention the short oblong tablets, 9-10 em long, 2 cm
wide, a number of which have one oblique end with visible traces of use. They might
have been used for tanning or decorating ceramic vessels (T.I, fig. 5) .
Among many animal bones and horny matter, a small triangle-shaped bone was
found,S em long, pierced at the root. It might have been a hoof of a low animal that was
worn round the neck as jewelry or amulet. Near it, there were several boar's tusks and a
bigger ri ver shell.
At a depth of 60 em, with pottery fragments there were more and more ashes and
coal. A fragment of a flint knife was found as a flint artifact, along with some amor­
phous flint ore pieces. Pottery fragments found at this depth differ considerably from
the samples found in the upper layers. The shapes and ornaments found on them are
characteristic of the Aeneolithic Age, similar to the contemporary finds at many sites in
central Bosnia , of which the nearest are Gradac near Lepenica, Gradac near Homolj and
Gradac near Toplice in the vicinity of Kresevo. (T. 11, fig. I).
Under this find, in the middle of the probe, at a depth of 70 em, there was a layer of
broken stone I m wide, which looked like dry stone masonry. One stone of coarse sand
was found in it, having dimensions 17x 15 cm. Its unusual shape attracted our attention.
Actually, it looked as if it had been shaped by human hand, while its back side was flat
(perhaps dressed), the front looked like unfinished human face. Although there are no
clearly cut eyes, nose or mouth , there is a feeling as if unskilled hand had shaped it with
the intention to depict a figure. However, it is hard to say whether it is a stone inciden­

12 F. Fiala, Jedna prehiSloricka naseobina na Debelom Brdu kraj Sarajeva, GZM. VI , 1894 , pp
107-140; Izvjeslaj 0 iskopinama na Debelom brdu kod Sarajeva u 1894. godini, GZM . VJI
189 5, pp 123-130, T.I-VII.
13 V. Curcie, GZM.XIf (1900), pp 99-118, T.ITI-Vl; PraistoriJa, IV, p. 170 & f.
14 In: "Praistorija", 1II, pp 309-310, T.XXXVII.

tally shaped as such by nature, or it is indeed a sculpture, an attempt to depict a human

face. We need to mention that the stone was found in the layer where the Aeneolithic
and early Bronze pottery articles mix, which has to be taken into account when giving a
final opinion on the character of this find.
In the west part of the probe at a depth of 80 cm, at three spots there appeared iso­
lated yellowish layers of circular base, 10-20 cm thick, 1-1.5 m wide. Around, there was
a considerable amount of ashes mixed with pottery fragments.
Beneath this layer, at a depth of 120 cm, among pottery fragments, a vessel was
found broken into pieces, interesting for the thickness of its walls (I cm ), and its rough
composition with traces of chaff bits. It is a dish with a wide opening, which might have
been used to melt metal, as there were granular layers that looked like mineral remains.
This is suggested by the bits of turquoise slag and coal found there. Should these be the
remains of a metal foundry, it would still be impossible to say something more about its
dimensions and relevance.
Another object seems to have belonged to the melting activity of the first in­
habitants of this hill-fort. At a depth of 130 cm, we found a fragment of a thin tablet of
small-grained sandstone (dimensions 5.5x5 cm) with a shallow groove cut in ca
2 mm wide (T. II, fig. 4). It could have been a part of mould for needle casting, and
the like.
With the intention to extend the probe towards the east , at a depth of 30 cm we came
across two well-preserved skeletons, laid in the direction west-east, with the arms
crossed on the chests , with no accompanying material. It turned out they were late me­
dieval tombs dug into prehistoric cultural layer.

Probe Ia

Three metres away from this probe northwards, another probe (Ia) was dug 3x2x2 m in
si ze. Here too, at a depth of 30 cm , fragments of prehistoric pottery were found. At a
depth of 80 cm, a ceramic vertebra was found (dim. 3x4 cm) (T. II, fig. 3), then a small
whetstone and a flint fragment. Of pottery finds, fragments of dish edges with holes
from the Bronze Age stand out (T. II, fig . 2,5).
From a depth of 1.10 m down to the sterile layer (2 m), dominant is the Aeneolithic
pottery of Vucedol type with characteristic ornaments (paired broken lines). At the very
bottom of the probe, a fragment of a smaller dish edge was found, decorated with stick
piercing whose prints are filled with white paint.

Probe II

We dug the second probe in the southeast side of the plateau next to the block slope,
3x2m in size. But, at a depth of only 30 cm there appeared a cliff. The material exca­
vated contained some fragments of grey Roman pottery.

Probe III

A few metres to the north of Probe II we dug Probe III, 4x2 m in size. Under a humus
layer at a depth of 30 cm, a layer of broken stone showed. In it, we found several pieces
of hill-fort and Roman pottery. Underneath, at a depth of 80 cm , we found two well­
preserved medieval skeletons, laid in the west-east direction , with hands crossed on the
chests. The condition of the teeth in both skeletons points to young persons. On the

thighs of the male skeleton (on the right), we found a rectangular iron buckle (3x4 cm
size) of simple workmanship (T. III, fig. I).
Near the female skeleton's head, a silver gold-plated , three-berry earring was found
(dim. 3x2.5 cm). The ball-shaped berries consist of two empty halves. On each four
filigree circles are applied, touching one another. In their centres and in the inner-space
of the four adjacent circles there is a grain applied, rimmed with a fine filigree wreath.
The berries are framed in a six-length-wire filigree net (T. III , fig. 2).
This earring type is very common in the broader Slav area . In Bosnia and Herzego­
vina, exactly the same find is known from Grborez near Li vno, 15 Mogorjelo,16 Mihalje­
vici near Rajlovac not far from Sarajevo l7 , etc. In Dalmatia, such an earring type is
known from Biskupija - Crkvina, from Cetina - Sv. Spas, from Nerezisce - Sv. Jadra ,
from Skradin - Smrdelj, etc. Although this type was present over quite a long period
th th
of time (9 -15 centuries), the circumstances show that our find could date back to
13 th _14th century period.
Of other jewelry pieces, a small bronze safety pin was found with a ball-head. The
empty ball was made up from two halves. As the pin was laid near the head, it was
probably used to fasten the veil, i.e. the scarf (T. III, fig. 3).
These finds, just as well as the position of the buried bodies , point to a late medieval
tomb, most probably from the l3 th or 14th centuries.

Probe IV
Probe IV was dug at some 18 metres to the east of Probe III, on the edge of the plateau,
dimensions 2.50xl .80 m. At a depth of 20 cm, a 7 cm iron square wedge was found,
which at one end has - NC sigla carved in it, which when impressed leave the letters
NC. It was probably a stamp to punch hard materials, which is proved by the stamping
traces at the other end. Due to the lack of other finds , it is hard to say which period they
belong to, if we exclude the skeleton discovered at a depth of 80 cm (T. III, fig. 4). To­
gether with it, we found an iron buckle similar to the one from Probe III, which would
mean that was a male burial (T.III, fig. 5).
With regard to the position of the tomb (west-east) and the arms crossed on the
chest, it is clear that that also was a medieval burial. Although the mentioned stamp was
found high above the skeleton, this could not be a criterion for its determination, as it
could have been dug out from deeper layers on the occasion of the burial of the medie­
val dead.
We tried to dig deeper into the tomb, but then there appeared a compact broken
stone layer, so we stopped digging. As it was the edge of the plateau, it could have been
a fall off underneath where there are much deeper cultural layers .

Probe V
Probe V is located at the far end edge of the east extension of the lump. It is a very
small wooded elongation with steep sides, from where there is an unhampered view of

15 S. Beslagic, Grborezi. Sarajevo, 1964, p 72, T.XXVI, 4 & XXVI , I.

Iii I. Cremosnik, Nalazi nakita u srednjovjekovnoj zbirci Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, GZM.

n.s. VI (1951) , p. 244, T. 1,13 .

17 N. Miletic, Nekropola u se lu Mihaljevicima kod RajIovca. GZM .n.s. VI (1951), P 28.
18 N. Jaksic, Nausnice s tri jagode u muzeju Hrvatskih arheoloskih spomenika u Splitu, Prilozi
povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji, 23, Regionalni zavod za zaslilu s pomenika kulture u Splitu ,
Split 1983 , pp 49-73 .

all the ways of access to the hill-fort from the east. There were more indications to do
the probing here, too. In fact , between several medieval tombstones, sticking out from
the ground there was one, dressed a littl.e better, so we dug it out and saw that on one
side it had been cut in the way pointing to the Roman times.
We started digging the probe a few metres away from it and at a depth of only 30 cm
there was a layer containing limestone dust with bits of mortar. In that deposit, we
found a small fragment of a sarcophagus, a part of its bottom edge (dim. 30x29x 11 cm)
(T III, fig. 13), and a bronze wedge of typical Roman workmanship (T III , fig. 6). At a
depth of 90 cm there was a compact mortar deposit ca 10 cm thick, and a wall under­
neath it. When we cleared it , there appeared some plaster blocks laid neatl y and held by
mortar; they made a very slight arch retained on the edge by low underpinning masonry.
We found out that it had been a tomb cut into a solid cliff with oval ends, over which
built was a barrel-shaped roof, with a thick layer of mortar laid over it.
Inside the tomb a skeleton was found in very a good condition, laid south-north,
with the skull turned right. Near the thighs, two bronze rings were found, diametres 2
and 3.5 cm (T III, fig. 7, 8) and one round fibula with a flat needle , diametre 4 cm (T
III , fig. 9). Everything pointed to a tomb from the late antiquity.
It is impossible to give a clear picture of the original shape of the tomb as tree roots
damaged the construction considerably, especiaJly in its upper part. It is unclear if there
had been a ground superstructure. The above-mentioned cut tombstone might have be­
longed to that construction, to be later used as secondary building material, spolium ,
probably as medieval gravestone.
We can suppose tllat on this narrow mountain-ridge there might be several such
tombs. A few metres away from this probe, we tried to dig one more, and although we
carne across mortar, thick roots and tree-stumps stopped us. Under the mortar layel' here
may be hidden a similar grave as well as a few metres south , next to the very edge of the
steep slope, where we also identified a wall.

Probe VI

Although the major portion of the weSL part of the hill-fort was covered with vegetation
making the digging difficult , we still thought it necessary to dig one more probe there,
too. After clearing the area, we selected a mound ca 12x7 m, which was indicative of
the ruins of a smaller structure. Our hypothesis proved correct, and when we took off a
layer of humus ca 60 em thick, we carne across a wall. Digging further, we identified
the southeast corner of a structure. When we cleared the outer wall a few metres long,
we tried to determine the ground plan and dimension s of the building. After that we
started to clear the interior.
Eventually we found out that it had been a structure of rather modest dimensions
(3.73x2.6S m) , built on a sloping cliff positioned south-north , with a slight eastern de­
viation. The height of the walls preserved on the west side is 2 m, and on the east sid e
1.5 m, which resulted from the ground slant, as the walls had been pulled down at the
same level. However, there is some disproportion with regard to their thickness. The
north and south walls are 110 ern wide, while the side one only 80 cm. It needs to be
pointed out that on the preserved height of the walls there are no openings, so it remains
unclear whether the internal filling is of recent date or it was [illed in at the time of con­
struction. In any case, we found a lot of finds in it. Stratification shows that the humus
layer is 90 cm thick. Then comes a yellowish layer 25 cm thick, then ocher 20 cm , and
again humus SO cm thick, mixed with soot. It is followed by a greyish layer IS cm thick ,
leaning directly against the cliff.

In places, at differe nt depth s, laye rs of ashes and coal were found. In the filling it­
self, some fragments of prehistoric pottery from the Iron Age were disco vered, then a
few frag ments of Roman pottery, among which there was a pi ece of terra sigilata. We
fllso found a lot of slag, mostly in the north half of the structure, at eac h leve l.
Along the north wall, we found a few iron wedges, a hinge, and a bigger lump of an
oxidized iron object. Several fi st-si zed stone balls were dug out, too. With a lot of ani­
mal bones, two human skeletons were found. One was buried in the southeast corner of
the structure 80 cm deep, laid in the south-n orth directi on, with arms stretched along the
body. The other lay in the northwest corner, 100 em deep, headl ess with a part of the
sp ine missing.
The most remarkabl e find in this structure is an orn ame nted fragment of a sarcop ha­
gus lid , made fro m small-grained sand (d im . 48x40x30 cm). Actuall y, it was an acrote­
rium ornamented with palmettes, spirals, a rosette with an undul ating line and round
protuberances in its arches, with two more plastic decoration s. All of them were done in
Jow reli e f, in a characteristic prov incial manner. According to the style of workmanship,
we co uld say that the work had been done in the 3 ' d to 4'h centuries A.D . by a loca l
master imitating successfu lly the standard models of hi s times based on the works o f
high art. (T. III, fig. 12).
The fragment was fo und in the northeas t corner of the roo m at the very bottom, fac­
in g upward. Next to it were severa l fr agments of Roman glass , and in the immed iate
upper laye r the mentioned fragment of red Roma n pottery.
It was only when the interior of the structure was cleared th at we started to cl ear the
outer walls, i.e. to remove the outer de pos its , on the northeast co rner first. Immediately
under the humus layer the rest of the wall sho wed, slightly deviating northward s. It
could be traced at a length of 1l.5 metres, actu ally to the very edge of the pl ateau. It
was 1.20 m wide, but of uneven quality. The first two metres fro m the structure were
raised in the sa me way as the structure itself (cut bl ocks reg ularly laid), and from there
on smaller stones were used irregularly.
Only when the whol e wall was unearthed was it clear that those were fortification
remains, protecting the hill-fort from the wes l. The rec tangul ar structure, in fac t, are the
rema ins of a tower from whi ch a bulwark ran toward s northwes t hill side, de fending
efficiently the weakest point of the hill-fort.
Everything points to a co nstructi on from the late antiquity that turned the hill-fort
into a fortified refu gium.

Probe VII
W e dug the seventh probe a few metres west of Probe III . At a dep th of 20 cm. a flat ,
headl ess iron wedge 8 cm long was found (T . III , fig. 10). Underneath at a depth of
40 cm, we found a well -p reserved skeleton, which by position of the body and arms was
id enti cal to the other skeletons excavated , and for which it was said to ha ve belonged to
a med ieva l necropol is. One could imagine that the necro polis was big ind eed, since in
the seve n probes we excavated eight skeletons.
The ske leton from Probe VII belonged to a female. A bronze earring, whose orna­
ments were two knots , was found as an accessory ite m. It co uld date back to the 13"1_
14'h centuries (T. III, fi g. 11).
During thi s cam paign, we tried to check the ground immediately outside the big
cliff. In the first two attempts , after digging only 20 cm, we came across a cliff, and in
the third attempt across firmly deposited broken stone, so that we did not dig deeper
than 50 cm. In all the three cases we found a few fragme nts of grey Roman pottery in
the s urface layer.

Finds oftombstones

We have already mentioned a eut tombstone from the east saddle-shaped elongati on
(122 em long, 69 em wide , 33 cm thick). As such, it is characterized by a number of
step-like cuts along the longer side, which do not run at the same level but they break at
the end so that they are a few centimetres lower. The other side of the tombstone is
dressed in such a way that the middle is a few centimetres lower than the edges. The
width of the edges varies. On the longer sides, one is 30 cm long, and the other 14cm,
while the rim of the shorter side is 21 cm wide. It is only on this side that you notice that
the tombstone, in fact, was broken and this is only a part of it, which tells it was longer.
In two corners of the lower part, shallow round hollows were made where a prop
might have been fitted in. At the end of the narrower raised edge, you can see a semi­
<.:ircular shallow notch similar to those used to hold blocks together (T. IV , fig. la, Ib).
A few metres away from the described tombstone, at the beginning of the hill-side,
there is another finely dressed tombstone of lime-stone (116 cm long, 86 cm wide and
37 cm thick). Regular and sharp edges and a polished surface tell of Roman workman­
ship. We could estimate that this tombstone also belonged to the construction of the
above-described tomb. ( T. IV , fig. 2).
There is an almost identical tombstone in the clearing in the southeast part of the
plateau (117 cm long, 87 cm wide , 40 cm thick). When we turned it up , we saw the back
was dressed , a third of which was cut some 4 cm deeper. This tells it was a block be­
longing to a larger, pro bably Roman structure, perhaps later on used as a medieval
tombstone (stecak). A local legend about it says it used to be placed on the tomb of a
bishop, and a big hole dug near it witnesses it had been moved in former times (T. IV ,
fig. 3a, 3b).
The fourth tombstone of a bigger size is located on the west slope. It was rolled over
a few metres from the plateau edge (202 cm long, 80 cm wide, 29 cm thick). It differs
from the other two by its dimensions and material (slate). It was chipped off at one end.
We did not manage to turn it over and see if the other side was dressed or if there was
some content which could point to Roman workmanship. (T. IV, fig. 4 ).
Close to the above described tombstone, there lay another, evenly cut, of smaller
dimensions (135 em long, 73 cm wide, 23 cm thick), made from limestone. The cut edge
is a few centimetres shallower than the other surfaces, which points to a sarcophagus (i. e.
grave) lid. As such, it could date back to the late antiquity or the early Middle Ages. Pro­
bably as secondary material, spolium, it was later used as a stecak (tombstone). Because
of its weight and the inaccessibility of the ground, we did not manage to turn it over and
make sure the other side had some traces of dressing or some inscriptions (T. V, fig. 1).
Next to this one, there is another, of the same material, of much smaller dimensions,
whose thickness we could not measure, either, so that it remained unclear whether it
was a tombstone or an ancient cippus (90 cm long, 70 cm wide). Actually, this possibil­
ity cannot be ruled out as we have already given the information that in a nearby village
there is a cippus with an in scription which is said to have been brought from this hill­
fort ( T. V, fig 2).
The following tombstone at this site from this group was dressed in the same way
and of the same material (120 em long, 58 cm wide). The thickness could not be esti­
mated in this case, either ( T. V, fig. 3 ). Near this tombstone there is another one bro­
ken into halves (77 em long, 32 em thick) (T. V, fig. 4).
According to the stories told by the local people, a lot of such stones were taken
away from Crkvina and used to build houses or lime-kilns. Undoubtedly , a lot of them
are still scattered down the slopes, covered with rockslides or wood humus. It needs to
be mentioned that at this site there are still several medieval tombstones in situ, which

differ from the samples described above both in dimensions and the way they were cut.
The medieval ones were mostly made of slate, unevenly cut with rough surfaces. All the
medieval necropoles in the immediate vicinity mainly have tombstones of this quality.
Therefore, one could imagine, and for some we can say with certainty, that the tombstones
described above date from the Roman period and they had been part of so me building
constructions at Crkvina itself, while some others had been used as tombstone lids.

Although it is difficult to make any definite conclusion about a site based only on several
probes, we will, however, try to make some general observations. In the introductory
part we stated that the incidental finds from this site pointed to a locality of a complex
content, which proved to be true after these excavations. In fact, our intention was, first
of all, to determine the quantity of the ancient content at Crkvina, and incidentally we
got valuable information on the prehistoric times , and then on the Middle Ages , too.
As for the Roman traces, it can be concluded that they were found within the ex­
pected limits, bearing in mind that this is a site where life had continued up to the Mid­
dle Ages, which contributed considerably to the destruction of the remains from the
former epochs.
To what extent and in what way life was led here after the Roman s had arrived , it is
hard to say for the time being. The finds of the Roman pottery and glass, the remain s of
architectural structures, insc riptions , fragments of sarcophagi and built tombs, definitely
point to the fact that life here wa s very busy. Nevertheless, considering the fact this is a
peak of a limited area, which as such did not offer required conditions for the Romans
to build a bigger settlement there, we could not expect to have some more extensi ve
traces of life there.
On the basis of the results we have gained so far , we can give such a preliminary
opinion on life continuity at this site. The first inhabitants seem to have come with the
appearance of metal , i.e. in the Aeneolithic Age, as can be seen from the pottery frag­
ments with ornaments and workmanship characteristic of that epoch. Life continued into
the following epoch, since the extraordinary strategic position of the site and mineral
resources of the surrounding hills offered all preconditions for settlement development.
It is witnessed by a wealth of pottery fragments from Probe I, belonging to the Aeneo­
lithic Age and to all the phases of the Bronze and Iron Ages, with traces of smelting
Although the overall area of the hill-fort is less than a hectare, which ranks it among
the larger hill-forts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it does not seem to have been able to
accomm odate all the population, so that a lower ridge was also inhabited on the north
si de. In its entire area, we come across large numbers of pottery fragments and whole
dishes, traces of hearths, etc.
One could believe that Romans had found the place in such condition and undoubt­
edly occupied that important strategic point, di sp laced the population and built their
own fortification. At first life might have continued modestly at the hill-fort itse lf to
intensify later down in the plain, below the fort (Ukucevci site), where remain s of
buildings, roofing tiles, and other Roman material were found. 19 After pacification was
established, Crkvina lost its strategic relevance, so that the fortification was aband oned
too, while life continued below the hill-fort, more intensely in the wider area, as is
proved by incidental finds in the immediate vicinity of Kiseljak. 2o The local population

19 M. Mandi e, O.C., p 62.

20 K. Parsch, o.c ., p 394; E. Imamovi c, o.c., pp 196-201.


might have settled back in the hill-fort, now leading a peaceful econ om ic life . And the n,
when in the 2 nd and 3rd centuries the political situation started to get worse on the borders
and when in Dalmatia an invasion of barbarians threatened, this hill-fort resumed its
strategic importance and it is from then that life in the Roman-way intensified. From
th at epoch date an inscription mentioning the Aureliuses, then a sarcophag us fragment ,
built graves, and probably the cut bloc ks mentioned above. The hill-fort was in that
condition when the population migrati on started, but life in it did not sto p.
Owing to the mineral wealth, vast arable land , surrounding woods, and the strategic
position, the hill-fort remained the centre of life in a wider circle, witnessed by many
medieval necropoles around the hill-fort itself, remai ns of underground pits (granaries), 21
the n tombs from that period in the hill-fort itse lf, etc. In any case, more abo ut this site
will be known after further and systematic research has been done. Considering the
relevance of the site, such excavations are necessary.

Visnjica was kno wn of much earlier in the archaeological literature for many incidental
finds. The most remarkable was the one from \935, when a local inhabitant Danko
Pravdic, digging foundations for his new house, came across an inscr ibed tombstone.
Father KIuno Misi\o, a teacher at the Franciscan High School in Visoko, co llector and
lover of antiquities, was informed about it. But, before he arrived, some damage had
already been caused . He collected the broken pieces and excavated seven more whole
tombstones. He es tablished the origin as Roma n sepulchral monuments and that their
use here had been secondary , actually they had been transported over here from a re­
mote necropolis 22 Some of those tombstone depicted figures of the dead dressed in ori­
e ntal outfits. This means that Visnj ica was inhabited by foreigners, too, among whom
there had been a certain number of Orientals. Mos t of the mon uments are of good
workmanship, which is definitely a result of the good taste and eco nomic standing of
the then population of Visnjica.
Afterwards , there were more incidental finds at Visnj ica. When the old house of
the family Begovic was being pulled down , above Bijele Vode, several buill graves
were discovered, among which there was a well preserved hypogaeum 23 Over it, al
the location where until recently there was a threshing floor, massive walls were fo und ,
and within those walls complete or partial human ske letons . A few years ago, while
capping a well at B ije le Vode, a gravestone was dug out 24 It may have belonged to the
same necropoli s as the tombstone excavated by Father Mi si lo in Danko PravdiC's court­
When this area was recently being surveyed, another site was recorded. Fragments
of inscriptions and architectural items were found scattered all over the village , sur­
rounding fields and groves. Many of them were buill in the foundations of the village
houses, and man y were taken away by the people outside Visnjica 25

21 M. Mandie, o.c., p 62.

22 K. Mi silo, Rimski spomenici iz Bosne, GZM.xLVIll ( 1936), pp 15-26; also: N. Vulic, Anticki

spomenici nase zemlje, Spomenik Srpske kraljevske akademije, Vol. LXXV, Beograd 1933, pp
23 In : V. Paskvalin, Kasnoanticki obj ekti iz Osatice, Karahoda i Visnjice, GZM.n.s. 38 ( 1983 ), pp
11 8- I 21.
24 Taken to the Zenica Town Museum. Badly preserved so that the text is very difficult to read .
25 There are a lot of fragments panicularly around Mijo Sapina's house. In the cellar of hi s old
house, there are two cut tombstones, and several inscribed fragmen ts were found while clearing
a mound, one of whi ch, somwhat bigger, was taken to Kiseljak by Ruzica Pusic.

The number and character of the mo numents collected poin t to the fact that at
Visnjica there was a bigger Roman settlement with intensive li fe in it. To get a clearer
id ea of it, trial excava tio ns were undertake n.

a) Bijele Vode

Probe I was du g in the co urtyard of Anto Pravdi c (land registr y plot Bijele Vode) , actu­
ally at the same place where Father Kruno Misilo formerly carried out excava ti o ns . On
that occasion, he did not manage to dig up the whole place as the then ow ner had al­
ready begun building the house, which prevented furth er excavations . Some time ago,
that house was pulled down, and the respective site was again accessib le for archaeologists.
But we were no luc kier' A day before the excavations started, the present owner, not
knowing the exact position where we intended to do the excavatin g, put the building
material on the plot to build a new house. We were able to continue probing o nly on the
outer edge of the area we had planned to explore. Nevertheless, we did not fa i I.
Immediately under the humus layer ca 30 cm thick, there was a layer of loose
building waste mate ri als, and the n at a depth of 70 cm there was a wall of a Roman co n­
struction 80 cm wide, positioned eas t - west. On the east edge , nex t to the village road , a
ca nal wi th a brick vault cei ling was discovered in the wall , 1.5 m wide. The interior is
still covered with soot, whi ch means it was a hot air duct to hea t the rooms. It runs
so utheast-north west ( T. V, fig. 6 ). Near it we excavated a sma ll frag me nt with an in­
scription (dim . 8x9 c m ) of which on ly two letters remained (T. V, fig . 5).
Owing to its location (the courtyard outside the house), we managed to fo llow the
wall for 5.5 m. In the far west excavations we found a cross partiti on wall jo ining it on
the south side.
Then, we dug two sma ll er probes in the unoccupied area of the yard. In a lot of
waste building materi al we fo und some hypocaust bricks. The owner of the house told
us that when they were digging around the house, they found a lot of smal.l pillars built
from small bri cks. Taking all thal into co nsideration , we can suppose these are remains
of a larger Slructure centrally heated . As the dimension s of the hot air duct were rather
big ( 1.5 m), we could say these are the remains of the thermae. Thi s hypothes is can be
supported by the fact that a few me tres away from here, on the hill side, there is a rich
water spring, whi c h could have caused the co nstruc ti o n of the thermae at thi s locatio n.
In any case , these are the re main s of a large structure. The owners of the surrounding
pl ots told us the wall s ran all around , under the present houses, too. It was impossi ble
for us to dig up the whole area to determine the exact character of the struc ture, but it is,
however, possible to give an exp lanation referring lo the finds of the to mbstones at thi s
site some 50 years ago. As we said, Misilo found out that they had been used as seco ndary
flooring material. Now that trial excavations have been carried out, and the foundations
discovered, we can assume th at in the early Middle Ages, within the ruins of the Roman
structure, a room was adapted for some purposes, when from a nearby necropolis still
existing they broughl tombstones for flooring. Father Misilo found them in that function.
As this site is within modern rural architecture, it was imposs ibl e to carry out more
exte nsive excavations to co ll ect more information on the Roman facili ti es of this part of
Visnjica. The cond iti on is no better on the neighbourin g hill , near the house of the family
Begov ic, where, because of many inc idental finds , it was necessary to dig a few probes.

b) Begovi/aguvno ({he Begovic Family's Threshl!7gfloor)

This site is loca ted near the old houses of the famil y Begovic, on a s lope above the site
of B ijele Vode . A well preserved built grave from the late an tiquity was known of here

earlier. For that reason, some fifteen years ago, the ex perlS of the National Museum dug
several probes at this place. They recorded numerous walls, but they stopped at that point.
During our ca mpai gn, we decided to carry out more thorough excavations at this site.
In a few probes we du g near the village road we found a thick wall, which pointed
to a bi gger structure. Over the seven day s whil e we were digging, we exca vated part of
a building from th e late antiquity (dim. 5.50x 14 m). Only one complete room was un­
earthed (dim. 2.70x 14 m) (Sc heme II).


;1 [D r
~ tr
II §1
t J1Q +
NEW TOMB_ . --.l
-. " <
'\.- ­

f 1400
+ 420

Scheme II

Th e most remarkable find in thi s structure was a built tomb from the late antiquity
with a barrel-s haped ce ilin g (d im . 4.20x2.70 m). It is on the northeast sid e of the struc­
ture. Actually, it is part of the structure found. Its entrance is in the north , at a depth of
1.20 m (dim. of the opening 0.90xO.60 m). At the doorway, there was a mass ive stone,
overturned. Outside the door there is an antechamber (d im. 1.60xO .15 x 1.20 m).
Since the grave makes architectural unity with the excavated structure, it probably
was a mausoleum , near which many bodies were buried, the maj ority of whic h were laid
along the ou ter west wall.
That this was a big burial compl ex is co nfirmed by another, earl ier known grave, lo­
cated onl y 6 metres further from the newly discovered ones in the north -wes t direction.
As the site is within the complex of modern buildings (houses, stab les, sheds, grana­
ries, etc.) it was impossible to investigate the discovered structure, i.e. to unearth it, so
we fail ed to gi ve a full answer as to its size and compl ete co ntent.

i) Begovifa n;ive ([be Begovii F amify J- Fields)

Durin g the works, the local people warned us abo ut a spur above th e village on the east
side, about the so-cal led Begov ica njive (t he Begov ic family 's fields). People, for the

needs of the village, cleared stones from a grove there and every time they came ac ross
ornamented and dressed stone fragments. They especial ly fo und a lot of those when
th ey, so me time ago, were digg ing material to fil l up the village road. They showed us a
co uple of samples they had preserved and our es timation was that they were Roman
orn ame nted sc ulptures. That made us carry out so me trial excavation s at that place , sup­
posing it mi ght be a structure from the Roman times.
The site is located on a sli ght spur above the vi ll age from where a broad vista ope ns
up over the Grom ilj ak val ley and surroundin g hill s. Until rece nLly the ground was cov­
ered with a thicket, bu t it was cleared and leve lled , which caused serious damage as the
major part of the wall was cleared . The vegetati on still co vers on ly the peak of the spur
and we decided to start excava ti ons just there.

Fig I - Apside with built-ill Romall spoliull1

In the first probe , at a depth of 35 cm, we fou nd so me waste building material , fol­
lowed by a layer of co mpact mortar ca 7 em th ick. That used to be a structure tl oo r,
since below it there was a pebbl e layer ca 10 em thi ck on the sterile so il layer.
The seco nd probe was dug 7 metres nor·thward from the first one. Immediately be­
Iowa thin humu s layer there was a firmly built wall 80 cm th ick , preserved to a heigh t
of ca 70 cm. In this probe, too, a co mpact, good quality mortar bottom showed. The
mate rial e xcavated near the wall co ntained seve ral stone fragments of which one had a
cut edge.
With a few more probes du g into the narrower diametre of the wall disco vered, we
go t contours of a building. Then we came across the apse. When finally the whol e place
was cleared, the foundations of a bas ilica-like buildin g appeared and it turned out to be
an Old-Christi an basil ica with all the elements c haracterizing that type of structure.
The maximal length of the structure with the apse is 23 .30 m, width 17.50 m. It con­
sists of the cella (A) with apse (dim . 15x8.80 m; the apse (B); 5.20x2.30 m), three lateral

rooms on the north sid e: the apodyterium (C): (dim. 8.50x5 .90 m), the baptistery (D)
with piscina (d im. 8.50x5 .90 m; the piscina (E) 1.60x3 m) and the consignatorium (F)
dim . 4x4.30 m).

Fig 2 - Fragmenls
of the basilica

In front of the cell a is the narthex (G) dim . 8.80x6 m), on th e so utheast sid e of the
buildin g is the diaconicon (H) dim. 4AOx2.80 m). Because of the uneve n ground , the
floo r is sp lit. The baptisery, the apodyterium and the narth ex are lower by 0.50 metres
than the other rooms (Sc heme III ).
The layo ut of the rooms in this basilica is ident ical to the layo ut of the Skelani II
basilica at Skelani on the Drin a river,26 and by al l its feat ures it fits the stand ard type of
the so-ca ll ed Bosni an Basilica.
In the material exca vated, we found a large number of tombstone fragments (T. VI,
fig. 1-10), smal ler and bigger pill ars (T. VII , fig. 1-6), blocks, and a lot of wedge-shaped
cut plaster blocks whi ch mi ght have belonged to the apse ca lotte si nce they were foun d
in that part of the basilica. The ornamented fragments depict vegetal motifs (aca nthu s
leaves, grapes , etc.). Characteristic are the littl e hol es made by the drill used by the arti­
san while c utting (T. VII, fig. 9)

21> C. Truhelka, Starokrscan ska arheo logija, Zagreb 1931, P 115, fig . 37.

W e were give n several of those charac teristic frag ments by a local inhabita nt, whi c h
long ago, according to him , had been p ic ked from a mound be lo w the me ntio ned peak
(o n the west side) , at the time whe n the site was still untou c hed , i.e. before it became a
vill age qu arry.

Anc ient Christi an basilica in Vi snj ica

Loc. " Bego vi ca njive"

Apri l 1989

R ')__ _ ----''Z_ _3 _ _ _~ m

- i ,­ j­
~~ H
~~- X

~ a

~ r<::
k ~


£ ~
c ~ G


i·.r. r u dlo : s K)lxJdrU l ku d r n

Sc he me III

27 Preserved by a vi llage po tter, Meho Begovic, who was presen t at the digg ing of th e ma terial for
ti lli ng up the vill age road. He possesses six fragmen ts, and, accord ing to th e eyewi tnesses, a
large amoun t of simi lar material was bui It in the road.

According to the workmans hip , a ll the fra g me nts fit the late phase of the anci e nt art.
Several Rom an spohi were excavated in the basilica (T. VII, fig. 8). In the consig nato­
ri um , a fra gme nt of a wreath was excavated belonging to a better Roman building (T.
VII , fi g. 7). Along th e outer wall of the di aco nico n, several to mb stella fragm e nts had
been built in , etc. It needs to be mentioned that the whole area aro und the basilica is
covered with a thick layer of soot, which undou bted ly is a result of the fire that de­
stroyed this building .
In view of the fact th at Visnjica is exceptionally rich in Ro man monuments, the dis­
co very of an Old-Chri sti an basilica was not un expected, as such a building w as a stan­
dard facility in any bigger Rom a n settleme nt. The area of Kiseljak in the Roman times
was a ri ch mining region, whi c h res ulted in intensive eco nomic ac tivities. That attracted
vari ous people from allover th e Empire, the Orien ta ls among others as well. Under suc h
circumstan ces Christianity co uld ha ve penetrated easil y, whi c h then brought about the
building of th e bas ilica.
This is not the first find of the so rt in the area of Ki seljak . At Lepenica (G radac )
nearby, back be fore the Second W or ld W ar, an Old-Christian bas ilica was di sco vered, 28
and there are some indication s of another basilica at the site of Guvno near the o ld
houses of the Begovic family.


a) Stucienar

Stude nac is a ground with m ou nds overgrown with shrub and wood (ow ned by the fam­
il y Bega novi c). Actually, it is part of mo unded co mpl ex of several th ousa nd hectares
stretc hing al o ng the Gromiljak field which is supposed to have rem ai ned afte r digging
up , i.e. after go ld minin g in the Roman times The lead er of the excavations knew be­
fore about inc idental finds at this site. In fact, in the past s tone was c leared here and on
that occasion a mass ive wall was di scovered. Amon g small finds, a key was fo und and
several unidentifi ed metal objects, whi c h have got lost in the meantime. Some hundred
metres away westward fr om this place, tombs were fo und encased in sto ne. Accord in g
to the owner of the land , a belt buc kl e was found in a grave with a skeleton. At the sa me
place there are so me medieval graves under to mbstones, and a large r number of ni s hans
- Muslim tom bstones - which tells of burial co ntinuity at thi s s ite, which m ig ht ha ve
been directly related to the building whose remains attracted our atte ntion .
Th e reason why we decid ed to do the excavation o n this si te was beca use the site is
located in the middle of the mound co mplex and we have already expressed our op ini o n
about it as traces of th e Roma n gold mini ng30 Formerly, Patsch identified some remains
of Roman arc hi tec ture in the immediate vicinit y,3 ) and we naturally wanted to check the
co ntent of this site, i.e. the character of th e incidenta l discovery of the wall. If the
mounds mentioned indeed be long to Roma n activiti es, then undoubtedl y there are
hidde n remains of mining facil iti es , miners' settleme nts, admini stration buildings, etc.
The place where the wall was found is an elongated mounud some I SO metres long ,
25 m wide, running east - west. The first probe was dug in the middle of the mo und . At a
depth of only SO e m we found a layer of soot mixed with small broken s tones a nd so me

2H V Skar ic, Altertumer von Gradac in der Lepenica (Bosn ien), GZM.XLlV (1932), pp 1-2l.
2~ In: E. Imamovic, Eksploatacij a zlala i srebra u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji, God isnjak Dru stv a
istoricara Bosn e i Hercegovine, XXI-XXVlI, Saraj evo 1976, pp 7-26.
30 Ibidem.
11 K. Palsch , 1902, p. 394.

brick bits. W e traced that laye r as deep as 1.5 m. The cultural contents may lie much
deeper, perhaps at a depth of 2-4 metres, as can be judged according to the series of
walls we came across on the mound edge.
The second probe was dug up on the far e ast edge of the mou nd, while we were looking
for the outer wall of the building. Immediately below the humus laye r, a massive waJl
construction measured I m wide, running norteast-southwest, slightly declining eastward .
The mortar contai ns s ma ll pieces of broken bricks, which points to the building 's
ancient origin. An unbroken wall was fo und , a few me tres lo ng, 70 c m high , which fell
into the interior of the building.
As the ground was inaccessible (trees and tree stump s) from this side, we succeded
in tracing the wa ll 4.5 m. Considering the outline of the mo und , we could quite certainly
assume what the width of the building was, so that we dug several probes in that
The first probe was dug on the south edge of the mound, where the former owner of
the plot found a wa ll while c learing the stones. We fo und it the re, too . The thickness of
the wall and the building tec hnique are the same as the wall on the east edge, which
mean s that this is the outer wall of one and the same building. Then another probe was
dug into the no rth side of the mound , near the east edge , where a wall was found, too.
T o trace its le ng th (westward ), at a distance of 10 m, we dug a tran sversal probe . A wall
was discovered , but it was 5 metres withdrawn inside in re lation to the s tated wall. W e
tried to find thei r junction, but we did not manage to, so that the ir relation remaind
unclear to us. They certainl y belonged to the same building, as the sa me building
technique was used , with a mi x of broken bricks in the mortar.
We tried to fin d a wall on the west side with a coupl e of probes, but due to the
unfavourable co nditions on the ground, we did not managed to. So the layout of the
respective building remained unidentified. We are certain it is a building from the
Roman period, but its purpose and the time of its co nstruction are unknown. The only
conclusion we can make is that it was a large building , whi c h will be clarified if more
extensive excavation s are carr ied out.

b) Cigiana ([he Bndeyard)

The site is halfway between Gromiljak and Kiseljak. Bac k before the war, a Roman
monument was incidentally found there , which was never reco rd ed in profess io nal
literature. While digging the foundations for hi s new hou se in the field near the road
opposite the Brickyard, Pero Raso found some dressed sto ne tablets and cubes. Ac­
cording to the eyewitnesses' reports, the stones had various ornaments on them, in­
cluding lions. Some samples had texts on them, as well. Unfortunately, the destiny of
those finds is unknown. According to some reports, the owner so ld them to a strange r
who took the m a way by lo rry. As the finds were not recorded at the National Museum,
it can be assumed they were taken to Visoko , to the collection of the local Franci sca n
High School , where F ather Kruno Misilo worked and who at the time was carrying out
excavations at Vi snji ca. He might have stored them at Visoko.
As they are obviously Roman tombstones. we decided to dig a couple of probes in
the site to de te rmine if it is a necropoli s or an iso la ted find. We du g up nine probes alto­
gether all over the plo t applying the chessboard sys te m. But. no relevant res ults were
gained. Only nex t to the house foundation s, whose co nstruc tion at the time caused the
disco ve ry of the respective monuments . did we come across a small stone mass which
looked like a su bstru ctu re. As it ran under the house, we were not able to trace it. Sev­
eral fragments of bl ack and grey Roman pottery were fo und in one of the pro bes, and
that was all. T his co uld have been an isolated fam ily grave. to which the monume nts

excavated had be lo nged and whose foundations we came across while do ing the exca­
vating. The dressed to mbstones, which are still lying outside the house th ere and arc
being used as sta irs, may ha ve bel onged to the same construction.
The di scovery of Roman monuments at this s ite s hould not be regard ed as iso lated.
Disregard in g the me ntioned abundant find s at Vi snjica nearby, in the immedi ate vicinity
of Ciglane, at a di stance of a few hundreds of metres off the road towards Gromiljak ,
i.e. in the area stretc hing from the brook Rikavac to Bajer (The Silo), finds of monu­
me nts from th e Roman times are very frequent. Just be low the me nti oned brook, on th e
right, on the plots of th e families Fej zic and Jaramaz, there are foundations with hypo­
In the 1950s, o ut side the Silo at Bajer, several inscribed marble fragments, me n­
tioning the co lo nies o f Salona and Jader, were dug out On the basis of a ll these indi­
cations, as was earlier stated , at this site there was a bigger Ro ma n se ttle ment, most
probably th e statio n of Stanecli Therefore, the find s of sepulchral mo nume nts at Ci­
glana could have belonged to the populatio n of that settlement, whose necro po lis might
have lain near the ro ad . As this area today is de nsely urbani zed , and inte nsive ly c ulti ­
vated, Roman traces had bee n destroyed lo ng ago. The plot owner Mustafa Fejzic did
the clearing of the remaining mound s in that area ' so me time ago, and on that occas io n
he came ac ross so me building foundations severa l hundreds metres lon g, and in them
bri cks, small suspensio n pillars belonging to the ce ntral heating syste m, e tc.
The case is th e sa me with the ne ighbourin g plots w hich are the ow ners hip of the
Jaramaz family. When th e adjace nt Silo was bu ilt , foundations of some o ld buildings
were fo und , which is th e same place w here the above me ntioned in scribed fragments
had been excavated in the 50s.

These trial excavations at Podastinj e, Visnj ica and Gromiljak, together with the in for mati o n
we had earl ier, showed that the regio n of K iseljak had been densely popul ated at the
Roman times . Di stance between some of the identified agglomerations (Podas tinj e,
Gro m iljak , V is nj ica) at some places is less than 2,000 metr es. Each of them had had
certain preconditions to develop: Podas tinje as a strategic stronghold (with fortifica­
tio ns ), Gromiljak as a n important com municatio n and minin g ce ntre, Visnjica as a tran ­
sit point, etc . As gold mines are located in this reg ion, where th e most inte nsive ac ti vi­
ties in the Prov ince of D a lmat ia took place, eac h find of Ro man mo numents in this area
deserves spec ial attenti o n.

Translated by

32 D. SergeJevsk i, Epi grafski nalazi iz Bosne, GZM .n.s.x1l (1957) , P 122.

D E. Imamovic, Oko ubikacije rimskog nase\ia Stanecli, God i ~njak ANUBiH .XII , Centar za
balkanoloska ispitivanja, Vol. I0, Sarajevo 1974, pp 223-23 1.

Table I

Fig. I

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

Fig. 5
Fig. 4


Fig. 1 Fi g. 2

. ;:.....


• I.

Fig. 4
Fig. 3

Fi g. 5

Table III

o Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Fig. 4

Fi g. 5
Fi g. 6 Fig. 7

Fig. 8

\ I
\I Fi g. 10 Fig.1 1

Fig. 12
Fig. 13

Table IV

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

Table V

Fig. I Fig. 2

Fig. 4

~ Fig. 5 Fig. 6


Table VI

""":--­ -
,- ­
... / ' --;:

Fig. 1

Fig. 7
Fig. 6

Fig. 5

Fig. 9

Table VII

Fig. 9

UDK 903.23.02 (497.15) "04114"





In this paper an approach of a quantitative analysis of the ceramics' forms of the sepul­
chral ceramics from the early Middle Ages on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina has
been presented. At the same time it has been the first attempt of treating the mentioned ce­
ramics in this manner. Since the number of the analyzed pieces is small, the results are
treated as preliminary ones. They can become a part of the entire typology of the samples.
The results also show that there is a significant quantitative variation of the forms within
the material analyzed, which, in future analyses, can become a basis for the definitive ty­


Usually user-friendly typology of archeological ceramics at the same time includes both
forms and decorations. Decorati ve elements on vessels or the fragments of thereof most
frequently are described and analyzed individually (as a changeable variable). Some­
times fragments can be described on the basis of individual elements. However, some
outstanding pieces of forms can also be described better and analyzed on a quantitative
basis , by the measures and proportions of the vessels themselves . It is rather difficult to
work with individual·elements and measures at the same time as to attain a final typol­
ogy for a series of analyses. Usually it would be necessary to analyze, applying several
methods, both types of the data, and then combine the results in defining and develop­
ing a fi nal typology.
This paper presents an approach of quantitative analysis of the forms of sepulchral
ceramics with the ceramic vessels dating from the period the early Middle Ages on the
territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I This is the first attempt of dealing with the men­
tioned ceramics in such a manner. The number of analyzed samples is small. Conse­
quently, the obtained results have to be treated as preliminary and, at any rate only as a
part of the overall typology of the mentioned ceramics. The results are however encour-

I The complete data from the analyzed sample can be found in the article L. Fekda J 989, 209­
-231. All the material has been catalogued, illustrated and numerized. The pagination in both
papers is the same.

aging because they indicate that there is a substantial quantitati ve variance of forms
within the analyzed materials which could be presented in future analyses which could
be a necessary basis for a final typology.


Simple observation of the ceramics indicates diversity of forms of the vessels. Therefore
measures determining the main parts both in terms of si ze and forms have been taken
into account. (Fig. 1)
It has been assumed that these measures, either individually or taken in combination,
will yield an adequate basis for the possibility of quantitative classification of the forms
of the given material. Consequently, this method can first give an answer to the question
if the classification is possible at all.

Fig. 1

Methods that have been used in the classification of the forms vary from a simple
descripti ve approach to complicated multi-variant statistics. However, what prevails is a
useful rule that simpler methods, whenever possible, are more desirable than the com­
plicated ones. Fortunately, it is possible, using the simplest graphic techniques of de­
scriptive statistics to indicate the existence of the basis for the classification of the
forms. The approach as applied includes the basic selection of the most appropriate
measures or the combination of the original measures that determine important parts of
size and forms of the material to be analyzed; examination of histograms of the distri­
bution of frequency values of selected measuring indicate if there are any modalities;
crisscross charts of the data of distinguished modality clauses for each measurement.
The final stage of the classification comprises the distribution of the forms into cells of
crisscross charts For at present we have presented only in brief the most important
approaches and considerations.

2 R. Whallon 1971, ]972.


The most important segment in the approach is a correct selection of basic measures
or corresponding combinations of these measures, or both. In principle, the size and any
important part of forms should be analyzed separately. Sometimes it is possible to pres­
ent the size through basic measures, like the height of the entire vessel (H), the diameter
of the maximum convexity (R3) or the diameter of the rim (RI), while sometimes it is
necessary to combine a more complex measuring such as including the height of the
entire vessel with the maximum diameter of the vessel (H/R3). Usually it is more diffi­
cult to single out important parts of the forms and represent them through direct, linear
measures of the dimensions of the vessels . The greatest number of the parts of the forms
is composed, as a matter of fact, of the corpbination of simple measures, best repre­
sented, in a number of cases, are through the relation of these measures. The relations
representing a form most frequently include one height measure and one radius, for ex­
ample: the height of the entire vessel (H) maximal diameter of a vessel (R3) or the
height measured from the bottom to the widest part of the vessel (HI) maximum di­
ameter of the vessel (R3). However, the form can also be represented through the rela­
tion between the two heights and the two diameters. It is possible to develop more com­
plex combinations, for example as it will be seen later on, in order to express such a
characteristic as the inclination of the vessel wall.
After selecting the most convenient series of measures and relations aimed at the
classification based on the forms of the analyzed material, the detailed examination of
histograms is undertaken , including their frequency distributions, as an insight into the
modalities. Modalities are tendencies of the concentrated values of certain measures as
represented on several places within their column from the highest to the lowest value.
If the studied material is homogeneous to ~. certain extent on the basis of the given
measuring, their individual values are usuall~ concentrated around the medium value
proportionate to a smaller number of cases in!J1e area of higher or lower column values.
However, if in the span of the frequency distributions we come across several concen­
trations, it is statistically justified to conclude that on the basis of the measuring made
that the material is heterogeneous, and that i~ is probable and will also be justified to
make its distribution on the basis of the corresponding concentration zone into separate
groups of which each will have a different medium value and its limits. In other words,
a histogram of frequency distribution deternJines different groups of material. At the
same time it is also a potential partial basis ofa classification.
A complete basis for the classification therefore includes several measurings , each
of which is an important and at the same time different part of the size or form of a ves­
sel, so that they altogether present a full picture on the diversity of forms. However,
quite frequently it can be seen that several of the measurings as given determine groups
being very close or related in their similarities. This means that the measuring can be to
a great extent redundant, i.e., that they actually measure always the same. It would be
confusing and purposeless to use the results of redundant measurings in order to estab­
lish classification patterns. Between the measurings it would be necessary to select the
one that will be best representing a part of the size of a form or vessel. It is not always
easy to select the best measuring method and there is no statistical technique or procedure
that would of any substantial help there. On the contrary, the selection should be based
on something different, they archeological knowledge and also a good knowledge of the
material itself, highlighting the fact that the procedure of classification, even those based on
measures and statistical approach should include the archeological experience and knowl­
edge as being closely related to the objectivity and exactness of quantitative techniques .
Once tl;te appropriate measurings have been decided, which in a sufficient degree
present the diversities of size and forms of the analyzed material and clear modalities
that distinguish these diversities and place them within separate categories, a practical

pattern of classification can be achieved so that it is simply arranging selected measur­

ings as to make one or more tables in which individual categories are defined for each
measuring in a crisscross chart along with those from other measurings.
These tables thus provide for the space for each possible combination of modal
categories among the selected measurings, although some of the possible combinations,
quite likely, will not be established. The final classification, can, therefore be observed
as a true distribution of the material into a series of groups , i.e., that the cells as distrib­
uted by the tables , or as whole series of possible combinations that are represented in
these tables, leaving an open possibility for future findings that might appropriately be
arranged into the table cells that have not been filled in.

One of the first steps in making classification of forms which is based on quantitative
measures is to see if there are grounds for such a classification in regards of the material
that it stands for. In this case we have selected eight measures. They include four meas­
ures each which relate to the height and four measures of the diameters (Fig. 1, T. 1) 3
Or with these eight basic measures it is possible to calculate twenty-eight basic combi­
nations for relations. In order to see if there is an adequate basis for the classification of
the material we have examined eight histograms of frequency distributions of all the
basic measures and diagrams of the distribution of an twenty-eight possible combina­
tions of the measures in order to get evidence on the heterogeneous nature of the forms.
Most of the histograms of basic measures indicate either clearly defined or possible mo­
dalities while many diagrams of distribution of relations between measures indicate to
their possible significance, which means that there is a possibility of defining a classifi­
cation pattern of the data . The main problem is to find the most appropriate, "key"
measurings, whether in regards of basic measures or their combination, on the basis of
which a classification of forms will be made.

Table I
Vessel No. H HI H2 H3 RI R2 R3 R4
1 10.4 5.4 1.3 3.7 7.5 7.4 9.3 5.6
2 18.4 9.7 2.3 6.4 14.2 13.4 17.0 10.8
3 16.7 8.5 1.5 6.7 11.7 12.5 15.7 ' 11.0
4 - 5.8 - 5.0 - - l3.S 10.0
5 11.4 6.3 1.7 3.3 8.3 8.1 10.3 6.8
6 11.5 6.1 1.0 4.5 9.3 8.7 11.6 8.0
7 - - 1.5 4.6 16.0 14.4 16.6 -
8 11.8 6.0 1.0 5.0 9.0 9.0 12.1 7.7
9 15.7 10.5 1.6 36 12.0 12.0 15.0 11.2
10 18.7 8.0 2.5 8.2 12.5 11.0 19.0 13.7
II 18 . 1 10.7 1.7 5.7 13.3 13.3 16.8 11.5
12 10.4 4.4 1.2 5.0 9.0 9.7 12.0 10.0
13 19.5 · 11.5 1.4 6.4 14.8 13.4 19.4 11.4
14 21.6 12.4 2.0 7.2 15 .0 12.8 22.0 13.7
IS 11.4 5.6 1.4 4.4 9.0 - 11.5 8.3
16 10.5 4.8 2.3 3.4 8.1 7.3 9.3 6.6

3 Rl-the diameter of the rim of the vessel has been measured at the internal side, whereas all
other measures are external.

Vessel No. H HI H2 H3 RI R2 R3 R4
17 7.6 4.8 0.8 2.0 6.4 6.1 7.0 4.5
18 14.8 9.5 1.3 4.0 12.0 11.7 13.5 8.5
19 9.4 4.4 1.4 3.6 10.0 9.6 10.8 8.4
20 15 .6 7.2 0.6 7.8 14.2 14.0 16.0, 10.4
21 14.2 8.6 1.4 4.2 12.2 11.2 14.0 8.0
22 15 .0 7.9 1.2 5.9 12.0 12.0 15.6 9.2
23 12.0 5.6 1.7 4.7 9.6 9.0 10.7 6.7
24 12.4 6.0 1.5 4.9 10.6 9 .6 12.5 6.8
25 12.1 6.5 1.4 4.2 10.6 10.0 12.6 6.6
26 13.8 8.6 1.4 3.8 9.4 9.2 10.8 7.2
27 14.0 7.0 1.4 5.6 I \.0 9.7 IL8 9.0
28 - 5.8 - 2.7 - 7.6 9.0 5.9
29 15.4 7.4 2.4 5.6 10.4 8.2 12.8 9.0
30 - 10.8 - 9.2 - 10.8 18.8 12.0
31 23.0 10.8 1.7 8.9 11.0 10.4 16.4 6.8
32 - - 1.2 6.6 10.5 10.0 13.0 9.0
Note: Vessel numbers are the same as catalogue numbers in L. FekeZa 1989.

An informal rule which is often useful in developing of such a classification pattern

is that a relatively simple measuring of the size of the vessels will quite likely be one of
its most important components . In this light, a detailed study of two simple measures
(the height of the entire vessel (H) and the diameter of the rim (R I» and the combina­
tion of the measuring (the height of the entire vessel multiplied by the maximum di­
ameter (H x R3» has been done in order to see if it is an obligatory element of classifi­
cation. All three measurings indeed indicate relatively strong and clear modalities in
their distributions, suggesting that the objective classification of the vessels is not only
possible but also that it results on the nature of the material itself. The results of the
combination of measurings (H x R3) were in essence identical to those related to H, so
that we have decided to use only the simple basic measures in order to represent the size
of a vessel, because more complex measuring did not yield in any better results.


.....> 2

Height of vessels (H)

Fig. 2

The height of the entire vessel most clearly indicated modalities of frequency distri­
butions (Fig. 2).
It has been shown that there are three groups of size on the basis of the material as
presented (T. II).

Table II

=== Class Limits === Frequency Percent .. .Cumu1ative ...

Frequenc ' Percent
7.00 < 8.50 1 3.85 1 . 3.85
8.50 < 10.00 I 3.85 2 7.69
10.00 < 11.50 5 19.23 7 26.92
11.50 < 13.00 5 19.23 12 46.15
13.00 < 14.50 2 7.69 14 53 .85
14.50 < 16.00 5 19.23 19 13.08
16.00 < 17.50 I 3.85 20 76.92
17.50 < 19.00 3 11 .54 23 88.46
19.00 < 20.50 I 3.85 24 92.31
20.50 < 22.00 I 3.85 25 96 .15
22.00 < 23.50 I 3.85 26 100.00
Total 26 100.00

Distribution of values of the height of the vessels (H) shows three categories or
groups of vessels :

1. Cat: < 14 cm
II. Cat: 14- 17 cm
III. Cat: > 17 cm

The examination of the vessels themselves indicates that their height (H) is a more
solid ground to determine the size than the diameter of the rim is (R 1) because the
variations in the height (H) are higher than the variation in the rim (Rl) (Fig. 6).


> 2
6 8 10 12 14 16 1B
Distribution of rim values (R 1)

Fig. 3

However, the diameter of the rim (R1) indicates clear modalities of classification ,
which also defined three categories (Fig. 3). By comparing the vessels in these classifi­
cations with those in the classification based on the height of the entire vessel ·(H) (T. II,
T. Ill) indicate that the classification by size based on R 1 is very similar to the classifi­
cation as based on H , with somewhat over 80% of the material grouped in the same
manner. "Errors" that appear when using R1 instead of H relate only to a few larger
vessels . These vessels have somewhat bigger dimensions, while the diameter of the rim
is of the average size (Fig. 6 a-c), the numbers of vessels 10, 1 1, and 31. Although it is
evident that the H value applies better to the given material , the advantage of the R1
value is that by using it it is possible to have a classification with a higher degree of
probability than approximately 80% when working with vessel fragments or vessels that
are not complete, whose height (H) cannot be measured. The possibility of applying R1
as an approximate repalcement for H offers the possibility of working with fragments
where otherwise it would not be possible to apply this classification, because as it will
be seen afterwards , the other parts of the final classification use only those measures
that relate to upper parts of the vessels.

Table III

=== Class Limits === Frequency Percent ... Cumulative ...

Fn~guen c~ Percent

.00 < .80 0 .00 0 .00

.80 < 1.60 0 .00 0 .00
1.60 < 2.40 0 .00 0 .00
2.40 < 3.20 0 .00 0 .00
3.20 < 4.00 0 .00 0 .00
4.00 < 4.80 0 .00 0 .00
4.80 < 5.60 0 .00 0 .00
5.60 < 6.40 0 .00 0 .00
6.40 < 7.20 I 3.33 1 3.33
7.20 < 8.00 I 3.33 2 6.67
8.00 < 8.80 2 6.67 4 13.33
8. 80 < 9.60 4 13.33 8 26.67
9.60 < 10.40 3 10.00 11 36.67
10.40 < I 1.20 5 16.67 16 53. 33
11.20 < 12.00 2 6.67 18 60.00
12.00 < 12.80 6 20.00 24 80.00
12.80 < 13.60 1 3.33 25 83.33
13.60< 14.40 2 6.67 27 90.00
14.40 < 15.20 2 6.67 29 96.67
15.20 < 16.00 0 .00 29 96 .67
16.00 < 16.80 1 3.33 30 100.00
Total 30 100.00

Distribution of the rim values (R 1) indicates three categories of the rim size:

1. Cat: < 10.99 cm

II. Cat: 11-13.99 cm
III. Cat: > 14 cm

When dealing with the form, which is, after the size of the vessel, the main subject
of the classification procedure, combinations of measurings of relations of basic meas­
ures are usually applied. The reason for this is because the form reflects the essence of
the proportion , i.e., it is the reflection of the relations between measurings and not only
of the basic measure itself. When studying ceramics certain relations impose them­
selves, out of which those most evident include the height of the entire vessel (H) com­
pared with the diameter of the widest part of the vessel (H: R3) or the relation between
the upper and the lower part of the vessel (above and below the widest diameter of the
vessel), there mutual relation or the relation towards the height of the entire vessel. Con­
sequently, the relations have been calculated and the histograms for the measurings
H:Hl; H:R3; HI :H3, etc. have been prepared . The results were negative. None of the
measurings indicated substantial modalities . Some of the measurings were, as a matter
of fact, normally distributed indicating homogeneity of the data which relates to them.
In the best event an individual vessel would be different from the others, but it was
'never the same vessel to be singled out. This meant that the given relations did not pro­
vide for the true structure of the data. The obtained results were somewhat surprising,
because at the beginning we thought that the given relations are most significant in de­
termining forms and because some of the relations were used for the classification of
ceramics dating from the same period but coming from different localities. 4 However, it
has been proven there is an absolute absence of any grounds that could be objectively
argued, in order to undertake measurings to produce quantitative classification of forms
of this specific material.

> 4

E 2

Modal distribution of ratio values RJ : R2

Fig. 4
Since a variation in the degree of the rim curve has also been observed and analyses
of the relations of the rim diameter as compared to the diameter at the narrowest part of
the vessel neck has been undertaken as well (Rl:R2). This measuring clearly indicated
distribution modalities (Fig. 4), i.e., that the ceramic material can be categorized into
four groups (T. IV). If the ceramics is visually observed this classification seems to be
evident. The curved rim when measured by the mentioned relation thus becomes an
important part in the Wlfiation of the form of the given material. However, although the
size and the curve of the rim begin to define the classifica tion of the ceramics, this is
still not sufficient enough. Important fragments of the forms of the vessels have not

4 1. P. Rusanova 1977, 31-35; M. Parczowski 1988.


been noticed or adequately singled out. It was still not possible to find obvious simple
relations of measures that would represent those fragments or forms of the vessels in
such a manner that they could have been classified.

Table IV

Vessel No. R11R2 (R3-R2)/H3

1 1.014 .514
2 1.060 .562 -- ~

3 .936 .478 J
4 - -
5 1.025 .667
6 1.069 .644
7 1.111 .478
8 1.000 .420
9 1.000 .833
10 1.136 .976
11 1.000 .614
12 .928 .460
13 1.104 .973
14 1.172 1.278
15 - -

16 1.110 .588
17 1.049 .450
18 1.026 .450
19 1.042 .333
20 1.014 .256
21 1.0 89 .667
22 1.000 .610
23 1.067 .362
24 1.052 .592
25 1.060 .619
26 1.195 .473
27 1.134 .375
28 - .519
29 1.268 .821
30 - .870
31 1.058 .674
32 1.050 .455

Distribution modalities of R 11R2 ratio indicate four categories:

I cat: .95 III cat: l.08-1.125

II cat: .95-1.07 IV cat: 1.25

Distribution modalities of R3-R21H3 ratio indicate four categories:

I cat: .055 III cat: .80-1. 20

II cat: .55- .80 IV cat: 1.20

More complicated, complex measuring had to developed in order to represent the

remaining substantial fragments of the form of the vessels. After several attempts it has
been discovered that the measuring of the inclinations of the shoulders (calculated

through the formula R3-R2/H3 was adequate and indicated clearly separated modal dis­
tribution of values (Fig. 5), which allows for the classification of data into four separate
groups (T. IV). It was possible by measuring the inclination of the shoulders to establish
relatively satisfactory classification of forms . The further analyses of other measures
and relations have indicated that they alone give visually weak results, or that they sim­
ply highlight the results as obtained in the three former described measurements (H,
R 1:R2 and R3-R2/H3), but, less clearly and in a less satisfactory manner.


.2 .4 .6 .8 1 .2 L4
Distrubution of ratio values (R3-R2)/H3

Fig. 5
The final classification pattern can be presented in a series of three tables (Fig. 6 a-c).
Each table represents one of the three categories of the size of the vessels, determined
primarily on the basis of three modal distribution of the height of the entire vessel (H),
although a similar series of tables could be composed on the basis of closely related
distribution of the diameters of the inner rim of the vessels (Rl), if the height itself
could not be used. Each of the tables presents a modal category of the other two basic
defining measurements , relation Rl:R2 and the connection R3-R2/H3, which are each
represented by their corresponding columns and rows. The resulting distribution of the
ceramics or the groups as presented on the tables are given as cells which have the ves­
sels as belonging to the analyzed sample. The empty boxes relate to the potential groups
of vessels that might not have been represented in this sample. It can be seen that the
filled-in boxes comprise less than half of all the possible in the complete classifi­
cation pattern, which suggests certain substantial tendencies in this cerami cs towards
certain characteristics combinations that appear more frequently than the others.

Table V

H RIIR2 R3-R2/H3
H 1.00000
RIIR2 .25565 l.00000
R3-R2/H3 .58722 .52 171 l.00000
CRITICAL VALUE (I-TAIL, .05) = + Or - .33705
CRITICAL VALUE (2-TAIL, .05) = +/- .39521
Correlation metrics

The fact that the analyzed vessels have not been randomly distributed within this
classification implies a possible degree of correlation within the measurements on
which it is based. Measuring R3-R2fH3, which represents the inclination of the vessel's
shoulder, is in a small but important correlation with the degree on the curve of th(( rim
(RI :R2) and the height of the entire vessel (H) (T. V). This can be seen in the less sig­
nificant diagonal distribution of the vessels in the tables, as well as in the tendency that
the vessels have been distributed more at the lower arid the right part of the upper to­
wards the lower table. This implies that the bigger parts have somewhat frequently
wider and more expressed shoulders, and that the vessels with a more curved rim have
also a more expressed shoulder profile. These are two separate and independent characteris­
tics which can be seen from the absence of a substantive correlation between the height
of the vessel (H) and the measure of the curve of the rim (RI :R2).

Consequently the quantitatively based classification pattern of the forms as this one,
usually represents only a partial typology of ceramics. This pattern can be an important
part of the complete typology mainly if the measurements applied reflect the scale of
more substantial fragments of forms of the analyzed material. In rare cases such a pat­
tern can even establish a complete typology . In most of the cases, the number of non­
quantitative, individual characteristics of the material will inevitably be included into
one of the final typologies. The most satisfactory approach to the ceramic typology will,
therefore, generally include both measurements and the individual elements.
The example that has been presented in this paper illustrates that the measuring data
relating to the form of the vessel can be a subject of an analysis if simple quantitative
methods, not demanding any complex statistic manipulation, are applied. The results as
obtained and presented in this paper are positive and encouraging because they indicate
that there is a substantial quantitative variation of the forms of the analyzed ceramics.
Since the analyses will quite probably even more precisely and on more solid grounds
define this classification, in particular if based on a larger corpus of samples. Then the
classification will be a basic component of all future typological analyses of the early
Middle Ages ceramics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Translated by
Spomenka BEUS

Fekda, L. 1989 Keramicke posude u grobovima ranoslovenskog perioda ranog
srednjog veka na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine, Glasnik Ze­
maljskog muzeja BiH, Arheologija, nova serija sv. 44/1989,
Sarajevo 1989, st. 209-231.
Parczewski, M. 1988 Najstarsza faza kulturi wszesnoslowianskiejol w Polsce, Uni­
wersytet Jagiellonski, Rozprawy habilitacyjne nr. 141, Krakow
Rusanova, 1. P. 1977 Odim iz metodov klasifikacii ranoslavjanskoi keramiki, Kratike
soobsenija 148, Moskva 1977,31-35.
Whallon R. Ur.) 1971 A computer Program for Monothetic Subdivisive Classification
in Archaeology, Technical Reports nr. 1, 1977.
Whallon R. Ur.) 1972 A New Approach to Pottery Typology, American Antiquity,
vol. 37, nr. I , pp. 13-33, 1972.

Table I (Fig. 6a)



-- i~
U.~ ~
lr-U.. . . ./ '

8 '""






l I &J
Mq-·· ~
~~. ... . .'

- - -- ->
0:: R3-R2/H3

Table II (Fig. 6b)


-- H




-- Q
i )

. I

c·~ ....

~ J
; I ~-!!-00-,­
._----- '"

- J-_/

e:: -
:::: -

-c.:: R3 R2/H3

Tabl e III (Fig. 6c)

A "'-- -~" -

) ~.
I,·''t..i.. __·'···


~~,.... <w.:.
' ­ --"

I .. ;,

. ~ .i: _.~.-· · -

r=. ~


1.1. ~. ~

N >-< ~
>-< >-<
e:- >-<

0::: R3-R2/H3
UDK 0/6: 902 (497.15) (05)




The basic formal, bibliometrics and citation characteristics of the citation corpus from the
new series of the scientific journal Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology), volumes 1­
40/41 (1946-1986) were presented. The total citation corpus contains more than 11,000
citations, while 6,319 of them were citati6ns from 640 scientific periodicals (journals).
The dominant part of these citations - 41 per cent - were from Glasnik Zemaljskog mu­
zeja (1889-1943), the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1946-) and from its in­
ternational Viennese edition WissenschaftUche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herze­
gowina (1893-1916). The characteristics of two circles of concentration patterns were
analyzed - the first considering the distribution pattern and the second considering the
characteristics of the citation practice dealing with the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja (Archaeology) in its own citation corpus.


One of the interesting questions that has to be responded to by any bibliometric analysis
in the field of a science or scientific discipline, and which is related to the implied
methodology of quantitative representation of the knowledge as such, is certainly a
paradoxical question "are all citations the same."
Naturally, this question relates only to the formal aspect of citations within the con­
text of scientific corpus, i.e., the articles represented , whereas the analysis of the content
could give an assessment of the content of the referential knowledge as implied in the
content of the citations.
How sensitive it is to define the line between the quality of the citation and the
quantity, i.e., to define the limit of the relations of bibliometric analysis and the analysis
of the content, can be best seen in the microstructure of a scientific article. In particular,
the problems of multiple citations from the same source in an article have been focused
on, the appearance of the citations in the formalized structure of a scientific article, as
well as the function of the introductory section of the article itself.
Multiple citations in the same article refer to a close and useful link between the
original text of a scientific article and its citations. i Through a distinction of mUltiple
citations and a once repeated citatioQ it is possible to come to a more precise determined
value or validity of the original document on one hand, or on the other hand to evaluate
the so-called response of the citation itself within the structure of knowledge. It is sup­
posed that such a conclusion is true and it can provide results .

1 G. Herlach ( 1978)

Citations, if not all, then at least some groups of citations, have their natural position
within the structure of a scientific article. This is a consequence of the formalized
structure of an article in which it is usually possible to distinguish the following sec­
tion s: (1) introduction, (2) material and methods, (3) results and discussion and (4) con­
clusion. It has been noticed that highly-ranked articles are more frequently cited in the
introduction than in other sections of the scientific article which refer to them. The in­
troductory section of an article is characterized by the citations that can be categorized
within the class of cited among others, i.e. into the group of citations whose link with
the original article is not a direct one or at the same level of understanding of the infor­
mation and content which the article brings. 4 The formal convention of the structure of a
scientific article conditions the division of highly-cited articles within which it is possi­
ble to distinguish groups of older citations which are a historical basis of research
Such a distinction indicates the content of a citation disregarding whether the ethics of a
citation is inherent to the research as well as the survey of the preceding researches.
The attempts to define a more precise line in regards of the formal characteristics of
the text of a scientific article and the appearance of citations in the structure of the text
itself have not provided more significant statistical differences. Although it is consid­
ered that the form of the writing of a scientific article conditions the citations them­
selves, and by that the citation may have different value and significance in regards of
the information that they introduce into the structure of the article itsel f 6
The decisive moment in the evaluation of the text-citation quality relation is cer­
tainly in the sphere of the context of the citations which is, again, formally and stylisti­
cally conditioned without any visible margin of appreciation. Both the aspects can be
clearly distinguished in terms of the phenomenon of multi-citations.
The patterns of the relation indicators of the cited text and the text that is cited have
been also developed Thus Weinstock 8 distinguishes at least 15 reasons for citing
within these categories: indicators of thematic context, indicators of scientific me thod­
ology, indicators of correction and criticism, and indicators of future trends. However, it
is not always possible to fully apply the assessment of the original relation between lhe
text and the citation despite the possible comprising classification pattern in the evalu­
ating of the citations. This phenomenon is in particular highlighted from the position of
the bivalent function of the evaluation of the cited relation .9
It is more than evidenl that the evaluation classification pattern of citations must
have a precise degree of distinction of citation performance . The dichotomy valence
(example: evolution - juxtaposition which is introduced to distinguish between citations
on the same line of the research from the citations from a parallel or divergent origin )
can give more certain results in the ranking of a citation than its classification within the
possible function pattern, provided that the citation itself can belong to one dichotomy
valence only.
The poss ible answer to the paradox "are all citations the same" from the position of
the analysis of the content is undoubtedly a clear one - citations are not and cannot be
the same. However, the paradox remains and is not changed at the basic communication
level of scientific communication, i.e., all the citations are the same like the original link

B.C. Perilz (1983)

H. Voss, K. S. Oagaev (1976)
1. Ruff (1979)
5 C. Oppenheim, S. P. Renn (1978), D. 1. de Solla Price (J 967)
(, K. W. McCain, K. Turner (1989)
B. A. Lipenz (1965)
8 M.Weinstock(1971)

y M. 1. Moravcsik, P. Murugesan (1975), P. Murugesan, M. 1. Moravcsik (1978)


between the structure and valence of human knowledge and science and scientific knowl­
edge in generaL
Archaeology as a science is considered to be a dynamic (informational) and herme­
neutic (active) system which can be studied from several perspectives, but it is always a
live communication mechanism. The physical proponent of this science in its narrow
sense, is the scientific publication, a complex structure of the network of scientific in­
There are five functions of a scientific publication which are: (1) a means of current
communication, (2) an archival deposit of the researched and integrated knowledge, (3)
an instrument of the professional status oLthe researcher, (4) a medium for the survey of
literature and selection, and (5) a channel of dissemination of other professional infor­
mation. Both the former and the latter functions are of the most conflict nature in the
communication sense. IO
A special characteristic of a scientific paper (article), which makes it essentially dif­
ferent from other forms of writing, is the referential fact, i.e., reference to the related
contextual tradition from which it derives. The science in any current moment is always
related to the past to which it relies, and this link is of parental origins. If the past is
taken as existing knowledge, the scientific paper is the actualization of the horizon of
the change in the existing knowledge. Consequently, there is hermeneutics from which
the ethics of communication from within t,he science itself is derived, and which is visi­
ble in the structure of a scientific paper whose bibliography, for example, will always be
specified by its actual content. II
Citing always implies the value, i.e. the relation judgement, towards the actual con­
tent of the text of the citation itself. Citing of related literature, sources or references are
the synonyms for an activity of referring to the connection to the material component or
holder of the past knowledge, i.e. the pasthibliography reference. The value itself of the
scientific paper is based on its context, i.e. the presence of the quantity of the knowledge
which is quoted, i.e. it is actualized in a communicational sense. Thus the linear struc­
ture of the scientific paper can be presented, at least as far as the citation phenomenon is
concerned, by the following communication structure:

~ ~
TEXT ... I ... TEXT... I ... TEXT ...

I. e.
Idea (1...11)

We can say that the text of a scientific article is indexed by the idea (ideas) it has
taken over, i.e. by the citations from the corpus that is different from the text from the
article itself, i.e. corpus of divergent origin. Thus the text becomes a communicational
horizon and the context in which appears, i.e. the text with or within the referential envi­
ronment of the cited literature, whose contents it evokes and who contents have a com­
municational relation with the text itself.

IU T. Sercar (1976). (1988)

II B. Knez.evic (1980), E. Garfield (J 964), (1979)


A scientific citation by its nature is a bipolar sign . In regards a model of a semantic

triangle, the citation can be considered as a sign-symbol with four functions of the
meaning: directing, organizing, recording and communication. A citation (symbol)
reali stically represents a reference (idea) that appears through an adequate presentation
of the subject (themes) as contained in the reference.
In regards of a temporal definition, we are speaking about two time levels: reference
and the subject belong to the past, while the citation in the text is the actuality of the
communication. In thi s respect the referential function of the citation is a sy mbol, a
measure, trace, comparison or referring to the past knowledge, whereas the actual func­
tion is a realization of the content through a newly created meaning front and communi­
cational act. Consequently the scientific citation becomes the vehicle of the meaning
and the meaning itself.
Not all selections of cited literature (bibliographical reference) by the authors of the
articles show an evident regularity in selection, except for perhaps being emerged into a
communicational present of the knowledge and conditions that presuppose formality in
expressing scientific text. Citing due to thi s characteristic is arbitrary, i.e. contextually
free in the environment of the communicational situation in which it is. If a formal as­
pect of a statement can be a key to the understanding of the appearance of a c itatio n ­
then it would be poss ible to make a distinction between the contextual reference of the
research, re fer ence of the conte xt of the used methodology or the researc h technique,
the reference of the context of the newly created reality of the text, which is practically
identical to the formal structure of the scientific paper/artic le.
The list of citations as indexed vehicles of mea ning (i.e. past information) in the
principle is a kind or a form of a bibliographical index of used references. The li st of
cited lite rature and its pare ntal relation with the ori gi nal texts that used it (cited it) for­
mally is an indexed network of the knowledge in which the unit of knowledge is in­
dexed by the entity of the same meaning, i.e. in which the knowledge is indexed by
knowledge , and information by information.
Cited inde xes are based on a single principle that the author's reference to the previ­
ous preceding paper, i.e. the recorded information, will at th e same time identify the
context of the prese nt document, in other word s - identify the unity of the subject as a
research front of what is common for both the present and past research. Developing of
the form of the bibliography c itation type in arc haeology can be found both in paleo­
graphic and epigraphic studies. 13


Within the framework of the project "Archaeological Informatics " during 1992, the
study of the citation c haracteristics of the corpus of 486 scientific articles published in
the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) volumes 1-40/41 (1946­
1986) was completed. The outstanding bibliography generated as a result of the overall
research into over 11,000 bibliographical units citations indicated an abundance of ar­
c haeological knowledge implicated in the structure of published papers.
The communicational characteri stic s of the cited corpus are studied in particular
and c omputer scripts of the s ubs tantial three -part citation bibliography have been
derived. 14

12 C. K. Ogden, I. A. Rich ards (1960)

13 F. Caspari ( 19 16), S. Frankfurter (1902)
14 K. BakarsiC( 1992)

2. 1 Previous Results

Previous results in bibliometric studies in archaeology have indicated to a certain degree

of autonomy of referential archaeology which is substantially related to the outstanding
publications. As a rule, these narrow the circle in relation to the subject that it is dealing
with or to the corpus that has been analyzed. Two circles of the concentration references
or citations have been noticed.
The first concentration circle has been derived on the basis of the assessment of the
function of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943) and the new series of the Glasnik
Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) (1946-) in the structure of the bibliography of the
Encyclopedia of the Prehistory of Yugoslav Countries. IS Both series of Glasnik are the
journals belonging to the core of the citation corpus of prehistoric archaeology in Yugo­
slav territory. The core itself, in regards to the review of knowledge as presented by
Prehistory, is moderately concentrated, i.e. it contains twice as many titles of the jour­
nals than those expected . The position and the role of the Glasnik in the structure of
Prehistory, as it is supposed, is conditioned by three facts: tradition of the journal, in­
stitutional framework and subject matter of archaeology being a historic discipline.
The second concentration circle is defined through a study into the function of Glasnik
Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943) and the new series of Glasnik Zema/.jskog muzeja (Ar­
chaeology) (1946-) in the structure of the Archaeological Lexicon of Bosnia and Herze­
govina. ? Glasnik proved its dominance in the structure of archaeological knowledge of
the national territory, and also in regards to the fact that the journal itself is an essential
factor of concentration of scientific communication by the authors' circle that partici­
pated in the creation of archaeology as a science. IS

2. 2 Charadenstic Citation Concentrations in the Clasnik Zemaljskog Mu~a

Following up on these conclusions we continue our studies in the following concentration

circles in the structure of the cited corpus of the news series of the Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja (Archaeology) (GLASNIK corpus) . The hypothesis in which this analysis derives from
the position of the history of science, based on which we can relate all the previous expecta­
tions of dominant tendencies in citing and citation practice in the archaeology of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, relate to the Glasnik as a comrnuncationally abundant referential resource.
The frequency table of the distribution of periodical titles within the citation corpus
GLASNIK is presented parallel to the information related to the Archaeological Lexicon
of Bosnia and Herzegovina (corpus LEXICON). (Table I).
A brief reflection on previous findings - in the LEXICON corpus we have found a total
of 99 periodical titles used in the titles of 1,142 papers cited. The distribution is out­
standingly concentrated so that the first-ranked journal/periodical Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja (1889-1943) is cited 259 times (26% of references) , the second-ranked is a new
series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) (1946-) with 288 citations (the fol­
lowing 25% of references) , whereas the third-ranked is the Wissenschaftliche Mitteilun­
gen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina (the international edition of the Glasnik for the
period 1893-1916) with 100 citations, i.e. 9% of the total cited references. Taken

15 A. Benae ( 1987)
16 K. Bakar~ic (1989), (J990)
17 B. Covic (1988)
18 K. Bakar~ic (1990a), (1991)

Table I - Corpus CLASNIK, LEKSIKON and CZM 123 - Frequency distribution

Rank (i) I(t) Frequency Cumulative

(0) (M) (A) (0) (M) (A) (0) (M) (A) (0) (M) (A)
1104 24 295 1104 24 295
2 2 2 I 974 21 288 2078 45 583
3 3-4 3 2 501 20 100 2579 85 683
4 5-6 4 2 101 18 59 2680 121 742
5 7-8 5 2 99 17 56 2779 155 798
6 9-10 6 2 97 16 36 2876 187 834
7 11-12 7 2 88 14 22 2964 215 856
8 13-20 8-9 8 2 86 13 17 3050 319 890
9 21-28 10 8 85 12 14 3135 415 904
10 29-37 II 9 73 II 13 3208 514 917
II 38-46 12 9 72 10 12 3280 604 929
12 47-57 13 II 69 9 II 3349 703 940
13 58-76 14 19 66 8 10 3415 855 950
14 77-108 15 32 65 7 9 3480 1079 959
15 109-153 16-17 45 2 57 6 8 3537 1349 975
16 154-193 18 40 1 56 5 7 3593 1549 982
\7-18 194-254 19-23 2 61 5 55 4 6 3703 1793 1012
19 255-339 24-28 1 85 5 50 3 5 3753 2048 1037
20 340-472 29-31 133 3 49 2 4 3802 2314 1049
21 473-737 32-39 265 8 45 I 3 3847 2579 1073
22-23 40-48 2 9 43 2 3933 1091
49-99 1042

80-87 8 10 5137

9 9 5218
97-110 14 8 5330
111-116 6 7 5372
117-129 13 6 5450
130-161 32 5 5610
162-189 26 4 5714
190-225 38 3 5828
226-301 76 2 5980
302-640 339 6319

(0) Corpus of citations from OLASNIK (Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, New series (Ar­
chaeology) 1946-1986
(M) Inter sample of Corpus of citations from OLASNIK - OZM corpus 123 (Glasnik
Zemaljskog muzeja, (1889-1943), New series of GZM (1946) and Wissenchaftliche
Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina (1893-1916)
(A) Lexicon of Archaeology of Bosnia and Herzegovina

together these three periodicals comprise 60% of the total published references of the
LEXCION corpus. At the bottom of the list there are 51 titles of periodicals that are
cited once, which is half of all the cited periodicals in the corpus , i.e. 4.6% of all the
cited references.
The archaeology of Bosnia and Herzegovina is essentially characterized by these
three publications which are, as the archaeology in the territory itself, institutional, per­
sonnel, developme nt and organizationally related to the National Museum of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, while the Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja is the leading publication in the
domain of archaeological disciplines in a longer time period - since 1889.

In the citation corpus of GLASNIK there are 640 cited titles of the periodicals with the
total of 6,319 citations. The distribution is also concentrated, whereas the distribution of
first-ranked titles is identical to that in the LEXICON corpus, so that the first-ranked
Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943) - is cited 1,104 times (18% of the citations),
the second-ranked is a new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) (1946-)
cited 974 times (the next 15% of citations), and the third-ranked is Wissenschaftliche
Mitteilunge!t aus Bosnien und der Herze gowina (1893-1916) with 501 citations, i.e. 8%
of all the cited references. Taken together these three periodicals also comprise a high
percentage of all cited references within the GLASNIK corpus - 41 %. At the bottom of
the Jist there are 339 titles of periodicals cited once which is 53% of all the titles, i.e .
5.3 % of all the cited references.
Based on the mentioned characteristics (average, minimum productivity and three
first-ranked titles), the bibliography of the Archaeological Lexico n of Bosnia and Her­
zegovina has similar characteristics to those of the citations of the new series of Glasnik
Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology). The interesting characteristics of the GLASN1K cor­
pus of citations confirm the statement that refers to the LEXICON corpus, i.e. the arti­
cles in Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja and their citations are at the same time a dominant
part of the corpus in knowledge in archaeology recently present in the structure of ar­
chaeological studies.
Further analysis of the data is undertaken on the basis of the projection of Bradford's
Law onto the three level s of productivity of the titles of periodicals and Zipf's rank­
distribution in order to establish specific differences in respect of each of the corp uses. 19. 20
The productivity of the LEXICON corpus is presented in two variants with three, i.e.
two titles in the core of the corpus references. (Table 2) The corpus indicates a great
difference of average productivity zones (2.5 i.e. 1.5), and a c urve of the corpus indi­
cates an extreme form of Bradford distribution with the core in which there is a mini­
mum number of the titles with the prevailing citation rate. (Chart 1) The distribution
rank is extre mely steep (- J .3 7) and is confirmed by the extreme distortion or curve of
the corpus. (Chan 2)
The projection of the citation corpus GLASNIK (Table 3) judging by the productivity
coefficient, is closer to the standard expected value (0.92), while the distribution rank is
also extremely fine (-1.20). Both graphic projections of the distribution (Chart 1 and 2)
depict a separated core with a differe nt direction than the rest of the distribution curve
that can be separated, i.e. separated groups in relati o n to the direction of the lower­
ranked periodical titles .
It can be concluded from the above mentioned that the ranking of the titles of peri­
odica l publications in the corpuses of national archaeology (LEXICON corpus), and the

I ~ S. C. Bradford (J953), V. Oluic-VukoviC(1989)

20 S. D. Hailun (1982 ), (198 3), G. K. Zipf (1932)

structure of the citations from the archaeology of the national territory (GLASNIK cor­
pus) have a tendency of expressed concentration toward a small number of entities
Uournals/periodicals), attributing them a distinguished communicational and historical
value. This would be the third concentration circle of citations, i.e. the knowledge in

Table 2 - Corpus LEKSIKON - estimations on zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No. Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (C/N)

Core 3 683
Middle 15 299 5 11.42 2.28
Periphery 81 161 27 114.54 4.24
Productivity coefficient (N=3) 2.51
Core 2 538 I
Middle 3 260 1.5 3.10 2.06
Periphery 94 345 47 73.29 1.56
Productivity coefficient (N=2) 1.54
Rank distribution: Constant 2.57
Coefficient -1.37
Slope 54"

. Table 3 - Corpus GLASNIK - estimations of zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No. Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (C/N)

Core 2 2097 1
Middle 29 2146 14.5 14.17 0.78
Periphery 609 2114 304.5 302.05 0.99
Productivity coefficient (GLASNIK) 0 .92
Rank distribution: Constant 3.23
Coefficient -1.20
Slope 50"

Already the periodical Vjesnik hrvatskog arheoloskog drustva (Zagreb) which is

ranked fourth, is cited 101 times, i.e. five-times less than the third-ranked one, i.e. ten­
times less than the first-ranked. After it follow: Arheoloski pregled (Belgrade) (ranked
fifth), Nova serija (ranked sixth) and the old series (ranked seventeenth) of the Vjesnika
za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku (Split), new series (ranked seventh) and old series
(ranked eighteenth) of Starinar (Belgrade), Germania (Munich) and Starohrvatska
prosvjeta (Split), which share the eighth and ninth rank, Nase starine (Sarajevo) (tenth),
Arheoloski vestnik (Ljubljana) (eleventh), Spomenik Srpske akademije nauka (Belgrade)
(twelfth), Slovenska Archeologia (Bratislava) (thirteenth), Bericht der Romische .Ger­
manische Kommission (Frankfurt) (fourteenth), Godisnjak Centra za balkanoloska is­

traiivanja (Sarajevo) (fifteenth), Acta archaeologica hungarica (Budapest) (sixteenth)

Archaeologiai ertesito (Budapest) (nineteenth) and Cianci i gratia za istoriju sjeverois­
tocne Bosne (TuzJa) (twentieth). (Table I) Ranking of cited periodicals within the cor­
pus of Glasnik deserves special consideration.


Glasnik, Lexicon GZM (123)

111100 J"
11000 1000
"000 .
31100 .
-0-- Lexicon
--<>-GZM (123)
2000 ··
1000 /
1 10 100 1000
Chart 1


references - citations

o Lexicon
<> GZM (123)

1 '---'--'-..L.LLl..l.l.L_.L_..l. _ l&l.\~ ...... l_:"_~.l.:()"

1 10 100 1000
Chart 2

A dominant part of the corpus of GLASNIK citations relates to the cited papers from the
same Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943) (GZMSS corpus), the new series of Glas­
nik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) (1946-) (GZMNS corpus) and Wissenschaftliche
Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina (WMBH corpus). In continuing we

studied the fourth concentration circle of knowledge, i.e. the cited articles ranked as
first and their distribution. (Chart 3 and Chart 4)
The WMBH corpus has a total of 501 citations from 115 articles, with the article
cited the most with 24 citations, while there are 36 articles with the lTlInimum citation
rate which comprise 31 % of the corpus of the papers and 7% of the citation corpus.
The GZMSS corpus has a total of 1,104 citations from 361 articles. The maximum
cited paper has 21 citations, while there are 147 minimally cited papers which comprise
41 % of the total of the papers, i.e. 13% of the total of the citations within the corpus.
The GZMNS corpus has a total of 974 citations from 261 articles. The paper wi th the
most citations has 20 citations, whereas there are 82 minimally cited papers which com­
prise 31 % of all the papers, i.e. 8% of the total of the citations included. (Table 4)
The intersample from the first three ranked titles (GMZ 123 corpus) contains 41 % of
the total of references within the citation corpus of GLASN1K, whose 265 papers of mini­
mal productivity represent 34% of all the papers included, i.e. 10% of the total of the
citations. (Table 1)
It has been noticed that these corpuses, including the intersample, have harmonized
values of characteristic coefficients of productivity (from 0.93 to 1.02) and the rank
distribution coefficient (from -0.78 to -1.15 ). (Tables 5-8) It can also be concluded that
minimum productivity varies in about 10% of all the citations. It is somewhat higher
(15 %) in the GZMSS corpus, quite likely owed to the fact that there was a larger sample.
It is interesting to note that the WMBH and GZMNS corpuses have an identical propor­
tion of citations with minimum productivity, although Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen
aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina is a publication that no longer exists, whereas a new
series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) is still a periodical being published.
The maximal values cited have harmonized value for all the analyzed corpuses, which
can be explained only by the fact of different recent character, i.e. reasons for citing.
Namely, it can be supposed that the articles from Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus
Bosnien und der Herzegowina are cited more frequently in the sense of the historical
background to the recent studies, whereas the citations from the articles from the new
series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology), as recent results are indispensable
for the understanding and the interpretation of the related subject matter.
Thi s, in away , confirms the result, as obtained by the comparison of the segment
which makes the dominant linear part of the distribution curve on the X-axis of the
graph, as a measure of the thematic spread of the citations of the observed articles 21
The WMBH corpus has the smallest section, GZMNS is larger, while GZMSS is the larg­
est segment. The great difference in the density of the subjects of the citations from the
periodicals confirms the difference in the temporal duration of the publications them­
selves, whereas the new series of Glasnik ZemaLjskog muzeja (Archaeology) is actually
the issue of the selection and somewhat smaller response of the articles as presented in
the time span of the current publication .

And finally , in the segment of the GLASNIK citation corpus , i.e. GZMNS , we can pres­
ent a two-valence communication function of scientific citations , becau se the new series
of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archa eology) in the corpus of its own citations presents
both as a source of information (with a possibility of citing in successive papers) and in
preceding published cited sources.

21 I. Mihel el al ( 1984)





800 .

400 ~ GZMNS


o - ... ._....l. I I I J I J II I . 1. ..

1 10 100­
Chart 3




---------.-------------.----e- - - . ------:-----1
------.. ------...--.--.--.-----.-- a ~ I).---------~---..-..- -- ­ CORPUS
.-- ......-- - --..- ------------..• ---I)-~------- ------
-- ~~ ... ~~.~.--~.-.---. __.______ ~-_- --.-H _-- __. GZMSS
.- ---- --- --- --.---.--.---~-- ~.-.-----
..-------- .. --.... ---------------.. --- .. - -.--~-- ~~--- ..

- -- ...-------
... .... .- --..--.----- ..-------.. -.---~.----

1 L-~~-LLL~_~~-LUU~ __~~~
1 10 100
Chart 4

Table 4
- Corpus WMBH, GZM 55 and GZM N5 - Frequency distribution

Rank (i) Occurrences l(f) Frequency Cumulative

(W) (S) (N) (W) (S) (N) (W) (S) (N) (W) (S) (N)
1 1 24 21 20 24 21 20
2 2 2 20 18 18 44 39 38
3 3 3 17 14 17 61 53 55
4 4-5 4-5 2 2 14 13 16 75 79 87
5-6 6 6-9 2 1 4 13 12 13 101 91 139
7-8 7-9 10-14 2 3 5 12 II 12 125 124 199
9-11 10-12 15-17 3 3 3 II 10 II 158 154 232
12 • 13-17 18-22 5 5 10 9 10 168 199 282
13-16 18-24 23-24 4 7 2 9 8 9 204 255 300
17-22 25-41 25-30 6 17 6 8 7 8 252 374 348
23-26 42-62 31-41 4 21 II 7 6 7 280 500 425
27-33 63-79 42-58 7 17 J7 6 5 6 322 585 527
34-41 80-11 I
59-73 8 32 15 5 4 5 362 713 602
42-49 112-149 74-94 8 38 21 4 3 4 394 827 686
50-60 150-214 95-130 II 65 36 3 2 3 427 957 794
61-79 215-361 131-179 19 147 49 2 2 465 1104 892
80-115 180-261 36 82 501 974

(W) Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und Herzegowina (1893-1916)
(S) Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943)
(N) Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja New series (1946-1986)

Table 5

- Corpus WMBH (Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina

1893-1916) - estimations of zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No. Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (ClN)

Core 12 168 I
Middle 21 154 175 1.91 0.91
Periphery 82 179 6.83 6.42 106
Productivity coefficient (WMBH) 0.99
Rank distribution: Constant 1.93
Coefficient -0.90
Slope 42"

Table 6

- Corpus GZM 55 - Glasnik ZemaJjskog muzeja (1889-1943)

- estimations of zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No. Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (C/N)

Core 41 374 I
Middle 70 339 l.71 1.88 1.10
Periphery 250 391 6.10 5.85 0.96
Productivity coefficient (GZM SS) 1.02
Rank distribution : Constant 2.25
Coefficient -1.15
Slope 49"

Table 7

- Corpus GZM N5 - Glasnik ZemaUskog muzeja New series (Archaeology)

(1946-1986) - estimations of zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No. Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (CrN)

Core 24 300 1 1
Middle 49 302 2.04 2 .03 0.99
Periphery 188 372 7.87 6.31 0.80
Productivity coefficient (GZM NS) 0.93
Rank distribution : Constant 2.01
Coefficient -0.80
Slope 39"

Table 8

- Corpus GZM 123 - Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (1889-1943), Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja

New Series (Archaeology) (1946-1986) and Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus

Bosnien und der Herzegowina (1893-1916) - estimations of zone productivity

Zone productivity ratio

ZONE No . Titles No. Citations (N) (C) (CIN)

Core 76 885 I
Middle 178 908 2.34 2.28 0.77
Periphery 483 786 6.36 7.18 1.13
Productivity coefficient (GZM 123) 0.97
Rank distribution: Constant 2.28
Coefficient -0.78
Slope 38"

In bibliometric an alyses of wider subject areas, the relation of cited and cited by is
usuall y de nominated as affinity. The inde xes of co llective affInities at the leve l of the
corpus of nation al characteristics are a re liable stand ard of a degree in developmen t and
position of national sc ience within the region of the comm unicati onal community of
knowledge. We are in a position to present more informati on on this phenomeno n.
Out of 48 6 c ited anal yzed articles in the: corpu s of GLASNIK there are 260 cited arti­
c les, i.e. 261 papers, that cite the new series of GLasnik Zema ljskog muzeja (Arc ha e­
ology). This interestin g ratio is prese nted in Table 9.

Table 9

- Corpus GLASNIK - Frequency tab le of the relatio n (a) Cited by (b) Cited

Rank (i ) Occurrences l(t) Frequency Cumul a ti ve

(a) (b) (a) (b) (a) (b) (a) (b)
I 26 20 26 20
2 2 17 18 43 38
3 3 16 17 59 55
4 4 -5 I 2 15 16 74 87
5-6 6-9 2 4 14 13 102 139
7- 10-14 2 5 13 12 128 199
9 15 - 17 3 12 11 140 232
10-11 18-22 2 5 j 1 10 162 282
12-14 23-24 3 2 10 9 192 300
15 -19 25-3 1 5 7 9 8 237 35 6
20-29 32-42 10 11 8 7 3 17 433
30-38 4 3-58 9 16 7 6 380 529
39-60 59 -7 22 15 6 5 512 604
6 j -81 74-95 21 22 5 4 6 17 692
82-101 96- I3 1 20 36 4 3 697 800
102- 140 132-179 39 48 3 2 8 14 896
14 1- I 82 18 0-259 42 80 2 1 898 976
183-260 260-486 78 227 I 0 976 976
261 -486 226 0 976

(a) Quotatio ns from the article from the new series of GZM (Archaeology)
(b) Article quoted in the new ser ie s of GZM (Archaeology )

Based on all the charac teristi c stati stic indexes (the average max imum and min imum
value , coeffi c ient of distribution and the ditributi on coefficie nt rank - performan ce)
cited - cited by has simil ar or identical values. Crable 10)
The paper that is mos t frequen tly cited in the new series of Glasnik ZemaLjskog mu ­
zeja (Archaeology) is the paper by Bori voj Cov ic 22 - a total of 26 times (2.67%). After
that, the paper by Alojz Benac2) cited 17 times, and the paper by Zdravko Maric 24 cited
16 times. It is characteristic that these papers belong to the mid sectio n of the periodicals

22 B. Covie: Uvo d u stratlgraf\ju i hron ologij u prehisto rij skih grad in a u Bosni. (Gla snik 1965 ,
vol. 20)
2, A. Ben ae Obre [I. (GJasnik 1971, vo l. 26)
24 Z. Marie; Donia Dolina. (Glasnik 1964, vol. 19)

published, i.e. they belong to the mature generation of archaeologists that started a new
series of Glasnik. At the bottom of the list there are 78 papers (30%) that are cited only
once, whic.h represents 8% of the total number of citations and 266 papers that were not
cited in Glasnik.

Table 10

- Corpus GZM NS - Basic statistical parameters of the relations

(a) "cited by" and (b) "cited"

(a) "Cited by" (b) "Cited"

Distribution: Constant 2.25 2.19
Coefficient -1.71 -1.59
Readability degree 88 % 90 %
Rank distribution: Coefficient -0.78 -0.80

An almost identical distribution of the GZMNS corpus can be found if we lOOK at the
new series of Gla'snik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) as material, i.e. the source that
is being cited. Most of the papers published in the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja (Archaeology) were used by Irma Cremosnik 25 - 20 (2.05%), followed by two
papers by Alojz Benac 26 with 18 and 17 citations. It is characteristic that these papers
belong to earlier numbers of periodicals and represent more comprehensive synthesized
archaeological studies, and therefore had a double possibility of greater absorption (tempo­
ral and qualitative) . At the bottom of the list there are 80 papers, i.e. 31 %, that cite the
new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) only once, or 8.20% of the
total number of citations and 227 papers where there were no citations from the Glasnik.

Table 11

- Corpus GZM 123 - estimations on zone productivity

(relations (a) "cited" and (b) "cited by")

Zone producti vity ratio

ZONE No. Papers No. Citations (N) (C) (C/N)

Core 29 317 I 1 1
Middle 72 380 2.48 2.07 0.83
Periphery 159 279 5.48 6.23 1.14
Productivity coefficient (a) "Cited" 0.99

Core 24 300 j

Middle 71 392 2.96 2.26 0.76

Periphery 164 284 6.83 7.22 1.06
Productivity coefficient (b) "Ci ted by" 0.94

The assess ment of productivity and approximate rank of distribution of the GZMNS
corpus and their graphic presentation in two projections are almost of identical charac­

2S r. Cremo~nik Nalazi nakita u srednjovjekovnoj zbirci Zemaljskog muzeja (Glasnik 1951 , voL 6)
26 A Benac: Istrazivanja praistorij skih nalazista u dolini rijeka Bile. (Glasnik J 949-50, vo1s. 4-5)
i Zavrsna istrazivanja u pecini Hrustovaci (Glasnik 1948, vol 3)

teristics with the minimum difference in productivity , satisfactory and almost identical
zone production coefficient (0.99 and 0.94). Consequently it can be concluded that there
is no substantial difference in performance in the cited - cited by performance. (Table 11)
Cited and/or cited by , in terms of communication, is a completely free and uncondi­
tioned relation that indicates an intention of being emerged within the context of citing,
as well as the characteristics of the indirect tradition.
There is another interesting projection of the undertaken zoning that can be received
by their crossing . Three productivity zones into two direction of the analysis - by cited
papers from the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) and papers that
give citations from the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeolog y) - result
in nine fields in the span of: low cited/low cited by , to an especially interesting field
with a group of five papers that are frequently cited (more than eight times within a cor­
pus) and that are most frequently cited (i.e. used) in these previously published papers
(more than nine times within a corpus). Those are the two papers by Borivoj Covic ,
28 3o
and papers by Alojz Benac , Irma Cremo~nik29, and Zelravko Maric . This group com­
prises a minor corpus of cited analyzed articles, the total of 1.5%, which in terms of
communicational identification could be taken as papers that summarize the previous
archaeological findings on one hand (so-called reviews), and are used as "benchmarks",
i.e. key works in terms of comparison with new studies.



The set hypothesis on the characteristic position and function of the new series of Glas­
nik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) in the structure of the science of archaeology at
the national level has been conflrmed in all the analyzed corpuses as well as within the
framework of the supposed citing concentration circles.

(1) The new series 'of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) is an essential refer­
ential framework of archaeological publication activity in Yugoslav territories.
In all of the five analyzed corpuses of the Prehistory of Yugoslav Countries, the
journal is always in the zone of the core of the highest productivity and influence.
(2) The corpus of the Archaeological Lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina refer­
ences introduces us to characteristic relations in archaeology in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, whose centennial development it consequentl y represents, and
also indicates the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeolog y) to
be a leading periodical at a national (Bosnia and Herzegovina) le¥el.
(3) The citation corpus from the new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Ar­
chaeology) met in detail the citation network (citation structure) that developed
with archaeology in Bosnia and Herzegovina being published information from
the angle of the leading periodical, and also confirms the signi ficance of the
new series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology) and its dominance as
a information resource.
(4) Citations from the news series of Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (Archaeology)
within the corpus of their own citations have indicated and also discovered a

27 B. Covic: Nekoliko manjih prehistorijskih nalaza iz Bosne (Glasnik 1957, vol 12) i Uvod u
stratigrafiju i hronologiju prehistorijskih gradina u Bosni . (Glasnik 1965, vol 20)
28 A. Benac : Slavenska i ilirska kultura na prehistorijskoj gradini Zecovi (Glasnik 1959, vol. 14)
29 l. Cremo~nik: Rimska vila u ViSi c ima (Glasnik 1965, vol. 20)
30 Z. Maric: Donja Dolina (Glasnik 1964, vol. 19)

part of the subjective, private manner. of a specific scientific development in

historical sciences at the national level and, consequently
(5) presented a characteristic relation of al;lsorption and accumulation and selection
of citations of the inherent origin on the basis of whose characteristics it is pos­
sible to make a communication evaluation of scientific papers.

This study confirms the basic postulates of bibliometric research such as : presence
of a differentiating degree of concentration of knowledge and citations, possibility of
quantitative zoning of citations, and universal valences of the forms of non-Gausean
distribution, regardless of the spread of the targeted scientific area and characteristic
phenomenon of the knowledge and citation concentration.


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1989, sv. 35, str. 17-29

Bak arsic Kemal 1990 Bibliometrij sk o vredno vanje jugoslovenske praistorijske ar-he­

ologije. Arheo, 1990, br. 11, str. 35- 38

Bakarsic Kemal 1990a Science Citation Index for the fi e ld of Archeology: hermeneu­

tical and informatics aspects of SCI based systems of regional

basis - U: Czap Hans end Nedob ity Wolfrang (ed) TKE-90

Terminology and Knowledge Engineering, Vol. 1. , Index Ver­

lag, Frankfurt J 990, str. J 49-156.

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Hercegovine. Sarajevo 1992 (doktorska disertacija)

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Akadernija nauka i umJetn osti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

1979- 1987

Bradford S. C. 1953 Documantat ion. (2. izd.) C. Lokwood, London J953

Caspari F. 1916 Registar zu Band I-XXX Mitteilungen des Deutsch en Archeolo­

gishen Instituts Rornische Abteilung. Mitteilungen des Deutschen

Archeologisch en Instituts (Rornische Abteilung), 1916, bd. 3 1.

str. 1-296

Covic Borivoj 1988 Covic Bori voj (ur.) Arheolo ~ki leksikon Bosne i Hercegov ine.

Zemalj ski muzej Sarajevo, 1988

Frankfurter S. 1902 Register zu den Archeologisch - Epigraphischen Mitteilungen

aus Oesterreich - Ungarn. Jahrgang 1-20. A. Holder, Wien,


Garfield Eugen 1964 Science Citation Index - A New Dimension in Indexing. Sci­

ence, 1964, vol. 144, no. 36 19, str. 649-654

Garlield Eugen 1979 Citation Indexing It 's Theory and Application in Science, Tech­

nology and Humanities. John. Wiley and Sons New York, 1979

Haitun S. D. 1982 The Stationary Scientometrics distribution. Part 3. Th e Role of

the Zipf Distribution. Scientometrics, 1982, vol. 4, str. 183-196.

Haitun S. D. 1983 Naukometrija: sostojanie i perspektivi. Nauka, Moskva, 1983

He rlach Geraldine 1978 Can retreival of information from citation index be simpl efied~

Multiple mention of a reference as s charact eristic of the link

between cited and citing articles. Journal of American Society

of Information Science, 1978, vol. 29, str. 307-310

Knezevic Branko 1980 Citatne analize jugoslovenske biomedicinske periodike. Refe­

ralni centar Sveucilista, Zagreb 1980 (Doktorska disertacija) str.


Lipenz B. A. 1965 Improvements of the selectivity of citation index to science

literature through inclusion of citation relationship indicators.

American Documentation , 1965, vol. 16, str. 81-90

McCain K., Turner K. 1989 Citation context analysi s and aging patte rns of Journal articles

in molecular Genetics Scientometrics, 1989, vol. 17, no. 1-2 ,

str. 127-163

Mihel I,
1984 Primjena bibliometrij ski h zakonitosti u analizi sirokih tematskih

Oluic-Vukovic V.,
podrucja: radovi iz humanistickih znanosti. Informatologia Yu­

Pravdic N.
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Moravcs ik M . 1. , 1975 Some results on the function and qu ality of citations. Social

Murugesan P. Studies of Scie nce, 1975 , voL 5, str. 86-92

Murugesan P. , 1978 V ari at ion of the nature of citation me asures with journals and

Moravcsik M. 1. scientific s pecial ites. Journ a l of American Society of Informa­

tion Science,1978, voL 29, str. 114-147

Ogden C K,
1960 The meaning of meaninig. Rutlege & Kega n Pau l, Lo ndon,
Rich ards L A.
Oluic-V ukovic V. ,
1983 Analiza produktivnosti znanstvenih radnika SR Hrvatske u po­

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Oluic-Vu kovic Vesna 1989 Impact of produ ctivity increase on the distribution pattern of

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vol. 29, str. 225-231.

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UDK: 39(497.6)(058) ISSN 0350-1051



UDK 398.8 (497. 15)




P ar ce texte, j'ai voulu commemorer Ie deuxieme anniversaire de la mort du grand cher­

cheur et savant americain , Albert Bates Lord, Ie plus grand speciali ste de la tradition orale
du monde. Dans J'expose qui suit , je vais tenter de determiner sa place dans I' histoire des
recherches de la tradition orale des Slaves du Sud, de montrer en analysant son oeuvre
dans quelle mesure, dans cette partie de ses recherches, il a suivi la demarche de Matij a
Murko, Ie mei lleur speciali ste yougos lave de la traditi on orale et cell e de son maltre, Ie
celebre ho merologue, Milman Parry. Aussi serai-je amenee dans cette et ude a pre ndre en
co nsideration les premiers travaux de Lord pour pou voi r apprecier, en consideranr ses tra­
vaux ulterieurs, I'immense originalite avec laquelle il a mene ses recherches sur la tradition
des Slaves du Sud, sur Ie plan theori que, historico-cul turel et culturo-anthropologique.
Lord a co ntinue a examiner les regles de la creation du chant ep ique oral dans Ie labora­
toire vivant de la poesie ep iqu e musulmane des Slaves du Sud, comme I' avaient fait ses
deux predecesseurs, et iJ a etabl i que cette poesie, plus qu e toute autre poesie des Slaves
du Sud, confirme l'anciennete de Ja transmission orale et que c'est bien 18. sa caracteristi­
que principale. Par leur genie createur, ses chanteurs epiques ont reuni Ie tres vaste espace
geograp hique et temporel de l' heritage tenace de la trad ition. Grace a eux , Lord reussira it
trou ver une confirmation de ses co nnaissa nces sur Homere com me poete o ral . Et, d'autre
pan, il creera une nouvelle theori e - la theorie de J'o ralite.

Albert B ates Lord est ne it Boston Ie 15 septembre 1912. Apres a voir termine des etud es
second aires classiques, il s'inscrit a Harvard ou il obtient e n 1934 un dipl6me d' etud es
classiques. D e ux ans plus tard (e n 1936), il obtient un dipl6me de fin d' etud es de
troisi eme cycle e n litterature com paree. Comme Ie souligne John M. FOley, c'est so us
I'influence de so n directeur de these, Milman Parry, que Lord ori en te ses recherches,
co nsac rees e n pre mier lieu a
I'epopee anglaise, vers l' e po pee «serbo-croate » et, e n
moindre part, vers l' epopee grecq ue e t germanique. « Ce c hangement est Ie refJe t du
transfert du fa rdeau qui s'effectue dans les annees 35 entre Parry et Lord. ,,2 A vrai dire,
A. B . Lord a rep ris un grand projet scientifique entrepris par Milman Parry - des recher­
ches approfo ndies sur la chanson ep ique des Slaves du Sud, a
partir de notes auth e n­
tiqu es co llec tees dans des zones ou el!e etait encore vi vante dans les annees 30 du XX"
siecle, la methode appliquee eta nt cell e de l'anthropologie litteraire. C'etaient ies bases
permettant de mettre definitiv e ment e n place la th eo ri e de la creation orale. Ainsi, en

A l'occasion du deu xie me anniversaire de sa mort, e n guise de necrologe.

2 John Miles Foley, Albert Bates Lord (19 12-1991 ), Journ al of American Folklore, 105 ( 1992),



poursuivant l'oeuvre de Milman Parry, A. B. Lord va deveIopper la theorie de la

creation orale et corrunencer it l'imposer aux theoriciens traditionalistes de la litterature
orale les plus orthodoxes. Son processus d'adoption est en cours, mais il faut des main­
tenant avoir a I'esprit la participation de Matija Murko a I'etablissement de cette theorie
et lui accorder I'estime qu'i! se doit.
Matija Murko, erudit de la fin du XIX e siecie, entre dans Ie XXe siecie corrune un
chercheur de formation universelle de la culture spirituelle et materielle des Slaves du
Sud. Au COufS de ce siecle qui est Ie notre, la culture spirituelle des Slaves du Sud restera
au centre de ses preoccupations pendant cinquante ans. Corrune chercheur mod erne du
XX e siecle, il a poursuivi et developpe les travaux alors modestes sur les recherches de
la poesie epique des Slaves du Sud. II en a elabore I' etude sur Ie terrain et sur Ie plan
ethnologique et folldoristique et il y a decouvert I'authenticite et l'importance de la
poesie epique musulmant< (bosniaque\3 Cette maniere d'aborder la tradition populaire
resultait du fait que M. Murko etait Ie premier chercheur et specialiste europeen a avoir
cree des conditions permettant d'obtenir une «representation adequate de la veritable
vie de la poesie 6pique populaire ». II s' est interesse a I'analyse de tous les phenomenes
et de tous les aspects de la poesie orale, et a elabore une sorte d'apen;:u complexe de sa
genese. Dans sa premiere etude sur la poesie bosniaque musulmane,4 Murko souligne
deja que « pour etudier I'essence et la vie de la poesie epique populaire », la poesie epique
bosniaque musulmane peut fournir Ie meilleur exemple. En tant que « poesie epique
conservatrice », eIle a toujours ete l'objet de ses recherches, un materiel lui permettant
de corroborer ses theses principales. Des que cette premiere etude a ete connue, I' interet
. pour tout ce que faisait Murko, pour tout ce qu'il publiait, n'a pas cesse de croltre. Les
classiques, les homeristes, les slavistes, les specialistes de La chanson de geste fran~aise,
tous suivaient attentivement les travaLJx de Murko. Plus recemment, on commence a
estimer sa place dans I'homerologie et son influence sur les fondateurs de ]'ecole homero­
Jogique americaine .5
Le nom et I'oeuvre d'Albert Lord sont inseparables du nom et de l'oeuvre de Mil­
man Parry, son professeur et maitre, un specialiste qui I'a initie, des Ie debut de ses
etudes, a la recherche et I' a definitivement lie a I'etude de la poesie orale traditionnelle.
A la fin de sa vie, alors qu'il faisait I'inventaire de ses resultats, Lord a confie a un jeune
chercheur, Ziatan Colakovic: « Je serais bien en peine de determiner la limite entre les
travaux de Parry et les miens, car mon oeuvre s'est developpee sur la sienne.6

En suivant, dans cette etude, Albert B. Lord dans ses recherches sur la poesie epique orale des
Bosniaques, j ' ai en general conserve I'expression poesie epique musulmane, car comme pen­
dant au syntagme poesie epique chretienne, elle s' avere la plus precise.
3 Cependant, Ie materiel de Murko n'est malheureusement pas accessible. Maja Boskovic-Stulli
s'est interessee, dans les annees soixante, au sort des enregistrements phonographiques de
Murko (TragQm ostavstine Matije Murka. Narodna umjetnost, liv . IV 1966). Les phono­
grammes des textes enregistres par Muiko pendant ses enquetes se trouvaient encore
recemment en partie a Prague; depuis 1966, cette partie - enregistrements realises pendant les
voyages de 1930 a 1932 - se trouve aux Archives de l' Academie yougos1ave (maintenant cro­
ate) des Arts et des Sciences a Zagreb. Les enregistrements des voyages de 1912 et de 1913 se
trouvent a Vienne au Phonogramm Archiv de I' Academie des Sciences. L'utilisation de ces en.­
registrements est pour I' instant remise en question pour des raisons techniques.
Murko Mathias, Die Volksepik der bosnischen Mohammedaner. Zeitschrift des Vereins fUr
Volkskunde Berlin, 19, 1909, p. 13
5 Cf. documents bibliographiques de l'etude «Tragom prow:avanja muslimanske epike Matije
Murka ». Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine, E, 46, 1991. Voir aussi: Denana
Buturovic, Bosanskomuslimanska usmena epika, Sarajevo, 1992, p. 105-148
6 Albert Bates Lord, Nasljede Milmana Parryja. Latina et Graeca. Zagreb, dec. 1985, p. 6

Albert B. Lord et Milman Parry (1902 - 1935) ont tous les deux contribue a la re­
cherche d'une reponse a la question cle de la tradition orale, a savoir comment et de
queUe fayon les chanteurs de chants epiques apprennent-ils leurs chants, en quoi con­
siste I'essence de la poesie epique orale et quelles sont les origines de ['lliade et de
I'Odyssee. En penetrant dans Ie milieu epique des Slaves du Sud, en particulier dans Ie
milieu bosniaque, en s'introduisant dans Ie cercle des exceHents chanteurs epiques qui
continuaient a vivre la vie des chanteurs epiques traditionnels, ils se sont introduits dans
un monde vivant, dans Ie laboratoire vivant de la poesie epique orale traditionneUe.
C'est M. Murko qui a introduit Parry dans ce milieu et dans ce laboratoire. Parry
avait eu la chance de faire la connaissance de Murko alors qu'il avait deja etabli ses the­
ses et qu'it avait deja compris que Ie style homerique etait un style traditionnel tres
developpe, mais il n'avait pas encore saisi qu'un tel style ne pouvait etre qu'oral. M.
Parry fitla connaissance de Murko a Paris en 1928, alors qu'il y soutenait sa these de
doctoral. Cwe annee-Ia, Murko fit trois conferences sur la poesie des Slaves du Sud a la
Sorbonne, et en 1929 parut son ouvrage intitule: « La poesie populaire epique en Yougo­
slavie au debut du XXe siecle ».7 Antoine Meillet, membre du jury devant lequel Parry
soutenait sa these, mit Parry en relation avec Murko qui assistait a la soutenance de sa
these. II n'est pas interdit de penser que, puisqu'ill'avait invite a la soutenance de la these
de Parry, Meillet avait permis a Murko de prendre connais~ance de la dissertation de
Parry. La conversation entre Meillet et Murko qui s'ensuivit, a pu avoir une certaine in­
fluence sur les remarques que Meillet fit a Parry a I' issue de la soutenance. Ce qui me Ie
laisse supposer, c'est ce que Parry ditlui-meme: « C'est surtout grace aux remarques de
mon maitre, M . Antoine MeiUet, que je me suis rendu compte, au debut d'une fayon en­
core peu claire, que les poemes d'Homere ne pouvaient etre compris que lorsqu'on avait
completement peryu la nature de la poesie orale. » 8 Le jour meme de la soutenance de la
these, Meillet reprocha a Parry de ne pas avoir assiste aux conferences de Murko. « Au
cours des annees qui suivirent, les ouvrages du professeur Murko m'ont amene, pIuS" que
ceux de tout autre specialiste, a examiner la nature de la poesie orale et a etudier les chants
heroi·ques des Slaves du Sud ... » 9 C'est sous l'influence de Murko (souligne Lord) que
Parry commence a qualifier Ie style formuJique d'Homere de «style traditionnel oral ».10
Milman Parry est venu pour la premiere fois en Yougoslavie pendantl'ete de 1933
pour y effectuer des recherches de terrain. II y est revenu une seconde fois pour un plus
long sejour, de juin 1934 a septembre 1935. 11 Au debut, il etait accompagne de Ilja N.
Goleniscev Kutuzov, et plus tard, en 1934, par Albert B. Lord.
Des sa premiere annee de recherche sur Ie terrain, lorsqu'il rencontra a Stolac Ie
chanteur Ibro Basic, Parry fit preuve d'une certaine intuition pour decouvrir les chan­

7 Paris , 1929

8 Traduction citee de: Albert B. Lord, Opsti uvod /dans Ie livre/ Srpskohrvatske juna~ke pjesme.

Collecteur: Milman Parry. Redacteur: Albert Bates Lord, Livre second, Belgrade et Cambridge
1953, p. XV
9 Ibid.
10 A. B. Lord, Nasljede Milmana Parryja ... p. 5
II Autant que je sache, seul I. N. Goleniscev Kutuzov parle de ce sejour de Milman Parry a Du­
brovnik en 1932. II dit qu'iI a rencontre Parry a Dubrovnik en 1932 et l'a ensuite accompagne
dans ses deplacements en Herzegovine, en Bosnie et au Montenegro au cours des etes de 1933
et de 1934. Au cours de ces voyages, c'est Goleniscev qui notait les chants jusqu'a ce que, ar­
rive a Zagreb, Parry decidlit d'acheter un parlographe (dictaphone a cylindres de eire) de fabn­
cation allemande, Ie meme que celui qu'utilisait M. Murko). A cause de ses obligations profes­
sorales a l'universite de Belgrade, Goleniscev ne put continuer a accompagner Parry, et c'est
Albert Lord, l'eleve de Parry, comme ille disait, qui Ie rempla~a. Epos serpskogo naroda. Izda­
nje pogotovil 1. N. Goloniscev Kutuzov, Moscou 1973, p. 327-331.

teurs qui savaient de longs chants. Parry s'est immediatement interesse au talent de cer­
tains poetes. Sachant, grace a ses recherches sur Ie terrain, qu ' un chanteur pouvait creer
de nouve aux chant s en utilisant des moyens traditionnels , il oriente ses recherches sur
ce probleme. A I'issue de ses recherches sur Ie terrain , M. Murko avait bien sa isi
I' exi stence de ce probleme (<< phenomene »), mais n' avait pas penetre so n essence II
fa udra atlendre A. B. Lord pour qu'un savant fonde so n oe uvre sur ce phenomene et
oriente ses recherches pour trouver une solution au probleme homerique.
En 1934, alors qu ' il avait parcouru de nombreux centres ou la poes ie epique bos­
niaque etait encore vivante, en Herzegovine et au Sandzak, Parry reussit a cerner Ie
probleme principal des chants traditionnels oraux des Slaves du Sud mu sulmans, a sa­
voir la question de leur longueur. Apres avoir en te ndu chanter dans ces regions des
chants de 1.000 a 2.000 vers , ce qui etait habituel pour les chanteurs locaux, il co mprit
que la longueur du chant epique etait une caracteristique de la traditi on musulmane et de
ces chanteurs, qu 'e lle constituait line categorie qualitative. Les exemples de la tradition
musulmane confirmaient la lheorie formulique deja etablie auparavant, mais aussi, selon
la conviction de Parry et de Lord , que les textes de ceUe tradition differai ent a chaque
performance, meme si dies etaient co nsec utives. Le prob leme de la modification du
chant d'une performance a I'autre, d'un chanleur a I' autre, avait egalement attire I'atten­
tion de Murko et il I'ava it examine; il avait a deux re pri ses enregistre sur un phono­
graphe de I' Academie de Vienne, plusi eurs performances de textes divers d 'un meme
chant. Au debut , Ie phenomene meme ne lui etait pas apparu clairement, mais apres
avoir veri fie ses ob servations, il avait co nclu: «Dorenavant il m'est clair que les chants
epiques edites que nous possedons actueJlement ont ete ch antes une seule et unique fois
ou plus precisement dictes, et ce au moment ou iis ont ete notes. Aussi est-il vain
d' essayer de faire rechanter un chant dans sa fo rme origi nal e. »13
Toutes les caracteristiques de la tradition des Sl aves du Sud deja citl'\es ont incite
Parry et ensuite Lord a se co nsacrer a ceUe poesie epique et a la prendre co mme poi nt de
depart pour developper des recherches comparatives. En d'autres termes, parmi toutes
les poesies ep iques des Slaves du Sud, seule la poesie orale bos no-musulmane, bosnia­
que, possedaient les qualites qui permettaient d'assurer a la methode hi storico-compa­
rati ve de Parry-Lord des exemples pertinents.
Parry etablit que I' essence de la poesie epique populaire reposait dansson oralite,
tout comme les chan ts epiques d'Homere. II prit la decis ion hi storique d 'essayer de
« form uler et d'appliquer striclement» I'ensemble de tout ce qui pouvait etre enreg istre
dans la poesie epique vivante des Slaves du Sud musulmans. II executa la majeure partie
de cette tache. La partie cultllro-anthropologique des recherc hes (travail d'e nquetes sur
Ie te rrain), c' es t Parry qui I'effectua dans sa totalite dan s des region s choisies de
I' Herzegovine, du Sandzak et du Montenegro. Les materiaux collectes, les rec ueil s de
chants , les entretiens avec les chanteurs, Ie choix des chanteurs re ve lent que Parry etait
un eminent savant, en tout point original et exceplionnel ; et on peut dire qu e son oeuvre
se rapproche de'la philologie traditionnelle ou de ce qu 'o n appelle Ie realisme de terrain .
Les longs chants musulmans, en particlllier ceux que chantaient les Bosniaques a
I' anc~enne frontiere montenegrine, etaient pour Parry la preuve qu ' il avait ete possi ble

12 De teJles analyses auraient ex ige qu ' il etudi at Ie materiel enregistre apres I' avoi I' tran scrit. Pour
au ta nt que I'on sache, les recherches de Murko etaient indi viduelles, son materiel n'a pas ete
transcrit par une eq uipe de specialistes et il semble meme que tout ce matenel soit reste 11 I' etat
d'enregistrement (c f. rem. 3)
13 M. Murko, La poesie populaire epique en Yougoslavie au debut du XX siecle. In : Narodn a

knjizevnost Srba, Hrvata, Muslimana i Crnogoraca. Choi x d'mticles critiques par dr Denana
Buturovi c, dr Vlajko Palavestra, Sarajevo 1974, p. 167.

autrefois aux chanteurs de tradition orale d 'executer des chants de la longueur de ceux
d 'Homere. Dans la poesie epique orale traditionnelle des Slaves du Sud, Parry cherchait,
comme Ie dit Lord, un modele permettant d'etudier comment ce genre de poesie epique
avait ete compose et transmis et egalement de mieux comprendre la technique de com­
position des chanteurs d'Homere dans la tradition grecque antique. Toutes les theories
de Parry furent confirmees par Ie chanteur Avdo Mededovi6 de Bijelo Polje, que Parry
rencontra au cours de I'ete de 1935 a Novi Pazar. Ainsi donc, c'est Avdo qui offrit a
Parry, aussi bien qu'a Lord, Ie plus de details montrant comment les chanteurs executaient
la poesie traditionnelle narrative et chantee et comment ils se la transmettaient d ' une
generation a l'autre. Lord a souligne que c'etait justement avec Avdo Mededovi6 que
Parry avait prouve que la longueur des chants homeriques ne signifiait pas necessaire­
ment qu'elle etait Ie resultat de l'ecriture. D ' autre part, « Parry a monu'e que les chants
longs etaient vraisemblables et formaient un tout, et qu'ils n'etaient pas Ie resultat de la
fusion de quelques chants entre eux. » 14 Mededovi6 a confirme, ou plutOt prouve qu'en
executant un chant, en transmettant la tradition, en fait, il c[(~ait. « II narrait Ie recit avec
ses propres mots poetiques » .15
Tout en effectuant ses recherches entre 1933 et 1935 , c'est-a-dire pendant un peu
moins de deux ans , Parry a pris des notes, consignant non seulement ses observations
mais aussi ses idees et points de vue scientifiques. Ces notes ont ete regroupees dans un
ouvrage intitule « Cor Huso: A Study of Southslavic Song » . Son travail de collecte des
chants fait I'objet de quelques notes. Son fils Adam a fait un choix dans tout Ie materiel
rassemble, mais malheureusement, iI a ecarte un materiel de la plus grande importance
pour les slavistes. Parry avait l'intention d'ecrire plusieurs etudes regroupees so us un
titre commun Homer and Huso ou il aurait compare a divers niveaux la poesie epique
d'Homere et celie des Slaves du Sud. Mais il ne reussit qu'a en publier la synopsis inti­
tulee « Homer and Huso 1: The Singer' s Rests in Greek and Southslavic Heroic Songs » .
II n'a ecrit que sept pages de son livre « The Singer of Tales » . II mourut I' annee de sa
plus grande decouverte, celie du chanteur Avdo Mededovic, en decembre 1935. Les
decouvertes de Parry sont importantes . L'une d'elles est un etudiant particulierement
doue, Albert Bates Lord, qui va poursuivre sa pensee, ses recherches, ses ouvrages, son
travail de collecte de materiel de la tradition orale et de donnees sur sa genese et ses
caracteristiques. L ' eminent chercheur qu'est Lord respectera I'integralite de I'oeuvre de
Parry; el il donnera une analyse theorique, comparative sur Ie plan historique et stylis­
tique de tous les niveaux choisis du materiel collecte et retenu pour etre soumis a une
analyse comparative.
En 1934, Albert B. Lord , jeune diplome de 22 ans, accompagne I'eminent chercheur
Milman Parry dans ses peregrinations dans les oasis de poesie epique des Slaves du Sud.
C'est ainsi qu'il rec;oit Ie bapleme de I'epopee des Slaves du Sud et qu'il decide de fixer
son attention sur la tradition epique des Slaves du Sud, laquelle occupera une place
dominante dans ses recherches comparatives ulterieures. L'annee suivante est celie de sa
specialisation sur Ie terrain en Herzegovine et au Sandzak. La mort de Parry va inter­
rompre pour une assez longue periode ces veritables recherches de terrain preparees par
Parry. En 1936, Lord se livre a un examen assidu du materiel collecte. Cette an nee-la, il
obtient son diplome de fin d ' etudes de troisieme cycle. Ce n'est qu'en 1937 qu ' il revient
en Yougoslavie, apportant avec lui 500 enregistrements realises par Parry, pour en faire

14 A. B. Lord, Nasljede Milamana Parryja, p. 8

15 A. B. Lord, Yuk's Impact on the Tradition: The importance for Homer by - / A [' occasion d'un
symposium consacre au jubile de Yuk Stef. Karadzic, Londres 1988: The study of Oral Tradi­
tion and the South Slavs / traduit par Ada Ceman: Yukov dodir sa tradicijom. Ya znost za
Homera. Putevi, BanJa Luka, 3, 1989, mars-avril, !iv. XLII, p. 111.

la meilleure transcription possible (les textes etaient enregistres sur des disques). Pour
autant que I'on sache, cette annee-Ia, Lord n'a pas consigne de chants en Yougoslavie
(mais il en a note en Albanie). Tant qu'il n'a pas termine la redaction de sa these de
doctorat (en 1949), Lord n'entreprend aucune nouvelle recherche de terrain. II ne s' y
remettra qu'en 1950.
Ses biographes et ceux qui s'interesseront a son oeuvre etudieront l'ensemble des
premiers travaux de Lord. En effet, la periode allant jusqu'a la fin de la redaction de sa
these de doctorat represente en quelque sorte une unite dans son oeuvre. C'est d ' ailleurs
ainsi que son premier biographe (en fait, l'auteur de son necrologe), John Miles Foley, a
d' une certaine maniere determine cette premiere periode des travaux de Lord .
Ceux qui etudieront I' oeuvre de Lord et qui auront acces a l'integraJite des manu­
scrits de Parry, au texte detaille des notes prises par Parry sur Ie terrain et intitule « Cor
Huso: A Study of Southslavic Song » 16 et au reste du materiel important (Lord cite les
corrunentaires non publies de Parry sur la poesie des Slaves du Sud IHomer and Huso II)
pourront decouvrir et eclaircir cette liaison interessante et cette interpenetration des
idees scientifiques du professeur et de celles de son disciple, Ie developpement de ces
idees et leur realisation dans les ouvrages scientifiques de I'etudiant d'autrefois .
L' annee ou il obtient son diplome de troisieme cycle d 'etudes superieures (il avait a
peine 24 ans), Lord entarne sa pro pre oeuvre creatrice, tout en poursuivant celle de
Parry. En effet, en publiant cinq titres - cinq parties - comptant en tout 43 pages, Lord
realise un projet de Parry qui voulait rediger plusieurs etudes regroupees sous un me me
titre Homer and Huso . Le dessein de Lord etait de realiser des etudes comparatives des
epopees grecques et des recits epiques des Slaves du Sud, recits qu'il avait enregistres
avec Parry. Les trois premieres parties portent les titres Homer and Huso , numerotes de
I a III, 17 alors que la quatrieme et la cin~uieme partie ne sont pas numerotees mais por­
tent un titre elargi , quelque peu modifie. 1
Dans ces premiers textes constituant de breves etudes, Lord reste absolument fidele
aussi bien aux sources de Parry - au materiel (Ie fonds musulman exclusivement) - qu'a
sa terminologie. Le premier de ces textes suit dans son integralite la synopsis publiee par
Parry qui, a mon avis, ne faisait qu'annoncer son texte I il est etrange que cette synopsis
n'ait pas ete suivie de l'etude de Parryl9 I. Dans la synopsis jointe a ce texte, Lord
reprend I' idee que Parry avait exposee dans sa propre synopsis. C' est la synopsis de
Parry et un extra it de corrunentaires non publi€s sur la poesie des Slaves du Sud que
Lord a utilises pour ctegager I' idee fondarnentale de cet article. « l' ai complete ces deux
sources a I' aide de mes propres observations et recherches faites en compagnie du pro­

16 Nous faisons remarquer que Milo~ Velimirovic, traducteur du texte anglais de la Preface et
de I'lntroduction du recueil de chants de 1954, a traduit dans notre langue Ie terme
« Soulhslavic » par « youg oslave ».
17 « Homer and Huso /: The Singer' s Rests in Greek and Southslavic Heroic Song » Transactions
and Proceedings of the American Philological Association rr APA / 67, 1963, p. 106-113 ;
« Homer and Huso II: Narrative Inconsistencies in Homer and Oral Poetry » . TAPA 69, 1938,
p. 439-'-450; « Homer and Huso 1//: Enjambement in Greek and Southslavic Heroic Song ».
TAPA 79,1948 , p. 113-124.
18 « Hom er, Parry and Huso ». American Joumal of Archeology / AJA / 52, 1948, p. 34-'-44 ;
« CompOSition by Theme in Homer and Southslavic Epos ». TAPA 82, 1951, p. 71-80.
19 La synopsis presente tout 11 fait clairement une etude d ' une grande ampleur comprenant au
moins sept un ites thematiques - la majeure partie des textes etant consacree aux pauses du
chanteur dans les chants grecs et dans ceux des Slaves du Sud. Parry y expose ses conclus ions
a ce sujet ( ( Les conclusions que I'on tire de ces comparaisons ont certainement une impor­
tance pour la lheorie dont Ie but est de realiser la partition de I'lliade et de l'Odyssee en li vres
et en chants. »)

fesseur Parry en Yougoslavie » - mentionne A.B.Lord. 20 Ce texte de Lord , Ie premier,

laisse entrevoir I'approche individuelle de l'auteur, queIque chose de ses recherches de
jeunesse, alors qu'il accompagnait Parry, en 1934 et 1935, dans les con trees des Slaves
du Sud, dans les contrees musulmanes surtout. En adoptant les idees de Parry, il a
egalement adopte Ie message fondamental de sa synopsis - resume - seion Iequel Ies
performances des chanteurs de ces regions offrent des arguments suffisamment forts sur
Ie caractere de Ia division de Ia poesie homerique en chants. Cette etude met en evidence
certains points de vue importants pour Ie travail uiterieur de Lord. En s ' appuyant sur
I'idee que Parry expose en conc.lusion dans Ie commentaire cite OU il analyse les pauses
des chanteurs musulmans (( Dans aucun de ces cas on ne peut affirmer que Ie chanteur
avait premedite cette pause a cet endroit precis du chant qui presente une certaine im­
portance dans Ie cours du recit »), Lord conclut: « ... que Ie poete oral chez les Slaves du
Sud n'a jamais eu a I'esprit I'unite que forment les parties du chant. Seule existe I' unite
du chant dans son integralite, alors que la partie est variable, indeterminee, et, en fait,
inexistante ». La conclusion de cette petite discussion est de Lord, mais c'est aussi l'avis
de Parry , qui dit: « Et cela signifie qu'ici aussi, comme dans les chants des Slaves du
Sud, il existe une infinite d'endroits ou Homere peut interrompre son recit, sans que ce
soit au detriment de son auditoire. Et toutes les partitions que divers erudits ont etablies
conformement a leurs propres theories sont toutes aussi bonnes les unes que les autres et
ne font que corroborer rna these selon laquelle Homere pouvait s' an-eter presque a cha­
que endroit sans que son recit ne perde de sa valeur.
Dans la deuxieme et dans la troisieme partie de cette serie d' articles, Lord prend en
consideration, au meme niveau de comparaison, les problemes des inconsequences nar­
ratives. Sous des developpements partiels, la tradition epique des Bosniaques « Ie long
de la frontiere montenegrine » est parfaitement etudiee. Dans Ie premier de ces deux
textes (Homer and Huso II: inconsequences du recit chez Homere et dans la poesie
orale), il expose la these selon laquelle les inconsequences du recit chez Homere con­
Firment ce qui a deja ete dit sur Ie caractere oral de ces chants, et que, tout compte fait,
elks proviennent de la technique de composition orale par themes et formuIes , de meme
que les inconsequences qui ont ete observees dans la poesie orale des Slaves du Sud.
S'appuyant sur la definition de la formule donnee par Parry, Lord opte pour une
definition provisoire du theme - en Ie determinant comme une unite de matiere, un
groupe d' idees que Ie chanteur utilise regulierement, non seulement dans un chant
donne, mais dans la poesie en general. Les exemples d'inconsequences dans la poesie
epique des Slaves du Sud ne sont pas mentionnes en grandes series, mais elles ont ete
observees chez un tres grand nombre de narrateurs. En tout cas, c' est la premiere fois
que I'on traite de cette fayon les inconsequences de ce type dans la poesie des Slaves du
Sud, non seulement parce qu'il est possible de comparer la poesie des Slaves du Sud
avec les chants epiques de la Grece antique, mais parce qu'on y presente des car­
acteristiques qui soulevenl une serie de questions concernant la maniere dont la tradition
orale a ele elaboree puis transmise.
Dans Ie troisieme de ces textes, Ie plus original (Homere et Huso III: L'enjambemenl
dans les chants grecs et dans les chants des Slaves du Sud) , il a etabli que Ie decasyllabe,
Ie vers hero'I'que des Slaves du Sud, reflete la totalile de la pensee du poete de fayon
beaucoup plus stricle que dans I'hexametre homerique. II a etabli que I'enjambement

20 Albert B. Lord, Homer i Huso I: pjevacevi tragovi u grckoj i jUZnoslovenskoj epskoj pjesmi.
Zivot, dec. 1976, Sarajevo an nee XXV, liv. L, N° 12, p. 725 (traduit par Sabina Izetbegovic).
Nous faisons remarquer que Ie mot « Rests» doit etre traduit par « stanke » (ou « pause» ) et
non par « tragovi ».
21 Ibid. p. 729

obligatoire es t plus frequent chez Ho mere que dans la poesie des Slaves du Sud car Ie
style homerique est plus riche en moyens traditionnels perme ttant de tran sme ttre la
pensee au-dela de la limite du verso

Fig. I - Albert Bales Lord (tire du livre de Zdeslav Dukal

« Hom ersko pilanje », Zagreb /1988/)

Dan s la quatrieme partie de celte serie - « Homer, Parry and Huso » - , A. B . Lord a
represente d'une maniere extraordinairement habile I'oeuvre complet de Parry; et dans
la cinquieme - « Composition by Theme in Homer and Southslavic Epos » -, il a expose
la premiere etude sur Ie « th eme per se » en I'etablissant comme une unite structurale
selon la fo rmule de Parry ». En presentant I'evol ution des travaux de Parry, Lord pubJie
. aussi les sept prem ieres pages d'un recit de Parry intitule « The Singer of Tales ». II ex­
pose les remarquables resultats obtenus pas Parry, en commenyant par ceux qui
decoulent de son analyse de la nature orale du style homerique , quand iI a commence a
etudier la langue homerique comme langue de poesie orale - a partir d'Homere donc ­
pour en arriver a ceux des etudes sur la nature orale de la poesie epique des Slaves du
Sud - a Huso. Lord nou s apprend que l'annee 1932 a marque un tournant dans les
travaux de Parry, qu'a partir de celte annee-Ia, il ne faisait plus confiance qu 'a Murko,

Gesemann et Radloff comme chercheurs ayant enquete sur Ie terrain et que c' est cette
annee-Ia qu'il a choisi la Yougoslavie pour ses investigations , car c'etait alors la region
la plus accessible ou la poesie orale etait encore vivante.Ce texte, qui date de la fin
d ' une phase d' evolution importante pour Lord (fin de la redaction de sa these de docto­
rat), est interessant car Lord s'y definit et y exprime une fois de plus son profond respect
pour l'heritage de Parry et aussi parce qu'il y donne enfin des informations deta,illees sur
Ie manuscrit de Parry. On y apprend que Lord Ie mentionne car il veut parler de Cor Huso,
un chanteur qui a ete Ie maItre d' Avdo Mededovic, mais que Parry n 'a pas rencontre lors
de son voyage, et que c'est ce chanteur-Ia qui lui a inspire Ie titre de son manuscrit:
«AJors que no us nous trouvions dans la region de Dubrovnik, pendant I'hiver 1934-35 ,
Parry a commence a dicter Ie n~cit de ses deux voyages en Yougoslavie, en y inserant
chaque texte suivi de commentaires dans I'ordre chronologique. II ne traita que huit textes
(Ie dernier est inacheve) correspondant ala periode du 5 au 22 juillet 1933 . Ce ne sont
que des notes de terrain, mais non sans importance. Je crois qu'iI avait I'intention de les
completer un jour. Nous avons I' intention de les inserer dans les pages d' introduction du
premier cahier du recueil paru 22 ... »23 Les chercheurs curieux et non informes vont se
demander si Ie materiel de ces notes individuelles de terrain (journal de bord et autres),
d'apres lesquelles Parry dictait son texte, existe bien. Nous nous rejouissons de la nou­
velle de John M. Foley qui affirme que, peu de temps avant sa mort, Lord travaillait a
I'edition complete des notes de terrain de Parry intitulees « Cor Huso ». Et enfin, dans cet
ouvrage, Lord a expose comment avait ete planifiee la publication du Recueil de Parry.
Entre 1937 et 1953, A.B. Lord travaille au premier et au deuxieme tome du Recueil
de Parry, et les prepare pour les faire publier. lis paraissent sous Ie titre original de
« Serbocroatian Heroic Songs », a savoir: Les chants heroi'ques serbo-croates. Parry a
toujours employe Ie syngtame « poesie des Slaves du Sud » et parIait des chants musul­
mans et bosniaques lorsqu'il s ' agissait des chants des Bosniaques. Lord est reste fidele a
cette terminologie, mais comme iI etait professeur de langues et litteratures slaves, et
etant donne que la langue serbo-croate / croato-serbe, teJle qu' on I' appelait officiellement a
cette epoque, est commune a quatre peuples formant les Slaves du Sud, il a egalement
applique ce terme a la tradition des Bosniaques. Ainsi a-t-il evite d'eventuels malenten­
dus avec sa premiere maison d'edition - L ' Academie Serbe des Sciences et des Arts. En
effet, c'etait I' eRoque ou dans la Yougoslavie de I' AVNOJ (1943), les courants civiques
extremistes serbes et croates de l'intelligentsia orientee dictaient la resolution de la
question nationale (et cela dura jusqu'en 1968) et OU il etait interdit aux Bosniaques
d'exprimer librement leur appartenance nationale ; aussi lorsqu'on parlait de leur culture
ou de leur tradition, on employait la qualification serbe et croate, comme a la fin du
XIXe siecle et au debut du XXe.
II faut a ce propos mentionner Ie long chemin qui marque la parution de ces deux pre­
miers livres (editions dans la langue des chanteurs qui avaient execute ces chants / bos­
niaques, comme ces chanteurs eux-memes les appelaient / et en anglais) pour faire com­
prendre aux responsables concernes de notre pays, que les editions critiques sont des ouvrages
inestimables sans lesquels iI est impossible de faire des etudes approfondies sur la cul­
ture traditionnelle, que ces editions sont assez onereuses et exigent beaucoup de temps. 24

22 II aurait fallu traduire par « recueiJ prepare pour J'edition », negligence du traducteur, rem. de
D. ButuroviC.
23 Albert B. Lord, Homer, Peri i Huso. In: Svetozar Koljevic , Ka poetici narodnog pesni stva.

Belgrade 1982, p. 458-466. Dans l'Introduction generale des chants epiques serbo-croates,
Lord dit de cette etude de Parry qu' elle est « inachevee ».
24 Au cours des travaux sur Ie recueil, la « American Council of Learned Societies » et la
« Harvard 's Society of Fellows }) ont pris en charge ies frais de voyage de Nikola Vujnovic, ce

Dans tout ce qui constitue I'ensemble du projet de recherches sur Ie terrain de la tra­
dition epique des Slaves du Sud, ce qui est reste a jamais lie au nom de Parry, ce sont:
l'idee de cette etude, Ie choix du pays et du peuple ainsi que Ie materiel recueilli. Le but
de cette etude, a sa voir la recherche d'un laboratoire vivant de la tradition orale et son
immortalisation (en creant un recueil) - processus que Parry a lui-meme sui vis sur Ie
terrain durant un peu moins de deux ans - est reste a jamais une idee originale de Parry
et sa contribution a la science. C'est ce que Lord a confirme, prouve dans I'Introduction
Generale de I' edition du premier et du deuxieme tome du recueil.
Ce recueil unique de poesie epique chantee par quatre chanteurs albanais qui chan­
taient des chants bosniaques, tandis que Ie cinquieme est un Bosniaque (un Herzego­
vinien originaire de Nevesinje) n'a pas encore ete l'objet d'investigations, de meme que
I' heritage complet de Parry - en tant qu ' heritage traditonnel des groupes ethniques qui
l'ont sauvegarde, transmis et lui ont confere les structures poetiques dans lesquelles iJ a
ete note. C'est Parry, son initiateur, et lui seul, qui a influence Ie choix de ses collabora­
teurs et determine Ie mode de consignation et bien d'autres circonstances d'une impor­
tance indubitable pour que ce recueil voie Ie jour.
Autant que no us sachions, Albert Lord a joue un role important dans Ie choix et la
redaction des textes devant etre publies. L'idee de commencer par les textes des chan­
teurs qui depeignent l'atmosphere multiethnique et multiculturelle du Sandzak est ex­
cellente. Ces chants sont, de ce point de vue, des joyaux de la tradition et pas seulement
par ce que Parry et Lord pensaient leur faire illustrer.
Lord considere que, lors de l'etude de la poesie epique orale, il est necessaire de
commencer par les chants d'lun chanteur avant de passer a ceux d'autres chanteurs dans
un domaine choisi. II applique la meme methode lors de la publication des chants. II cite
six centres OU ont ete recueillis les chants (Novi Pazar, Bijelo Polje, Kolasin , Gacko,
Stolac, Bihac et Ja Macedoine comme region particuliere).
La publication des Iivres a commence par Ie materiel de Novi Pazar, car l'enregistre­
ment au microphone avait donne de bons resultats, bien que Lord ne considere pas que
ce soit Ie meilleur materiel du recueil. 25
Sa these de doctorat terminee, Lord entreprend un travail de recherche scientifique
auquel ne s'adonnent que des chercheurs exceptionnels - il s'agit pour lui de verifier et
d'approfondir tout ce qu'il a deja fait et ecrit, de ramener sur un meme plan, dans la me­
sure OU cela s'avere possible dans la sphere de I'anthropologie Iitteraire, I'examen et la
confrontation de ses propres theses et de celles qu'iJ a adoptees, pour atteindre un degre
lui permettant de formuler une nouvelle theorie, la th€orie de I'oralite ou theorie de la
creation orale «<the Oral Theory to verbal art »), qui, en tant que telle, est de plus en
plus adoptee dans la terminologie scientifique.
Apres avoir pris en consideration les idees des collecteurs de la tradition en qui il
avait Ie plus confiance (Parry, Radloff et Murko), Lord fut persuade que, en depit de
leur valeur inestimable, les tres nombreux recueils etablis par des collecteurs anterieurs,
ne pouvaient perrnettre de penetrer I'essence de la tradition orale, son fonctionnement et
sa vie. Lorsqu'on etudie les traditions epiques orales, il est necessaire d'aller les verifier

qui lui a permis de se rendre et de sejoumer a Harvard pour y transcrire la plupart des textes
enregistres sur disques. L' aide financiere offerte par Ie «Milton Fund and Clarke Bequest» a
permis a Lord et a ses collaborateurs de reproduire en 1937, 500 disques que Lord a apportes
en Yougoslavie, a Dubrovnik, pour en faire faire la transcription. C'est Ie «Sheldon TravelJing
Fellowship Fund » qui I' a aide a realiser ce voyage. Et, pour finir, en 1949 et en 1950, Ie
« Milton Fund » a permis a M. Ruzitic d'effectuer la verification et I'accentuation des textes
en version originale.
25 Nous don nons un court texte du recueil de Parry 11 la fin de cette etude.

dans les regions epiques, tant qu'eHes sont encore vivantes. C'est pourquoi , alors qu'it
travaillait sur les premiers recueils (qui parai'tront en 1953 et 1954), Lord decida de
poursuivre son travail de terrain et des 1950/51, il vient en Yougoslavie dans Ie but
precis de retrouver les chanteurs avec qui Parry avait travaiHe bien des annees aupara­
vant. Les resultats de ce travail de terrain, Lord ne les a pas appliques seulement pour
creer Ie profil du recuei1 et ses textes d'accompagnement, mais aussi a son travail de
chercheur dans son integralite, pour examiner les autres poesies epiques, alors qu'il tra­
vaillait a son livre « The Singer afTales ».•
Parmi les vieux chanteurs qui avaient chante pour Parry, Lord retrouva en 1950 et en
195 I Sulejman Fortic et Dzemal Zogie, qui chanterent aussi pour lui en s' accompagnant
ala guzla. Quant a Alija Fjuljanin, qui habita-it assez loin de Novi Pazar, Lord ne put Ie
rencontrer, tandis que Salih Ugljanin et Sulejman Makie etaient, a cette epoque, deja
decedes. Ces voyages ont permis a Lord d'enrichir la collection de Harvard de chants
que lui avaient chantes cinq nouveaux chanteurs musulmans et un Montenegrin
(chretien). Les chanteurs musulmans sont Murselj Mulie, un tonnelier illettre de Mitrov,
un village situe non loin de Tutin, dans Ie canton de Stava. II appartient a la meme ecole
de tradition que les chanteurs de Parry. C'est Salih Ugljanin qui lui avait appris certains
chants ainsi que les deux versions que Milos Velimirovie, l' assistant de Lord et son ac­
compagnateur, a notees. Il en est de me me du deuxieme chanteur de Lord, Mustafa Re­
bronja, age de 64 ans, illettre, marchand d'occasions, originaire de Novi Pazar. II avait
autrefois chante en s'accompagnant a la guzla, dans les cafes, pendant Ie Ramadan . II est
lui-meme issu d'une farnille de chanteurs et lui aussi avait appris certains chants de
Salih U gljanin. Lord et son assistant ont enregistre quelques-uns de ses chants.
Les autres chanteurs de Lord etaient des personnes plus jeunes et lettrees: Ramo
Babic, meunier a Novi Pazar, age de 46 ans, originaire de Gluhavica un village du can­
ton de Stava (il tenait ses chants de personnes agees et il en avait aussi appris dans un
recueil de chansons) ; Murat Kurtagic, 36 ans, originaire de Rasno, un village du canton
de Sjenica (il avait appris ses chants aupres de vieux chanteurs et dans des recueils de
chants). Lord Ie considere comrne un bon chanteur. Quant au cinquieme chanteur
musulman, Batijar Okovie, i) avait lui aussi appris ses chants dans un recueil. II vena it
de la region de Tutin. II connaissait Alija Fjuljanin.
Lord qui etait deja venu a Bijelo Polje avec Parry en 1935, alors qu'il etait encore etu­
diant, y revient en 1950-51 et considere ce deuxieme sejour comrne un privilege. II y retr­
ouva Avdo qui , quoiqu'en mauvaise sante, etait toujours pret a chanter et a declamer des
chants epiques. Lord enregistra alors sur un appareil a fils, les textes des chants qu' Avdo
lui chanta en partie ou lui declama. II s'agit des chants suivants: « Osmanbeg Delibego­
viC et Pavi~evic Luka» (23,24,26 mai 1950,6 119 vers) ; « Le Mariage de Meho, fils
de Smail» (23 mai 1950,8488 vers) ; «Beeiragic Meho» (16 aoGt 1951, 3 561 vers).
Avdo Mededovic, chanteur, detenteur de la Tradition, transmetteur de chants oraux
traditionnels, doue d'un talent createur exceptionnel, decouvert par Parry - decouverte
du siecle -, a inspire toute I'oeuvre de Lord. Alors qu'il preparait la traduction de son
celebre chant sur Ie mariage de Smailagic Meho, Lord ecrivit une nouvelle version d'un
chapitre de son livre « The Singer of Tales» et Ie fit publier. En 1956, iI redigea aussi
une etude consacree a Avdo Mededovic, joueur de guzla?6 Lord estime qu' Avdo est un
joueur de guzla doue de telles qualites qui font de lui Ie dernier des grands joueurs de
guzla de la Tradition des chants narratifs oraux des Slaves des Balkans.
Comrne Ie fait remarquer Lord, de nombreux details de la vie d'Avdo (comrne Ie fait
que son pere ne I' a pas reconnu a son retour de la guerre, ou bien son mariage avec une
jeune fille dont il avait seulement entendu parler mais qu'i) n'avait jamais vue aupara­

26 Albert B. Lord, Avd~ Mededovic, Guslar. Journal of American Folklore 69, 1956, p. 320-330

vant) rappellent la vie des heros dont il chante les exploits dans ses chants et prouvent
qu' Avdo Mededovic vivait dans cette Tradition . Mededovic avait ses maltres, parmi
lesquels se trouvent son pere qui avait appris des chants de Cor Huso, I'un des plus
grands chantres de la Tradition du SandZak et des milieux musulmans du Montenegro.
Lord pense que Cor Huso a eu une influence sur la technique d'execution d'Avdo,
laquelle est caracterisee par Ie gout de I' ornementation, la richesse des descriptions et
I'art d'utiliser la presentation retrospective des evenements et de I'action. En general,
I' ornementation et Ie «flash back» constituent la base de la longueur des chants
d'Avdo. II faut reconnaltre que c'est Avdo Mededovic qui a communique les chants les
plus longs de la tradition bosniaque, de celie des Slaves du Sud et des Balkans. Lor­
squ'en 1950 Avdo narra Ie chant sur Smailagic Meho, il etait age de 85 ans et la version
du chant qu'il communiqua etait considerablement abregee (8 488 vers) . Cependant,
Lord considere qu'il s'agit la d'une excellente performance. Ce qui a ete abrege, ce sont
avant tout les descriptions et on observe aussi quelques modifications apportees aux
roles de certains personnages mineurs, ce qui, tout compte fait, selon Lord, montre
I' importance de la performance en tant que telle.
Avdo Mededovic a ete la decouverte du concept du chanteur epique dans I'oeuvre de
Lord et dans celle de Parry ; c'est lui qui a montre la portee du chanteur epique de
I' antiquite a la seconde moitie du XX e siecle. C'est Ie chanteur Ie plus souvent men­
tionne dans Ie livre de Lord « The Singer of Tales » et dans tous ses autres travaux. II
etait, pour ainsi dire, un chanteur de chants oraux traditionnels hors de pair. II possedait
les deux qualites fondamentales qui, selon la norme etablie en poesie orale par Lord, Ie
predestinaient a etre un transmetteur de la poesie epique orale traditionnelle: il etait il­
leure et il etait anime par I'ardent desir d'apprendre les chants qu'iI entendait. II compo­
sait en suivant les regles de I' art poetique oral, il maltrisait les formes multiples et la
thematique de I'heritage traditionnel oral. Sa maturite justifiait la place que Lord lui a
accordee - celie de meilleur chantre apres Homere. L 'exemple d ' Avdo etaie la these de
Lord selon laquelle Ie talent d ' un specialiste de la poesie traditionnelle orale est
inseparable de I'art, de I'habilete, du savoir et peut-etre du savoir-faire. Toutes ces car­
acteristiques permettaient a Avdo de reprendre et d'executer a sa maniere un chant qu ' il
vena it d ' entendre. Le chanteur , Ie chanteur createur, tel qu' etait A vdo, recree Ie chant de
la Tradition, en edifiant un certain pilier dans la structure de son chant. Comme d ' autres
chanteurs de talent (Tesan Podrugovic, Mehmed Kolakovic, Becir Islamovi6, mon
chanteur - Orner Zagorac) , Avdo avait toujours, pendant qu' iI executait un chant,
d'autres sources que celie qui etait sa derniere incitation, Ie desir de communiquer. Cette
originalite est geniale, mais elle reste, eUe est, dans la sphere de la poetique de la poesle
traditionnelle orale, incomparable a celie de la Iitterature artistique. Comrne I' a dit Lord ,
ni Avdo, ni aucun veritable transmetteur de chants oraux traditionnels n'a jamais
completement recree la trame d'un recit. Ce qui, a premiere vue, passait pour un
exploit incroyable de la part d' Avdo dans la transmission et dans la communication orales
de la tradition n'etait que Ie fruit d'une longue experience dans la construction du theme et
d'une technique heritee de nombreuses generations de chanteurs I'ayant precede?;
A I'issue de ses analyses comparatives, Lord soul igne que les differences apparais­
sant dans I'exposition du theme auxiliaire proviennent de la diversite des chanteurs, dans
la meme mesure et aussi vraisemblablement que les differences qualitatives spectacu­
laires observees dans la longueur du developpement et I' exhaustion du theme 28 De par
toutes ses caracteristiques deja citees, Avdo Mededovic a ete pour Lord et auparavant

27 Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts
1960, Part I: The theory, p. 81.
28 Ibid., p. 93

pour Parry un extraordinaire instrument qui leur a permis d'evaluer tous les aspects de la
Tradition, en particulier ceux de la tradition orale et traditionnelle. Ses chants montrent
que, des qu'un chanteur a atteint sa maturite, il determine les traits generaux de ce qu'on
appelle les moyens techniques qui lui servent dans la composition orale; a vrai dire ­
selon mon avis , qui se fonde sur rna propre experience de terrain - if etablit un rapport
stable envers la Tradition. A vdo Mededovic est une source sOre sur laquelle on peut
s ' appuyer pour parler des conformites aux lois regissant I'art poetique traditionnel oral.
Pour Lord aussi, il est important lorsque, dans son livre « The Singer of Tales », il ex­
amine la question particulierement interessante des chants et de ce chant-Iii. Ainsi, pour
Lord, Ie chant sur Ie mariage de Smailagic Meho est, selon une certaine fa<;on de Ie con­
cevoir, I'idee genera Ie de l'histoire et, en fait, il renferme tous les chants sur Smailagic
Meho, toutes ses interpretations. L'autre conception est celle qui se rapporte a
I'execution particuliere ou au texte du chant tel que Mededovic I'a dicte enjuillet 1935.
Grace au fonds de chants traditionnels oraux dont if disposait, A vdo Mededovic offre
une reponse a la question suivante: quelles sont les categories qui Ie distinguent des au­
tres et determinent sa place au pres du grand maitre Homere dans toule I'histoire de la
poesie epique des Slaves du Sud? Ces categories ne sont autres que Ie degre et la
qua lite de J'elargissement dans I'execution et, en d'autres termes, dans la composition
ou, enfin, dans I' assemblage des chants. Derriere ces deux categories on trouve Jes car­
acteristiques du traditionnel determinees par la qualite etla stratification des possibilites
de memorisation et meme par la fa<;on mythique de penser et de percevoir les possi­
bilites humaines en matiere de connaissance et de sentiment.

Fig. 2 - Avdo Mededovic, chanteur de Milman Parry (tire du livre: Zenidba Smajlagina Sina.
Narrateur Avdo Mededovic. Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs. Collected by Malman Parry Volume
four. Edited by David E. Bynum with Albert B. Lord. Cambridge 1974)

Ainsi cet homme de talent, memoire vivante et transmetteur de la poesie orale et

traditionnelle, apparalt comme un personnage dont la «creation» orale reste delerminee
par « I'experience de la tradition », et c'est une regie qui ne lui permet pas de faire
preuve de trop d'individualisme. Cependant, toutes ces capacites de poete de talent qui a
pense toute sa vie d'une maniere poetique, lui permettaient aussi de transgresser, a son
gre, cette me me forme poetique qu'il etait a me me d'adapter a chacune de ses pensees.

Lord est Ie pere de la theorie de la poesie epique orale, du recit des chanteurs ; il y a
investi non seulement son travail de recherche mais aussi celui de Parry, qui s'etait
forme et elabore au cours de ses deux annees de recherches sur Ie terrain. Dans son livre
« The Singer of Tales », Lord a expose la premiere synthese concernant la vie, la genese
et les caracteristiques de la poesie epique orale, et il y a donne de nouvelles in­
terpretations des \ignes directrices essentielles de la litterature orale. Les principes de la
composition orale, deja observes par Parry, il les a approfondis et precises. Dans une
breve preface, il a determine, d'une maniere judicieuse et modeste, Ie but essen tiel de
ses recherches: se concentrer sur un seul aspect de I' art des chanteurs, celui qui va nous
permettre de comprendre comment ils composent, apprennent et transmettent les chants
epiques . Ce livre devrait nous mener a la connaissance de la poesie narrative orale dans
les processus de sa genese, eclairer la technique de la poesis, ce pour quoi les
specialistes montraient un vif interet dans les annees cinquante. Ce livre est a la fois une
analyse et une synthese, un ouvrage theorique et d ' application. Dans sa Preface, ecrite
apres que Ie comite de lecture a eu emis un avis favorable, donc lorsque Ie livre etait
pret 11 etre publie, Lord a eprouve Ie besoin de faire une fois de plus Ie rapprochement
entre Homere, Ie premier de tous les chantres, et celui qui se rapproche Ie plus de lui,
Avdo Mededovic de Bijelo Polje, de preciser que Ie livre qu'il avait ecrit etait bien un
livre sur Homere (The Singer of Tales) mais aussi sur celui qui se rapproche Ie plus de
lui - Avdo Mededovic 29 Lord ne I'a pas dit directement, mais en ces termes: «II est
notre « Singer of Tales » balkanique contemporain ».
Grace 11 Parry, au materiel destine a resoudre les probJemes poses - Ie recueil de
textes des Slaves du Sud, enregistres sur disques phonographiques et notes dans des
manuscrits - , on a garde une trace des experiences effectuees dans Ie laboratoire de « la
tradition epique vivante des Yougoslaves ». Ainsi, c'est sur la poesie grecque et sur la
poesie (en general musulmane) des Slaves du Sud que Lord a elabore sa theorie sur la
poesie orale.
Dans la premiere partie de son livre « The Singer of Tales » - qui rassemble six
chapitres coherents (Introduction, Execution et formation, Formule, Theme, Les chants
et ce chant-la, Ecriture et tradition orale - accompagnes de notes) sous un titre commun
« Theorie", c'est avec une creativite et une habilete exceptionnelles et I'a maltrise d'un
theoricien et analyste qu' A. B. Lord expose les principes de la theorie orale et fait la
demonstration complete de I'existence d 'une poetique particuliere - la poetique de la
litterature orale. Ce qui fait de cet ouvrage Ie premier ouvrage de notre temps consacre 11
la theorie de la litterature orale . D'autre part, il confirme que c'est bien « Ie mode de vie
d'un peuple qui fait naltre une poesie d'un genre determine et d'une portee donn ee". II
s'agit de la poesie epique orale des Bosniaques qu'il appelle en general dans ses
travaux: poesie des Slaves du Sud musulmans. C'est pourquoi c'est aussi la meilleure
etude de notre epoque sur la poesie epique bosniaque: et 11 ce propos il faut comprendre
que par la profondeur de la prise en consideration du probleme de son essence, eJle nous
permet d'avoir une nouvelle perception de toute la substance et de toute la pro­
blematique de la poesie epique bosniaque . Dans les quelques premiers chapitres du pre­
mier livre, Lord a donne une formulation detaillee de la definition du chant epique oral.
D'apres lui, Ie chant epique oral est une poesie narrative composee d'une maniere que
des chanteurs de recits qui ne savaient meme pas lire, ont elaboree et developpee de
generations en generations. Cette maniere consiste 11 composer des vers metriques et des
hemistiches en utilisant des formules et des expressions formuliques et 11 construire des
chants en se servant d'un theme. D'apres Lord, chaque performance est un nouveau
chant, car elle porte Ie sceau de son poete - chanteur, bien que Ie chanteur ait, 11 vrai

29 Ibid ., p. 131.

dire, appris ce chant d 'un autre chanteur ; mais le public considere que ce chant est Ie
sien et I' accepte comme tel. Le chanteur de n~cits est it la fois la tradition meme et un
createur individuel, dit Lord. En exposant cette these, il estime necessaire de mettre en
relief dans une note que, dans son livre, il ne cesse de souligner Ie role createur et dy­
namique de chaque executant, dans Ie but de neutraliser I' impression que I'on pourrait
se faire, en certains endroits de ses exposes, que Ie poete oral n'est qu'un transmetteur.
Je pense que ce n'est une impression que pour Lord; bien sur, Lord ne s'est pas
suffisamment arrete it Cor Huso pour analyser 1a notion de maitre. C' est aux futurs cher­
cheurs qu'il reviendra d'examiner la part du maitre dans le fonds epique et sa contribu­
tion dans Ie genie createur de ses disciples inspires. Les chanteurs sont, bien sur, des
transmetteurs oraux et, selon la determination tMorique de Lord, ils composent pendant
l'execution orale. Et c'est cette technique particuliere de composition qui permet une
composition rapide pendant l'execution. 3D Lord cite deux points communs qui car­
acterisent tous les chanteurs de chants oraux: ce sont leur manque d' instruction et Ie
desir de devenir des chanteurs de poesie epique emerites. Selon Lord, c'est son manque
d' instruction qui a empeche Ie chanteur de devenir un automate. Les formules (( groupes
de mots qui sont regulierement employes dans des contextes metriques identiques afin
d ' exprimer une idee essentielle donnee ») sont des unites fondamentales permettant de
produire des oeuvres de poesie orale. L'idee fondamentale de la formule, composee
d'un nom et d'une epithete, reside dans Ie nom. Les chanteurs apprennent les formules
de leurs maltres, des chanteurs qu ' ils ont ecoutes et ainsi de generations en generations.
C'est pourquoi, selon Lord , il est impossible d'etablir qui a imagine telle ou telle for­
mule. Mes recherches sur les chants epiques bosniaques, basees sur J' histoire de leur
notation et sur leur comparaison suivant la chronologie de leur notation, nous permettent
de faire des conjectures sur les cercles de transmetteurs selon les regions, les groupes
traditionnels restreints et autres. Mais, en tout cas, Lord a raison lorsqu'il constate que la
plupart d'entre elles font partie de la tradition commune?1
Ce qui determine Ie repertoire des formules connues par un chanteur, c'est sa con­
naissance des themes. Le nombre de formules est proportionnel au nombre de themes.
Lord a etabli qu'un chanteur emploie des phrases, des expressions figees parce qu'el­
Jes lui sont utiles et qu'elles repondent it ses besoins d'exprimer, de montrer, quelque
chose; mais elles ne sont pas inviolables. Leur existence, affirme Lord, tient it leur
utilite et non au fait que Ie chanteur estime qu'il ne peut ou ne doit pas les modifier.
D'ailleurs, elles peuvent etre adaptees. II faut bien comprendre, souligne Lord, que la
formule ne limite pas Ie chanteur lorsqu'il compose ses verso La technique formulique
s'est developpee pour lui etre utile dans son art et non pour Ie gener. 32 La grammaire
poetique de la poesie epique orale est et doit etre fondee sur la formule. C' est une
grammaire de parataxe et de phrases utiles et frequemment employees. 33 Lord tient pour
vraisemblable que les stades ulterieurs de la formule n'ont pu se developper avant
qu ' elle ne flit devenue un moyen de composition, bien qu ' eUe n'ait jamais ete que ceJa.
« Ses symboles, ses sons et ses formulaires ont ete con<;:us pour creer un effet magique et
non pour des raisons esthetiques ... Le poete etait un magicien et un prophete avant de
devenir un artiste ... Les racines du recit oral traditionnel ne sont pas des racines artis­
tiques , mais des racines religieuses au sens Je plus large du terme »?4 Selon Lord, les

30 Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, Foreword, p. 17.

31 Albert B. Lord, Ibid., Part I, p. 49.

32 Cite d'appres: Albert B. Lord, Formula (Traduit par Orner Hadziselirnovic), Zivot, an nee

XXX, Sarajevo , 1981 , liv . LIX, N° 2, p. 230).

33 A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, p. 65.
34 Voir remarque N° 32, p. 232.

formules et les groupes de formules servent au but principal, a savoir exposer I' histoire
dans Ie chant et les vers, car Ie recit est la chose essentielle. Cette meme creativite, Lord l'a
montree dans la definition du theme (Ie theme est un groupe defini de pensees, c'est-a-dire
une fusion d'idees), dans la suite des themes mineurs (Minor Themes). Le chapitJe consacre
au theme evoque tres fortement Ie processus d'apprentissage et celui de la communication
du chant narratif oral. Lord dit que Ie theme lui non plus ne possede pas de « forme
nette », ni chez un chanteur donne, ni dans la tradition dans son integralite. Sa forme
varie constamment dans la conscience du chanteur, « car Ie theme est en realite proteifonne, il
a plusieurs formes dans la conscience du chanteur, toutes les formes sous lesquelles il l' a
deja chante », celie de sa derniere performance lui etant la plus fraTche a I'esprit.
Dans Ie chapitre « Les chants et ce c hant-la », Lord a confronte Ie chanteur de la
Tradition et I' histoire, Ie recit, en exposant de la maniere la plus apparente la specificite
de la transmission orale. It interprete I'essence de l'existence du recit (de I' histoire), de
ce que Ie chanteur chante. Pour Ie chanteur, modifier ce recit, cette histoire, serait men­
tir. La maniere meme de narrer, d 'exposer Ie sujet du recit, n'est pas etablie, pas plus
que les parties secondaires du recit, de l'histoire . Lord dit que I' histoire presente dans la
conscience du poete - chanteur, c'est I'histoire presente dans Ie chant. Ainsi, dans ce
chapitre, a-t-il precisement traite la question des variantes. Pour Lord, chaque perform­
ance est a la fois un chant specifique et un chant generique. Lord pose Ie probleme de
I'original du chant epique oral; il considere que l'idee de l'original dans la tradition
orale n'est pas logique. A la question de l'original se rattache celle de l'auteur. Chaque
pe rformance est unique, c'est une creation et non une reproduction; c'est pourquoi Ie
chant execute ne peut avoir un auteur unique. Toutefois, Lord developpe cette idee et la
complete: me me la premiere execution d'un chant ne peut etre appelee « original » de
mem e q ue la premiere personne qui l'a chante ne peut etre consideree comme son
« auteur », a cause de la speciflcite du rapport entre sa performance et toutes celles qui
seront realisees ulterieurement. De ce point de vue, Ie chant n'a pas d'auteur, ou plutot,
il en a une multitude. Par consequent, chaque performance est une creation et, en tant
que telle, elle a son propre « auteur ». Et meme si Lord considere que Ie chant tradition­
nel est, de diverses fa~ons , separe des autres chants, selon lui, il en est en me me temps
inseparable. Les resultats qu'il a obtenus apres avoir compare diverses versions de la
transmission dont la cause etait la sauvegarde de la tradition, sont etonnants, meme pour
Lord . Ce qui les determine, c'est l'h istoire soigneusement conservee et preservee. La
variance et la perennite sont deux elements du processus traditionnel qu' il faut com­
prendre pour comprendre I'essence meme du chant traditionnel oral. De nombre uses
analyses ont toujours conduit a la meme conclusion, a savoir que les manieres variees de
ses nombreuses executions faisaient du chant traditionnel un genre particulier, a part,
mais que, finalement, il etait inseparable des autres chants.
Dans Ie chapitre « Ecriture et tradition orale », Lord consacre son attention sur Ie
moment ou la tradi tion orale est fixee par ecrit, moment qui, quoique d'une importance
essentielle, ne constitue qu ' une phase de la vie de la tradition orale. Le chanteur qui a
dicte son chant en Ie narrant est devenu « I'auteur» de cette execution qui ne refiete
qu'un mome nt de la TRADITION et Ie rend unique. Ainsi Ie texte fixe est un texte cree.
Le protee a ete photograph ie, tel est Ie commentaire de Lord. Ensuite, il parle des
methodes de consignation d'un texte. L'experience de Parry et celIe de Lord ont montre
qu'un texte dicte, meme s'il est note dans Ies meilleures conditions et par les meilleures
« plumes », n' es t jamais, du point de vue de Ia structure de sa versification, identique a
ce meme texte qui aurait ete c hante. Pour Ie chanteur, dicter son cha nt n' est pas queJque
chose de benefique, mais du point de vue de la creation du chant, cela peut contribuer a
la creation des chants les plus beaux et les plus longs. Car ce mode de notation
« proJonge Ia duree de la performance (narration»). C'est Ie cas d'Avdo Mededovic et

de sa fa<;on de dieter son chant. Cette caracteristique qui permet au chanteur d'allonger
son chant et son mode d'execution est, comme dans Ie premier cas, reservee aux meil­
leurs chanteurs, a ceux qui appartiennent a une tradition ric he en themes et chants tradi­
tionnels. Lord continue en examinant Ie probleme de ce qu' il appelle les textes de tran­
sition et considere que de tels textes n'existent pas. Ecrire des chants dans Ie style de la
poesie epique orale est quelque chose de tout a fait different (Kal::i6).
Dans ce chapitre, Lord se relere aux principaux recueils de poesie epique des Slaves
du Sud des aires linguistiques des Serbes, des Croates, des Bosniaques et des
Montenegrins quand il examine deux problemes essentiels: celui de leur influence sur la
tradition et celui de leur caractere determinant en tant que partie de la tradition. Pour ce
qui est des recueils de Vuk et des autres - qui datent tous en general du XIX
siecle -, la majorite des historiens de la litterature considere que I' auteur des chants de
ces recueils est Ie chanteur qui les a dictes. C'est particulierement evident dans Ie cas de
I'etude de la poesie orale des chanteurs de Vuk. C'est par leur «inviolabilite» dans la
societe, parmi les chercheurs, qu'ils ont eu une influence sur la « tradition »,35 car, selon
Lord, surtout dans les milieux chretiens, on les preferait aux chants traditionnels trans­
mis oralement.L' apprentissage par coeur de ces chants a eu aussi une influence sur les
variantes car, dit Lord, les chanteurs se mirent aussi a apprendre par coeur les autres
versions. Matija Murko avait, lui aussi, fait les memes observations. Lord considere que
Ie texte exact (<< correct ») sonne Ie glas du processus de composition orale. 36 C'etaient
surtout les jeunes chanteurs de la population chretienne qui etaient possedes par cette
manie. Lord considere que ce phenomene etait assez rare chez les chanteurs musulmans,
car aucun de leurs recueils n'avait acquis la reputation de ceux de Vuk ou de Njegos,
reputation, selon lui, presque sacree. A propos du deuxieme probleme, selon Lord, dans
les recueils de Vuk, comme dans les recueils de ceux qui collecterent ces chants a
I'instar de Vuk, Ie materiel est, d'une certaine maniere, inegal. Cependant, Lord consid­
ere que ces chants ont ete en majeure partie notes sous la dictee du chanteur et, en depit
de leur redaction ulterieure, ils offrent une image nette de la tradition. II considere que
ce sont des textes oraux pris sous la dictee, mais, selon lui, ces recueils renferment
egalement des chants qui avaient ete ecrits, tels ceux de Kaci6, et que, tout comme ces
derniers, ils ne sont pas representatifs de la tradition orale. Quant aux « autres » chants,
il considere qu'ils ont tous ete crees pour la premiere fois par Ie chanteur lors de leur
dictee ; selon lui, ils sont la consequence de I' insistance du collecteur aupres du chan­
teur, ce qui, d'ailleurs, fut Ie cas des nouveaux chants du celebre chanteur Filip Visnji6.
D'apres Lord, ces chants, ainsi notes, doivent egalement etre consideres comme des chants
epiques oraux, et c'est Ie fait me me de les collecter qui a suscite la creation de ces
nouveaux chants. Dans ces nouveaux chants, on per<;oit, selon Lord, un chauvinisme
quotidien qui puise son origine hors de la Tradition et qui etait incite par des forces poli­
tiques et nationalistes. 37 II est evident que ces caracteristiques, Lord les attribue aux
chants ayant une thematique du XIX e siecle. Quant aux recueils de chants bosniaques,
recueillis par Kosta Hormann et Luka Marjanovi6, Lord en parle encore moins. II pense
que les cahiers de Hormann sont exceptionnels et que I'apparition des chants «musul­
mans» dans la tradition est un phenomene interessant, bien qu'elle ait, d'autre part, donne
lieu a des interpretations erronees.

35 A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, p. 136.

36 The set, « correct» text had arrived and the death knell of the oral process had been sounded. ­
A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, p. 137.
37 Nationalism was rife and the chauvinism of the day, a chauvinism not inherent in the tradition
itself but fostered by nationalistic and political forces outside the tradition, was unfortunately
mirrored in the songs. - Ibid., p. 136.

Anime par l'experience offerte par les chants epiques des Slaves du Sud (surtout les
chants musulmans de la tradition bosniaque) et par leurs chanteurs dont certains sont,
selon Lord, de veritables artistes, et enrichi par ses connaissances sur les lois regissant la
creation et la transmission des chants epiques oraux, connaissances completees par cer­
tains elements caracteristiques du « laboratoire de poesie epique yougos\ave », qui per­
mettent la transmission orale (formules et themes), dans la seconde partie de son ou­
vrage, Lord se tourne vers les chants se trouvant dans les precieux manuscrits herites du
passe 38 Lord y a repere les traces de la composition oraleet en Homere, un chantre­
poete, Ie meilleur de tous les chantres, conune l'avaient declare ses contemporains. Ces
chants confirment les hautes va leurs litteraires de la forme orale, prouvent que la tradi­
tion orale est aussi litteraire que la tradition litteraire elle-meme. En effet, lorsque les
techniques ecrites entrerent en scene, les formes artistiques existaient depuis longtemps
et etaient deja fort developpees et anciennes. 39 Des etudes comparatives de cette
problematique ont conduit Lord a la conclusion que Ie createur des chants d'Homere
etait un poete oral. Les preuves se trouvent dans les chants eux-memes, dans les car­
acteristiques de la technique formulique et de leur structure thematique. Lord considere
que les analyses de Parry offraient une reponse a la question des caracteristiques de la
technique formulique. 4o Des analyses completes permettent de conclure que les tech­
niques formuliques sont, du point de vue generique, identiques dans la poesie grecque et
dans celle des Slaves du Sud et qu'elles agissent selon les memes principes, ce que Lord
considere comme la preuve, la plus sure jusqu'alors, qu'il s'agit d'un mode de composi­
tion oral, preuve suffisante pour conc1ure que les chants d'Homere sont des compositions
orales. Ensuite Lord cite des similitudes d'enjambements dans l'un conune dans l'autre
cas. Les analyses des structures thematiques se sont egalement revelees des manieres
sures ayant permis de verifier que la genese des chants etait un phenomene oral. Lord
souligne egalement ['histoire et la magnifique ganune d'ornements que maltrise Homere
en tant que chanteur oral de talent et que son effet reside dans la superiorite avec laquel­
Ie Ie chanteur maltrise la Tradition et non dans une certaine idee de l'unite structurale
definie a l'avance.
Lord considere les chants d'Homere conune des textes oraux notes sous la dictee. II
considere qu'Homere est l'un des plus grands chantres de son epoque et qu'il y a eu des
chanteurs avant et apres lui. Avant d'etre notes, ['lliade et ['Odyssee eurent une longue
histoire. On peut supposer que leur premiere execution chantee n'avait pas Ie caractere
raffine des interpretations d ,Homere et ne presentaient de similitudes avec les textes
d'Homere que dans ['histoire fondamentale. Les chants generiques et nombre de ces
themes etaient deja formes et existaient dans la tradition grecque bien avant d'etre ap­
pliques a Achille et a Ulysse, dit Lord. II met en evidence les difficultes rencontrees par
les specialistes des poemes epiques d'Homere, etant donne que leurs investigations ne
pouvaient s'effectuer que hors du cours naturel de la tradition d'ou ils emanaient.
Cependant Lord considere qu' Hesiode, Les fragments cycliques, Dares et Dikis, peuvent
servir a identifier Ie materiel thematique qui avait cours dans la tradition orale a
l'epoque d'Homere. Lord pense que c'est en faisant des observations paralleles du

38 La deuxieme partie de ce livre se compose de: sept chapitres cons acres a Homere (Homer), Ie
huitieme it l'Odyssee (Odiseja), Ie neuvieme it l'Iliade (/lijada), Ie dixieme it la poesie epique
medievafe (Neke bilje§ke 0 srednjovjekovnoj epic;), puis suivent des exemples: complement I,
II, III, IV, V, VI et enfin les NOles et l'Index.
39 A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, p. 141. Traduit par Slobodanka Glisi6 (Pevac prica, 2, Pri­
mena, Belgrade 1990) p. 8.
40 M. Parry: « Studies in the Epic Technique of Oral Verse - Making 1: Homer and Homeric
Style », Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 41: a partir de la p. 118 11930 I.

materiel thematique qu'offre l'Odyssee, puis de celui du drame grec et de ce qu'offrent

les poetes et enfin de celui qu'offrait Ie materiel yougoslave specialement etudie, que
l'on peut analyser les parangons historiques des chants d'Homere. Dans Ie cadre de ce
systeme d'analyses , les similitudes que I'on peut observer avec la poesie epique
medievale sont importantes. Car ce qui presente un interet particulier pour Lord, c'est Ie
modele fondamental et « Ie detail invente » . Dans des analyses exhaustives d'exemples
qui eclairent la tradition orale de I' epoque d 'Homere, ou plus precisement ses paran­
gons, se trouvent egalement ceux de la poesie epique yougoslave, plus precisement ceux
de la poesie epique bosniaque. L' analyse des chants yougoslaves montre, par exernple,
que Ie fils, a vrai dire, n' est pas Ie personnage principal, essentiel, dans Ie drame du Re­
tour. Lord en conclut que Ie fils n'est un element indispensable que dans Ie type de re­
tour pro pre a Agamemnon . Dans cette epopee, plusieurs parangons se confrontent en
de nombreux points de la narration, et chacun contribue a sa maniere, a nous faire con­
naitre l'histoire.43 De meme qu'il a existe des formes d'histoire dans lesquelles Homere
n'entend pas parler des pretend ants aux Enfers (Hades), il est aussi probable qu ' il existe
des versions du retour OU tout allait bien a la maison et ou aucun pretend ant n' avait im­
portune sa femme, ce que montre vraisemblablement Ie recit d' Anticlee. A vrai dire, de
telIes versions existent dans la tradition epique musulmane des Slaves du Sud et Lord les
presente dans l'Annexe III, ou elles portent I'indication Parry I 920 et 6229. Nous sou­
lignons I' idee de Lord qui constitue une synthese extraordinaire de ses investigations et
qui est developpee dans ces deux chapitres: la connaissance d'autres formes multiples
traditionnelles dans I'atmosphere dense de la litterature orale aide a expliquer la struc­
ture et les « desaccords » de chaque forme multiple donnee. De me me que chaque recit
particulier sur Ie retour, traite dans I' Annexe III, doit etre considere par rapport aux au­
tres recits qu ' il renferme et qui gravitent autour de lui, de me me celui qui lit l'Odyssee
doit avoir a I' esprit les formes multiples presentes dans sa structure propre. Evidem

ment, Lord corrobore ces theses par des exemples et des paralleles interessants.
Dans l'analyse de l'lliade, dont I'histoire est liee a la Guerre de Troie, Lord consid­
ere que la duree de la guerre de Troie - qui est un fait historique - est un element qui a
attire Ie theme de I'enlevement de lajeune epouse dans I'histoire. Lord nous renvoie, en
expert qu'il est, a I'arriere-plan de la riche poesie epique orale a laquelle appartient
I' fliade dans l'interpretation d'Homere, et nous montre que dans I' Ilia de comme dans
l 'Odyssee, la maniere dont Homere mene l'action et les recits des evenements, en utili­
sant ce qu'on appelle des «detournements », correspond 11 sa puissante maitrise du
materiel appartenant 11 I'histoire. Aussi ce materiel et son agencement dans Ie chant
d'Homere ont-ils une importance dans l'ample recit sur la guerre et dans 1e recit sur
I'absence d ' Achille, a vrai dire une importance essen tie lIe qui fait Ie succes du chant
epique et qui mene a une forme multiple d'une forme concentree determinee.
Dans Ie chapitre consacre 11 la poesie epique medievale , Lord presente les grandes
lignes des recherches du caractere oral des epopees medievales et leurs resultats even­
tuels. Ce qui retient son attention, ce sont I'epopee ancienne anglo-saxonne Beowulf,
ainsi que la Chanson de Roland et l'epopee grecque sur Digenis Acrdas. Lord pense
que, etant donne Ie niveau actuel des recherches sur Ie lai de Beowulf, on peut effec­
tivement considerer qu'il s' agit de la performance d'un chanteur qui a ere notee, la

41 A. B. Lord, The Singer ofTaJes, Part II, The Application, p. 1581159. Traduction de S. Gli~i6, p. 38.

42 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. J61 , Traduction de S. GliSi6, p. 43.

43 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 167. Traduction de S. GliSi6, p. 55.

44 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 169. Traduction de S. GIiSi6, p. 59.

45 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 188. Traduction de S. GJiSi6, p. 92.

46 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 198. Traduction de S. GliSi6, p. 112.


dictee et la consignation ayant sans doute dure plus d'une journee. Lord estime que cer­
tains evenements de cette epopee (I'histoire de la lutte de Beowulf avec Ie dragon, les
aventures marines de Beowulf avec la mere de Grendel) ont peut-etre ete parfois chantes
separement, ce qui ne signifie pas que Beowulf n'est pas un chant unique. Lord trouve la
confirmation de cette these dans la poesie epique des Slaves du Sud. Comme illustration,
dans I' Annexe III, il cite le texte 6 580 de Murat Custovic de Gacko, qui montre comme
il est aise a un chanteur de poursuivre le recit d'un heros ou d'une action extrait
d' evenements qui, dans une interpretation norma Ie, auraient peut-etre marque la fin du
chant: c'est peut-etre ce qui s'est passe lorsque I'epopee de Beowulf a ete dictee

Fi g. 3 - ALbert B. Lord et Avdo Meaedovic dans La cour de La maison

du clwnteu r a Obrovo. ete 1950 (tire du meme livre que La fig. 2)

Quant a la Chanson de Roland, qui, comme Digenis Acritas, a une riche tradition
manuscrite, Lord conc1ut, en se basant sur ses recherches, que c'est un chant a formules 4 8

47 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 200. Traduction de S. GIi~ic, p. 115 .

48 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 203. Traduction de S. Gli~i6, p. 119.

C'est grace aux systemes formuliques qu'il conclut, a vrai dire, que la Chanson de
Roland, tene qu'elle se trouve dans Ie manuscrit d'Oxford, est une composition orale et
que ce sont des copies de ce manuscrit qui sont a l'origine de certains autres manuscrits.
Lord fait remarquer que la necessite mythique et I'attirance thematique reliant les parties
des chants epiques medievaux - il cite alors des exemples typiques tires de Beowulf ­
sont egalement apparentes dans la Chanson de Roland.
Selon les explications de Lord, Ie manuscrit de I'Escorial (datant du xvr siecle) de
l'epopee grecque de Digenis Acritas est vraisemblablement un texte oral, tandis que les
autres copies de ce chant (celie de Grottafferrata du XIV e siecle, celie d' Athenes et celie
de Trebizonde - du xvr c egalement - et la plus recente, celie d ' Ox fo rd - la seule datee
de 1670) ont ete remaniees par des gens instruits. 49 Lord considere qu'il existe suffisam­
ment d'elements permettant de reconstruire Ie noyau de l' histoire, la forme fondamen­
lale de I'epopee sur Digenis Acritas (c'est I'histoire ancienne d'un demi-dieu qui reali se
des miracles dans la population, qui remporte des victoires et sauve des vies, mais qui
porte en lui un element funeste).50 C'est sa trame mythique qui a permis a ce chant epique
de se perpetuer, de durer, et c'est ce que Lord a cons tate par ailleurs dans la poesie epique
bosniaque musulmane et dans la poesie epique des Slaves du Sud en generaL
A la fin de son ouvrage, Lord a eprouve Ie besoin de souligner Ie sens du terme oral
(dans Ie syntagme de composition orale) et de Ie mettre en rapport avec celui de tradi­
tionne!. Dans Ie concept et dans Ie terme traditionnel se trouve a vrai dire la substance
de ce qui se transmet oralement ou plutot, si on utilise les mots de Lord , traditionnel
nous indique quoi, comment et combien. Dans six annexes se trouvant a la fin du livre se
trouve un materiel tire de la poesie epique des Slaves du Sud et surtout de celie des
Bos niaques musulmans - a savoir des exemples qui corroborent la theorie de I' oralite
etablie par Lord.
Dans une serie d'etudes, de debats, de conferences datant des annees cinquante a nos
jours, Lord etudie les types communs a la poesie epique d'Homere et a celie des Slaves
du Sud, ce qui Ie conduit trouver dans la poesie epique des Bosniaques un assez grand
nombre de paralleles aux themes homeriques . De nos jours, grace a Lord, il est clair que
si la poesie orale traditionnelle des Slaves du Sud a conserve la continuite thematique
des chants chantes a I'epoque d ' Homere et meme avant, c'est grace a la structure nar­
rative du chant traditionnel et oral construit sur des formules et des themes A ce
propos, Lord identifie dans la poesie epique des Bosniaques une strate mythique for­
tement pn~sente. La publication des analyses contenues dans les etudes, communications
[aites lors de divers congres et autres , ont permis a Lord d'etablir que la poesie mu­
sulmane a bien conserve et developpe ces elements les plus lies a I' idee d' image
mythique. Lord a etabli que Ie chant Le Mariage de Smailagic Meho developpe I'image
mythique de I'adolescence, de la croissance jusqu'a I'age mOr, et de I'acquisition du pou­
voir par Ie jeune heros. Or dans les Balkans, il n'existe aucune poesie epique chretienne
qui ait developpe ce theme au point OU il I'a ete dans L'e Mariage de Smailagic Meho.
«Les chanteurs epiques et la tradition orale »52 est un ouvrage d' Albert B. Lord
publie I'annee de sa mort, qui prouve, une fois de plus et de far;:on eloquente, I'etendue

49 A. 8. Lord, Ibid . p. 207. Traduction de S. Glisic, p. 127 et suiv.

50 A. B. Lord, Ibid. p. 219. Traduction de S. Glisic, p. 145.

51 A. B. Lord, Homeric Echoes in Bihac. 1 Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje Juznih Slavena, liv.

40, Zagreb 1962, p. 313-320 1 Traduit par Lada Buturovic: I-Iomerovi odjeci u Bihacu, Odjek,
Sarajevo 1-30. septembra 1991. Annee XLIV, N" 15-16, p. 8; Albert B. Lord, The Theme of
the Withdrawn Hero in Serbo-Croatian Oral Epic, Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folk­
lor, 1969, XXXV , 1-2, p. 18-30.
52 Epic Singers and Oral Tradition. Cornell University Press. Ithaca and London 1 19911

de I'oeuvre de ce grand savant. L'expose retrospec tif sur les textes composant cet ou­
vrage, redige par I'auteur lui-meme et se trouvant dans I 'Introduction, est particuliere­
ment interessant. I1montre combien Lord est fidele a. la methodologie de Parry et qu ' il
avait un concept de recherche bien determine et original, largement base sur I'idee de
I' oralite des chanteurs epiques qui ont reuni par leur genie createur Ie gigantesque
espace geographique et temporel de I'heritage tenace de la tradition. Bien qu'ecrits a
cinquante ans de difference et bien qu'il ne se trouve parmi eux que deux textes non
publies auparavant,53 tous ensemble, presentes dans Ie livre par Lord lui-meme, ils
complet~nt la pen see scientifique de I'auteur sur les chants epiques et la tradition orale
et restent pour les generations futures de ceux qui les analyseront, pour les disciples et
les continuateurs de Lord , des textes paralleles au « Singer of Tales ». Ainsi Lord a ete
lui-meme Ie critique de son oeuvre.
La publication partie lie ou dans leur integralite des travaux qui retenaient I'attention
de Lord avant sa mort, sera une grande decouverte pour nous tous . John Miles Foley
nous en a deja. informes. Nous marquons egalement un vif interet pour la suite du livre
«The Singer of Tales » annoncee so us Ie titre « The Singer resumes his Tales » (Le
chanteur reprend son recit) ainsi que pour l'edition complete des notes de terrain de
Parry - « Cor Huso ».


La Collection de Milman Parry represente de nos joursla plus grande collection de

chants epiques oraux des Slaves du Sud recueillis entre 1933 et 1965, et ce sont les
chants epiques musulmans, plus precisement les chants epiques des Bosniaques, qui en
constituent la partie la plus importante. Elle est conservee a. la bibliotheque Widener de
l'Universite de Harvard. Elle se compose de plus de 3 580 enregistrements phono­
graphiques (12 pouces) et de plus de 12500 textes individuels dont 750 sont enregistres. La
majeure partie de cette collection se compose d'epopees (un millier de chants heroYques),55
mais aussi d ' un nombre considerable de poemes Iyriques et de courts recits en vers (en­
viron I I 000, dont 250 sont enregistres). Ce qui est egaJement important dans cette Collec­
tion, ce sont les enregistrements des entretiens avec les chanteurs qui parlent de leur vie et
de leur maniere d'apprendre les chants. En plus des chants epiques des Slaves du Sud, on y
trouve egalement une centaine de chants epiques de chanteurs albanais chretiens et musulmans.
Dans celle collection se trouvent egalement des chants popuJaires - materiel d'archives
accessibles - enregistres dans les annees soixante par Albert B. Lord .et David Bynum en
Yougoslavie (collections de la Matica croate, c'est-a.-dire du materiel conserve au
Departement de la vie el des coutumes populaires de I' Academie croate des Sciences et
des Arts, recueils de poesie populaire conserves dans la Collection ethnographique de
l'Academie serbe des Arts et des Sciences et aux Archives de Serbie).
Certaines transcriptions des chants de la collection de Parry ont ete faites en Yougo­
slavie des 1934-35 par Nikola Vujnovic, lui-meme chanteur originaire d ' Herzegovine ,

5J « Homer as an Oral-Traditional Poet », Livre cite p. 72-103; « The Formulaic Structure of

Introdu ctions to Direct Discourse in Beowulf and Elene », Livre cite, p. 147-169.
54 Dans cette collection , voir: Alber B. Lord : Homer, Peri i Huso - dans Ie Ii vre de Svetozar
Koljevic « Ka poetici narodnog pesnistva », p. 446-464 ; Bela Bartok and Albert B. Lord,
Serbo-Croatian Folk Songs. New York, 1951 ; Albert B. Lord , Opsti uvod ..... p. XV a XXV,
Enes Kujund zic, Muslimanska epika na Harvardu . Odjek, Sarajevo, 1-15, fevrier 1983, N° 3,
annee XXXVI, p. 11-12; Albert B. Lord, Nasljede Milmana Parryja ..... p. 14-16.
55 Lord les appelle des chants narratifs d'aventures, chantes avec un accompagnement ala guzla,
instrument a une seule corde.

Ie principal assistant de Parry sur Ie terrain. Lord , quant a lui , a continue a ve iller sur
cette Collection. En 1937, Lord vient specialement a Dubrov nik, apportant avec lui 500
enregistrements pour que Vujnovi6 les lui transcrive. En 1938, grace a l'aide financiere
du Conseil Americain des Societes savantes, de I' Association des savants et de celle de
l' Univ ersite de Harvard, Vujnovi6 se rend a Harv ard ou il sejourne dix-huit mois
Uusqu'au printemps de 1940) pour y transcrire presque tous les enregistrements. Mais a
cette epoque, les enregistrements en albanais et en turc ainsi que ceux que Vujnovi6 ne
pouvaient comprendre ne furent pas transcrits.
Parallement a la transcription des chants, a la meme epoq ue, on etablit egalemcnl
qu atre index comme documentation d'ac compagnement indispensable a la Collection
(ces index se lrouvent sur des fiches de 3x5 pouces):

I) index principal des textes numerotes ;

2) ind ex principal des tex tes enregistres, numerotes, accompag nes d ' une fiche JD­
diquant leurs ce ntres de collecte ;
3) ind ex des chanteurs avec pour chacun la li sle de tous ses chants notes;
4 ) index des premiers vers de chaque chant , avec Ie numero du texte de chaque ver­
sion , Ie nom du chanteur et Ie lieu ou iJ a ete note.

Au debut, pour enregisLrer Ie materiel des chants populaires, Parry uti1isait un appareiJ, un
« Parlograph » - une sorte de dictaphone a cy lindres de cire. Ce mode d'enregistrement
n'etait guere pratique; aussi les premiers chants de la Collection Parry ont ete notes
sous la dictee. Des 1934, Parry se procura un nouvel appareil a plaques d' aluminium
qu'i! fit faire specialement dans l'Etat du Connecticut (par la firme The Soundy's Com­
pany de Waterbury).
Une importante partie de 1a Collection de Parry a ete publiee. Ce fut d' abord
l'editi on musicologique du materiel qui fit son apparition grace aux efforts conjoints
de Bela Bartok et d ' Albert Lord. En 1951 il s publierent un ouvrage intitule serbo­
-Croatian Folk Songs 56 Ce recueil renfe rme les textes et les transcriptions de 75 des
J I 000 poemes Iyriques rassembles . Une editi on augme ntee de cet ouvrage a ete
publiee en 1978 .57 Les livres qui suivent son t donnes dans l'ordre chronologique de
le ur parution.
Ainsi Ie premier et Ie deuxieme livre se compose nt de chants de chanteurs de Novi
Pazar que nous avons deja cites, de me me que ces deux livres. Ces chants sont sui vis des
entretiens avec les chanteurs (Salih Ug lj an in, Sulejman Forti6, m~emal Zog i6, Sulejman
Maki6 et Alija Fjuljanin). L' un de ces livres (Ie second) est paru en lang ue bosniaque,
nom donne a cette langue par les c hanteurs eux-memes, tandis que l'autre (Ie premier)
est paru en anglais 5 8

56 Bela Bartok and Albert B. Lord , Serbo-Croatian Folk Songs. New York, 195 I.
57 Bela Bartok and Albert B. Lord, Yougoslav Folk Music. Vol. 1: Serbo-Croatian Folk Songs
and Instrumental Pieces from the Milman Parry Collection. Ed. and Prof. B. Su choff. Fore­
word G. Herzeg. Albany: State Uni versity of New York Press, 1978.
58 Srpsko hrvatske junacke pjesme. Coll ectes par Milman Parry. Red action: Albert B. Lord. Livre
second. Novi Pazar. Textes en serbo-croate avec introduction et remarques du redacLeUl' et
preface de A. Belie. Publie par Srpska akademija nauka et Harvard University (SAD). Belgrade
et Cambridge 1953. IV ersion anglaise /: Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs. Collected by Milman
Parry, ed ited and translated by Albert Bates Lord. Volume one. Novi Pazar: English Tt'ansla­
tions with musical transcription by Bela Barlok and prefaces by John H. Finley, Jr. and Roman
Jakobson. Published by The Harv ard University Press and the Serbian Academy of Sci ences.
Cambridge and Belgrade 1954.

Apres la publication de ces chants, les publications de la Collection de Milman Parry

sont classees en trois series. La premiere s'appelle Documentation and Planing Series
et la seconde Texts and Translation Series.
Dans la serie « Texts and Translation» (Textes et Traductions), les ouvrages sui­
vants ont ete jusqu'ici publies:

- Ie premier de la serie (Ie troisieme paru) « Le Mariage de Srnailagie Meho » en

version anglaise. C'est A. B. Lord qui en a assure la traduction, la preface et les
commentaires ;61
- Ie deuxieme de la serie (Ie quatrieme paru) , edition des originaux du meme chant,
preface et notes de D.E. Bynum ;62
Ie quatrieme de la serie (Ie sixieme paru) rap porte la version declamee et la ver­
sion chantee du chant «Le Mariage de Vlahinjie Luka » et Ie texte chante du
chant « Osman-bey Delibegovie et Pavicevie Luka » ; ces deux chants ont ete
declames ou chantes par Avdo Mededovie ; preface et notes de David Bynum ;63
- Ie dou zieme de la serie (Ie quatorzieme paru) est un recueil de chants epiques de
la region de Bihae. Ces chants ont ete collectes a Bihae, Cazin et Kulen-Vakuf
par Parry, Lord et Bynum. C'est D.E. Bynum qui en a assure la redaction et qui a
ecrit la preface et les notes 64 On y trouve les chants suivants: « Le Mariage de
Ograsevie Ala» et« Le Mariage de Orner-bey de Varad », notes par Mujo Velie
a Bihae en 1935 ; «Le ban Rakocijan prend Temisvar », «L' Infortune Zaim Ali­
bey de Glasinac » et « Sila Osman-bey et Pavisie Luka », notes par Murat Zunie,
la meme annee. Les chants «Mustej-bey Licki sauve Ajka la soeur de Cmica
Alija» et « Le Mariage de Vrhovac Alaga» ont ete consignes pour Parry par
Camil Kulenovie de Kulen-Vakuf. Le demier chant de ce recueil « La servitude
de Osman-bey Omerbegovie » execute par Ibrahim Nuhanovie de Cazin, a ete
enregistre par A. Lord et. D. Bynum en 1963.

Sur la partie gauche de la page du titre sont annoncees (Forthcoming) les prochaines
publications des textes et traductions de la Collection de Milman Parry; ce sont:

Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs, Volumes 5 (English translations) and 6 (Serbo-Croa­

tian texts / ce livre est deja paru - note de D. B.) ;
Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs, Volumes 7 (English translations) and 8 (Serbo-Croa­
tian texts) of six epics by Avdo Mededovie.

59 Dans la prerruere serie « Documentation and Planing Series », ont ete publies: II A Bibliogra­
phy of Studies Relating to Parry 's and Lord's Oral Theory, by Edward R . Haymes. First edi­
tion 1973.21 Oral Literature at Harvard since 1856. By David Bynum.
60 Dans la se rie « Monog rafije », les etudes suivantes ont ete publiees : The Daemon in the Wood ,
a Study of Oral Narrative Patterns. By David E. Bynum.
61 Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs. Volume three. The Wedding of Smailagic Meho. Translated
with Introduction and Commentary by Albert B. Lord. With a tran slation of conversation con­
cerning The Singer's Life and Times by David E. Bynum. Harvard University Press. Cam­
bridge, Massachusetts 1974.
62 Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs, Volume four. Zenidba Smailagina sina. Narrateur: Avdo
Mededovic. Edited by David Bynum with Albert B. Lord, Cambridge, Massachussetts 1974.
63 Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs. Zenidba Vlahinjic Alije, Osman beg DeJibegovic i Pavicevic
Luka. Narrateur et chanteur: Avdo Mededovic. Volume six; edited with Prolegomena and
Notes by David E . Bynum. Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press 1980.
64 Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs. Collected by Milman Parry, Albert B. Lord and David Bynum.
Volume fourteen. Region de Bihac: Epics from Bihac, Cazin and Kulen Vakuf. Edited with
Prol egomena and notes by David Bynum. Harvard University Press 1979.

Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs, Volumes 9 (English translations) and \0 (Serbo­

Croatian texts). Four epics by Avdo Mededovic and Mumin VlahovUak.
Serbo-Croatian Heroic Songs, Volumes 11 (English Translations) and 12 (Serbo­
Croatian texts) . Epics by five singer of Bijelo Polje.

« La Collection de Parry » a ete creee d'une maniere scientifique, d'une maniere sa­
vante . L'auteur a d' abord procede a une reconnaissance d' un vaste espace peuple par les
Slaves du Sud, puis il a precise Ie choix des regions qui, a premiere vue, offraient Ie plus
de traditionnel original. Lord assure lui-meme que cette collection est « Ie resultat de la
recherche minutieuse par Parry des meilleurs chanteurs traditionnels qui connaissaient la
tradition sous sa forme nature lie et n'etaient pas sous I' influence des textes imprimes, et
qui etaient les representants d ' une tradition d'une purete conune on pouvait seulement
esperer en trou ver. 65

Traduit par
Marie-Agnes VUJIC

65 A. B. Lord, Nasljede Milmana Parryja, p. 5.

UDK 398.32 (497 .15)




Dans cette etude, j ' ai voulu presenter et tenter d'eclaircir les traditions orales sur
les sanctuaires et objets sacres qui, miraculeusement, se deplar;aient tout seuls ou
« s'envolaient» pour aller d'un endroit a un autre. Cet element narratif fonda­
mental de Ja tradition, connu depuis I' antiquite et utilise depuis longtemps dans la
tradition chn~tienne, s'est trouve conserve jusqu 'a nos jours dans Ie repertoire des
narrateurs , en general dans celui de I'ancienne generation , surtout dans les com­
munautes rurales orthodoxes de Bosnie-Herzegovine. La tradition reflete une
croyance religieuse tres repandue autrefois, dans la puissance miraculeuse de
Dieu et dans la saintete de certaines eglises ou mosquees anciennes et dans celie
d'autres objets du culte qui, comme on Ie croyait, se trouvaient sous la « protection
de la grace divine ».

La foi dans Ie surnaturel et Ie sacre a disparu du quotidien de la vie moderne et, de nos
jours, dans Ja tradition orale des peuples de la Bosnie-Herzegovine, elle fait deja partie
du passe. Cependant, cette foi s'est en quelque sorte perpetuee dans Ies recits des naITa­
teurs appartenant a des generations anciennes, surtout dans les milieux ruraux, car seuls
ceux qui ont la foi peuvent s'abandonner au « doux ravissement des croyances ». Les
traditions orales religieuses et historiques, dans lesquelles est decrit Ie monde des croy­
ances en la puissance divine, monde anachronique et quasi oublie, disparaissent peu a
peu et cedent la place a d'autres OU sont developpes d'autres sujets et une tout autre
thematique . Seuls ceux qui ont une solide connaissance de la tradition, ceux qui ont la
foi et connaissent bien leur heritage culturel savent encore conter les traditions sur les
deplacements miraculeux d'edifices sacres, eglises et mosquees, et meme tombeaux qui
se seraient « envoles » tout seuls, la nuit, pour se rendre d ' un endroit a un autre. Quant
aux autres , its ne peuvent que rester pensifs en les ecoutant raconter ces histoires sur les
saints et les prophetes, sur leurs miracles et sur la grace divine, les accepter comme des
histoires et des representations de ce qui constituaient jadis une partie de la vie, ce a
quoi ['on croyait, une partie de la conscience historique des hommes du passe, une partie
de I'existence humaine d'autrefois.
« ... Dans les ecrits hagiographiques et dans les vies des saints, les phenomenes rele­
vant du surnaturel et du miraculeux etaient la base de la structure des elements narratifs
qui s ' appuyait sur des principes uniques - sur la croyance universelle aux miracles, que
partageaient de la meme maniere aussi bien Jes couches instruites de la societe que
celles qui ne I 'etaient pas, reunies par une ideologie chretienne commune et une vision

universelle du monde. L ' irruption de I'irreel et du sumaturel dans la structure de I'histoire

de la vie, des aventures et des miracles des saints serbes , tel qu'etait par exemple, saint
Simeon (Etienne Nemania), dont la biographie ecrite par ses fils - l' archeveque Sava et
Ie roi Etienne dit « Le-Premier-Couronne » -constitue la base de la Iitterature ecrite ser­
be, a ete indubitablement I'expression d'une croyance aux miracles et, en ce sens, I'af­
firmation de la foi , mas en aucun cas une forme de soi-disant fantastique pur ou Ie mira­
culeux etait une fin en soi . Les miracles de saint Simeon, de meme que les miracles de
nombreux autres saints serbes, sont tres sou vent au service des besoins profanes et me me a
celui des besoins gouvernementaux et belliqueux, ce qui prouve que des I'apparition du
genre fantastique dans la Iitterature serbe on peut deja distinguer deux types de fan­
tastique: Ie fantastique intentionnel et Ie fantastique non intentionnel. Le miraculeux
aussi possede au moins deux caracteristiques: J'elan mystique pur - la vision et la
revelation qui mene a la connaissance de Dieu - et Ie miracle secularise qui fait prendre
au r€cit fantastique une orientation particuliere et qui lui donne un sens moral et une fin
d idactiq ue ... »
C'est justement de la sphere spirituelle d'une telle croyance en la possibilite de la
realite de certaines representations fantastiques que sont nees, grace a la collaboration
active des ecclesiastiques et de certains croyants, et a I' instar de recits anciens datant
d'une periode a1lant du monde antique au moyen age, les traditions orales sur les deplace­
ments miraculeux de certains sanctuaires en Bosnie-Herzegovine. Des ecrits relativement
recents nous en offrent une illustration interessante quoiqu'incomplete.
Des variantes du theme fondamental des traditions orales sur les deplacements mi­
raculeux de sanctuaires ont ete notees dans de nombreux endroits, surtout dans les mi­
lieux ruraux serbes en Bosnie occiede~tale et en Bosnie septentrionale. Ainsi a Imljani ,
aux environs de Skender-Vakuf, on disait que « au lieu-dit Paripovici , en aval du village
de Vujnovic pres d'Irnljani , il existe un pacage public (Hutweide - V .P .) au bord de
I'eau, la ou notre ruisseau, Ie Zmajevac, se jette dans la Kobiljska. Et la se dressait au­
trefois une eglise. Et voila qu'un jour elte s 'est enfuie pour aller sur la colline de
Crkveni . La vieille eglise d ' Irnljani est partie pendant la nuit pour aJler a l'endroit ou
elle se trouve actuellement. »2 Une variante identique a ete notee dans Ie village voisin
de Vlatkovici 3 Dans Ie bourg serbe d'Obudovac, non loin de Gradacac, en Posavina
bosniaque, on a note que la vieille egli se du village avait brGle « parce qu ' elle n' avait
pas reussi a s'€lever et a s'envoler avant I'arrivee des Turcs . Elle avait alors ete profanee
car une femme turque s 'etait baignee dans un coin. » 4 Selon une autre variante , « Ia
vieille eglise d'Obudovac a fui toute seule devant les Turcs et a quitte Slatina pour aller
a Crkvine pres de Sabac, en Serbie. »5 De meme, non loin de la vieille ville de Dobora,
pres de Modrica, il y avait une eglise: «Une nuit, I'eglise descendit toute seule jusqu' a
la Bosna en prenant la route ; puis descendit la riviere jusqu'au village actuel de Crkvine,
pres de Bosanski Samac. EIle s'arreta dans Ie champ d ' un pauvre here. Le lendemain
matin, quand celui-ci arriva pour labourer son champ, il aperc;:ut cette €glise qui se dres­
sait la et it s 'ecria: «Que fais-tu la, miserable? OU vais-je labourer, moi , a present? »
Alors, la nuit suivante, I'eglise se remit en route d ' elle-meme et alla s'installer a Slavon­

1 Palavestra, P. : Odlike srpske fantastike, Srpska fantastika - nadprirodno i nestvarno u srpskoj

knji zevnosti (u daljnjem tekstu : Srpska fantstika), SANU, Naucni skupovi knj. XLIV, Beograd
1989,p. 16.
2 FAZM, XXII-G, N° 10493 ; conteur: Petar Pu~ic, ne en 1871 ; note a Imljani (pres de Skender-
Vakuf) en 1960 par V\ajko Palavestra.
3 FAZM , XXII-G, N° 10510
4 FAZM , X-G, N° 5104
5 FAZM, X-G, N" 5 115

ski Svilaj, de I'autre cote de la Save. Les habitants I'y trouverent, la blanchirent a la
chaux, mais sur la fa~ade ou la Bosna l'avait eclaboussee, on voit toujours une tache
verte persister. »6 Selon la tradition orale notee, au lieu-dit Crkvine « il y avait une eglise
en bois a Cecava, un village pres de Tesanj. En raison des tyrannies que les Turcs
faisaient subir a la population, cela faisait longtemps que Jes pretres ne J'avaient pas
encensee; aussi une nuit eIle disparut dans I'obscurite et n'est jamais reapparue ».7 On
raconte la meme chose a propos de I'eglise en bois de Javorani pres de Banja Luka
« qui , une nuit, s'est deplacee jusqu'a I'endroit ou elle se trouve actuellement. »8 Dans
les environs de Mrkonj ic-Grad , selon un recit connu, «dans Ie village de Gerzovo, il y
avait jadis une eglise, a Mramorje , pres de la maison des Trisic. Les Turcs urinaient sur
ses murs ; alors une nuit, elle est partie toute seule pour aller a Veletovo. Et aujourd'hui ,
il est bien connu que la ou elle est pas see, la terre est plus fertile , l'herbe plus verte et les
recoltes plus abondantes. »9
Parallelement aux recits de deplacements miraculeux de sanctuaires (eglises et
mosquees) et de leur mise hors d'atteinte des mains impures des infideles qui auraient pu
les profaner, en Bosnie-Herzegovine, les n~.cits de deplacements miraculeux d'icones,
d'images pieuses, de saintes statues et autres objets de cuIle sont relativement frequents.
Selon la tradition orale, «a Trnovo, pres de Birce (environs de Vlasenica), se dressait
I'eglise Sainte-Petka. Quand I'eglise a brUle, I'icone de Sainte-Petka s'est enfuie to ute
seule et s'est rMugiee dans Ie grenier de I'aga. Quand celui-ci entra dans son grenier et
vit ('icone, eIle lui dit: «Ne parle de moi a personne, tu seras heureux et tu rempliras
toujours ton grenier avec du froment nouveau avant qu'il ne soit vide ». Mais I'epouse
de I'aga reussit a se procurer la cle du greniet et a y penetrer ; elle remarqua que Ie gre­
nier resplendissait d'une lumiere etrange et s'ecria alors: «Tu caches ici une Valaque I »
Au meme moment l'icone disparut du grenier et pendant un certain temps on ignora ce
qu'elle etait devenue. Un jour, des bergers la retrouverent accrochee a un noisetier, au­
dessus d'une source. Plus tard , cette source sacree, cette eau « benite » suscita la venera­
tion des populations environnantes ».10
Les vieux monuments dont la population n'a garde aucun souvenir, tels que les steles
funeraires de diverses peri odes anciennes - des steles antiques aux croix les plus recen­
tes marquant des tombes moins anciennes - sont parfois I' objet, de traditions orales lo­
cales ou Ie theme principal est un deplacement miraculeux: «Dans la paroisse (Rosko
Polje - V.P.) on raconte encore un recit fabuleux conlant que les Turcs avaient brise une
croix de pierre, mais que des Ie lendemain, cette croix se dressait, entiere ; qu'ils I'avaient
alors transportee dans un autre lieu pour I'eloigner de la mosquee, mais Ie lendemain,
elle etait revenue toute seule et se trouvait a sa place initiale ; et que cela s'etait renou­
vele deux ou trois fois . Cette croix se dresse encore aujourd'hui, toujours au me me en­
droit, dans Ie hameau de Hambar. Elle a ete taill€e de fa~on tres artisanale, sans goGt ar­
tistique, ce n'est qu'une simple croix de pierre. Les habitants I'ont passee plusieurs fois

6 Note par R. Fabijanic - Filipovic, cf. La ville de Dobor dans la t« radition orale, « Glas ko­
muna », Doboj 1962, N° 159-163
7 Filipovic, M.: Ce~ava,« Razvitak », Banja Luka 1939, p. 123-126
8 Momirovic, P.: Drvene crkve zapadne Bosne, « Nase starine » III, Sarajevo 1956, p. 154
9 C'est mon collegue Mirosl av Niskanovic qui m'a communique cette don nee ; je lui en suis
tres reconnaissant. L ' eglise du mont Veletov, a Gerzov, a ete construi te entre 1858 et 1860.
C'est I'eglise de l'Epiphanie; elle a ete consacree Ie 22 juillet 1863 par Ie prelat orthodoxe
Ignace II.
10 Filipovic, M.: EtnoloSka grada iz sjeveroisto~ne Bosne, ANUBiH, Odjeljenje druStvenih nauka,
Grada, Sarajevo 1969, p. 39-40. II existe un recit parfaitement identique concernant Ie tableau
miraculeux de Madame Kondzilske, cf. KomuSina i Kondzilo, p. 118-121

a la chaux pour la rendre plus blanche et plus visible })ll Le meme element narratif est
utilise dans un recit concernant une stele en pierre de la necropole de D. Zgosca (celte
stele se trouve actueJlement dans Ie jardin du Musee National de Bosnie-Herzegovine, a
Sarajevo) ; on y raconte qu'une famille musuLmane, la famille Cobo I'avait depuis long­
temps transportee dans son cimetiere a Bukovlje, mais qu'elle etait revenue toute seule a
sa place initiale. »12 En Herzegovine occidentale, on a note dans une tradition que la
population de Cerin vouait une veneration toute particuliere a une certaine pierre; les
femmes qui allaitaient, la rac!aient et buvaient la poudre obtenue comme remede lors­
qu'elles n'avaient pas suffisamment de lait. Le proprietaire du terrain ou elle se trouvait
- un certain Kreic, noble Turc, la transporta a plusieurs reprises de la source de Cerin dans sa
cour, mais la pierre revint a chaque fois toute seule a son ancienne place a Cerino » 13 Je
clorai celte serie de variantes que je connais, par Ie recit du socle d' un pilier antique qui
fut trouve a Osijek, un village des environs de Sarajevo, et dont on disail: « qu ' on !'avait
transporte trois fois de I'endroit ou il se trouvait sur Ie pont de la Bosna, pres de Blazuj,
pour Ie sceller dans les fondations du pont, mais qu'a chaque fois, il etait revenu tout
seul a sa place initiale. »14

La spiritua!ite re!igieuse islamique et la croyance au Tout-Puissant qui regne sur
l'Univers, sur les hommes et sur tout ce qui les entoure, ont trouve des echos dans les
croyances religieuses et les recits du peuple musulman de Bosnie-Herzegovine. Tout
comme les chretiens, les musulmans sont mus par une foi religieuse inebranlable dans
I' action de la volonte di vine, par un elan religieux et par la conviction de Ja realite de
certains phenomenes tels que visions fantastiques , Ievitations de saints, de mosquees et
de turbes, deplacements d'edifices et de saints d'un lieu a un autre. Une telle trame spiri­
tuelle a favorise I'apparition des traditions orales musulmanes qui parlent de deplace­
ments miraculeux d'edifices sac res mais dont un petit nombre seulement a ete consigne
jusqu'a present.

La mosquee Prib/egija d Sarajevo

Le minaret d'une mosquee jouxte toujours l'edifice meme, mais dans Ie quartier de Ka­
dija, a Sarajevo, il y avait une mosquee etrange, dont Ie minaret se dressait, solitaire, a
l'ecart de l'edifice. Le peuple croyait fermement que Ie minaret avait ete construil, com­
me Ie veut la coutume, accole a la mosquee, mais qu'une nuit, il s'en etait detache, tout
seul. On detruisit Ie minaret et on en reconstruisit un autre qui jouxlait la mosquee . Mais
Ie 111eme phenomene se reproduisit: une nuil, Ie minaret se detacha tout seul de la mos­
quee et s'isola. A!ors !es habitants laisserent les choses telles quelles et donnerent a la
mosquee Ie nom de Pribjegija. })IS

II Annales ecclesiastiques de la paroisse de Rosko Polje. Note par fra Blal. Jerkovic, vers 1915,
p. 30 (non publie)
12 Filipovic, M.: Yisocka nahija, Srpski etnografski zbornik, knj. XLIIl, Naselja i porijeklo sta­
novnistva, knJ. 25, Beograd 1928, str. 622
13 Bakula fra P.: Topografsko-historijski sematizam franjevacke kustodije i apostolskog vikarijata
u Hercegovini za godinu GospodnJu 1867. (preveo rra Y. Kosir), Mostar 1970, str. 38
I" Trifkovic, S i Y.: Sarajevska okolina, I Antropoloska promatranja. Srpski etnografski zbornik ,
knj. XI, Naselja i porijeklo stanovnistva, Beograd 1908 , str. 135
15 I-ladl.ijahi( M.: Sarajevske dzamije II, Zbornik za narodni l.ivot i obicaje Juznih Siavena, knj.
XXXI!, Zagreb 1939, str. 233 La mosquee « Pribjegija }) ou Meeit cadi Bali efendi, dans Ie

Le nombre relativement modeste de variantes notees de traditions orales musulmanes

que je connais et qui content Ie deplacement de mosquees, se limite a celles de Srebrenik
et de Skender-Vakuf. A Srebrenik, on racontait qu'une nuit, la mosquee avait ete s'ins­
taller toute seule it I'endroit determine par Ie chef spirituel Sinan-baba, dont Ie turbe se
trouve encore actuellement it Srebrenik, pres de Gradacac en Bosnie.' 6 De meme, on
racontait qu ' a Skender Vakuf, il y avait une mosquee qui etait revenue toute seule it
I' endroit qu'elle occupe actuellement, pres de la tombe de Skender-dedo n
Bien qu ' elles n'appartiennent pas vraiment a cette sorte de tradition orale ayant pour
theme Ie deplacement de sanctuaires, les traditions orales contant Ie pouvoir miraculeux
des «pieux », simples morteJs aux dons surnaturels, qui se deplacent dans les airs d'un
endroit it un autre endroit parfois meme eloigne (par exemple, de Bosnie en Arabie) « en
volant », sont, de par leur caractere, des traditions orales du meme genre. Les traditions
sur les saints, Jes steles funeraires sacrees et autres vestiges materiels du passe jouissent
d'une veneration particuliere dans les milieux locaux. Comme c' est Ie cas des traditions
orales deja citees, ce sous-groupe trouve ses racines dans I'elan religieux du peuple,
dans son respect pour tout ce qui etait considere comme etant saint,sacre ou ayant trail a
la puissance divine. La croyance au pouvoir surnaturel des saints qui, selon la foi is­
lamique heterodoxe, representent une hierarchie spirituelle sumaturelle, est tres frequente
dans les milieux musulmans de Bosnie-Herzegovine.
Par exemple, il existe une tradition orale sur sainte Alcha, une pauvre servante de
Gradacac, qui, comme on Ie raconte, a reussi a emporter un plateau de douceurs a son
maitre Hadzi-bey qui etait en pelerinage (hadz) a la Mecque, car, sur un ordre divin , « la
terre s'etait retractee » devant elle. 18 Des traditions semblables mentionnent Ie celebre
chef spirituel Juja de Mostar, Zuti, un erudit de Sarajevo et d'autres morlels tres devots,
les « pieux » que Ie peuple prenait pour des saints. Selon une tradition orale de Sarajevo,
un «pieux » emmena I'artisan Cekrkcija avec qui il travaillait dans sa boutique de Bas­
carsija, a la priere it la Mecque ;19 Le spectre d'un autre saint apparut it une habitante de
Sarajevo alors prisonniere a Budim et la ramena en raison de sa profonde devotion dans
son pays natal, devant la mosquee Magribija a Sarajevo.20 Des servantes divines em­
porterent, dit-on, a Vienne la depouille mortelle d'un devot de Sarajevo, Husein-efendi,
et ramenerent dans sa tombe a Sarajevo Ie corps d 'une juste, Kostra, la fille de l'empereur
de Vienne 21
On disait it Sarajevo qu'a l' endroit ou se trouve la tombe d'une sainte, Merdzana­
-kaduna, Ie mur de la vieille forteresse s'ecroulait tout seul toutes les nuits et que les
mayons avaient dO renoncer a Ie reparer. 22 Alors que la construction du portique de la
mosquee Aladza it Foca etait en cours, un matin, les artisans trouverent a droite de
l'entree, une grande pierre noire «que les anges avaient amenee pendant la nuit » . Au­

quartier de Pirin brijeg a Sarajevo, a ete vraisemblablement construite en 157811579, alors que
son fondateur occupait 11 Sarajevo, ou il etait ne, les fonctions de mollah. Bali efendi fut un
personnage remarquable de Sarajevo a cette epoque ; il fut Ie maitre du futur grand vizir, Ie
Bosniaque Mehmed-pacha Sokolovic.
10 Filipovic, M.: Turbe seh Sinan-babe i Pobrin grob u Srebrenici, Cianci i grad a za kulturnu
istoriju istoene Bosne, knj . V I, Tuzla 1965, str. 152
17 Mujezinovic, M.: Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini, knj. III, Sarajevo 1982, str. 34
IR Cf. ecrits de FAZM, XIIl-G, N° 5356
IY Hadzijahic, M.: Id. p. 220
20 Kemura, S.: Sarajevske dzamije i druge jayne zgrade turske dobe, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja
Bosne i Hercegovine, sv. XXII, Sarajevo 1910, str. 630
21 Kemura, S.: Ibid. p. 70-71

22 Traljic, S.: Iz narodne tradicije muslimana, «Islamski svijet », god. IV, br. 133, Sarajevo
1935 , str. 6


jourd'hui encore (en 1939), les femmes viennent prier devant cette pierre pour implorer
l'aide d'Allah23 Au-dessus du village de Vuku~ic, au pied de la montagne de Vranjaca,
dans les environs de Foca, il y a une carriere de pierre d'ou, dit-on, on a extrait une pi­
erre pour construire la mosquee Aladza. Lorsqu'on voulut transporter cette pierre au
village, elle sortit soi-disant toute seule de la carriere sans I'aide de qui que ce soil.
Alors qu'elle descendait une prairie pres du village de Sopotnici, un chretien de Bre­
govi, un village situe plus haut, l'apen;:ut et s'ecria: « Regardez, la pierre glisse toute
seule sans que personne ne la tire! » Alors la pierre s'immobilisa car elle avait ete vue
par des yeux chretiens et est restee a cet endroit jusqu 'a nos jours. Au-dessus de Godi­
jen, un village pres de Foca (Slatina), il yale long de la route une sorte de fontaine­
abreuvoir en pierre. L 'eau y est amenee dans une rigole en bois et porte Ie nom de « eau
de Coro ». On raconte que cette fontaine a ete construite par un « pieux ». Cet abreuvoir,
la famille Klinci I'a transporte a quatre reprises sur un char a boeufs jusqu'a Prvice pour
I'installer sous la fontaine du village, mais a chaque fois, Ie lendemain matin I' abreuvoir
de la fontaine avait disparu, car une force invisible I'avait ramene la-bas ou on avait ete
Ie chercher

Puisque nous savons que les fameuses legendes (chretiennes) sur la levitation des saints
et des bienheureux ont vu Ie jour a cette epoque tenebreuse qu'est Ie moyen age, il est
absolument comprehensible qu'elles soient nees d' une croyance religieuse: de I'elan et
de I'elevation spirituels interieurs aux histoires de levitation de personnes et d ' objets, il
n'y a qu ' un pas. Cependant, les ecrits concernant la levitation des saints et des objets
sacres n'apparaissent, chose etrange, qu'a la fin du moyen age, et les premiers exemples
n'ont ete consignes qu'au XIII e siecle. La Ugende doree (<< Legenda aurea ») n'enregis­
tre qu'un seul de ces cas (Marie l'Egyptienne, morte en 431, levitait dans Ie desert, a
quelques pieds au-dessus du sol, dans un elan religieux) alors que plus tard, les cas de
levitation sont plus frequents. Selon Heinrich Gi.inter,25 dans Ie «Lexique des saints »,
on relate Ie cas d 'un religieux de I' ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean, Hugo de Genes
(mort en 1230), que les fideles voyaient planer au-dessus du sol pendant I'exercice du
culte; on voyait la dominicaine Marguerite Vespremska, fille du roi Bela IV de Hong­
rie, leviter apres la priere commune; il en est de meme de I 'ursuline Isabelle de Saint­
Joseph; on a vu Ludvigis de Sida !eviter au-dessus de sa couche de malade ; dans son
elan mystique, Therese d 'Avila s'elevait frequemment et levitait ainsi dans I'air. On cite
aussi les noms de moines franciscains: Ladislav Ie Hongrois (mort en 1445), Ludovic
d'Aquila (mort en 1472), Pierre de la ville de Pena (mort en 1500), Pierre d'Alcantara
(mort en 1562), Ladislav Jagellon de Varsovie (mort en 1505), Jerome de Montefiorum
(mort en 1584), Lucas de Calabre (mort en 1600), Laurent de Brindes (mort en 1619),
Joseph de Copertino (mort en 1663), Jean-Joseph d'Isquia (mort en 1734).
Parmi les jesuites: Martin Starton (mort en 1649) et Pierre Claver qui levitaient dans
leur extase. Marguerite Aghulon (morte en 1600) a levite, a I' occasion d'un exercice de
devotion pour la Fete-Dieu, pendant six jours et six nuits. Ce qui lui valut d' etre accusee
par l'Inquisition et enfermee, mais elle fut liberee et declaree innocente ; quand il se
prosterna pour baiser les pieds du pape Urbain VIII, Joseph de Copertino s 'eleva au­

23 Deroko, D. J.: Drina, geografsko-turisticka monografija, Novi Sad 1939, sIr. 79-81
24 PaSalic, A.: Hronika focanske Slatine, manuscrit du FAZM, recueil de manuscrits, N" 117, p. 270,
25 Gunter, H.: Psychologie der Legende, Studien zu einer wissenschaftlichen Heiligen-Geschichte,
Freiburg 1949, p. 117

dessus du sol et Ie pape se deciara pret a confirmer lui-meme ce cas qui s'etait passe
pendant son pontI·fiIcat. 26
Dans les legendes et la vie des saints, I'illusion de la levitation miraculeuse au­
dessus du sol dans un elan mystique peut frequemment se transformer en un changement
radical de lieu, a savoir dans Ie deplacement de sanctuaires et de saints. La tradition
ecclesiastique chretienne a enormement exploite l'heritage antique et I'a prop age grace a
ses sermons, aux recits de la vie des saints et autres activites.
Dans I' antiquite, on a note, par exemple, que Ie bois de I' autel de Zeus a Peli s' etait
deplace tout seul au moment ou Alexandre Ie Grand s'en etait approche pour y offrir une
victime en sacrifice (Pausanias, I, 65) ; que, lorsque les hostilites commencerent entre
Pompee et Cesar, les tableaux representant des saints s'etaient retournes tout seuls dans
les temples; que les dieux Jares etaient repartis dans leur sanctuaire d' origine lorsqu' Ascagne,
Ie fils d'Enee, avait tente de les transferer de Lavinium a Albe ; que la statue d'Hermes,
non encore terminee, que certains pecheurs voulaient jeter au feu comme une simple
buche, s'etait defendue elle-meme c~ntre cet acte criminel (Valere Maxime 8,7) ; qu ' a la
veille de la destruction des temples de Jerusalem, la porte orientale de la ville s' etait
ouverte toute seule et qu ' une vingtaine de personnes avaient eu du mal a la refermer
(Josephe Flavius, La guerre juive, 6,5) ?7
Le theme du deplacement miraculeux lors du deplacement ou du transport d'objets
saints ou sac res s'est developpe dans la tradition chretienne en recits de deplacements
d'objets sac res de toutes sortes: eglises, statues, tableaux, steles funeraires, autels et reli­
ques de saints. Voila quelques exemples qui illustrent la tradition religieuse locale, la vie
des saints locaux et autres et celie de divers elus de I'Eglise catholique.
En Allemagne, a Zushausen, les habitants souhaitaient construire une nouvelle eglise
a I'endroit ou se trouvait l'ancienne. Entre-temps, dans Ie marais, on avait construit la
chapeUe Saint-Albert. Tout ce que les gens preparaient pour construire la nouvelle eglise
se retrouvait Ie lendemain pres de la chapelle ; c'etait Ie signe que c'etait la et pas ail­
leurs que devait s'elever la nouvelle eglise.
En Palestine, un roi ordonna la construction de l'eglise Saint-Georges, mais une veuve
contestait I'emplacement d'un pilier qui venait d'etre construit. Les gens allerent se plain­
dre au pres du saint; c'est alors qu'un chevalier apparut sur son cheval et leur demanda
Ie motif de leur mecontentement . Le chevalier, les ayant ecoutes, inscrivit sur ce pi/ier
qu'il devait se trouver du cote droit de la future eglise. C'est alors que miraculeusement
Ie pilier se d6pla~a tout seul sur Ie chantier, ce a quoi se soumit Ie maitre d'oeuvre.
L'autel sous lequel on devait installer les reliques de sainte Genevieve, se depla~a
tout seul en signe de bienvenue.
L'archeveque Ildefonse (mort en 667) se mit a implorer Dieu car meme une trentaine
d'hommes forts ne parvenaient pas a extraire Ie cercueil de sainte Leocadie de sa tombe
et a soulever Ie couvercle. La priere d'Ildefonse fut exaucee et Ie cercueil sauta de lui­
me me de la tombe.
Lorsque Diocietien pourchassait les chretiens, des anges transporterent l'eveque
Canio d' Atela en Campanie ou il mourut.
Sur la route, entre Jerusalem et Jaffa, se trouve une colonne de marbre qui s'est en­
fuie toute seule de Jerusalem alors qu'on voulait y attacher Ie Christ pour Ie fouetter.
Elle se trouve toujours a cet endroit et oscille, a note Antonin de Plaisance.
Gregoire Ie thaumatu~ge pria Dieu pour qu'il depla~at une montagne qui genait la
construction d'une eglise ; et sa priere fut exaucee.

26 GUnter, H. lb. p. 117-118

27 GUnter, H.: lb. p. 203-205

C'est sur les prieres de saint Senan (mort en 544) que les objets de sa vieille demeure
fuirent tout seuls pour aller trouver leur place dans la maison nouvellement construite de
ses parents.
Un examen plus minutieux et une etude plus detaillee des elements narratifs concer­
nant Ie deplacement miraculeux des sanctuaires n'ont malheureusement pas retenu jus­
qu'a present I'attention des chercheurs, specialistes du folklore, de la creation orale (po­
pulaire) en prose, quoique Ie theme du deplacement soit relativement frequent dans les
recits oraux 29 Sur notre territoire, ce theme est toutefois beaucoup plus frequent dans les
traditions orales, en particulier dans celles de caractere religieux et ce, surtout dans la
population chretienne.
Ce qui a perm is d'avoir un aperyu de la diffusion geographique des elements nar­
ratifs aupres d'autres peuples, en Europe et dans Ie monde entier, c'est la classification
de Thompson, classification des elements narratifs rencontres dans les recits , ballades,
mythes, romances medievaJes et tegendes locales . De cette classification il ressort que
I'element n£lITatif Ie plus proche de nos traditions orales - celui des eglises qui « volaienl»
to utes seules, porte Ie N° F J083 (Object rises into the air), que les Irlandais catholiques
Ie connaissent dans leur litterature ancienne et les Juifs dans leurs ouvrages talmudiques.
Les index concernant ces deux peuples, publies par T. P. Cross et D. Neuman, no us
montrent qu'it faut avant tout rechercher l'origine des themes du deplacement miraculeux
de sanctuaires dans la tradition antique et dans la litterature religieuse ancienne. Parmi
les autres themes notes , ceux qui pourraient se rapprocher de notre tradition orale, por­
teraient, dans la classification de Thompson, les numeros suivants: D 1602 Self retur­
ning magic object; D 1641 Object removes itself; D 2192.1 Supernatural agency moves
new church fundation - or building materials to another site at night; D 2135 Magic air
journey; 2136.5 Saint's possessions magically transported; F 993 Sunken bell sounds;
V 115.1 Church bell sunk in riverlsea)30

Des germes de croyances a diverses representations fantastiques, au mythique et a I' irreel
sont presents dans I' ame humaine depuis la nuit des temps. La croyance a I' authenticite
d ' une tradition orale donnee repose d'abord sur la conviction que ce que raconte la tra­
dition a vraiment ete possible autrefois. Bien qu ' ils soient parfaitement conscients de
I'inviolabilite de la tradition, de nos jours, ni Ie conteur ni I'auditeur ne croient plus a
I' authenticite des faits lies a I'evenement meme. Le contenu et Ie theme fondamental ne
s'en trouvent pas pour autant veritablement modifies, et la tradition no us parvient com­
me une croyance exprimee oralement, heritee et confirmee par Ie recit.
« Etant donne I'hesitation de l'homme et son trouble qui persiste parfois sa vie du­
rant lorsqu'i! tente de comprendre des antagonismes tels que: reel-irreel et rationnel ­
irrationnel, son pouvoir naturel qui lui permet de rever, de creer des mythes, de combler
I' archetype religieux vide, mais toujours present, par certains elements, ainsi que Ie genie

2g Dans quelques recits populaires serbes on rencOnlre Ie theme du deplacemenl dans I'air, sur
des ailes, sur un nuage, sur une peau magique, au-deli'! des mel'S, des oceans, grace a des herbes
magiques, au vent. Ces recits ont ete publies par Cajkanovi6, V: Srpske narodne umotvorine,
I, Srpski etnografski zbornik, knj. XLI, Beograd 1927, cf. les recits N" 13,35,36,40,47 ,
52, 61.
29 Thompson. S.: Motif-I ndex of Folkliterature, A Classification of Narrative Elements in Folk­
tales, Ballads, Myths, Fables, Mediaeval Romances, Exempla, Fabliaux, lest-Books and Local
Legends, 6 vols., Copenhagen, 1955-1958.
31) Thompson, S.: lb.

createur de son imagination qui lui fait produire du fantastique, representent pour lui une
fonction de survie aussi indispensable que son instinct de survie, son instinct sexuel et
son soi-disant instinct agressif. »31
Selon les recherches les plus recentes, if y a deux facteurs importants qui determinent
Ie role et Ie sens du fantastique dans la creation orale et dans toute autre creation artis­
tique au moyen age: ce sont les traditions artistiques et phifosophiques antiques, la
pensee theologique chretienne et Ie dogme religieux. A la difference de I'epoque greco­
romaine antique ou, grace a la mythologie anthropomorphe, toutes les choses du cosmos
avait une mesure humaine en harmonie avec la nature et I' esprit (sans tenir compte des
bizarreries des phenomenes auxifiaires), dans I' art europeen et dans la creation artistique
du moyen age, marques par les idees du christianisme, j'univers est surhumain. En es­
sayant de Ie comprendre, de Ie decouvrir, I'homme se trouve plonge dans la speculation
et Ie mystere, et tout ce qu'il n'est pas en mesure de concevoir, il Ie caracterise comme
etant quelque chose qui releve du fantastique. Tout I' art chretien dogmatique, toute
I'activite lilteraire, to utes les vies des saints et toute la philosophie esthetique, dominants
dans les litteratures byzantine et serbe sont, de par leurs contenus, fantastiques aussi bien
dans leur fondement que dans leurs productions. Mais il en est ainsi de toute autre ac­
tivite spirituelle basee sur une religion et des idees religieuses, que cette religion soit
islamique, bouddhique ou autre.
« L'anthropologie orthodoxe medievale et la philosophie esthetique, dominantes dans
la litterature byzantine et serbe, s'opposent a I'idee que « la nature» est I'unique realite
et l'unique dimension de I'homme. Car, outre cette nature, il existe egalemenl une Provi­
dence divine dans Ie monde ou bien, comme Ie dit I'hagiographe Theodose, celebre bio­
graphe medieval serbe: dans la nature if existe « un Dieu tout-puissant qui vainc les lois
de la nature comme bon lui semble. »32
« La caracteristique fondamentale du divin, c'est-a-dire du miraculeux salutaire , dans
les ouvrages bibliques orthodoxes authentiques, c'est qu ' il est au service du rapport libre
- rapport d'amour - entre I'homme vivant et Dieu vivant, a la mesure de I'alliance homme­
Dieu annoncee dans Ie Christ et de la cooperation dans I'amour, comme Ie dit Averincev.
En verite if s'agit la du « paradoxisme chretien », mais c'est Ie paradoxe de l'amour et,
dans la chretiente, c'est Ie plus grand miracle divin et humain. »33
« Par consequent, d'apres ce qui precede, on peut conclure que tout Ie divin et Ie
miraculeux se trouvant dans la litterature serbe ancienne sert avant tout a exprimer Ie
rapport vivant entre I'homme et Dieu, entre Ie ciel et la terre, entre ici-bas et l'au-dela,et
a ex primer comment ces realites sont apparues et sont incarnees dans Ie monde et dans
I' histoire du Christ Homme-Dieu . Dne telle conception peut etre appelee « historisme
mystique » ou « historisme eschatologique », mais les ouvrages bibliques etaient vrai­
ment ainsi, tout comme leur poetique et leur esthetique, et ceUe carateristiq ue, on la
retrouve dans les ouvrages serbes anciens. »34
II n'est pas facile d'evaluer dans quelle mesure les circonstances telles qu'elles ex­
istaient en Bosnie-Herzegovine a I' epoque de la domination ottomane ont pu avoir une
influence sur la diffusion et la popularite de cette tradition orale chretienne du moyen
age sur les deplacements miraculeux, dans nos regions. Cette tradition est surtout
presente dans la population serbe-orthodoxe, ce qui laisse supposer que l' influence de

31 Jeretic, V.: Kompenzatorska i stvaralacka uloga imaginativnog, Zbornik Srpska fantasti­

ka, p. 35
32 Jevric, A.: B~zansko i cudesno u srpskoj religijskoj knjizevnosti, Zbornik Srpska fantastika,
p.328 .
33 lb. p. 334-335
34 lb. p. 336

l'Eglise serbe-orthodoxe et de son clerge a ete decisive pour sa sauvegarde et sa diffu­

sion aupres du peuple.
Les faits constates par les recherches historiques sont les suivants: « Selon les insti­
tutions du droit guerrier islamique et selon les lois de la Chariah n!gulant Ie rapport de
I' autorite islamique envers les citoyens loyaux de religion chretienne ou juive, Ie sultan
Mahomet II aurait du , s'il s'en etait tenu a ces institutions , delivrer aux franciscains bos­
niaques (en 1463 - V.P.) la meme charte (<< ahd-nama ») que celie de Fojnica, et la
meme que celle qu'il avait egalement octroyee au patriarche de Constantinople et a la
population du quartier de Galata a Constantinople en 1453, a savoir la meme que celle
que Ie calife Orner avait delivree aux representants supremes de foi chretienne lors de la
prise de Jerusalem en 637. »35 En verite, les sultans avaient l'habitude, quand, dans leurs
expeditions, ils ne rencontraient pas de veritable resistance et qu ' its ne subissaient pas
de grandes pertes en hommes, d'octroyer aux maltres de la ville et a ses defenseurs qui
acceptaient de se convertir, des lettres de creance (<< aman-nama »), sur lesquelles ils
pretaient serment.
A la suite de l'invasion ottomane en Serbie et en Bosnie, I'Eglise serbe-orthodoxe
dut se debrouiller et lutter pour sa survie. L'Eglise catholique romaine se retrouva
egalement dans la me me situation. En resumant les recherches qu'il avait faites aupara­
vant sur l'histoire de I'Eglise serbe-orthodoxe de cette epoque, B . Durdev a conclu: « II
est exact que, lors des invasions, des eglises et des monasteres furent incendies , que
certaines tres belles eglises furent transformees, dans les villes, en mosquees . II est
egalement exact que les grands monas teres ont perdu la majorite de leurs biens, mais it
est inexact qu'ils aient tout perdu. II n'y a pas lieu de croire que les monasteres furent
completement detruits, pilles, rases .. . » 36
Selon to utes les donnees disponibles, on peut conclure qu'au debut, les Ottomans
accepterent la situation telle qu'elle etait, sans toucher au statut des confessions
chretiennes, dans tous les pays conquis. Cependant, au cours des quelques siecles de leur
domination en Bosnie-Herzegovine, il y eut une periode transitoire marquee par des
dissensions au sein de l'Empire ottoman. L'autorite du Sultan et des pouvoirs centraux
de la Porte, ebranlee par les guerres et les difficultes economiques interieures, s ' affaiblit
de plus en plus rapidement, tandis qu ' en meme temps, dans les vitayets de l' Empire,
I'indiscipline et Ie pouvoir arbitraire des autorites locales alJerent croissant, minant ainsi
la Chariah et la legislation islamique. Par voie de consequence, les chartes et garanties
accordees autrefois aux chretiens tomberent dans I'oubli ; alors, pour les chretiens de
Bosnie-Herzegovine, comme pour ceux des autres parties de I'Etat ottoman, s' annonya
une periode particulierement difficile. II fallut attendre Ie 3 novembre 1839 pour que Ie
sultan AbdUlmecit Ie, promulgue la Declaration sur les reformes de l'Empire ottoman
(Tanzimat - i hayriye) qui, entre autres, proclamait I'egalite en droits de tous les sujets
sans egard pour leur confession ou classe sociale. « Selon cette declaration , I' ordre ot­
toman classique cessait legalement d'exister et commenyait une nouvelle peri ode dans
l'Etat ottoman - periode de reformes (<< tanzimati ») caracterisee par la formation d'une
nouvelle structure de la societe et d'un nouvel ordre administratif, sans classe militaire
comme pivot du systeme ; cette periode s'etendrajusqu'en 1876, quand fut proclamee la
Premiere Constitution, et se prolongera jusqu'a la revolution d' Atatiirk et la liquidation
de I'Empire »37

35 Sabanovic, H. : Turski dokumenti u Bosni druge polovine XV stoljeca, Istorijsko-pravni zbor­

nik, 2, Sarajevo 1949, str. 207-208
36 Durdev,B.: Uloga crkve u starijoj istoriji srpskog naroda, Sarajevo, 1964, str. 106-107
37 Alitic, A.: Uredenj e bosanskog vilajeta od 1789 . do 1878. godin e, Sarajevo 1983 , str.

Cette peri ode difficile pour les organisations religieuses chretiennes dans l'Empire otto­
man s' averait propice au retour du vieux theme antique et du theme religieux chretien du
deplacement des sanctuaires endommages et profanes durant cette periode de l' histoire.
Fortement enracine dans la foi et dans la tradition chretienne et renouvele a cette epoque-Ia,
ce theme est redevenu , en ces temps difficiles , un theme actuel et interessant, utilise dans
l'enseignement religieux et dans les sermons adresses au peuple. Comme c'etaient
generalement les pretres, les moines ou les religieux qui avaient la charge de cet enseig­
nement, leur influence dans cette phase pouvait etre decisive pour la renaissance des an­
ciennes traditions orales sur les egJises qui « volaient » dans les airs et allaient s' installer
dans des lieux plus sOrs, comme Ie disent les exemples notes des traditions orales presen­
tees ici.
Dans des milieux ethniques et confessionnels non homogenes, tels qu' on en rencon­
tre en Bosnie-Herzegovine, OU coexistent les communautes de trois peuples - les Serbes ,
les Croates et les Musulmans - iJ est quasiment impossible de differencier ou de car­
acteriser la tradition orale (populaire) tout comme bien d 'autres aspects du genie createur
populaire, comme etant purement « serbe », « croate» ou « musulmane », justement a
cause de leur vie commune seculaire sur un meme territoire (ce qui est apparu dans les
traditions orales que nous avo ns citees). On peut seulement parler d'une frequence plus
ou moins grande de certains themes, de certains groupes de traditions et recits dans cer­
taines communautes nationales et confessionnelles de Bosnie-Herzegovine. Quant a la
popularite et a la frequence de certains types et elements narratifs, elles resultent de la
valeur thematique, de l'interet du sujet traite et de l'habilete et du talent de quelques
interpretes qui transmettaient a la collectivite cette thematique inhabituelle et interessante.
Ains i on retient et on transmet au peuple tout entier des evenements interessants et
inhabituels, independamment de l'authenticite de leur origine ethnique ou religieuse . Et
c' est justement le cas des traditions orales sur les eglises et les mosquees qui miraculeuse­
ment quittaient toutes seules leur emplacement d ' origine.

Traduit par
Marie-Agnes VUJIC
UDK 728.6 (497 .15 )




Ce qui con stitue l' objet de cette etude , ce so nt les recents chan gements observes
dans Ie mode de logement et dans les acti vites et Ie comportement des occupants
d' un logement. Les observations et les conclusions exposees da ns cette etude so nt
fondees sur Ie materiel coll ecte par l'auteur lors d'e nquetes sur Ie terrain. L'analyse
porte surtout sur Ie materie l co ncern ant les vingt dernieres annees (c.-a -d . le s
annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix du XXe siecl e), car c'est a ce tte epoque
marquee par Ie pr9gres dO a I'industrialisati on, par I'abandon des ac tivites agraires
et l'urbanisation que se produisent d'enormes changements dans Ie mode d'habi­
ta t de la majeure partie de la population rurale en Bosnie-Herzegovine. Les resul­
tats presentes sont etayes par des exemples eclatants sur certains as pects du mode
d'habitat dans divers milieux ruraux et au sein de divers groupes ethniques afin
de presenter les phenomenes caracteristiques ainsi que les particularites permet­
tant de mieux etudier Ie mode d'hab itat a I'interieur de la mosa'ique bi garree de la
population de la Bos nie-Herzegovine.

Au cours des vingt dernieres annees, dans les milieux ruraux de la Bosnie-Herzego vine
so nt surve nus d'importants changements dans Ie mode d'habitaL! Les formes traditi on­
ne lles des maisons d ' ha bitation , certa ins elements de I' amenagement i nteri e ur et sur­
tout certain s meubles ont definitivement disparu de la majeure parti e des campagnes de
la Bos ni e-Herzegovine au cours des annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-d ix de notre
siec le. Dans un tres grand nombre d ' entre elles, l'organisati on traditionnelle en grands
espaces d ' habitation a ete abandon nee et les habitudes et acti vites des ruraux y ont plus
ou moins change. A en juger par Ie fonds des maisons rura les recemment co nstruites,
pendant cette epoque marquee par une certaine prosperite econ om ique , on remarq ue une
tres nette tendance a imiter les maiso ns familiales individuelles recentes des vilies, tant

1 Pour elaborer cet article, l'auteur a utilise Ie materiel col lecte au cou rs de ses lo ngues annees
de recherches sur Ie terrai n, surtout cel ui qui a ete collecte entre 1986 et 1990 dans Ie cadre
d'un programme intitu le: « Les habitations ruraJes et Ie mode d' habitat en Bosnie- Herzegovine »,
finan ce par la Communaute autogestionnaire d'interets pour la science de Ja Bosnie-Herzego­
vine. D'ai lleu rs, rares sont ceux qui se sont interesses a la problematique de I' habitat rural con­
temporain en Bosnie-Herzegovine, ce qui ex plique la petite qu antite de materiel su r ce suj et.

du point de vue de l'aspect exterieur, de la structure et de I'organisation spatiales que du

point de vue de l'amenagement interieur. La plupart de ces habitations ont ete erigees
selon des plans et projets dOment elabores dans des cabinets d'architectes agrees. Les
maisons sont principalement construites en materiaux industriels et dotees d'une instal­
lation electrique, de I'eau courante et d'un systeme d'evacuation des eaux usees. Ce sont
en general des maisons sans etage avec une cave ou bien des maisons a un seul etage, et
on y habite au moins sur deux niveaux . En plus d'une cuisine, d'une chambre et d'un
cellier, elles comportent egalement des pieces . ayant d'autres destinations. La structure
d'un logement ruralla plus appreciee, aussi bien par les families musulmanes que par les
families serbes ou croates de la partie la plus meridionale de I'Herzegovine la partie la a
plus septentrionale de la Bosnie, se compose d'une cuisine - ou plutat d'une salle de
sejour et d'une niche ou est installee la cuisine - de deux pieces de destinations diverses,
d'un cellier, d'une piece equipee de sanitaires et obligatoirement d ' un espace central
servant de degagement. Parallelement la construction des maisons selon des plans
architectoniques modernes, on observe une modernisation de I'amenagement interieur.
Ce qui caraterise cette courte periode, c ' est que les nouveautes apparaissent progres­
sivement et que la modernisation de I'habitat se poursuit au rythme des conditions
materielles des occupants. Seul un petit nombre de foyers - et il s'agit en general de
personnes rentrant de I'etranger ou elles ont travaille pendant plusieurs annees - sont
exceptionnellement en mesure de se faire construire une maison neuve et de I' amenager
completement rn quelques annees seulement. En correlation avec Ie progres general et
parallelement au changement du cadre materiel de l'espace vital , il se trouve que Ie mode
de vie dans I' habitation se modifie egalement, plus lentement a vrai dire. Cette modifica­
tion du rapport des occupants vis a vis de l'espace d'habitation est particulierement sen­
sible au niveau de l'amelioration des conditions d ' hygiene.
Bien sOr, ces modifications, qui sont intervenues dans Ie cadre de I'evolution genera Ie
de notre societe, ne se sont pas produites simultanement sur tout Ie terri to ire de la Bosnie­
Herzegovine et ne se sont pas manif(!stees partout de la meme fa<;on. Etant donne la
diversite de I'environnement naturel de ce territoire, de la composition ethnique et natio­
nale de la population, de I'heritage qui s'est constitue sous des influences culturelles
diverses et autres, on comprend aisement que Ia situation initiale n'etait pas identique
partout. En regie generale, les changements concernant les maisons d'habitation et I'en­

2 En effet, certaines maisons ont ete construites selon des plans arretes par un architecte, tandis
que d'autres ['ont ete en ['absence de toute documentation architectonique, mais a J'instar des
premieres. La construction des maisons rurales selon un plan est frequente entre 1970 et 1990
parce qu 'une partie des fonds necessaires etait assuree par les entreprises ou travai llaient les
futurs proprietaires. Or, sans plan dument elabore, il n' etait pas possible d' obtenir de I' entre­
prise ce credit d'aide 11 la construction. En verite, peu de gens respectaient Ie plan dans son
integralite et il n'etait pas rare que les beneficiaires du credit ne respectent aucunement Ie plan
et construisent leur maison 11 I'instar de celie du voisin ou d'un parent. Cependant, les ruraux
ont adopte la terminologie specifique utilisee dans ces plans et il en a resulte une unifor­
misation de la denomination des pieces des maisons nouvellement construites sur tout Ie ter­
ritoire de la Bosnie-Herzegovine.
3 Si nous prenons comme indicateurs Jes formes traditionnelles des maisons d'habitation dont la
construction s'est poursuivie apres la Seconde Guerre mondiale, nous constatons, par exemple,
que dans les vil.lages situes eillre Mostar et Nevesinje, on rencontre des chaumieres d'une seule
piece; dans les viliages situes au pied du mont Bjelasnica, des habitations en bois ou en pierre
avec une sorte de grenier en encorbellement (( cardak ») ; dans la region de Cazin, des maisons
11 un etage faites de materiaux divers et dont Ie rez-d-chaussee est destine 11 J'etable ; en Posavi­
na centrale, des maisons sans etage a toit 11 deux pentes, de structure et de disposition spatiale
un i formes, etc.

semble du mode d 'habitat se sont produits, en premier lieu, dans les villages situes a
proximite des agglomerations urbaines, des centres industriels, dans les villages situes Ie
long des grandes voies de communication, et dans ceux dont la population active etait
plus ou moins en mesure d'exercer d'autres activites que l'agricuIture. Par contre, dans
les villages isoles sur Ie plan geographique et loin de toute voie de communication, ou
bien dans les villages economiquement sous-developpes, et depeuples, Ie processus
d ' evolution a ete plus lent, si bien que Ie mode d'habitation traditionnel n'y a pas com­
pletement disparu et y a persiste jusqu'au cours des annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt­
dix de notre siecle. Si l'on considere ces quelques oasis ou Ie mode d'habitat traditionnel
a ete conserve et Ie tres grand nombre de milieux ruraux ou celui-ci s 'est plus ou moins
adapte a notre epoque, on peut dire qui'il existe, ces derniers temps, en Bosnie-Herzego­
vine, des differences absolument drastiques dans Ie mode d'habitat.
II va de soi que meme les foyers des milieux touches par la prosperite n'etaient pas
tous en mesure de remplacer leur vieille demeure par une nouvelle, de l'amenager et de
l'equiper au meme rythme partout. Et les occupants n'etaient pas toujours prets a
abandonner leurs vieilles habitudes et a en acquerir de nouvelles, tous en meme temps.
En regie generale, I'amelioration du mode d'habitat et I'acquisition de nouvelles habitu­
des ont ete les plus rap ides dans les foyers ayant de solides revenus et dont les jeunes
membres avaient fait des etudes et avaient opte pour des activites non agricoles, en par­
ticulier dans les foyers OU certains membres travaillaient dans les grands centres urbains
ou meme a I'etranger. Mais meme dans ces milieux, les vieilles personnes ont toujours
mis beaucoup de temps a adopter ces innovations.
II est evident que la population des eleveurs des regions de moyenne montagne a
beaucoup tarde as' inclure dans Ie processus de modernisation. Mais comme l' ont montre
de recentes recherches sur Ie terrain, la majeure partie de cette population a suivi ces
courants modernes. Dans ces regions, plus frequemment que dans d ' autres, il y a des
exemples de foyers composes de vieilles personnes qui, a la fin du XX" siecle, continuent a
vivre dans des habitations traditionnelles construites il ya plus de quarante, voire cinquante
ans, privees de tout ce qui rend les habitations confortables et dignes de I'epoque indus­
trielle . Certains d'entre eux ont meme conserve I'atre ouvert et Ie mobilier traditionnel
qu'ils ont complete ou remplace en partie par quelques produits industriels. Ces vieilles
personnes ont egalement conserve les vieux biitiments auxiJiaires et I' organisation an­
cienne de I'habitat familial. On n'y trouve pas encore de cabinets d'aisance exterieurs au
complexe d'habitation, ce qui temoigne de I'insuffisance du niveau d'hygiene.
Dans les regions economiquement sous-developpees, au cours des vingt dernieres
annees, meme les foyers de jeunes devaient se contenter de vieilles demeures plus ou
moins modernisees et agrandies pour offrir l'espace vital strictement necessaire ou bien
de modestes maisons recemment construites sans plan ni projet arretes par un architecte
et avec des materiaux naturels trouves dans les environs immediats, comme c ' etait autre­
fois la coutume. La plupart des pieces n'etaient dotees que de l'equipement et du mobilier
indispensables, de production artisan ale ou industrielle, et les occupants continuaient a
utiliser certains equipements et meubles de leur propre fabrication . Et meme s' ils avaient
eu les moyens de se procurer des meubles modernes, ils auraient dO, Ie plus souvent y
renoncer car il se serait avere impossible de les installer dans ces habitations ne rep on­
dant pas aux normes de construction moderne. Dans les villages ou l'electrification
n' avait pas encore ete realisee, I' eclairage electrique et I' utilisation des appareils electro­
menagers fondamentaux, presents ailleurs dans toute habitation rurale, etaient impossibles.
Toutefois, meme dans ces milieux sous-developpes, Ie depart de quelques individus a
l'etranger, ou ils aJlaient travailler, a tres souvent entraine une serie d'adaptations de
leur cadre de vie; on peut citer, en premier lieu , I'amenagement de la salle de bains et
des W.e., puis I'equipement en meubles et appareils menagers modernes . Cependant,

il faut egalement signaler qu'a leur retour de l'etranger, de nombreuses personnes ont
demenage et sont parties s'installer ailleurs avec leur famille.
Comment ces differences se manifestaient-elles dans Ie mode d'habitat de nos milieux
ruraux au cours de ces vingt dernieres annees, c'est ce que nous allons illustrer en mon­
trant les formes sous lesquelles se presentaient trois elements essen tie Is de I' amen age­
ment d'une habitation, a savoir l'appareil de chauffage - ou plus precisement I'appareil
servant a chauffer les pieces et a preparer les repas -, la table et Ie lit, ainsi que J'emploi
que les occupants en faisaient.
Les appareils dans lesquels on fait du feu, ou plus precisement les appareils servant
au chauffage du logement el la cuisson des aliments, sont des elements incontournab­
les, presents dans chaque logement rural moderne. Habituellement, un foyer possede un
ou plusieurs de ces appareils et I'utilise quotidiennement ou periodiquement. A cote des
appareils de fabrication artisan ale ou industrielle, on en trouve encore actuellement sous
des formes traditionnelles ; il s ' agit d'appareils bricoles par les occupants eux-memes ou
par des paysans qui s'y connaissent.
Bien qu'a la fin des annees soixante-dix, la majeure partie de la population rurale ait
abandonne I'atre ouvert pour des appareils plus modernes, celui-ci est reste pour de
nombreux foyers de certaines regions (par ex. a Neum, a Capljina, etc.) un element dont
la presence dans l'habitation s'avere indispensable. De temps en temps , pour des
occasions speciales, ces families utilisent encore I'atre de la vieille maison, ou bien la
cheminee nouvellement construite dans une dependance, ou bien encore un foyer im­
provise en plein air. Dans les environs de Neum, par exemple, I' atre est surtout utilise en
ete, lorsqu ' on utilise moins les appareils modernes de I' habitation principale, et , dans
I'atre de la vieille maison , on cuit Ie pain, la « pita» et on prepare la nourriture des
animaux. On dit meme que certains mets sont bien plus savoureux quand ils sont cuits
dans I'atre plutot que sur une cuisiniere ou dans un four electrique. Le role et I'impor­
tance de cet atre sont differents de ceux du vieil atre, qui etait Ie centre de la vie et Ie
point de rencontre de ceux qui vivaient dans l' habitation principale 5 Actuellement, les
atres ne sont utilises qu'occasionnellement pour y preparer des mets ; ils sont surtout
utilises pour la preparation de la patee des cochons et autre betail et its servent aussi de
sechoir pour la viande. Dans les environs de Livno, par exemple, Ie soir du Reveillon de
Noel, la population croate, perp€tuant la tradition, allume un feu de branches de chene
seches dans un atre situe dans une dependance.
L'heritier direct de I'atre de la cuisine - Ie poele en tole appele « fijaker » , est toujours
en usage actuellement (tab. I, fig. 1). Les families aux revenus modestes, qui n' ont pas
eu la possibilite d'equiper leur logement en appareils et meubles modernes, ainsi que les
foyers de personnes agees, pour lesquels il etait plus aise de se procurer du bois que de
payer l'energie electrique, J'ont Ie plus souvent garde. Toutefois, certaines families ont
conserve ce type de poele dans une dependance (cuisine d'ete) et I'utilise tres sou vent,
meme s' ils disposent d ' une cuisiniere mod erne dans I' habitation principale, tout simple­
men! parce qu'au dire des utilisateurs, Ie temps de preparation des mets y est reduit et
les mets ainsi prepares sont plus savoureux.
Actuellement, dans la cuisine, c'est Ie fourneau a combustible solide qui domine ; et
on lui adjoint Ie plus souvent une cuisiniere electrique 6 A I'epoque de I'electrification
intensive de nos villages , a savoir justement dans les annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-

A la difference de I'atre ouvert, la cheminee avec sa hotte, caracteristique a une certaine

epoque en Herzegovine, n' a pas connu d' application recente.
5 Les atres recents des burons de certains villages de montagne occupes occasionnellement par
les bergers pendant I'estivage, constituent une exception.
6 Certains foyers utilisent aussi une cuisinieremixte-electriqueet a gaz-, mais ce n'est pas tres repandu.

dix de ce siecle, la cuisiniere electrique compte parmi les premiers appareils electriques
qui trouvent leur place dans les cuisines rurales. Le fourneau a combustible solide et la
cuisiniere electrique coexistent Ie plus souvent a la cuisine, la cuisiniere electrique
n' etant utilisee qu'occasionnellement (tab. I, fig. 2). On peut dire que la cuisiniere elec­
trique fait partie de cette categorie d'appareils modernes qui ne sont que partiellement
utilises a la campagne . Cela s 'explique par Ie fait que les maTtresses de maison ont
I' habitude d' utiliser leurs vieux appareils, mais il existe aussi des raisons d' ordre
economique. En effet, a la campagne il est encore tres facile de se procurer gratuitement
du bois , alors que I'energie electrique n'est pas gratuite, donc on I' economise. Dans bien
des foyers, Ie fourneau a combustible solide n'a pas une place fixe. On Ie deplace, selon
la saison et selon les besoins, d'une piece a l'autre ou dans des parties non closes du
logement comme la veranda. Dans Ie logement, it existe habituellement, en plus de la
cuisine d'hiver, une cuisine d'ete ou un espace non clos ou I'on installe Ie fourneau
lorsque la temperature exterieure est trop elevee.
Parmi les formes traditionnelles de poele, ces vingt dernieres annees, dans quelques
foyers de personnes agees qui sont restes dans des maisons de construction ancienne et
ont difficilement renonce a leurs vieilles habitudes et a leurs vieux appareils, on ren­
contre une forme modifiee du poele en brique, ou plutot en ma<;:onnerie avec une plaque
et un four , qui succede au haut poele en ma<;:onnerie a pots (tab. II) . La forme bosniaque
classique de ce genre de fourneau est, a celie epoque, restreinte a de rares exemplaires.
En Herzegovine, en plus de cette forme developpee de poele bosniaque en ma<;:onnerie,
on utilise parallelement un poele en tole de fabrication artisanale appele « furuna » ou
« vuruna », qui a', en son temps, herite de la cheminee (tab . III).
En adoptant a la campagne Ie concept mod erne de I'utilisation des pieces d'habitation,
c ' est-a-dire en utitisant une cuisine moderne ou une niche (que l'on considere comme un
espace adequat pour la cuisine) - sorte de coin cuisine - integree dans la salle de sejour
ou se rassemblent regulierement les occupants de la maison et les invites tout au long de
l'annee, on a estime qu'il n' etait pas necessaire de doter les autres pieces d'un appareil
de chauffage ou bien on en installe un dans certaines occasions exceptionnelles. Au cours de
recentes recherches sur Je terrain dans les villages des environs de Tesanj et de BanoviCi, nous
avons remarque que Ie fourneau a combustible solide de la cuisine etait transporte et installe
dans la salle de reunion lors des rassemblements familiaux, veillees et autres « sobet »7
La table, autour de laquelle les ocupants de la maison se rassemblent chaque jour
pour y prendre leurs repas, fait partie des elements les plus importants du mobilier
utilise dans les maisons rurales modernes. Le plateau de la table est aussi un plan de
travail indispensable ou l'on peut s'adonner a diverses activites ; d'autre part, c'est autour
de la table que I' on re<;:oit les invites et, dans la population croate, on y dresse Ie sapin de
Noel , etc. Habituellement, chaque foyer possede plusieurs tables de formes diverses. II y
en a aussi bien dans I'habitation principale que dans les dependances ; et souvent, il yen
a une en permanence ou periodiquement dans la cour, non loin de la maison. Dans les
villages de I'Herzegovine meridionale, en ete, it est frequent que les repas soient servis
sur une table installee a I' ombre, devant la maison. Les tables recentes sont en general
de fabrication artisanale ou industrielle.
L'une des formes preferees, pratiquement irrempla<;:able dans la population musulmane
de nombreux milieux ruraux, c'est la forme traditionnelle de la petite table ronde et basse,
facilement transportable, qui porte des noms divers: « sinija », « sofra », « sopra », « stolica »8

« sohbet » «< sobet ») est un terme d'origine arabe signifiant: discussion, veillee, reunion (A.

SkaJjic, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku, Biblioteka Kulturno nasJjede, Sarajevo, '1965).

8 En Bosnie-Herzegovine, Ie nom Ie plus frequemment donne 11 ce type de table est « sinija ».

C'est un mot d'origine arabe, signifiant: table ronde et basse, «sofra ». Le mot «sofra » ou


Ceux qui utilisent cette sorte de table pour les repas I'apportent Ie plus souvent dans
la cuisine et I'y installent avant de s'asseoir par terre autour (tab . IV, fig. 1) . Bien qu ' elles
possedent chez dies des tables aux formes modernes, certaines families musulmanes
n'ont pas abandonne leur vieille habitude de prendre leurs repas, assis par terre sans tab­
le (<< sinija »). Dans ce cas, I'habitude veut qu'on etende sur Ie sol une nappe de toile sur
laquelle on dispose les mets dans des plats d'ou se servent les membres de la famille
assis tout autour (tab. IV, fig. 2). Dans ces families, on prend ses repas de la meme fa~on
s ' il y a des invites a la maison, et surtout dans certaines occasions reunissant un grand
nombre d ' invites . Alors les mets sont servis dans plusieurs pieces, meme dans celles ou
habituellement on ne prend pas ses repas. Dans les families ou I'on sert les repas par terre
ou sur une petite table ronde et basse installee pour I' occasion (<< sinija »), generalement
c'est aussi par terre que I'on prepare les repas et que l'on fait la vaisselle ; c 'est egale­
ment par terre que I' on effectue d'autres activites , comme, par exemple, etendre la pate
pour la « pita » (tab . V, fig . 1 et 2) .
Les populations serbe et croate ont rarement conserve ce genre de table et ne I'utili­
sent pratiquement plus. Ainsi, par exemple, chez les Serbes de Mudrika (Vla~ic), on a
constate lors de recentes recherches sur Ie terrain, que ce type de table - qu'ils appellent
«sofra » - n'est utilise que Ie jour de la fete du patron de la famille (<< slava ») car, com­
me ils disent, on ne peut pas feter la «slava » autour d 'une table ordinaire. A la dif­
ference de nombreux Musulmans , les Serbes et les Croates qui utilisent cette petite table
basse - « sinija » - s'asseyent autour sur des sieges bas en forme de trepieds (<< sto »9)
ou sur de petits tabourets (<< ~6emlija », « skemlija »).
Au cours des annees quatre-vingt et quiltre-vingt-dix , les anciennes formes de table
(par exemple la petite table cam~e de hauteur moyenne installee dans la cuisine et la lon­
gue table rectangulaire de hauteur normale dans la salle de sejour). se firent encore plus
rares que la petite table ronde et basse (<< sinija ») . Or ces tables avaient des formes plus
evoluees et une place fixe et bien d€terminee dans la maison . 10
Actuel.lement, dans la cuisine ou dans la salle de sejour des maisons dotees d'un
equipement moderne, c'est Ie plus souvent autour d'une table de cuisine ou de salle a
manger de hauteur normale que se rassemblent les occupants pour prendre leurs repas
quotidiens (tab. VI, fig. 1). Dans cette partie de la population musulmane qui est res tee
attachee a I'habitude de s'asseoir par terre et de faire certains travaux en position acc­
roupie, dans la cuisine, au lieu d'une table de hauteur normale, on trouve seulement une
petite table basse rectangulaire (genre table de salon) (tab . VI, fig. 2). Cette table n'est
pas Ie seul meuble se trouvant dans la cuisine alorsqu'il n'y est pas destine. En effet, la
cuisine est equipee, de par sa fonction ' recente, de meubles de cuisine mais aussi de
meubles destines au sejour. On rencontre ce me me type de table dans les maisons de la
population musulmane des villages se trouvant Ie long de la Bosna, Ie plus souvent avec
d ' autres meubles appropries, dans la piece de reception - Ie salon.
Le couchage, sa place dans Ie logement et Ja fa~on dont on organise Ie repos nocturne
sont des elements recents importants qui montrent Ie developpement du mode d'habitat

« sopra» est aussi un mot d'origine arabe signifiant: table (A. Skaljic, ibid.) La petite table
basse carn~e repandue en Herzegovine meridionale est devenue si rare qu'elle est tombee en
desuetude dans la seconde moitie du xx e sieck
9 II semble que ce soit parce que les petits sieges bas s' appelaient « sto » (table) qu' a la campagne
les habitants accepterent difficilement ce nom pour desi gner un meuble ayant une autre desti­
nation . Ainsi les Serbes et les Croates de Bosnie-Herzegovine employaient auparavant pour
designer une table normale quant a sa hauteur, d' autres terrnes tels que « trpeza » ou « astal ».
10 II s' agit ici de formes de table appelees « trpezica », « astal » ou « trpeza» par la population
serbe du sud-est de I'Herzegovine et « astatic » ou «astal» par la population croate des environs
de Derventa.

et en meme temps les grandes differences existant dans les divers modes de vie propres
a nos regions.
Recemment, la maison d'habitation est devenue en regie generale Ie seul endroit OU
les habitants passent la nuit. La coutume selon laquelle, dans une famille regroupant plu­
sieurs generations sous un meme toit, les jeunes couples passent la nuit dans les depen­
dances et les jeunes gens dans les granges, dans Ie foin, est completement tombee en
desuetude. Quant aux bergers qui, pendant I'estivage de leurs troupeaux, passent la nuit
dans des burons ou dans des cabanes installees pres des parcs OU se trouve leur betail, on
peut.dire qu'ils sont une exception.
Au cours des annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix de ce siecle, dans les milieux
ruraux de Ia Bosnie-Herzegovine, on remarque plusieurs sortes de couchages . La dif­
ference fondamentale reside dans Ie fait que certains se compo sent uniquement de linge
de lit, a savoir de pieces de tissu telles que draps, couvertures et oreillers, ou bien d ' aut­
res comportent aussi, en plus du Iinge de lit, un meuble aux formes specialement adap­
tees a la position allongee. Ce meuble est divers de par sa forme , son mode de fabrica­
tion, Ie materiel dont il est fait et autres . II represente en partie I'heritage des temps
anciens et en partie Ie mobilier urbain recemment adopte dans les campagnes. Les Iits
sont parfois, mais de plus en plus rarement, des produits faits a la main par les habitants
eux-memes ou Ie plus sou vent des produits artisanaux ou industriels achetes dans Ie
commerce. II est tres frequent, surtout dans les families aux revenus mod estes ou meme
tres modestes, qu'on utilise dans une meme maison des couch ages appartenant a diver­
ses epoques et cultures. Dans les maisons des families aisees, on peut trouver les der­
nieres nouveautes de lit disponibles dans Ie commerce. Par rapport a la situation anterieure,
I'espace d ' habitation s'est trouve considerablement enrichi par ce tneuble, tout simple­
ment parce qu ' a la campagne on pensait que chaque membre de la famille vivant so us un
meme toit devait avoir un couchage particulier. Etant donne que certains couch ages ont
une double fonction, on peut sup poser que certains d'entre eux avaient ete achetes en
premier lieu comme meuble devant servir de siege. La literie aussi est (pour diverses
raisons) tres variee, qu'il s'agisse du linge de lit ou de la literie completant certaines for­
mes de bois de lit.
L'une des formes de couchage les plus rares parmi Ies formes anciennes conservees
jusqu'a nos jours se compose d'un plateau fait de lattes, legerement sureleve grlice a des
poutres posees a meme Ie sol. Par sa forme et ses dimensions, il est Ie pendant du siege­
lit appele « krevet » qui se trouvait pres de I'litre dans les vieil1es demeures de quelques
endroits de I'Herzegovine occidentale, en Herzegovine orientale ainsi qu' en Bosnie. De
teis hts installes pres de I'litre, on n'en rencontre plus maintenant que dans les burons
des bergers saisonniers dans les montagnes entre la Bosnie et I'Herzegovine. La literie
qui accompagne ce type de lit se compose de tapis et couvertures tisses en laine et d' un
oreil1er en Iaine bourre de paille. Le couchage en forme de plateau bas recouvert d' un
tapis specifique, tisse en laine et appele « gunj » , sans linge de lit, est tres caracteristique
et facilement remarquable dans les habitations rudimentaires des eleveurs de I'Herzego­
vine du nord-est (tab. III). Bien que dans les villages des bergers sedentaires on trouve
egalement de nos jours des formes de couchage (Ie plus sou vent des divans et des
canapes) et de literie plus modernes, un grand nombre de bergers continue a dormir sur
un tapis de laine (<< serdZad », « sedzad ») etendu a meme Ie sol (tab. VII, fig. 1).11
L'habitude de dormir par terre en depit de I'existence d'un couch age moderne dans
Ie logement existe aussi dans d'autres parties de la Bosnie-Herzegovine. Dans presque

II Le mot « serdzada » ou «sedzada » est un mot d'origine arabe et Ie Dictionnaire d' A. Skaljic
en donne la signification suivante: tapis, petit papis sur !equel les musulmans font leurs
prieres ; sert aussi d'ornement interieur; de forme rectangulaire. (A. Skaljic, ibid .)

toute la Bosnie-Herzegovine, la population musulmane y est res tee tres attachee car iI
s' agit avant tout d ' une habitude profondement enracinee. A la difference de I'Herzego­
vine, en Bosnie , avant de se coucher, on etend par terre un matelas (bourre de paille
d'avoine, de fougeres, de foin ou de laine) et plus recerrunent un matelas de mousse ou
un futon (tab. VII, fig. 2). II existe aujourd'hui encore des differences evidentes entre la
literie utilisee pour Ie couchage sur Ie sol dans les maisons musulmanes de Bosnie et
dans celles d'Herzegovine (tab. VIII, fig. 1 et 2). En Herzegovine, on utilise des tapis et
couvertures en laine tissee, de fabrication domestique, qui ne sont pas obligatoirement
completees par du linge de lit, alors qu'en Bosnie, a l'exception de certaines regions ou
I'elevage des moutons est l'activite dominante, les tapis et couvertures en laine tissee ont
rarement ete conserves, et ce sont les couvertures piquees et les oreillers de fabrication
domestique ainsi que des couvertures et courtepointes achetees dans Ie commerce et Ie
linge de lit qui sont surtout utilises. Dans la journee, celte literie, qui porte des noms
divers «< haljine », « haljinka », « slog », etc.) est repliee et rangee dans un coin de la
piece, dans ou bien sur une armoire ou dans une armoire vitree. La literie que l'on range
sur l'armoire ou dans une armoire vitree est en general de bonne qualite ; ainsi la mait­
resse de maison peut-elle faire voir son goOt pour Ie beau tinge.
Dans les villages des regions economiquement sous-developpees de la Bosnie­
Herzegovine, par exemple dans les environs de Bosansko Grahovo, Teslic, Capljina et
autres, les foyers de personnes agees qui n' ont pas quilte leurs vieilles demeures, ont
conserve Ie lit fait de planches reposant sur quatre pieds, a bords bas, tous de la meme
hauteur, ou bien a bords bas sur les cotes, tandis que Ie pied et Ie chevet sont plus hauts,
de fabrication domestique grossiere ou de fabrication artisanale plus elaboree (tab. IX).13
Cornme les personnes agees preferent dormir dans une piece chauffee, ce type de lit qui,
a I'origine, se trouvait exclusivement dans la chambre, trouve sa place dans la cuisine
plus recerrunent, mais seulement dans Ie cas ou celle-ci n'est pas dotee d ' un equipement
moderne. Ce type de lit est inconcevable sans sa pailiasse ou son matelas. D'autre part,
Ie linge de lit qui lui est propre, a des caracteristiques qui varient d'une region a l'autre.
Dans les villages des environs de Tesanj , par exemple, on trouve comme linge de lit
ancien un tapis de lin appete « ponjava » ou drap de dessous que l' on etend sur Ie mate­
las et une couverture de lin ou de laine que I'on appelle egalement « ponjava ». Dans les
villages des environs de Zmijanje, on trouve aussi corrune Iiterie ancienne la paillasse, Ie
drap de chanvre ou de coton et une couverture en laine foulee. En Posavina , OU, a la
compagne, on attache plus d'importance a la titerie que dans les autres regions de la
Bosnie, les populations serbe et croate ont conserve les draps et couvertures faits a la
main ou de fabrication industrielie, omes de larges dentelles . Dans ces lits anciens, Ie
plus sou vent on trouvait du linge de lit de coton bicolore, a carreaux (draps du dessous,
housses de courtepointe et taies d'oreiller).
Corrune type moderne de lit de fabrication industrielle, on distingue Ie lit conjugal
instaJle dans Ie cadre c1assique de la chambre a coucher ou Ie lit a deux places (appele
« lit fran«ais ») qui forme avec d'autres meubles de type mod erne la chambre a coucher ;
viennent ensuite Ie divan, Ie sofa, Ie canape convertible a deux ou trois places ainsi que
d'autres meubles vend us separement ou dans Ie cadre d'ensembles de plusieurs pieces
tels qu'on en trouve dans Ie commerce (tab. X) . Cornme on I'a deja mentionne, Ie divan
et Ie sofa sont plus frequents dans les demeures de la population musulmane des villages

12 II s'agit d'un tapis de mousse synthetique introduit dans une housse en tissu. Peut servir de
siege ou bien tenir lieu de matelas.
1) Les exemplaires de la variante originaJe de ce type de lit sans cotes (connus dans les environs
de Tesanj et dans quelques endroits de la Bosnie orientale sous Ie non de « palaca ») n'ont pas
ete conserves jusqu' a maintenant.

situes Ie long de la Bosna. On a I'impression que dans les demeures bosniaques , i1s
servent plus de sieges ou eventuellement de couchages pour les invites. Les famiUes
aisees utilisent pout les formes de lit modernes du linge de lit Ie plus souvent de fabrica­
tion industrielle, achete dans Ie commerce: couvertures, courtepointes, oreillers et taies,
draps et housses de courtepointe en tissu. Le lit a deux places, dit « lit fran<;:ais }}, exige
un linge de lit particulierement adapte. Maintenant, il n'est plus inhabituel de recouvrir
tous les jours Ie lit refait, surtout Ie « lit fran<;:ais », d'un couvre-lit decoratif.
Dans de nombreuses regions d'Herzegovine et dans certaines regions de Bosnie ou
on n'a pas encore abandonne I'elevage des moutons, on trouve souvent a cote du linge
de lit moderne, des couvertures en laine tissees, faites a la main, au decor moderne repon­
dant aux goOts des occupants actuels . Les couvertures preferees sont des couvertures
bicolores a carreaux en laine foulee comme on en trouve dans les environs de Glavaticevo
{appelees « deka ») et dans les environs de Hutovo (appelees « deka » bariolees).
Comme on I'a remarque d'apres ce qui precede, les couchages d'un logement, qu'ils
soient installes en permanence ou reinstalles tous Ies soirs avant Ie coucher, peuvent
trouver leur place aussi bien dans les chambres que dans la cuisine. En effet , dans la
majorite des families, la cuisine tient egalement lieu de chambre a coucher meme si Ie
logement comporte suffisamment de pieces qui pourraient etre reservees a cet usage. Ce
sont les membres les plus ages ou les personnes malades qui, Ie plus sou vent , dorment
dans la cuisine; mais parfois , ce sont Ie maitre et la maltresse de maison ou bien la
grand-mere et les petits-enfants. Les couples ages ne partagent pas toujours la meme
chambre, et il arrive que I'un d'eux dorme a la cuisine. Dans les maisons que des famil­
Ies aisees se sont fait recemment construire et qui comportent une chambre a coucher
equipee a cet effet, cette piece peut servir de chambre a coucher tous les soirs ou episo­
diquement. Dans nombre de ces demeures, la chambre a coucher, piece particulierement
bien meublee et entretenue, est reservee aux invites qui passent la nuit dans la famille.
D'ailleurs, la plupart du temps, on offre aux invites Ie meiJleur couchage de la maison.
Nous citerons un exemple interessant d'habitude dans I'organisation du coucher dans
les maisons ou I'espace d'habitation est restreint, exemple dont nous avons ete temoin
lors de nos recherches sur Ie terrain , dans des villages isoles dans la montagne non loin
de Sarajevo. Dans une famille musulmane de renom de Gornji Lukomir (Bjelasnica) ,
qui, entre les annees quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix, habitait un logement etroit, equipe
de meubles traditionnels de fabrication artisanale et industrielle ancienne, Ie maitre et la
maitresse de maison dorment toujours dans la cuisine, leur fils, sa femme et ses enfants
dans une petite piece; quant aux eventuels invites , quels que soient leur age et leur sexe
et me me s' ils n' ont aucun lien de parente, i1s passent la nuit, tous ensemble dans la gran­
de chambre. Alors c'est I'invite de marque ou les deux invites les plus respectables qui
ont Ie privilege de dormir dans Ie lit, alors que les autres couchent par terre sur des tapis,
alignes I'un a cote de I'autre. D'autre part, Ie fait que dans les milieux arrieres, Ie linge
de lit (drap, taie et housse de courtepointe) est rarement change et que I' alternance des
utilisateurs du lit (couchage) n'impligue pas I'obligation de changer Ie linge de lit, est
tout a fait symptomatique.


C'est sous I'influence des evenements socio-econorniques contemporains que Ie processus

d'evolution rapide du mode d'habitat de la population rurale de la Bosnie-Herzegovine a
commence, vers la fin des annees guatre-vingt et au debut des annees quatre-vingt-dix
de ce siecle. Les revenus de ceux qui travaillent a I'etranger, d'une part, et les divers
credits et aides financieres offerts a ceux qui travaillent dans les entreprises industrielles

locales (batiment, exploitation des forets et autres), d'autre part, ont constitue un fort
stimulant et ont favorise ce progreso Ces deux facteurs ont cree non seulement la base
economique de ce progres, mais, Ie plus important, c'est Ie fait que ces travailleurs ayant
sejourne dans des milieux evolues, y ont decouvert et acquis de nouvelles habitudes en
matiere de logement et se sont efforces a leur retour d'ameliorer I'habitat de leur propre
milieu. Ce qui constitue egalement une veritable opportunite, c'est Ie fait qu'un grand
nombre de ces travailleurs etaient Ie plus souvent employes, aussi bien a l'etranger que
dans leur pays, dans I' industrie du batiment ; et Ie fait de pouvoir assurer un toit a leur
famille, leur permettait d'acquerir un peu de prestige social. De nombreux phenomenes
(par ex. la construction de grandes maisons ou plusieurs pieces restent inutilisees, la
non-utilisation des appareils installes et autres) laissent penser que ces travailleurs, de
retour de I'etranger, etaient plus motives, en construisant et en amenageant leur maison a
la campagne a I' instar des logements urbains, par Ie desir de prestige que par la volonte
d'ameliorer l'espace vital.
Au cours de cette periode de vingt ans, pendant laquelle de nombreuses families
rurales ont investi les moyens dont elles disposaient dans la construction et I'equipement
de leur maison, I'electrification des villages, la construction de routes, l'adduction d'eau
et autres ont transforme l'aspect des villages et il s'y est cree un fonds d'habitations
con<;:ues selon Ie modele des appartements ou maisons individuelles des agglomerations
urbaines. Paralielement au changement du cadre materiel de I' habitat, les habitudes et
activites des ruraux dans leur nouveau logement evoluent lentement. Si I' on considere Ie
territoire de la Bosnie-Herzegovine dans Son integralite, on peut conclure que les dif­
ferences qui apparaissent aujourd'hui dans les maisons rurales, dans leur amenagement
et dans Ie mode de vie de la population rurale dans son logement sont assez grandes,
mais les courants modernes menent inexorablement vers une unification du cadre et du
mode d' habitation, aussi bien dans la population musulmane que dans la population
croate ou serbe, et ce, du nord au sud du territoire.

Traduit par
Marie-Agnes VUJIC

Tableau I

Fig. 1 Detail d 'une cuisine equipee d 'un foum eau dit « fijaker », Bastasi (environs de B. Grahovo )

Fig. 2 Detail d 'une cuisine, G. Opine (au pied du mont Velez)


Tableau II

Fi g. 1 Poele en terre dit « zemljara ", inslalle dans La salle de sejour ;

fabrique en 1974. Kerep (environs de Gradacac)

Tableau III

Fig. I Fourneau dil « furuna » inslalli dans La salle de sejour,

Kamena (en virons de B Lagaj)


Tableau IV

Fig. I Repas dans La cuisine aU/our de La labLe basse dile « sinija », Kamena (environs de Blagaj)

Fig. 2 Repas dans la cuisine, pris sur Ie sol, Repnik (environs de BanoviCi)

Tableau V

Fig, I Detail d'une cuisine: preparation de La « pita II, G, Opine (au pied du mont Velez)

Fig. 2 Detail d'une cuisine: moment de la vaisseffe, Mudrike (Vlasic)


Tableau VI

Fig. I Detail d'une cliisine .· Koricani (Vlasic)

Fig. 2 Detail d'une cuisin.e: Kosova (en.virons de Magla)


Tableau VII

Fi g. 1 Detail d 'une chambre: couchage sur Ie sol, Kamena (environs de Blaga))

Fig. 2 Detail d 'une chambre : couchage sur Ie sol, Porijeeani (environs de Visoko)

Tableau VIII

Fig. I Detail d'un e chambre: linge de lit, Ponirak (environs de Zenica)

Fig. 2 Derail d 'une chambre: tinge de iii, Kamena (environs de Blaga))


Tableau IX

Fig. I Lit, Jezera ·(environs de Teslic)


Tableau X

Fig. 1 De/ail d'une chambre, LjubunCii: (environs de Livno)

UDK 335.01 : 338 .14 (497.6 Sarajevo) "1992/1993"





Le but de cette etude est de montrer brievement Ie fonctionnement de la vie economique

cQmme activite humaine fondamentale dans une ville modeme, mais detruite et assiegee
depuis plusieurs mois. Ayant moi-meme ete obligee de vivre dans cette ville durant cette
periode et ayant pu observer I'horreur dans laquelle elle etait plongee, j ' ai eprouve Ie
besoin de noter tous les changements qui se sont produits en peu de temps dans la vie
economique de la ville. Comme des specialistes de la vie economique s'etaient deja pen­
ches sur ses changements et son evolution dans Ie milieu rural, il m'a semble opportun de
suivre pendant cette guerre I'evolution de la vie economique dans un milieu urbain tel que
L' approche methodologique choisie pour cette etude est empirique et, dans les con­
ditions ou elle a ete realisee, c' etait la seule qui rut possible. Pour tous ceux qui surviv­
ront, I'apres-guerre sera une peri ode particulierement interessante, car elle va offrir des
conditions qui, grace a I'experience de la guerre et a I'analyse scientifique de cette experien­
ce, permettront d' entreprendre Ie redressement du pays.

Afin de mieux preciser I' essence du lheme donne, il esl indispensable de rappe1er la silua­
tion elles condilions dans lesquelles se lrouvaienlla Republique de Bosnie-Herzegovine
loul enliere ella ville de Sarajevo au printemps de l'annee 1992, car ces conditions ont
eu une influence directe sur 1es changements qui seront exposes dans cette etude.
A vrai dire, tout a commence en mars 1992, quand la RepubJique de Bosnie-Herzego­
vine, dont la souverainete avait ete reconnue par la communaute internationale, a ete
soumise a un acte d'agression et a subi de terribles destructions qui , malheureusement
n' ont pas encore cesse au moment OU je redige cette etude. Comme capilale administrati ve
el important centre culturel et economique, Sarajevo subit ces changements d'une
maniere specifique el reussit a resisler el a survivre comme peu de villes I'onl fail dans
I'hisloire de toules les guerres.
L ' altaque de la ville debule par ce qu'on appelle a Sarajevo « les barricades de mars »,
JesquelJes n'onl pas suscile un veritable retentissemenl dans I'opinion publique; d'ailleurs,
les habitants de Sarajevo etaienl eux-memes convaincus qu'il n'y avail la rien de bien

I Cette etude ne represente qu'un bref compte rendu de mes recherches sur cette problematique
pendant I'annee citee.

serieux, qu'une solution politique allait etre trouvee et que la guerre epargnerait les habi­
tants de la Bosnie-Herzegovine. Leurs souhaits n'ont pas ete exauces et, Ie deuxieme
jour de la fete musuJmane du Ba"iram, qui tombait en avril, iJs virent d' autres barricades
se dresser qui annoyaient I'horreur dans laquelle Ja ville allait etre plongee en moins
d'un mois.
Entre les premieres et les deuxiemes barricades, Ja vie econornique de la ville est
caracterisee par une certaine tension, mais tout reste, pourrait-on dire, normal. Toutes
Jes entreprises fonctionnaient, les transports urbains aussi, toutes les lignes urbaines
fonctionnaient et les communications avec I' exterieur etaient ouvertes. Cette peri ode est
marquee par un exode massif de la population, surtout de Ja population active qui, pour
d iverses raisons, quitte Ja ville. II s' agissait la d' un signe caracteristique Jaissant presager
que Ie tourbillon de la guerre et toutes les horreurs qu ' il amene avec lui ne no us eparg­
neraient pas.
Tout Ie monde etait plus ou moins conscient de ces terribles faits et se preparait fiev­
reusement, profitant des derniers moments pour emmagasiner des vivres et autres artic­
les de premiere necessite. Chaque foyer avait fait des reserves de nourriture, mais cela
allait s'averer bien vite insuffisant et c'est la famine et I'horrible incertitude du lende­
main auxquelles les habitants allaient devoir faire face . Et c'est bien Ie pire qui arriva, ce
que les Sarajeviens et la ville n'avaient jamais ni vecu ni subi au cours des precedentes
Le 2 mai 1992 commenya un pilonnage acharne et systematique de la ville par toutes
sortes d' armes lourdes: lance-roquettes, obus de mortier de gros calibre et autres. De
to utes parts, ou plus precisement de to utes les collines entourant la ville, s' organisait un
blocus de la ville encore jamais vu et qui dure encore au moment ou je redige cette etude.
Les habitants de Sarajevo, horrifies devant cette incroyable monstruosite et affoles
par la situation a laquelle ils se trouvent confrontes, alors que jusqu ' alors ils vivaient
normalement, doivent vivre dans un autre environnement: dans les caves et les abris.
Leur agonie va durer trois mois et cette periode passee dans les caves sera pour eux, au
sens litteral du terme, une veritable vie de prisonniers coupes de leur famille, de leurs
amis, du monde entier. Sortir des caves ou des abris, me me pour aller chercher du pain ,
c'etait s'exposer a tous les dangers et, pour de nombreux Sarajeviens, ces sorties furent
tres souvent fatales. Le temoignage Ie plus effroyable de cette epogue, l'evenement qui a
fait Ie tour du monde, c'est Ie massacre de Ja rue Prkosa, ou perirent justement des gens
qui faisaient la queue devant une boulangerie qui venait d'etre approvisionnee .
Durant cette periode, la ville, qui a pris un tout autre aspect, commence a vivre une
vie tout a fait nouvelle et inconnue; c'est ce qui constitue Ie theme de cette etude .



En J'espace de trois mois, de mai a aoOt, la ville est systematiquement demolie et tous
ses biens culturels, publics et economiques aneantis. C'est d'abord la poste principale
qui est detruite, si bien qu ' un tiers de la ville se retrouve completement coupe du monde.
Puis ce sont les batiments de la Radio-Television de Sarajevo qui sont touches ainsi que
tous les emetteurs et relais sur Ie territoire de la Bosnie-Herzegovine. Pour ce faire, to us
les armements disponibles ont ete utilises, meme I'aviation.
Les communications avec Ie monde etant completement coupees et personne, a ['ex­
ception des Sarajeviens eux-memes, ne sachant ce qui se passe vraiment, les bombar­
dements continuent, encore plus frequents et plus violents. Le but que I' on cherche a at­
teindre, c'est empecher l'infrastructure de la ville de fonctionner et la reduire a neanl. Le
depot de I' entreprise de transport urbain - GRAS - et Ie pare de vehicules (autocars) de

I'entreprise Centrotrans sont detruits et les gares ferroviaire et routiere sont bombardees
jusqu'a aneantissement complet. Alors, les transports urbains et interurbains cessent de
fonctionner. Puis c'est Ie tour de la boulangerie et de la laiterie industrielles, de la maison
d 'edition et du grand quotidien « Oslobodenje » et du vieux centre commercial et artisanal
de Sarajevo - Bascarsija.
En une nuit la ville a ete transformee en un tas d' immeubles demolis ou endommages,
etles seuls qui, pendant cette periode, aient tente de s'opposer a celie destruction et qui ,
Ie plus souvent , perirent, furent les infatigables pompiers, les ouvriers de la boulangerie
et de la laiterie, les journalistes de la radio et de la television nationale, ceux de la chaine
independante Hayat et les ouvriers de la manufacture des tabacs. Toutes les autres
activites du secteur public furent provisoirement interrompues, car les employes ne
pouvaient plus se rendre a leur travail, ni effectuer leurs taches quotidiennes , puisque
toutes les entreprises publiques etaient detruites et hors d' etat de fonctionner. Quant au
secteur prive, ce sont les menuiseries qui ne manquaient pas de commandes, car en ces
temps de malheur, jour et nuit, les menuisiers fabriquaient des cercueils pour toutes les
victimes, civiles ou militaires, de la ville.
Pendant cette periode, peut-etre la plus difficile de cette annee-Ia, les habitants de
Sarajevo passent leur temps dans les caves de leurs maisons ou dans les abris collectifs,
consommant les dernieres reserves de nourriture qui restent apres un hiver long et rigoureux.
II y a encore de I'eau, de I'electricite, et cette vie, passee a ecouter la radio ou a regarder
la teJevision, dans I'espoir que la guerre ne va pas durer longtemps, est encore, en quel­
que sorte, supportable. Le plus penible etait de penser que, dorenavant plus rien ne serait
jamais comme avant, et puis iI y avait cette question qui revenait sans cesse: Mais
qu'est-ce qui no us arrive') Et pourquoi cela nous arrive-t-il a nous, justement')
Lorque Ie monde a fini par avoir eu connaissance des images d' horreur venant de Sa­
rajevo et que tout Ie monde a eu compris clairement qu'en depit de tout, les Sarajeviens
etaient bien decides a defendre leur ville et a s'organiser, les bombardements de la ville
redoublerent d' intensite. Les lignes de haute tension, les stations de transformation et
d'approvisionnement de la ville en electricite et en eau potable furent bombardees et
detruites. Mais ces destructions systematiques touchent aussi des edifices civils et des
milliers d'habitants se retrouvent sans abri, ce qui aggrave les conditions de vie des civils,
conditions deja si penibles. II est evident qu'il s'agit d'une veritable guerre et que I'aide,
tant militaire qU ' alimentaire, n'est pas prete d'arriver. Les habitants de Sarajevo sont com­
pletement impuissants et au bord de la famine.
L'electricite coupee, les congeleteurs des foyers ne fonctionnant plus, les dernieres
reserves de viande, de fruits et Jegumes sont deteriorees et inutilisables. Habitues a une
alimentation variee et consistante, les habitants acceptent mal la situation qui leur est
imposee et remontent des caves tous les outils qui pourraient servir, pour piocher et faire
fructifier Ie moindre lopin de terre, meme la terre des pots de fleufs des baJcons des im­
meubles. En juin, avec un peu de retard certes, on seme des graines adaptees au climat
de Sarajevo: oignons , ails, epinards, carottes, persil, courgettes, petits pois, haricots
verts et quelques plans de tomates. Des semences, on en trouve encore sur Ie marche et
puis iI y a aussi ceux qui ont une residence secondaire sur les collines des environs et qui
ont I' habitude de cultiver leur petitjardin. Comme, depuis Ie debut des bombardements,
il leur a ete impossible de sortir de la ville, ils n'ont pu, cette annee, aller semer ces
graines qu'ils possedent chez eux, a Sarajevo.
Ala peripherie de la ville, dans les vergers prives, les premiers fruits etaient arrives a
maturite et faisaient la joie des enfants. Mais personne ne s'aventurait a aller les cueillir,
car les tireurs isoles intervenaient sans reliiche. On ad' ailleurs enregistre Ie cas de deux
jeunes gens qui, ne pouvant resister a I'attrait d'un cerisier aux fruits bien mOrs, on paye
de leur vie Ie plaisir de croquer ces belles cerises.

Tous ceux qui n'avaient ni jardin, ni verger et qui ne pouvaie nt done ni semer ni recol­
ter fruits ou legumes, satisfaisaient leurs besoins en legumes verts et en vitamines avec
ce qu'ils pouvaient trouver dans la nature: orties (Urtica dioica), pissenlits (Taraxacum
officinale), arroche (Chenopodium album), tussilage (Tussilago farjara), feuilles de vigne
(Vitis vinifera) et autres plantes comestibles .
Les menageres de Sarajevo deviennent tres vite de veritables speciaiistes de la prepa­
ration de plats et mets divers, utilisant Ie minimum d'ingredients dont elles disposent,
auxquels elles ajoutent des plantes cueillies dans les pares et les espaces verts de la ville.
Comme les hommes sont en general engages dans la defense de la ville, on assiste au
partage des taches entre les hommes et les femmes, ce qui constitue un retour aux rap­
ports patriarcaux traditionnels dans la famille. La femme etait responsable des affaires
domestiques et passait la majeure partie de son temps a ramasser des branches, a se pro­
curer de I'eau et a faire la queue chez une voisine qui avait une cuisiniere a bois, pour y
preparer Ie repas, y faire cuire Ie pain quand il n'y en avait plus dans les boulangeri es ni
dans les epiceries. On ressort Ie long et mince rouleau a patisserie servant a etendre la
pate pour la confection de divers feuilletes (<< pita »). Les plus apprecies a cette epoque
par les Sarajeviens e taient Ie feuillete « nature » «< maslenica »), Ie feuillete aux orties et
Ie feuillete au riz. II y avait aussi au menu les inevitables beignets appeles a Sarajevo
« lokumi » faits avec du levain, de la levure chimique ou du bicarbonate de soude.
Les gens se debrouillaient comme ils Ie pouvaient et certai ns avaient bricole des
fourneaux improvises a partir de bOltes de conserve, de bidons vides ou de reservoirs de
chasse d'eau, pour pouvoir y preparer Ie cafe, les tisanes et rechauffer les plats confec­
tionnes et cuits quelque part ailleurs , chez une voisine ou autre. La necessite et Ie malheur
rapprochaient les gens. Les rassemblements conviviaux qui, dans les grandes villes,
n'etaient plus de coutume, etaient plus frequents et ies rapports entre les personnes etaient
d'un tres bon niveau.
A cWe epoque, la vie economique de la ville etait completement paralysee; comme
on I'a deja souligne, les frequentes coupures d'electricite remettaient souvent en question
Ie fonctionnement des rares entrepri ses ayant conserve une certaine activite, a savoir la
boulangerie industrielle et la manufacture des tabacs qui, grace a leurs propres reserves
de fioul, fonctionnaient a capacite reduite. C'est pourquoi a cette epoque les denrees de
premie re necess ite sont absentes des rayons des magasins et les cigarettes deviennent
une denn~e tres recherchee qui, sur les marches, sert de monnaie d 'echange. C'est Ie
retour du troc, forme primitive du commerce.
Le commerce, comme forme d'activite economique, est en plein essor et, pour certai­
nes personnes qui excellent dans Ie marche noir, cette activite est, dans cette folie, Ie
seul mode de communication entre les gens. Et tandis que certains se font tuer, que
d'autres se battent pout survivre, ceux qui font du marche noir - les profiteurs de guerre
- s'approprient en une nuit d'enormes sommes d'argent qui leur permeLlent de dicter
leur loi sur Ie marche . Les marches de Sarajevo se transforment en une oasis, un refuge
pour ces individus qui offrent aux malheureux acheteurs, a des prix exhorbitants, des
marchandises , Ie plus souvent, volees . Dans I' impossibilite de se procurer ces marchan­
dises ailleurs, les acheteurs sont obliges de se rendre sur les marches pour se les procu­
rer aupres de ces marchands cJandestins 2
Je vais citer comme exemple Ie marche de Markale, dans Ie centre de la ville, marc he
ou j 'allais souvent et qui est reste ouvert meme pendant les pires bombardements. La
situation etait la meme sur les autres marches de la ville, Ie seule difference etant que,
dans certains cas, les prix pouvaient y etre un peu moins eleves.

2 En plus des miseres de la guerre, les Sarajeviens sont con frontes au probleme de la devastation
des magasins et des entrepots de la ville qui ont ete non seulement detruits mais aussi devali ses.

A cette epoque, les denrees Ies plus demandees etaient les fruits et legumes, ainsi que
les epices, les reserves domestiques etant depuis longtemps epuisees . L' offre y etait
maigre, mais on pouvait y trouver en faible quantite: des epices e n poudre, du parika en
poudre, de la Iessive, des savonnettes, du papier hygienique, du chocolat et des bonbons
(de marques etrangeres ou ceux que fabriquaient la chocolaterie de Sarajevo - ZORA),
du cafe, des briquets jelables, des allumettes et des cure-dents. Les prix de ces articles
grimperent tres vite, en fonction de la situation et ils etaient si eleves que l'acheteur po­
tentiel ne pouvait s'en procurer qu'un seul , a la rigueur deux , par mois. Sur ce marche,
conune fruits et legumes, on pouvait trouver des oignons, de la salade, des feuilles de
chou vert, des blettes, des feuilles de betteraves fourrageres, des pissenlits, des orties ,
des feuilJes de vigne,diverses plantes sechees pour infusions et des fruits, voles Ie plus
sou vent, non encore suffisamment mOrs. Tous ces produits etaient vendus a des prix
exhorbitants, mais on pouvait se les procurer contre des cigarettes, article qu'il n'etait
pas du tout facile de se procurer. II y avait aussi sur Ie marche des gens qui avaient amene
des objets de chez eux, sou vent en mauvais etat, pour les echanger contre un autre pro­
duit, une denree alimentaire en general. Dans ce systeme de troc, les marchandises les
plus recherchees etaient les cigarettes et les alcools.
Toutefois, cette periode elant une periode particulierement dangereuse, nombreux
furent ceux qui developperent la vente a domicile. En effet, ceux qui avaient fait quelques
travaux de jardinage a la fin du printemps, commencerent peu a peu a recolter les fruits
de leur labeur. N 'osant pas aller vendre leur recolte en ville, ils faisaient du porte a porte
dans leurs quartiers pour vendre leurs fruits et legumes. Au debut, on pouvait acheter
des oignons , de la salade, des carottes et des feuilles de betteraves fourrageres en payant
en monnaie locale, mais bien vite ces « colporteurs » voulurent etre payes en devises, en
general en D-Marks , si bien que la seule source de vitamines est devenue inaccessible
aux habitants ne possedant pas de devises.
Voici un exemple de prix pratiques: 3 DM Ie kilo de feuilles de bette raves four­
rageres, 10-12 DM Ie kilo de pommes de terre. A vrai dire, on pouvait aussi se procurer
de la viande et des oeufs, mais bien sOr en payant en devises.
On en arriva a I'effondrement complet du marche; Ie systeme de paiement en est une
preuve flagrante. Le systeme de troc fonctionnait parallelement au systeme de paiement
en valeurs diverses: monnaie locale, dinar croate et D-Mark. Pourtant, dans tout ce chaos,
ce qui est Ie plus interessant, ce qui irritait et deconcertait les Sarajeviens, c'est Ie fait
que chaque quartier, chaque groupe d 'im meubles, pourrait-on dire , avait son pro pre
marche reglemente par ses propres lois et principes que personne ne pouvait ou ne
pretendait contr6ler. Dans des quartiers peripheriques tels que Stup, Otes ou Hrasnica,
les denrees alimentaires - viande, oeufs, fruits et legumes - se trouvaient sur les etals en
quantite suffisante et etaient assez bon marche. Les habitants de la ville meme se
sentaient leses. Aussi, certaines personnes qui possedaient un laissez-passer reu ss issaient
a alJer dans ces banlieues, s'y procuraient ces denrees a tres bon marche et les reven­
daient tres chers aux habitants du ce!ltre ville qui, epuises par ces journees passees dans
les caves avaient tellement envie d'oignons, de ponunes de terre et de tomates. Les de­
vises filaient assez facilement des doigts des habitants, car tout Ie monde etait pratique­
ment convaincu que la guerre allait rapidement prendre fin et que la vie allait reprendre
son cours normal.
On pourrait clore cette periode vers la mi-juillet 92. A ce moment-la, Ie blocus etait
total, meme l'aide humanitaire ne pouvait penetrer en ville et les habitants etaient au
bord de la famine. La situation va considerablement changer appres la proclamation de
I'etat de guerre. Une vie adaptee aux conditions de guerre va s'organiser et une econo­
mie de guerre va se mettre a fonctionner.





Le Gouvernement de la Republique de Bosnie-Herzegovine ayant proclame l'etat de

guerre, des changements importants interviennent dans la vie de la ville, qu'il s'agisse de
la vie publique, cultureIle ou economique. Toutes les activites economiques sont orien­
tees en priorite vers les besoins militaires, si bien qu'a partir du mois de juillet 92, on re­
marque un double fonctionnement de l'economie - une partie du systeme economique
est orientee vers les besoins militaires, tandis que l'autre est au service de la population
civile. La situation des civils n'a guere evolue et la situation etant ce qu'elle etait, Ie mode
de vie des habitants de la ville en cette periode de guerre ressemble fort au mode de vie
rurale traditionnel des paysans des campagnes de Bosnie-Herzegovine.
Cette pen ode est tres interessante car, a chacune des trois saisons qui vont se suc­
ceder, correspondent des activites economiques particulieres. L'ete est la saison OU les
habitants de Sarajevo vont travailler sous la pluie des balles des tireurs isoles, font la
queue pour Ie pain et commencent a reparer les maisons et appartements endommages,
en prevision de l'automne et des pluies abondantes qui Ie caracterisent. Dans leur quete
quotidienne de nourriture , a cote des plantes presentes sur Ie marche et dans la nature,
pour ameliorer I'ordinaire, les Sarajeviens font Ie tour des organisations humanitaires
pour essayer d'y obtenir autre chose que du riz et de la farine. A cette epoque, Ie lait est
une denree rare car la laiterie de Sarajevo, faute de matiere premiere et de combustible,
a cesse sa production. Les premiers touches sont les enfants, les personnes agees et les
L'ete est la periode ou I'on fait des confitures et marmelades de fruits avec un mini­
mum de sucre, surtout des confitures de prunes. On ramasse egalement des branches dans
les parcs et les bois des environs ou bien on recupere des planches dans les batiments
detruits. En raison des importants dommages causes sur les lignes de haute tension, les
coupures d'electricite sont de plus en plus frequentes et de plus en plus longues ; quant a
l'approvisionnement en eau, il est de plus en plus incertain. Certains quartiers de la ville
resteront sans eau tout I' ete. Aussi les Sarajeviens devaient-i1s se lever tres tot et aller
parfois tres loin pour trouver une source d ' eau potable et, comme Ie faisaient nos
ancetres, y faire un minimum de toilette avant de se rendre a leur travail; et ce egalement
afin d'eviter l'apparition d'epidemies diverses. Beaucoup de gens portaient leurs bidons
d ' eau a bout de bras ou sur leur dos, mais nombreux etaient ceux qui avaient bricole des
poussettes d' enfants, des poussettes de marc he, des brouettes ou bien meme du materiel
speciaiement conr;:u pour transporter ces bidons d'eau.
C'est avec bien du mal et tres peu d'eau qu'iI fallait assurer sa propre hygiene
corporelle et les conditions de salubrite des Iieux ou les gens sejournaient. On en etait
revenu aux habitudes traditionnelles car iI etait absolument hors de question d'utiliser
I' aspirateur; Ie balai etait redevenu I'ustensile de base pour Ie nettoyage des sols. De
me me les machines a laver, les lave-vaisselle, fers a repasser et autres appareils electro­
menagers n'etaient plus utilisables. On faisait la vaisselJe dans divers recipients ­
cuvettes et bassines - et on faisait bouillir Ie linge dans des sorles de marmites en tole ­
lessi veuses - avant de Ie laver a la main et d' aller Ie rincer Ie plus souvent dans .I' eau
d ' une source ou dans la Miljacka, riviere qui traverse Sarajevo. Faute de lessive en
poudre , les menageres utilisaient des cendres de bois. On preparait une sorte de liquide
special servant de lessive, comme celui qu ' utilisaient nos grand-meres. On repassait
Ie linge de maniere traditionnelle, en faisant chauffer des fers en Fonte sur une source
de chaleur. En ete, il etait encore possible de se baigner dans la salle de bains, mais

lorsqu'il faisait froid, on se baignait dans la seule piece chauffee, dans diverses SOltes de
baignoires, cuvettes ou bassines. On faisait ses ablutions et on se lavait les mains au­
dessus de la baignoire ou d'une cuvette avec de l'eau coulant d'un reservoir special
muni d'une fontaine ou d'un robinet, ustensile remis en usage pendant cette guerre (et
fabrique par les ferblantiers de Sarajevo dont on parlera plus tard). Faute de produits
chimiques, les femmes se teignaient les cheveux avec du henne ou des feuilles de noyer
et du brou de noix. Comme moyen de desinfection et de blanchiment des murs, on utili­
sait a nouveau comme autrefois Ie blanc de chaux. Pour Ie nettoyage et Ie detachage des
vetements , en I' absence de produits de nettoyage chimiques, on avait recow-s au vinaigre
de cidre. Pour oter les taches de graisse, on utilisait du papier journal que I' on mettait
sur la partie tachee du vetement et on y passait a plusieurs reprises un fer chaud jusqu'a
ce que Ie papier ait absorbe la tache. Ou bien encore, on saupoudrait les taches de poudre
ou de farine et apres un certain temps, on brossait la tache avec une brosse a habits.

Fig. I Poussette pour transporter les bidons d'eau. Photo M. 8akovljev

Quant a la proprete de la ville, il n'en Mait nullement question, et les ordures mena­
geres s'amoncelaient en tas de plus en plus importants. Bien qu'il eGt ete indispensable
de prendre des mesures pour pallier cet etat de choses, il etait impossible d'organiser Ie
ramassage des ordures car aucun vehicule n' etait en etat de marche. Pour eviter les
epidemies, les habitants brillaient eux-memes ces depots d'ordures et s' efforyaient de les
installer loin de toute source d'eau potable. En depit de toutes les mesures de precaution
prises et meme s'ils faisaient bouillir l'eau de boisson, les Sarajeviens ne purent echap­
per aux epidemies de colite et d'enterocolite. Et, pour des organismes deja epuises et
ronges par la faim, ces affections constituaient une fatigue supplementaire.
Quant aux activites economiques auxquelles s'adonnait la population civile, it faut
citer, en ere, les formes traditionnelles d'elevage de betail et de volailles. Aussi bien
dans les quartiers peripheriques que dans Ie centre me me de la ville, les gens, ayant com­
pris qu ' ils devaient se debrouiller tout seuls, se mettent a elever des poules, des chevres
et des moutons. lis les avaient en general achetes a ceux qui avaient dO fuir et abandon­
ner leurs biens situes en ligne de front, mais avaient emmene dans leur fuite un peu de

petit betail et des volailles . Les gens de la ville achetaient ce betail uniquement pour
avoir du Jait et des oeufs, car ces produits avaient completement disparu des marches de
Sarajevo. Ces animaux etaient installes dans les garages et dependances et les chevres et
les moutons allaient pal'tre Ie long des chemins. Ils ne sortaient pas quand les tirs etaient
trop violents car leurs proprietaires craignaient trop de ne plus avoir de source de lail.
En ete, les gens fauchaient et fanaient l'herbe des vergers, des prairies et des espaces
verts de la ville pour avoir du foin pour I'hiver. Le lait de ces animaux etait destine en
premier lieu aux enfants du voisinage et aussi aux personnes agees et aux malades. J'ai
moi-meme pu observer un tel elevage de chevres et de volailles dans Ie centre ville et en
ai realise une documentation photographique. Au N" 46 de la rue Mrakusa, Safet Tuzlak
eleve une chevre et deux chevreaux pour que les cinq membres de sa famille ne man­
quent pas de cette denree alimentaire indispensable qu'est Ie lait. Au N° 2 de la rue Pio­
nirska, un gynecologue, Salaka Dmid, et sa femme, medecin eJle aussi, elevent des poules
pendant toute la guerre. En discutant avec Mme Salaka, j ' apprends qu' il est tres difflcile
de se procurer de la nourriture pour la volaille et que la plupart du temps elle nourrit ses
poules avec du pain rassis et de J' herbe. Aussi Jes poules pondent-eJJes peu, mais de
toute fa<;on, cette methode s'avere plus economique que d'acheter des oeufs tous les jours,
car a un certain moment, un oeuf coGtait jusqu'a 5 DM . Les poules pondaient tant qu'on
pouvait les nourrir. Des qu'il faisait froid, elles cessaient de pondre et se retrouvaient
dans la marmite ou sur Ie marche.

Fig. 2 Rint;:age de La Lessive ii une source, Photo M. Bakovljev

En plus des animaux deja cites, on elevait egalement des lapins; il etait reJativement
facile de les nourrir et leur chair etait tres appeciee sur Ie marche. Le seul defaut, c'est
qu'il fallait des devises pour pouvoir s'en procurer.
Certains employes du Musee National, bloques au musee depuis Ie debut de la guer­
re et qui y resterent jusqu'a la fin pour sauvegarder notre tresor culturel , constituent un

phenomene particulier. Dans une situation encore plus difficile que les autres habitants,
ils durent se debrouiller comme ils Ie purent pour survivre. Ils se nourrissaient exclusi­
vement de plantes cueillies dans Ie jardin botanique et ils cuisaient leur pain a I' ancien­
ne, sous une cloche de metal - sorte de braisiere - qu ' ils avaient empruntee dans la col­
lection du Departement d'ethnologie. Avec les fruits du sorbier (Sorbus aucuparia), de
I' alisier (Sorbus austriaca) et du prunus (Prunus pissardii), ils faisaient de I' eau de vie
et avec les fruits du sureau (Sambucus nigra) , du Yin.
Faute de pouvoir utiliser Ie four de leur cuisiniere, un grand nombre d'habitants de
Sarajevo fut oblige de se debrouiller avec les moyens du bord en revenant aux methodes
traditionnelles, tout en utilisant des ustensiles modernes; ainsi inventerent-ils la « braisiere »
du XX siecle. II s'agissait Ie plus souvent d'un autocuiseur ou d'une poe Ie OU \'on
cuisait Ie pain selon la principe de la daubiere.
Cet ete-Ia a ete pour les habitants de Sarajevo la periode la plus difficile quant a \'ap­
provisionnement en nourriture, jusqu'a ce que I'aide humanitaire arrive en quantites suf­
fisantes, d ' abord par Ie pont aerien, ensuite dans les centres de distribution, puis dans les
collectivites locales OU etait organisee la distribution a la population affamee.
A cote des activites traditionnelles telles que : ramasser du bois, aller chercher de I' eau
et se procurer de la nourriture, on remarque la renaissance de certaines activites artisa­
nales et un regain d'activites dans Ie centre artisanal de Ba§car§ija. II s'agit avant tout de
travaux de reparation et de remise en etat des locaux - ateliers et boutiques - si bien
qu'en depit des bombardements quotidiens du vieux quartier de la ville, les artisans
preparent la reouverture des boutiques du centre artisanal et commercial. Au debut, les
travaux de reparation des batiments endommages etaient bases sur Ie benevolat, mais la
cherte de la vie et les besoins en vivres ont contraint les artisans a se faire payer et ce,
fort cher et en devises. C'est Iii une consequence de I'absence de reglementation et de
I'apparition du marche noir et des activites des profiteurs de guerre.
Pour ces travaux de reparation, a cette periode, c'etait surtout aux menuisiers, aux
vitriers et aux mac;;ons que I'on faisait appet. Ils travaillaient Ie plus souvent avec des
materiaux qu'ils avaient reussi a conserver quelque part dans une cave, car tout ce qui se
trouvait dans leurs boutiques avait ete ou detruit ou vole. Les plus empresses a ouvrir
des boutiques ou autres locaux publics etaient les commerc;;ants, les cafetiers et les res­
taurateurs. Comme dans toute guerre, chacun d'eux y trouvait son compte en choisissant
une activite lucrative. On trouvait surtout des boutiques ou I'on vendait des denrees ali­
mentaires, des chaussures et des vetements de confection (ressortis des reserves d'avant
la guerre); les cafetiers offraient en plus du bon cafe traditionnel et des gateaux au miel,
des boissons alcoolisees et aussi I'occasion de se reunir autour d ' un verre pour bavarder.
Les boulangers du vieux quartier de Sarajevo redoublaient d ' activite. Pendant les coupures
d' electricite, ils cuisaient leur pain au bois, ce qui, en cette peri ode de penurie, etait une
veritable gourmandise. Ces boulangers cuisaient aussi les petits pains speciaux offerts a
I'issue de la ceremonie religieuse d'inhumation des defunts,3 et plus tard , c ' est la boulan­
gerie industrielle qui en eut la charge, car la demande etait tres forte en cette sinistre periode.
Les salons de coiffure, en particulier les salons pour hommes, ont toujours ete tres
animes, meme pendant les pires journees de cette periode. C'est Ie cas du salon pour
hommes situe au No 2 de la rue Gajev lrg. Son proprietaire, Nusret Abazovic et son garc;;on
coiffeur Vehbija Loncarevic coupaient les cheveux et rasaient gratuitement leurs clients ,

3 Dans la religion musulmane, lors de la commemoration du deces d'une personne, on se ras­

semble en general dans la maison du defunt et I'on recite des prieres et des phrases rituelles.
Cette commemoration a lieu Ie jour du deces , Ie septieme jour, Ie quarantieme jour de la mort
du defunt, six mois et un an apres.
D'apres : Abdulah Skaljic, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku, Sarajevo, 1989.
Voir: Aisa Softie, Tevhidi u Sarajevu, GZM (E), Sarajevo, 1984, str. 199.

qu'ils soient civils ou militaires . lis utilisaient leur propre reserve de materiel, alJaient
chercher de J' eau a une source et la faisaient chauffer chez eux. Ainsi les coiffeurs con­
tribuerent-ils a la bonne hygiene corporelle des soldats et des civils de la ville.
Cet ete-Ia, a Sarajevo, on n'a jamais tant utilise de bougies, et les ciriers redoublaient
d'activite. Les bougies etaient faites dans les ateliers de fabrication de cierges de I'eglise
orthodoxe et etaient vendus aux habitants pour des sommes tres modiques. Cela se
revel a une excellente occasion pour les revendeurs clandestins qui revendaient ces cier­
ges tres chers et se faisaient payer en devises. Apres epuisement des matieres premieres,
I'activite des ciriers marque une forte baisse et les habitants sont alors obliges pour
s'eclairer d'avoir recours a des lampes a huile qu'ils alimentent avec de J'huile de table
ou du petrole. Certains se debrouilJent en utilisant les bouts de chandelle deja consumee
qu'ils font fondre pour refaire de nouvelles bougies. lis procedaient ainsi: dans des
tubes de metal d'un certain diametre, ils pla'raient une meche (faite de vieux lacets ou
de morceaux de tissu de coton, de gaze, etc.) avant de verser la eire fondu e. Lorsque Ie
melange etait pris , ils chauffaient legerement Ie tube pour en extraire plus aisement la

Fig. 3 Ferblanterie au N" 26 de la rue Cizmediiluk, Photo M. 8akovJjev

La fin de J'ete an'iva et I'automne et l'hiver s'annon'raient - en ce qui concerne la vie

economique - etre des saisons tres difficiles pour tous ceux qui, a Sarajevo, avaient
espere que la guerre serait fini e avant I'hiver et que I'approvisionnement en electricite et
en eau serait retabli. On passe I'automne a se preparer en vue de l'hiver qui va alTiver,
tout en craignant la famin e et les grands froids. Les gens commencent fievreusement a
faire des reserves de bois et it s'equiper de poeles, car ils sont definitivement conscients
qu'il n'y aura ni eau ni electricite. II faut done se preparer a temps.C'est alors qU'entrent
en scene les artisans de Sarajevo, et les plus actifs, a cette epoque, ce sont les ferblan­
tiers. Dans la Car~ija - centre artisanal du vieux Sarajevo - au 26 de la rue Cizmediiluk
(ferblanterie de Husein Dervi~agic et de AtifDedovic) et au No 17 de la rue Veliki Curci­
luk (ferblanterie de Nurija Kiso), on travaille laborieusementjour et nuit. On y fabrique

des poSIes aussi bien pour I'armee que pour la population civile de Sarajev0 4 La meme
activite febrile regne dans les autres ferblanteries de Sarajevo qui fournissent sur Ie
marc he trois sortes de poSies, aux fonnes assez primitives, appe](~s: « fijaker », « bubnjara »
et « sanduklija ». Ils sont fabriques en tole de diverses sortes et ont des formes et dimen­
sions variees. Leur prix varie selon la forme et les dimensions, mais il est toujours fixe
en devise etrangere . Les artisans cites nous ont confie que toute leur acti vite etait orien­
tee vers la fabrication de ces differents poSIes, mais ils vendaient egalement d ' autres
articles tels que des tuyaux droits, des tuyaux coud€s, des pincettes, des pelies, des
lessiveuses, des bacs a laver ainsi que des reservoirs aeau muni d'une fontaine.

Fig. 4 Poile du type « fijaker », Photo M. BakovJjev

Deux des types de poSies cites - « sanduklija » et « fijaker » - comportaient un four;

ils etaient destines a ceux qui disposaient d'importants revenus en devises. Le troisieme
type dit « bubnjara », de forme cylindrique, comportait un foyer, un bac a cendres mais
n'avait pas de four et etait meilleur marche. Ceux qui n'avaient pas de devises se
debrouillaient et fabriquaient leurs poSies a partir de reservoirs de chasse d ' eau ou en
bricolant d'anciens poeles a fioul. Se procurer un poele etait la premiere preoccupation
de la plupart des habitants de Sarajevo. Avec Ie poSle, il fallait egalement se procurer
des tuyaux pour I'evacuation des fumees, des pelles, des pincettes, du bois ou du char­
bon. Les tuyaux, pelles et pincettes firent tres vite leur apparition sur les marches et leurs
prix etaient fixes en devises. Comme la ville etait completement bJoquee et qu'il n'y
avait aucun combustible, tres vite on a commence a couper les arbres des pares, des bos­
quets et des vergers de la ville. Au debut, les gens se contentaient de couper Jes vieux
arb res fruitiers et les arbres d€truits ou endommages par les obus; mais plus tard, quand
il s'avera qu'il n'y aurait pas de courant electrique, on se mit a couper tous les arbres, de
fac;on systematique, meme les arbres des squares et des avenues, sans craindre de s'ex­
poser aux tirs des tireurs d'elite. C'est a cette epoque que de nombreux espaces verts se

4 Outre les artisans cites avec qui j'ai discute, il y avail aussi dans les quartiers de BJeJave el de
Kovaci des ferblantiers que je n' ai pas reussi a rencontrer.

retrouverent completement denudes (pa r ex. les squares du quartier de Kosevo , Ie cime­
tiere du Li o n, l'allee bordant les rues Dure Dakovic et Hasan Brkic , etc.), tandis que
d' autres furent considerablement eclaircis. Alors se developpe Ie commerce du bois de
chauffage, vendu en sacs, a 20 ou 30 DM Ie sac. A cote des poeles et du bo is de chauf­
fage, sur les marches, ce qui est aussi tres recherche, ce sont les haches, les manches de
hache et les scies . On peut trouver ces o util s a I'etat neuf, fabriques par les artisans 10­
caux, ou d'occasion . Le rouleau a patisserie est egalement un produit de menui serie qui
reapparalt sur les marches; en effet, faute de pouvoir achcter de la pate feuil Jetee dans Ie
commerce, les menageres etendent de nouveau leur pate maison et Ie roul eau a patisserie
reprend du service.

Fig. 5 Poele du type « bubnjara " , Photo M . BakovJjev

Pendant cette peri ode, Je probleme qui hante en permanence les habitan ts de Saraje­
vo, c ' est celui de I'eau; en effet les sources so nt Join, iI fait de plus en plus froid , les rues
sont glissantes et faire la queue pour obtenir de l' eau devient insupportable.
La majeure partie du temps, lorsqu ' i!s ne sont pas occupes a leurs obligations ~iviles
ou militaires, les habitants de Sarajevo ramassent du bois , vont chercher de I'eau ou font
la queue pour avoir du pain ou de I'aide humanitaire. Pour tro uver de la nourriture, if
fallait se rendre sur les marches , car en automne et en hiver, c'etaient les seuls endroits
ou I'on po uvait acheter quelque chose. D e nouveaux produits font leur apparition sur \es
etals: fruits et legumes de saison, miel , sai nd o ux, oeufs, fromages et vinaigre de cidre

apportes par les habitants de la banlieue. On pouvait y trouver aussi diverses plantes
medicinales sechees; tout Ie reste etait constitue d'articles provenant de I'aide humanitaire ,

Fig. 6 Us /ensiles de cuisine Ulilises pendalll la guerre, Photo M. 8 akovUe v

Fig. 7 Vente de bois de chauffage, Photo M. 8akovljev


des chaussures, des vetements, des produits d'hygiene et des outils divers, Le marche de
I' occasion se developpe: vetements, chaussures, articles menagers, On y voit aussi de
plus en plus sou vent des chandails, pull-overs et chaussons en laine, tricotes a la main,
En I' absence de produits de confection, ces articles etaient tres demandes et, par conse­
quent, vendus tres chers,
Ce qui est Ie plus interessant, c'est Ie fait que les marches etaient devenus les princi­
paux indicateurs du fonctionnement de la vie economique de la ville et tous les change­
ments concernant Ie systeme monetaire s'y refletaient. Au debut de la guerre, Ie principe
fondamental du commerce etait Ie lroc, Plus tard une monnaie nationale officielle a ete
introduite so us forme de bons, mais en automne et en hiver, Ie seul moyen de paiement
accepte sur Ie marche etait Ie paiement en especes - en devises convertibles, Avec les
bons de la monnaie officielle, on pouvait boire un cafe dans Ie vieux quartier de Sara­
jevo, y manger un gateau, un feuillete nature 'ou un petit pain a la confiture, Les restau­
rants prives offraient du potage aux pomrnes de 'terre, des haricots ou un sandwich au
jambon (des bOltes de conserve de l'aide humanitaire) en echange de ces bons, Les
negociants prives ne chomaient pas non plus et facturaient leurs services en devises, Ce
qu'ils proposaient, c'etaient des services forfaitaires visant a approvisionner certaines
entreprises de la ville en vivres a distribuer aux membres de leur personnel. Mais
l'insecurite du corridor humanitaire a interrompu cette activite, Ces memes negociants
avaient meme envisage d'ouvrir des boutiques hors-taxes ou il aurait ete possible
d' acheter des vivres et autres produits contre des devises etrangeres, Mais on en resta
aux promesses car pour Ie Nouvel An, Ie blocus de Sarajevo etait total et ses habitants
etaient toujours a la merci des tireurs isoles et des tirs d ' artillerie lourde; ils devaient en­
durer les coupures d'eau et d'electricite, supporter la penurie de bois de chauffage et la
famine, L'hiver allait amener aux habitants de Sarajevo encore plus de misere et de
detresse qu'ils n'avaient ose I'imaginer.

A la suite des terribles destructions subies pendant I' annee de guerre 1992, la vie econo­
mique de Sarajevo se retrouve completement bloquee. Plus aucune entreprise ne fonc­
tionne, a I' exception de la boulangerie industrielle et de la manufacture des tabacs. Les
autres activites economiques relevent du domaine de la production pri vee et s' adaptent
au mode de vie qui s'est impose. En moins d'un an et a une vitesse vertigineuse des
changements importants se sont produits dans la vie economique, transformant cette
ville europeenne moderne en une sorte «d'llot » ou les habitants menent une vie com­
pletement desorganisee. Le premier indicateur de cet etat, c' est la resurgence du systeme
de troc , quand la circulation des biens et des marchandises se trouve completement blo­
quee, Ie marc he completement desorganise et que la monnaie locale a perdu toute valeur
dans ce systeme. La penurie de vivres, d'eau potable, d'electricite et de combustibles en­
traine un retour de la population a un mode de vie traditionnel; et, dans une ville ou,
avant la guerre , Ie niveau de vie etait relativement eleve, on retrouve une forme d'ali­
mentation tres primitive, une nourriture a base de plantes sauvages comestibles, L'agri­
culture extensive se developpe ainsi que I'elevage de petits animaux et de volailles; on
fabrique du vinaigre de cidre, des confitures de prunes, de I'eau de vie de sorbier ou de
riz et du Yin de sureau. Les recettes de cuisine traditionnelles reapparaissent: on cuit Ie
pain dans des fours a bois, dans des braisieres originales ou improvisees telles que les
autocuiseurs qui permettent de cuire Ie pain comrne dans une braisiere,
La qualite de vie des Sarajeviens est quasi identique acelle des paysans des campag­
nes les plus reculees de la Bosnie-Herzegovine qui n'ont jamais ete touchees par les
bienfaits du progreso Ils partent tres tot Ie matin a la recherche d'une source d'eau potable,

ils ramassent du bois et se demandent si, au cas ou ils seraient encore en vie Ie soir, ils
auront suffisamment d ' huile pour allumer leur lampe. Bienheureux etaient ceux qui pos­
sedaient une batterie et pouvaient s'eclairer grace a de petites ampoules.
Les produits artisanaux et les articles faits a la main deviennent en une nuit tres
recherches et tres prises. En cette an nee de guerre 1992, les articles tricotes en laine
(chand ails, pull-overs , chaussons, bonnets et gants) se vendent comme des petits pains
et la fabrication artisanale de poeles, tuyaux, haches, manches de hache, pelles, pincettes
et rouleaux a patisserie est une activite tres lucrative. Les restaurateurs adaptent leur menu
a la situation et offrent Ie plus souvent des haricots, de la soupe aux pommes de terre,
des feuilletes nature, des gateaux au miel ainsi que du cafe et des alcools .
Cette situation a laquel\e nous etions tous plus ou moins confrontes, a surtout touche
les personnes aux maigres revenus, les habitants du bitume, a savoir les habitants des
immeubles collectifs a plusieurs etages. Sans outils et sans experience, ils supportaient
tres mal ces souffrances imposees. Ceux qui avaient des maisons particulieres et qui ha­
bitaient sur les versants de la ville souffraient moins de cette situation. Pendant la guerre,
leur mode de vie n' a guere change; qui plus est, en vendant Ies fruits et legumes de leurs
jardins, ils reussirent a gagner beaucoup d'argent.
Cependant, ceci n'est qu'une pale representation de cette ville detruite et de la vie qui
s'y etait organisee. A vrai dire, tous les habiatants n'ont pas tous souffert de la meme fa~on
et n'ont pas to us connu la famine, la penurie de bois, de vivres; tous n ' ont pas endure
ce qu'ont endure les personnes agees ou malades a Sarajevo durant cette terrible periode.

Traduit par
Marie-Agnes VUJIC
UDK: 54/59(058) ISSN 0350-0012



UDK 581.9 (234.42)

Sabaheta ABADZIC



The analysis of the existing professional literature, review of the herbarium collections of
the Zemaljski (National) Museu m in Sarajevo, the Botanical Institute of the Ljubljana
University (Slovenia), Natural History Museum in Belgrade. and of the field research
work. provided a more comprehensive understanding of the areal of the endemic species
Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et Kit. in the Dinarides, which is summarized in this paper.


The dispersal of the endemic species Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et Kit. was only frag­
mentally covered in various floristic and phytocoenosis works, often related to only one
Important contributions in reviewing this issue, aside of Waldstein and Kitaibel
(1799-1812), who described this species first, were given by a number of distinguished
botanists, such as: Schiosseret Vukotinovic 1869; Murbeck, 1891; Hirc 1896; Beck 1897;
Rohlena 1903, 1911112, 1942; Rossi 1913; Degen 1938; Horvat 1925, 1930, 1931, 1933,
1941, 1950, 1952, 1960, 1962; Horvat et Pawlowski 1939; Horvat, Clavae, Ellenberg
1974; Kon'ca 1950; !.\.ufan 1956; ukufiCl 968, 1971; Bjela1l956, 1965, 1966, 1974; SzJic
1984; Mific 1984, etc.
A valuable source of information was the herbarium material which was used in the
preparation of this paper.


The data on the dispersal of the endemic species Scabiosa silenifolia have been obtained
from numerous available professional literature.
Recent intensive terrain research has been going on in the north-west, central and
south-east Dinarides. On that occasion, a large amount of herbarium material has been
collected on a number of locations. This material is now a part of the scientific collec­
tion of the National Museum in Sarajevo (SARA).
Also studied was the herbarium material in the scientific collections of the Botanical
Institute of the Ljubljana University (UU) and Natural History Museum in Belgrade
It is my pleasure to thank the mentioned institutions and those colleagues who en­
abled me to study the herbarium material from their collections.

Having synthesized data from the literature and herbarium collections, and on the
basis of my own field research, the work has begun on developing an original map of
the population dispersal of the species Scabiosa silenifolia in the Dinarides.

Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et. Kit., PI. Rar. Hung. 2: 170 (1803-1804)

This endemic species of the western part of the Balkan peninsula and central Apen­
nine peninsula (Abruzzi) was described by Waldstein and Kitaibel in 1803-1804 in their
capital work "Descriptiones et leones Plantarum rariorum Hungaricae". Locus classi­
cus of the studied species is the Mt. Pljesevica.
In our flora, this species was detected in the continental Dinarides, most often at
1,400-2,400 m above sea-level.
On the vertical profile of the Dinaric mountain massif, the population of this species
inhabits ecosystems of the mountain sides of the Elyno-Seslerietea class, Br.-B I. 1948
and are an integral part of many plant communities where they even have a dominant
role. One of them is the association Festuco-Scabiosetum silenifoliae Lakusi6 et a!. 1979.
This chapter shows results of the chorological research on the Dinarides , which are
shown going from the north-west towards the south-east, in the same direction as the
mountain massif stretches.
Slovenia: Notranjski Sneznik, Justin, Budnar, Lovka (UU) (Wraber T. , Skobeme
1989: 290-291), Hire (SARA), "rocky grounds", Wraber, T. (UU); "in pratis lapidosis,
cca 1500 m s. m. , s.caJc. ", Wraber, T. (UU); "in graminosis lapidosis, s. calc. , 1500­
1600 m s. m.", Mayer (UU, SARA); " in declivibus graminosis lapidosis, s. calc., cca
1700 m s. m. ", Ravnik (UU); "in rupestribus graminosis montis Schneeberg (SneZnik)
pr. Laas, s.calc., 1600 m s. m. ", Paulin (UU).
Croatia: Risnjak (Hirc 1896:76); Snjeznik (Horvat, Glavac, Ellenberg 1974: 600­
609); Guslice, 1300 m s. m. (Horvat 1952: 204); Pljesevica (Rossi 1913: 97; Horvat,
Glavac, Ellenberg 1974: 606-609), "grows in splits of limestone canions of the Alpine
peak of Pljesevica" (Waldstein et Kitaibel 1803-1804: 170-171), " in rupestribus montis
Plisivica pr. Korenicam, alt. changing and amending 1600 m s. m. " , Degen (SARA) ;
Gola Pljesevica, Abadzi6, Sili6, Pastar (SARA), (Horvat 1925: 113, 121, 1930: 38-45,
1952: 204; Degen 1938: 91); Licka Pljesevica, (Horvat 1931: 162; Horvat, G lavac, El­
lenberg 1974 : 606-609); Velika Pljesevica (Horvat 1930: 38-45); Mala Pljesevica, De­
beli vrh, on rocks 1500 m s. m., Ruda Poljana (Horvat 1952: 204); Uilica (Rac, Lovri6
1988: 346); Postak (Rossi 1913: 97; Horvat 1930: 38-45; Degen 1938: 91), "sides near
the Postak top" (Rac, Lovri61988: 342, 346); Brusni6 (Rossi 1913: 97; Degen 1938:
91); Velebit (Horvat, Glavac, Ellenberg 1974: 606-609); Senjsko bilo: "auf dem Prolog
Liber Sv. Juraj 1066 m (Degen 1938: 91), Sugarska Duliba, 1500 m s. m. , Juvan (UU),
on Vel. StoJcu above Sugarska Duliba, Vaganski vrh, 1700 m s. m. Sv. Brdo, 1700
m s. m. (Horvat 1952:204); Sv. Brdo (Rossi 1924; 178) (on grassy peaks of the Sv.
Brdo in Velebit), Justin (LJU) "Sadikovac, Visocica, Visi Baba above Pocitelj, Kruzi vrh,
Buljma-Pass, Vaganski vrh, Malovan , Sveto brdo" (Degen 1938: 91), Mali Klek (Rossi
1924: 178), Malovan (Horvat 1930: 38-45), "Visocica, 1658 m s. m. above Medko"
(Rossi 1924, 178); Dinara (Visiani 1847: 14, Horvat, Glavac, Ellenberg 1974: 606-609);
Jamski vrh, 1700 m s. m., Klecani, 1700 m s. m. (Horvat 1952: 204); "on canyon
heights of Mt. Gnjat" (Visiani 1847:14); Troglav, 1800 ms. m. (Horvat 1930: 129,
1952:204); Kolebajka, Burnjaca, real Kamesnica, on Konj (Kusan, 1956: 19-21).
Bosnia: Gola Pljesevica, Abadzi6, Sili6, Pastar (SARA), (Fiala 1892 : 7); Osjecenica,
Abadzi6, Sili6, Pas tar (SARA); Klekovaca, Sili6, Abadzi6, Lakusi6, (SARA); (Fiala

1892 :7); Sator, Abadzic, Silic, Pastar, Lakusic, Soljan,(SARA), Veliki Sator (Handel­
Mazzeti , Janchen, 1905/6: 69), slopes of V, Sator, 1660 m s, m, (Lakusic et aI , 1975
mns,) ; Cincar, Bjelcic, Lakusic, Redzic, Abadzic, Silic (SARA) (Redzic et aL 1984:
165-169); Vitorog, Abadzic, Silic, Pastar (SARA), (Redzic et aL 1984: 165-169), Vi­
torog kosa (Janchen 1905); Siovinj, Abadzic, Silic, Pastar, (SARA); Troglav, 1913
m s, m, (Beck, 1897: 12); Vlasic, Brandis (SARA), (Bjelcic 1966: 53), Devecani, Bran­
di s, Lakusic, Abadzic, Silic, (SARA), (Freyn, Brandis, 1888: 38; Horvat 1960: 2-3),
Paklarske stijene, Opaljenik, OStrica, Strmac, Paljenik (Lakusic et aL 1982: 42-43);
Vranica, Brandis (SARA) (Horvat, Pawlovski 1939: 151 ; Horvat Glavac, Ellenberg
1974: 606-609), Locike (Murbeck 1891: 114, Horvat 1952: 204), Krstac, Abadiic, Silic,
Soljan (SARA), (Lakusic et aL 1979: 650-651, 656-657); Gola Jahorina, Maly, (SARA),
(Maly 1908: 32, Bjelcic 1965: 141), Plandiste, Loschnigg (SARA), (BjelciC 1965: 141,
1966: 53), Trijeska, Loschnigg (SARA) Bjelcic 1965 : 141) , Near Palosevina, on
Kosuta, Sjeniste, Klek (BjeICic, 1965: 141), Lokvansko brdo (Bjelcic, 1965: 141 , 1966:
53), Vjetroderina, 1793 m s. m. (Bjelcic, 1966: 53), Pogledine, Debelo brdo, Kraljicino
gumno (Bjelcic, 1966: 60, 61), Ogorelica (Bjelcic 1966: 56,57); Treskavica, Bucalovic
(SARA); Treskavica: Ilijas, P~ina Mt., Cabenske stijene, Nikolino Zelrijelo (Misic 1984:
137-142), Cardak, Maly (SARA), "Ogorjeli Kuk", Fiala (SARA), under Barica, Ritter
H. (SARA), Bjelasnica, Beck et Fiala (SARA), Abadzic, Silic, Redzic, Soljan (SARA) ;
(Horvat 1941: 170-171, Horvat, Glavac, Ellenberg 1974: 606-609), "on clifts of the
Bjelasnica Peak, approx. 1900 m s. m.", Bjelcic, (SARA) , above Sitnik towards the Ob­
servatory, Popovic St. (SARA), above Macino Polje on Bjelasnica, Bjelcic (SARA) ;
Stimi do, Soljan (SARA); Hranisava near Pazaric; Fiala (SARA) Maglic (Bjelcic, 1956:
149), Prijevor, 1600 m s. m" Diklic (BEO), above Tmovacko Lake, Bjelcic (SARA), To­
varnica, 1700 m s, m., Silic (SARA); Volujak (BjeICic, 1956: 149), Studenac, Reiser, Silic
(SARA), Siroka Tocila, 2230 m s, m " Silic (SARA); Zelengora (Bjelcic, Lakusic 1964) .

., , .

- ' :.;,

Diffusion of the species

Waldst. et Kit.

on th e Dinaric Alps o

Herzegovina: Viso~ica, Maly (SARA), Colakoviea Dolovi (Dz.amija peak), Silie

(SARA); Prenj, appro x 2000 m s. m. (Prodan, 1910: 108), Veliki Prenj (Horvat
1952:204), Velika Kapa, Fiala (SARA), Sivadija, Otis , Zelena Glava, Bjel~je, Silie
(SARA); Piasa (Vandas 1890: 266); Cvrsnica (Vandas 1890: 266, Horvat, Glavac, El­
lenberg 1974: 606-609), "in saxosis alpinis-montis Cvrsnica pl., cca 1990 m s. m." Fiala
(SARA), Plo~no , 2200 m s. m., Abadiie, Silie, Duran (SARA), Vel. Vilinac, Reiser
(SARA), Silie, Abadzie, Duran (SARA); (Bjel~ie, Silie 1979: 53-55), on Drijenac (Hor­
vat 1952: 204), lelenak, Fiala (SARA) ; Vran, Abadzie, Silie, Duran (SARA), (Vandas,
1890: 266); Crvanj: Zimomor, approx 1990 m s . m., Reiser (SARA), Lakusie, Abadzie,
Misie et al. 1975 (mns), Velez: "inter Mala Velez et Kav~ina supra Nevesinjsko polje" ,
Mayer (LJU), " In saxosis cacurnen Kav~ina m. Velez, cca 1700 m s. m., supra pag. So­
pilje pr. Nevesinje", Korica (SARA), " In graminosis saxosis cucuminis Kao~ina" (Ko­
rica 1950:29); Bjelasnica, 1700-2000 m s. m. (Murbeck 1891: 114).
Serbia : Kosovo: "Rugov pI. prope Pee (Ipek): In cac. m. Hajla, cca 2350 m s. m.",
Loschnigg (SARA), Hajla (Lakusie 1971 :62), Prokletije: Maja Rusolija (Diklic , 1973:
Montenegro: Veliki Maglie (Rohlena 1942: 344); "In monte Vojnik et Maglie Piv­
ski" (Rohlena 1942: 344); Volujak (Lakusie 1968: 44-45); Bio~, 2195-2337 m s. m.,
(Lakusie 1968: 44-45); Sinjavina, m. Stozac, Crvena Plo~a, lablanov vrh et Gradiste
(Rohlena 1942: 344), lablanov vrh, Lakusie (SARA); Durmitor (Rohlena 1942: 344),
Dobri Do 1650 m s. m. (Horvat, 1952, 204), Savin Kuk (Horvat, 1952: 204, Lakusic
1968 : 44-45), Prutas, Abadzie, Silie, Duran (SARA), Sedlo, Abadz ie, Silie, Pastar
(SARA), Crno lezero, 2000 m s. m. (Rohlena 1903: 37); Mali Durmitor (Pantocsek
1874: 37); Zijovo (Rohlena 1942: 344).

As already known , the endemic species Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et Kit. is dispersed
on the territory of Italy (Abruzzi), former Yugoslavia and in Northern Albania.
Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et Kit. belongs to the appenine-iliric fJoric element.
(Praprotnik 1987 : 122).
Its north-west border is on the Notranjski Snemik, and south-east on the Prokletija
massif. From all said it is apparent that most of the areal of this species is on the Dinarides,
while a smaller disjunction can be found in the central part of the Apennine peninsula.
From an analysis of information obtained from professional literature, herbarium
collections and my own field studies, a more comprehensive picture of the areal of the
species Scabiosa silenifolia Waldst. et. Kit. in the Dinaride has been obtained. This is
clearly presented on the dispersal map, which is attached to this paper, and from the
listed locations.
Populations of this species have been found on the levels ranging between 1,400­
2,400 m above sea-level.
On the vertical profile of the said Dinara Mountains , it is a part of a number of
communities of the vegetation on mountain slopes on the limestone subsurface of the
Elyno -Seslerielea class , Br.-BI. 1948)

Translated by :
and Christopher BIEHL


Beck, G., 1897 Ein botanischer Ausflug auf den Troglav (1913 m) bei Livno.
Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Herce­
govina, Y: 12, Wien.
Bjel~i c, Z., 1965 Prilog poznavanju flore nekih bosanskih i cmogorskih planina.
Godisnjak BioI. inst. Univerz. u Sarajevu, IX, 1-2: 149, Sarajevo.
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UDK 581.55 (497.6 Crvanj pI.)

Sulejman REDZIC, Radomir LAKUSIC,




What was studied was the structure and some parameters of the dynamics in the phyto­
coenoses of sub-alpine and alpine belt of the Mt. Crvanj in Herzegovina. The vegetation
of the sub-alpine and alpine pastures on carbonates has been differentiated in the follow­
ing associations: SesLerielum lenuifoliae hercegovinum Laku~ic 1969, Edraianlho­
Veronicelum salureoidis Laku~i c et a!. J 973, Carici Laevi-HeLianlhemelum baLcanici Ht
1930, Feslucelum bosniacae Ht 1930. The pastures on silicates are represented by the
community GenlianeLLo-Nardelum slriclae Redzic 1991, while the vegetation around sheep­
folds and summer pastures is represented by the community of ChaerophyLLo-Rumicelum
alpini ass. nova.
Key words : vegetation , phytocoenoses, Mt. Crvanj. Herzegovina, SesLerielum, Vero­
nicelum, HeLianlhemelum, Feslucelum, Nardelum and RumicelUm.


Mountain and sub-alpine vegetation of the Mt. Crvanj has not been a subject of more
intensive phytocoenological and ecological examination so far. Except for global data
on certain aspect of structure and chorology for individual phytocoenoses, acquired by
mapping the vegetation, there is no other data.
Before, the attention of natural scientists and botanists had been attracted by the flo­
ristic researches. lmportant contributions to knowing the plants of this mountain were
given by Adamovic (1889), Murbeck (1891), Janchen (1906), Mafy (1923), Beck et a!.
(1967), and others.
This paper presents the research results of exploring structure and some parameters
of the vegetation dynamics in the sub-alpine and mountain pastures both on carbonate
and silicate subsurface, and vegetation around the mountain sheepfolds.


Alpine and sub-alpine belL of the Mt. Crvanj, in terms of phytogeography, is a part of
high-Dinaric province of alpine-high-Nordic region (Lakufii, 1969) .
Morphostructure of the Mt. Crvanj is in EasLern Herzegovina. It is determined by the
coordinates 43° and 43° 30' north and 18° and 18° 30' east. It takes direction north-north
west-south-south east, what to a good extent deviates from the direction of most Dinaric
massifs. In orographic sense, the area is very heterogenous . It comprises a number of
mountain peaks, saddles, slope and crevices. The highest peak is Zimomor (1920 m).

The studied area is built of Triassic clastytes, dolomites and , limes, Jurassic clay­
sand limes with horny stones, and massive and bank limes of Jurassic and Cretaceous,

GAatO (960) ULIlfOfU 00'73) 1219_

/20/ /20/ 7.1

J'ICAIC J, v'& 80111) J'"AICJJ460"Tl

Graph I - Climate diagrams (according to Walter)

of the Gacko, Kalinovik and Nevesinje stations

The northern part of the surface has a developed surface hydrographic network, while
the southern part has very poor surface hydrographic network (from SpahzC, 1984),

Relative air humidity Cloudiness




, 40
60 \ , I
\ I
'.I \ I

Gacko 20 Gacko
.. " .. Kalinovik , ... ,. Kalinovik
o ------ Nevesin' e o ------ Nevesin'e
Graph 2 - Relative air humidity Graph 3 - Cloudiness
Table I - Some characteristics of the climate

Parameter I 11 II IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII Year "0

Precipitation (mm) 159 188 145 122 122 100 51 67 116 183 245 244 1742 o
0 Temperature (0C) -1.6 -0.7 2.5 7.4 12.0 15.7 18.2 18.2 14.6 9.5 5.2 1.0 8.5 otn
;.:: Z
u o
« Rain Factor (KFm) - - 58.0 16.5 10.2 6.4 2.8 3.7 7.9 19.3 47.1 244 204.9 (/J
0 (/J
Humidity ph ph ph ph h sh a sa h ph ph ph ph o'11
Heat character of n n hi uhl ut t t t ut uhl hi ut C
t O:l
the climate
Precipitation (mm) 83 87 80 83 102 96 72 68 91 130 159 167 1218 I ~
~ Z
;.:: Temperature (0C) 4.6 0.4 7.1 tn
c;:; -2.2 -1.1 2.0 6.7 11.2 14.8 16.8 16.9 13.4 8.7 »
50 > z
0 0 Rain Factor (KFm) - - 40.0 12.4 9.1 6.5 4.3 4.0 6.8 14.9 34.6 417.5 171.6 o
"0 z »
0 :J r
<l) « Humidity ph ph ph h h sh sa sa h ph ph ph ph "0
<:) ;.:: Z
Heat character of tn
~ n n hi uhl ut t t t t ut uhl n uhl O:l
the climate tn
Precipitation (mm) 161 175 161 118 148 101 74 62 118 160 213 280 1771 o'11
....., Temperature (Oe) -1.2 0.2 2.3 7.7 12.5 15.6 18.0 18.4 14.6 10.6 9.9 1.1 8.9 s:
3S n
VJ Rain Factor (KFm) - 875 55.5 15.3 11.8 6.5 4.1 3.4 8.1 15.1 36.1 254.6 198.9 ;N
L1.l <
> »
L1.l Humidity ph ph ph ph h sh sa sa h ph ph ph ph ~
Heat character of ut uhl hi ut
n n hi uhl t t t t t
the climate

Kalkomelansoles and rendzinas dominate on carbonates, while on silicates dominate

the rankers. Only at spots, the kalkokambi'Sols and distric kambisols have developed.
Due to effects of strong mountain winds, wide surfaces of soil have been degraded to
the level of syrozem, both on carbonates and on silicates, what gives to this area its pe­
culiar and recognizable look.
Morphostructure of Mt. Crvanj hypsometrycally represents a natural barrier to Adri­
atic and continental climate influences. Analysis of the attached climate diagrams
(Graph I) shows relatively strong maritime influences in terms of the quantity and dis­
tribution of precipitation for the Gacko and Nevesinje stations. In Kalinovik area the
continental influences are more apparent. In terms of humidity , the climate is in all sta­
tions perhumide, becoming semi-arid, arid and semi-humid during the vegetation period
(Table 1). As for the temperatures, the climiite is moderately cold and moderately warm,
during the vegetation period it is warm to moderately warm (Table1).
Average annual air temperature in the hi'ghest parts of Mt. Crvanj varies for about 2°
(Climate Atlas in SFRY). Relative humidity of air ranges between 75 and 80%, during
the vegetation period between 58 and 76% (Graph 2). Average annual cloudiness
ranges between 51 and 63%, but during the summer months, it may go under 24%
(Graph 3).
According to Milosavljevii (1973), climate in this area is sub-alpine, with strong
maritime influences, while on the higher parts it becomes mountain climate, with some
characteristics of milder alpine climate.


Phytocoenologicai and ecological researches of the vegetation in the mountain and sub­
-alpine belt of Mt. Crvanj were conducted in seasons d